[[एपिग्राफिया-इण्डिका प्रथमः खण्डः Source: EB]]

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ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA:

A COLLECTION OF INSCRIPTIONS
SUPPLEMENTARY TO

THE CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM

OF THE
ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY.

TRANSLATED BY SEVERAL ORIENTAL SCHOLARS.

EDITED BY

JAS. BURGESS, LL.D.; C.I.E.,

MON. A.R.I.N.A., F.R.C.S., M.B.A.S.; M.SOC. AS. PARIS;

MON. COR. MEN. BERLIN SOC. OFANTHROPOLOGY, ETC.; AND OFBATAVIAN SOC., OFARTS AND SCIENCES; FELLOW OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY, ETC. LATE DIRECTOR–GENERAL OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.

ASSISTANT EDITORS.

E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.,
EPIGRAPHIST TO THE GOVERNMENT OF MADRAS

A. FUHRER, PH.D.,
ARCÆOLOGICAL SURVEYOR, NORTH–WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

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VOLUME I.

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CALCUTTA:

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.

CALCUTTA–THACKER, SPINK & Co. BOMBAY–THACKER & Co., LD.
LONDON–KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co., BERNARD QUARITCH, LUXAC & Co.
PARIS–E. LEROUX. LEIPZIG–Orro HARRASSOWITZ.

1802.

PREFACE.

THE Epigraphia Indica originated in a proposal, submitted to the Government of India in February, 1887, for the printing of a Record to include not only translations of inscriptions–Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic, and other—but lists of them and other miscellaneous antiquarian information, including such materials as had been published for the Archæological Survey of Western India in the Memoranda issued by the Bombay Government from time to time between 1874 and 1885. On the 17th October following information was asked by Government and submitted, giving details for a quarterly issue of fasciculi. After further correspondence the publication was sanctioned, and the first part was published in October 1888. After the third part, however, owing primarily to unavoidable delays by the press, it was found impossible to keep the publication up to the quarterly date, and the volume has consequently extended over a longer term than was contemplated; this however is really of little consequence. The materials other than inscriptions, sent to me during the first year, were of little general and permanent interest, while the partial breaking up of the surveys, and my leaving India in 1889, prevented any special effort on behalf of the subsidiary features of the original prospectus. Hence the work has come to be devoted entirely to palæography, which was, indeed, from the first its main purpose.

Indian inscriptions—more so even than those of any other country—are the real archives of the annals of its ancient history, the contemporaneous witnesses of the events and of the men whose deeds they hand down; and their authenticity renders them most valuable for the historian and deserving of careful record. They supply important data bearing on the chronology, geography, religious systems, affiliations of families and dynasties, taxes, land tenures, magistrates, customs, manners, organization of societies, language and systems of writing of ancient times. Hence the great need for collecting and publishing them with the best translations and comments that modern scholarship can supply. The early pioneers of Indian research fully recognized this, and men like Wilkins, Colin Mackenzie, Colebrooke, Babington, Drs. Mill and Stevenson, Wathen, W. Elliot, and J. Prinsep, laid the foundation of, and made important contributions to, Indian palæographic study. So early as 1835, M. Jacquet of Paris projected a Corpus Inscriptionum, and made arrangements to include in it the collections formed by Colonel Colin Mackenzie; but an carly death prevented this young French Orientalist from realizing his purpose. The Bombay Temple Commission, in 1851, recalled attention to the inscriptions, and, in 1856, they reported on “the extreme

“desirableness of the publication, under the auspices of Government, of fac-“similes or copies, with decipherments and translations”. The report added that “the publication of such a Corpus Inscriptionum appeared to be an object “of such importance in an antiquarian and historical point of view (for it “would embrace the most important documenta of Indian history), that it well “merited the combined attention of Government, of learned societies, and of “individual orientalists”. This project also remained unfulfilled, and it was not till 1877 that Major-General (now General Sir) A. Cunningham, C.S.I., issued the first volume of his Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, the object of which was “to bring together in a few handy and accessible volumes all the “inscriptions of India which now lie scattered about in the Journals of our different Asiatic Societies.” This volume (in demy quarto) contained the Asoka inscriptions in twenty-six lithographed plates of reductions, made by a native, draftsman, from the impressions available. The second volume has not appeared; but the third, containing the inscriptions of the early Gupta kings and their successors, was prepared by Mr. J. F. Fleet, C.I.E., Bo.C.S., and published in 1887 in a large super–royal quarto volume,—the plates being photo–lithographie reductions from mechanical impressions taken from the originals, and the wholeedited with Mr. Fleet’s usual care and scholarship.

To attempt collecting the ancient and mediæval inscription of India, however, in separate volumes, arranged by dynastiesor even periods, would necessitate indefinite delays and would still be imperfect; and therefore it seems altogether better to publish them as they are found in the fasciculi of the Epigraphia Indica, and trust to the index of the volume to facilitate references. This volume is thus to be regarded as properly one of the series of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, and practicallymay stand as the fourth volume of that publication.

The contents of this volume speak for themselves. The newly discovered twelfth Asoka edict from Shâhbâzgarhi, the great Sîyadonîinscription found by me in the Lalitpur District, the new inscription of Toramâna Shâha, the ancient Hîrahadagalli copper–plate grant, the complete text of the LakkhaMandal inscription, and the important series of Jaina inscriptions found by Dr. Fuhrer in the excavations at Mathurâ,—are only part of the important fresh contributions to epigraphy included in it. Facsimiles of the more important inscriptions are also given.

With the numerous epigraphs that have not been published before, it supplies also corrected editions from facsimile impressions of others that had been quite inadequately edited. The scholarship and special experience of the various translators,—Professors G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E, of Vienna, F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.I.E., of Göttingen, and J. Eggeling, Ph.D., of Edinburgh, E. Hultzsch, Ph. D., and J. F. Fleet, C.I.E., Bo.C.S.—are a

sufficient guarantee for their notes and versions. To all of them my best thanks are due for the care and attention they have given to the work submitted to them; and specially to Dr, E. Hultzsch, who has givenun flagging aid in revising the proofs for the press. Dr. Führer; also, has contributed many most valuable impressions for translation, including the whole of the Jaina inscriptions from Mathurâ.

The paper by Professor H. Jacobi, Ph.D., of Bonn University, on the computation of Hindu dates, is one of special and permanent value to all students of Indian chronology.

The Government, of India has sanctioned the continuance of the work in a second volume, and much progress has already been made in preparing the materials for it. It will contain a revised edition, with facsimiles, of the great inscriptions of Aśoka by Professor G. Bühler, whowill also supply other papers on further Jaina inscriptions from Mathurâ, on the Sânchi inscriptions, etc. At my request the Government of India has kindly secured an impression of the Badal pillar inscription, and through the favour of Colonel S. S. Jacob, C.I.E., of Jaypur, estampages of the Harsha inscription have been obtained, which, together with others, have been edited by Professor F. Kielhorn. Then Muhammadan inscriptions have hitherto been overlooked or but sparingly edited; and it is intended to give them a place in the next volume, for which two series of considerable length have been already prepared.

JAS. BURGESS.

25, SETON PLACE EDINBURGH:
5th October 1891.

CONTENTS.

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35.	Deopara inscription of Vijayasena; by Prof. F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.I.E., Göttingen (with facsimile)
36.	Sûnak grant of the Chaulukya king Karna I.; by E. Hultzsch, Ph.D. (with facsimile)
37.	Praśasti of the temple of VâdÎpura Pârśvanâtha at Pattana; by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E., Vienna
38.	Two Chandella inscriptions from Ajayagadh; by Prof. F. Kielhorn, Ph.D,C.I.E.
39.	Pâtņâ inscription of the time of the Yâdava king, Siṁghana and his feudatories Soïdeva and Hemâdideva; by the same
40.	Bêgûr inscription of the Gaṅga king Ereyapparasa; by J. F. Fleet, Bo. C.S., C.I.E.
41.	Stone inscription from Ranod (Narod); by Prof. F. Kielhorn, Ph.D., C.L.E.
42.	Hampo inscription of Krishnarâya, dated Śaka 1430; by E. Hultzsch, Ph.D.
43.	New Jeina inscriptions from Mathurâ; by Prof. G. Bühler, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E. (with facsimiles)
44.	Further Jaina inscriptions from Mathurâ;. by the same (with facsimiles)
45	Plate of a Pallava copper–plate grant; by E. Hultzsch, Ph.D. (with facsimile)
46.	Krishnâpuna inscription of Krishnarâya, dated Śaka 1451; by the same
	On the Computation of Hindu Dates in Inscriptions, &c.; by Prof. H. Jacobi, Ph.D., Bonh.
	General Tables for the computation of Dates
	Special Tables for the same
	Index
	Errata and Corrigenda

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PAPERS ARRANGED UNDER AUTHORS’ NAMES.

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LIST OF FACSIMILE PLATES.


1-5.	Copper–plate graft of Śivaskandavarman Pallava 5 pages, 15 sides of plates) between pp. 6 & 7
6.	Alphabet of the same, by J. Burgess, LL.D., Editor
7.	Praśasti of the Lakkha Maṇḍal temple in Jaunsâr Bâwar, by the Editor
8.	The twelfth edict of Aśoka at Shâhbâzgarhî, by the Editor
9.	Ratnapur inscription of Jâjalladeva, the Chedi year 866, by the Editor
10.	Illahâbâs or Dewal inscription of Lalla the Chhinda, by A. Führer, Ph.D.
11.	Khajurâho inscription of Yuśovarman, dated Saṁ 1011, by the Editor
12.	Gwalior inscription of the year 933, by A. Führer, Ph.D.
13.	Kudârkot inscription of Harivarman, by the Editor
14.	Inscription from Jhânsî of Sallakshanasiṁha, by the Editor
15.	Udayapura inscription of the kings of Mâlava, by A. Führer, Ph.D.
16.	Inscription of Toramâna Shâha, by the Editor
17.	Pehevâ inscription of the reign of Mahendrapâla, by J. L. Kipling, C.I.E.
18.	Bilhari inscription of the Chedi princes
19.	Deopara inscription of Vijayasena, by the Editor
20.	Sûnak copper–plate grant of Karna I. of Gujarat (2 sides), by H. Cousens between p.p 316–317
21–24	Mathurâ ancient Jaina inscriptions, Nos, 1-11 (4 pages), by A. Führer, Ph.D.
25–28	Ditto " Nos. 12–32 (4 pages), by the same
29.	Ditto " Nos. 33–35, by the same; and Pallava copper-plate, by E. Hultzsch, Ph.D

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.

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SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS.

The great importance of Indian Inscriptions as a means of illustrating and completing our knowledge of the history of the country, fixing the eras of its dynasties, the character of its peculiar land tenures, the derivation and developement of its various alphabets, and other subjects of like importance, has been long since recognised by Colebrooke, Prinsep, Lassen, and all orientaliats. Of late years, increasing attention has been given to the study of these ancient records—preserved on stone and copper–plates, and which primarily served as the title–deeds of grants and endowments made by kings or chiefs to temples and religious personages or communities. Most of the earlier collections of transcripts made from these documents¹were only eye–copies, and, however carefully prepared, were but very rarely sufficiently torrect and reliable for purposes of critical translation. The late Sir Walter Elliot,, K.C.S.I., LL.D, when in the Madras Civil Service, was the first to employ, to any large extent, the system of taking direct ink impressions from copper–plate grants. Many of these were afterwards published by me in The Indian Antiquary. This method, Like photography, provided the means of supplying to scholars facsimiles of the documents free from clerical errors or modification of the alphabets. Methods of taking direct inked impressions from stone, also, have been devised; and estampages can thus be taken, having the advantages of presenting a direct reading of the inscription on the inked face and a mould from it on the back, so that the slightest scratch on the stone is retained on a carefully–taken impression. With such a copy before him, the epigraphist can leisurely decipher the inscription in his study with about the same accuracy and facility as if he had the lithic record before him.

The inscriptions in the following pages have been prepared from such impressions and edited by most competent scholars, with comments, texts, and translations. The publication of them will thus place in the hands of European and other students of Indian history and antiquities, trustworthy texts and versions of the inscriptions collected by the Archæological Surveys³,and will be a reliable source from which to obtain the materials required in the prosecution of their studies in the historical, antiquarian, philological, or other branches of Oriental research. Selected facsimiles of the more notable inscriptions, on a reduced scale, accompany the texts.

I.—A PRÂKṜIT GRANT OF THE PALLAVA KING SIVASKANDAVARMAN,
By G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E., VIENNA.

For the edition of the subjoined grant I have used a photograph and two rubbings (A and B), made over to me by Dr. J. Burgess, C.I.E., Director General of the Archæological Survey of India. The original plates were purchased from Chennappa, a merchant of Hirahaḍagalli in the Bellari district. They are eight in number and measure each 8 inches by 3¾̋. They are numbered with the ancient numeral signs of the aksharapalli; but, contrary to the ordinary usage, the figures are found on the first side of each street⁴.The plates are held together by a single ring which passes through holes in the upper right–hand corners.

The technical execution is extremely rude and so careless that the holes for the ring have been cut, after the engraving had been done. Portions of several aksharas, e.g, of the second on plate TIa,1.T; have thus been destroyed. The preservation is good. Only in the last line of plate IIa one important word has become illegible. The characters closely resemble those used in Sir W. Elliot’s grant of Vijayabuddhavarman’s queen.⁵ 1. 9. Nivattand and amhehi, for nivattane, adhû(?)hi. 1. 10. Sampadattâ taṁ nâtůṇa gâmeyikâ âyuttâ for samya dattâ taṁ tâlûna-gâme yekd 200 (?) 40 (?) ttara. 1. 11. Savvaparihârehi pariharaṁdha pariharayaṁ for saṁya pariharîhi parihâradhaparihaya. If the last two words are changed to pariharaṁtu and parihârayaṁtu [cha], a translation of lines 8–11 is possible, and it will be “)The letters ta da and da look frequently much alike, and the same remark applies in some cases to taand na as well as to ta and bha. The anusvára is indicated by a small cross. Among the numeral signs there are several remarkable forms. Thus the figure 2 is expressed by a dot and a slanting straight line, the figure 3 by a peculiar combination of three straight lines. On the other hand the figure 1 is expressed by a curved stroke, as in the grant edited by Mr. Fleet.

With the exception of the last line, which contains a final mangala in good Sanskrit, the grant is written in a Prâkrit dialect, which comes close to the literary Pâli, but shows also a number of peculiarities and divergent forms. The majority of the latter is traccable partly in the edicts of Aśoka and partly in the inscriptions of the caves of Western India and of the Amarâvatî Stûpa, while a few occur only in other literary Prâkrits. The points which here deserve special mention are the following:

The palatal ja is used frequently for ya. It appears throughout in the names, which in Sanskrit end in árya, e.g., Golasamajasa (1.12), Agisamajasa (1.13), i.e., in Sanskrit Agniśarmáryasya, &c. In other words, the change is less constant. Thus we have

kâreyya (1.40) and kareyyáma (1.41) against káravejjá (1.40), vatteja (1.46), and hoja (1.48); yo (1.46) against jo (1.44); ^(ᵒ)ppayutte (1.6) against ^(ᵒ)saṁjutto (1.47). A great many other words, like yâji (1.1), visayesaº (1.8), show only ya. The occasional change of ya to ja separates the language of the inscription from the literary Pâli and the dialects used in Aśoka’a inscriptions, while it agrees with the practice followed in the cave-inscriptions. An instance of the change, which inliterary Pâli is very rare, of ja to ya, occurs in Bnáraddáya (1.2,16,19), for Sanskrit Bháradvâja.

A very peculiar principle is observed in the change of na, to na. It almost invariably takes place in the affixes of inflection, Pallavána (1.2), maṇusáṇa (1.7),vatthavánaṁ(1.8), bambanânaṁ(1.8,27,30,38); bhâtykâne (1.18), pamukhâṇam (1.27, 38), likhitena (1.51), kálúṇaṁ, (1.10, 29), nátúnaṁ, the only counter-instance being madena (1.40). In other casesfrequently, though not invariably, a single medial na suffers the same change, while initial na and medial nnaalways remain unchanged. On the whole the lingual na occurs more frequently than in Pâli, in the Girnâr redaction of Aśoka’s edicts and the cave-inscriptions, but more rarely than in the Prâkrit of the Jainas, where it has nearly supplanted the dental nasal.
Some cases in which hard consonants are softened likewise come nearer to the usage of the Jaina and Mahârâshtrî dialects, than to that of the Pâli and of the older inscriptions. Thus we find Kassava^(º) (1.18) for Káśyapa^(º) kâravejja (1.40), anuvaṭṭháveti (1.45), and vi (1.6,29), while the original consonant is preserved in parihâpetavva (1.37), and api (1.37). With these instances may be comparedbhaḍa for bhâța (1.7,43), and kada or kada (1.51) against adhikata (1.4). An exceptional case of hardening occurs in majâtâye for Sanskrit maryâdayâ. The representation of Sanskrit varsha by vâsa (1.48,49) and varisa (l.42) is against the usage in Pâli and in most of Aśoka’s edicts, but is found in the cave-inscriptions.
Some peculiar forms, in the declension especially of pronouns and numerals, which deserve to be noted, are: the masculine sammo (1.46) instead of the neuter sammaṁ, Sanskrit śarma, the nominative plural masculine chattâri (1.18,39) instead of chattâro, the instrumental singular ^(º)majâtâye (1.43), the form be (1.14,20,39) for dve or duve, the genitive plural amhaṁ (1.3,42) instead of amhâkaṁ, the genitive plural etesi (1.27) for etesaṁ, and chasi (1.46), i.e., cha esi⁶, for cha esaṁ, the genitive plural chatunhaṁ (1.18) instead of chatunnaṁ. Analogies for the first three forms occur already in Aśoka’s edicts. The last five are known from the cave-inscriptions and the later Prâkrits. Most remarkable is the inflection of the Dvandva compound in the phrase Kumâranaṁdi- Kumârasama-Koṭṭasama-Sattissa cha chatunhaṁ bhâtukáṇa chattâri pattibhâgâ (1.17), where we should expect the termination of the plural instead of that of the singular. The preceding adjective Kosikasagotasa and the following cha show that we have not to deal with an accidental mistake. Analogies are found in the Sanskrit Sûtras⁷. Thus we find in Âpastamba’s Dharmasûtra, I.31,21, prâyatyabrahmacharyakâlecharyayâcha.

There are further several cases, which exhibit a curious disregard of the rules of concord:–L.,10-11 the adjectives appatihatasâsanasa and anekahi[rana]kodigohalasatasahassappadâyino, standing in the genitive singular, have to be taken with the

substantive mahârâja–Bappasamíhi, which stands in the instrumental plural. Again, the names of the officials in l.3-6, visayesa–adhikatâdîke and so forth, stand in the accusative plural, but the last noun of the series, which must have been governed by the same omitted verb as the others; bhadamanusâna (1.7), shows the genitive plural. The explanation of these two anomalies seems to be that two constructions, either of which would be permissible in itself, have been mixed up. In the first case the word which governs the three nouns is puvvadattaṁ (1.12), and this might in Prâkrit be construed either with the genitive or with the instrumental. Moreover, as the substantive is the name of a royal personage, the use of the plural instead of the singular is also permissible. The construction, which the passage shows, has, I think, been caused thereby, that the writer first intended to use the genitive singular throughout and then changed his mind, preferring the construction with the instrumental and the plural. Want of care or the idea that constructions, differing in form but identical in sense, may be used indiseriminately, made a correction appear unnecessary. The same remarks apply to thesecond case, where either the accusative or the genitive used throughout would be correct⁸. More difficult is the explanation of the construction of the masculine saṁpadatto (1.30) with the neuter puvvadataṁ, which latter agrees with the omitted substantive vâțakaṁ. If the anomaly has not been caused by a mere lapsus styli, it seems to point to an utter loss of feeling, for the differences of gender. The fact that the neuter chattâri is used as a masculine, speaks in favour of the second alternative.

Finally, the spelling of the inscription calls also for a few remarks. It shows throughout a mingling of two different methods, the abbreviated of the official and commercial classes and the etymological of the Pandits. According to the former, which is, used nearly throughout, as might be expected, in the edicts of Aśoka and mostly in the cave-inscriptions, and which was until a short time ago universally prevalent in government and merchants’ offices, each single consonant may also be read double. Hence we find Sivakhaṁdavamo (1.2) for ^(º)vammo, gumike (1.5) for gummike, dhamâº (1.9) for dhammâ^(º), Agisamajasa for Aggisammajjassa, and numerous similar instances, while the spelling of aggitthoma^(º) and dhamma^(º)(1.1), and of a great many other words, follows the etymological principle. In some cases the latter is adopted, though it violates the phonetic laws of the Prâkrit. Thus Âtteya^(º)(1.13) is a close transliteration of Âtreya, but the Prâkrit dialects admit only the forms Âteya and Atteya. A word in which both principles of spelling seem to be blended, is Vatsasagotasa (1.22), which corresponds to Sanskrit Vâtsyasagotrasya. The correct Prâkrit spelling would be Vachehhasagottassa. It may, however, be that the writer put tsa because he was accustomed to pronounce it like chha.

The historical information, which the grant conveys, is scanty, and in the present state of our knowledge of the history of Southern India not particularly useful. The Pallava king Śivaskandavarman of Kâñchî, who was affiliated to the Brahmanical gotra of the Bhâradvâjas, confirmed and enlarged, in the eighth year of his reign, a donation, made formerly by the great king, the lord Bappa (i.e., probably by his father), to certain Brahmans, who resided at Âpitti or Âpiṭṭî, and were bhajakas, i.e., probably freeholders of the village Chillarekakoduṁka or Chillerekakoduṁka. The latter village was included in the Sâtâhani district (raṭṭha). The gift consisted of

a garden in Chillarekakoduṁka, the income from which was to be divided in the manner specified, of two pieces of land in Âpiṭṭî, and of some serfs. The writer of the grant was the privy councillor (rahasâdhikata) Bhaṭṭiśarman, who is called Kolivâlabhojaka, i.e., the Inâmdar of Kolivâla. It is for the present impossible to say how the donor is connected with the other Pallava kings, known from the śâsanas as yet published, or to fix the period when he reigned.With respect to the latter point I am, however, inclined to assume with Mr. Fleet (Indian Antiquary, vol. IX, p. 101), that the kings, named in the Prâkrit grants, belong to an earlier time than those who issued the Sanskrit śâsanas. The want of accurate maps makes it impossible for me to identify the villages and the district named.

In spite of these drawbacks our grant possesses a very great importance. Like the great Nânâghât inscription of Sâtakanni’s widow Nâyanikâ and like the Elliot grant, of Vijayabuddhavarman’s queen, it shows that the use of Prâkrit in the older inscriptions is not due to the influence of Buddhism, but that in early times Prâkrit was the official language of the Indian kings, while the use of Sanskrit was still confined to the Brahmanical schools. Our grant and the other two documents mentioned were issued by adherents of the Brahmanical faith. The use of Sanskrit in the comminatory verses, included in the Elliot grant, and in the maṅgala at the end of our grant, show that the said language was not unknown to the persons who composed the textIf, nevertheless, the chief portions of the grants are written in Prâkrit, some reason, not of a religious nature, must have dictated the use of the vulgar idiom. This reason, I think, can only have been official usage. The results of the recent epigraphic and linguistic studies are most unfavourable to the theory that there was in India once a golden age during which kings, priests, and peasants spoke the language of Pânini. They rather tend to show that the classical Sanskrit is a Brahmanical modification of the, or a, northern dialect, elaborated by the grammatical schools, which very slowly and in historical times gained ascendancy throughout the whole of India and among all the educated classes. Our inscription is an important link in a long chain of arguments supporting this view. Its full importance can, however, only be made apparent in a comprehensive discussion of the history of the Aryan languages of India.

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TRANSLATION.
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“Success! From Kâṁchipura—the righteous⁹ supreme king of great kings of the Pallavas Sivakhaṁdavama (Śivaskandavarman), a Bhâraddâya¹⁰ (Bhâradvâja) an offerer of Agnishṭoma, Vâjapeya and Aśvamedha (sacrifices) [issues the following orders]:

“*[We send greeting¹¹*] to our lords of provinces, vatthas¹², royal princes, generals, rulers of districts, custom–house officers¹³, prefects of countries and others, to the freeholders of various villages¹⁴, to herdsmen, cowherds, ministers, foresters, gumikas, tûthikas,

L. 41. The photograph seems to give kareyyâmeti.

L. 43. Read mahaṁte.

L. 44. Bhaye looks nearly like taye.

L. 45. Stands for aṇuvaṭṭâveti, which perhaps should be restored.

L. 51. Perhaps kaḍa is to be read.

neyikâs¹⁵, and all others employed in our service, to roaming (spies) and warriors¹⁶, and we grant here an immunity (viz.) the garden in Chillarekakoḍuṁka, which was formerly given by the great king, the lord Bappa,¹⁷ a giver of many, krors of gold and of one hundred thousand ox–ploughs,—while he made (the gift) a means of the increase of the merit, longevity, power and fame of (his) own family and race—to the Brâhmans, freeholders of Chillarekakoḍuṁka (and) inhabitants of Âpiṭṭí, (viz.) to Golasamaja (Golaśarmârya) one share of the produce,¹⁸ of ploughs (of land)‘Regarding the various kinds of the measure of land, called ‘a plough, ‘see Kullûka on Manu, VII, 119.”) to Agisamaja (Agniśarmárya)of the Âtteya (Âtreya) gotra four shares of the produce, to Mâdhara (Mâṭhara) two shares of the produce, to (his) son-in-law (?) Agilla (Agilla) one share of the produce, to Kâlasama (Kâlaśarmen) of the Ilârita gotra two (?) shares of the produce, to Kumârasama (Kumârasarman) of the Bhâradâya (Bhâradrâja) gotra two shares of the produce, to the four brothers Kumâranaṁdi, (Kumâranandin), Kumârasama, (Kumâraśarman), Koṭṭasame (Koṭṭaśarman) and Satti (Śakti) of the Kosika (Kauśika) gotra four (4) shares of the produce, to Bhaṭi (Bhaṭṭi) of the Kassava (Kâśyapa) gotra one share of the produce, to Khaṁdakoṁḍi (Skandakoṭi ?) the Bhâradâya (Bhâradvâja) two shares of the produce, to Khamdaḍha (Skanda-riddha) one share of the produce, to Bappa one share of the produce, to Dattaja (Dattârya) two shares of the produce¹⁹, to Naṁdija (Nandyârya) three shares of the produce, to Rudasama (Rudraśarman) of the Vâtsya gotra one share of the produce, to Dâmaja (Dâmârya one share of the produce, to Sâlasama (Śyâlaśárṁan ?) one share of the produce, toParimita²⁰ (?) one share of the produce, to Nâganaṁdi one share of the produce, to Goli (?) one share, of the produce, to Khaṁdasama (Skandaśarman) one share of the produce; to, Sâmija (Svâmyârya) one share of the produce.

“By Us also the formerly-given (garden)²¹ (situated), on the southern sun, in the village of Chillarekakoduṁka (and) in the province (raṭṭha) of Sâtâhani, has been granted to the above-mentioned Brâhmans, chief among whom is Agisamaja (Agniśarmârya), (the gift) being confirmed by a libation of water and being made (valid) as long as the moon and stars endure.

This garden in Chillarekakoḍuṁka, which belongs to the Brâhmans, (is to be) free from taxes …., free from the taking of sweet and sour milk,²²………..free²³—araṭhasarinayika, my former explanation of which cannot stand.”)

from troubles about salt and sugar²⁴, free from taxes, forced labour………, free from the taking of the oxen in succession²⁵, free from the taking of grass and wood, free from the taking of vegetables and flowers; with these and other immunities of the eighteen kinds it must be exempted and caused to be exempted by the inhabitants of the province by the inhabitants of Âpiṭṭi and by the inhabitants of Chillerckakoduṁka.

“Moreover, in Âpiṭṭi (one) nivartana (has been given) to the Brâhmans, chief among whom is Agisamaja (Agnisarmârya), for a threshing–floor, (one) nivartana for a house, four labourers²⁶ receiving half the produce (addhikâ), two Kolikas²⁷.

“Now (if) anybody, knowing this, proud of (being) a favourite (of the king), should cause of cause to be caused a small obstacle (to the donees) him, forsooth, we shall restrain by punishment. And further I pray both the future great warriors of our Pallava race, (who may rule) within a period exceeding one hundred thousand years, as well as kings, differing from us (in descent), saying (unto them): ‘To him among you blessings, who in his time makes (the people) act according to the rule, written above¹. But he who acts contrary to it shall be the lowest of men, loaded with (the guilt of) the five mortal sins.’ A charter (valid) for one hundred thousand years has been given on the fifth day, in the sixth (fortnight) of the rainy season, in the year,eight. (My) own order. The charter has been prepared in his own handwriting by, the priyy councillor Bhaṭṭisama (Bhaṭṭiśarman), the Kolivâla freeholder.’ Welfare to cows, Brâhmans, the writer, the readers and the hearers.

POSTSCRIPT.

After writing the article printed above, I have received from Dr. J. Burgess the original plates of the grant for inspection and am now able to give the following additions.

The plates are still held together by a single ring to which a nearly circular, somewhat battered, seal about an inch in diameter is attached. This seal shows as emblem an animal, facing the proper right, which may be intended for a deer or a horse. Below there stands the word Śivaskandavarmaṇaḥ, the last three aksharas of which are much defaced and doubtful. The first four aksharas are perfectly plain and leave no doubt that this part of the grant was in Sanskrit, just like the maṅgala at the end.

On the otherwise blank outside of the first plate the word dithaṁ is inscribed in very large letters. It is obviously the equivalent of Sanskrit dṛishṭam, which according to Dr. Bhagvânlâl and Mr. Fleet occurs in the beginning of the Chammak and Sivani grants of the Vâkâṭaka king Pravarasena II. I have formerly tried to show that, though the resemblance of the letters in the latter two documents to dṛishṭam is indisputable, they must be read oṁ oṁ or o om. In face of the plain reading on our plate, it is no longer possible to uphold the latter view. The existence of the word dṛishṭam must be acknowleged. As regards its meaning, I think that we may take it in its literal sense and translate it by ‘SEEN,’ the note indicating that the copy of the grant
_________________________________________

1.I transliterate and complete this — “yah svakakala uparilikhitamaryadaya (janan) anuvartayattaya rah sarmoti.

given to the donees had been seen, and was acknowledged to be correct by the minister or by the keeper of the records. This explanation is suggested by the position of diṭhaṁ in our grant, where it occupies much the same place as tho, Vide or Visum in certain modern official documents. If dṛishṭam—diṭhaṁ were to be taken as a maṅgala, as might be supposed on account of its position in the two Vâkâtaka grants, it would be difficult to say how it came to be used in that sense.

II. THE PRAŚASTIOF THE TEMPLE OF LAKKHÂ MANḌAL AT MAḌHÂ,
IN JAUNSÂR BÂWAR,

BY G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The subjoined edition of the Praśasti of the temple of Lakkhâ Maṇḍal at, Maḍhâ in the Jaunsâr Bâwar district on the Upper Jamnâ, has been prepared according to an impression supplied by Dr. J. Burgess.²⁸ The inscription seems to be incised with great skill and neatuess and to be in an almost perfect state of preservation. The letters are very closely allied to the Brâhma aksharas of the Horiuzi palm–leaves and to the characters of Dr. Bhagvânlâl’s Nepâl inscriptions Nos. 9-15, as well as of those of Kâmavana and Jhâlrâpâṭan.²⁹ With the latter it shares one striking peculiarity—the superscribed and often highly ornamental kâṇâs and mâtrâs. Our document is, however, not quite regular in this respect: Pṛishṭhamâtrâs and â–strokes, marked by a horizontal line, occur likewise., Archaic is the form of ṭa which consists of a semi–circle, inclining towards the right or placed horizontally with the round back upwards. In two cases, 1. 13 Bhaṭṭa–Kshemaśiva and 1. 14 Bhaṭṭa–Skanda, the top of the upper ṭa is flattened. The subscribed palatal ña has also an archaicshape, differing only by the curves in the left–hand vertical from the form of the Gupta inscriptions. The older form of ya consisting of a loop and two verticals occurs 1. 6 and 11, in yena.

The language is good and pure Sanskrit, offering only a few irregularities in the spelling, which, however, are very common in the older inscriptions. Instead of the anusvâra we have invariably ṅa before śa, and also before sa, with one exception, where the dental na stands. For krituvân the inscription has, 1. 4, kritavân; for kritâś, 1. 7, kritâś; and for siṁha, 1. 1 and 5, siṅgha. No distinction is made between va and ba, a certain indication that then as now the letter va was always pronounced ba in Northern India. Above the inscription there are in the centre some irregular letters of later date which seem to read Śrî–IIallâdhiśvarebhyaḥ. Further towards the right stand five indistinct aksharas of the same alphabet in which the inscription is written, perhaps nâratanâsyaḥ \।\। and finally nearly in the corner above a diagram [râ?] jaśrîsâdhukenaḥ \।\।.

As regards the contents of the inscription, it offers (verse 22) a so–called Praśasti,—a eulogy or panegyric, composed by Bhaṭṭa Vasudeva, son of Bhaṭṭa Skanda and grandson of Bhaṭṭa Kshemaśiva, and incised in the stone (verse 23) by the mason Îśvaraṇâga, son of Nâgadatta.

The Praśasti records the dedication of a temple of Śiva (verse 20) by a princess, Îśvarâ, who belonged to the royal race of Siṅghapura, for the spiritual welfare of her deceased husband. The latter, called Śri–Chandragupta, was (verse 19) the son of a king of Jâlandhara,—apparently himself not a reigning king, but either a younger son or possibly an elder son who died during his father’s lifetime. The greater part of the inscription (verses 2 18) is taken up by an account of the ancestors of the dedicatrix, and gives us the following pedigree of the king of Siṅghapura³⁰, who, according to verse 2, belonged to the line of Yadu,–the Yâdavas of the lunar race,—which had ruled over the country “since the beginning of the Yuga.”

I. Senavarman (verse2)

II. Âryavarman (v. 3)

III. Dattavarman (v. 4)

IV. Pradîptavarman (v. 5)

V. Îśvaravarman (v. 6)

VI. Vṛiddhivarman (v.7)

VII. Siṅghavarman (v. 8)

VIII. Jala[varman] (v. 9)

IX. Yajñavarman (v. 10)

X. Âchalavarman Samaraghaṅghala (vv. 11-12)

Kapilavardhana (v. 13)

XI. Divâkaravarman (vv. 13-14)
Mahîghaṅghala

XII. Bhâskara [variman] md. Jayâvalî (v. 18)
Ripughaṅghala (vv. 15-17) 9

Îśvarâ-md.-Chandragupta,
prince of Jâlandhara.

Though one or even several verses are devoted to each royal personage, not a single historical fact is mentioned regarding them. Only with respect to Jayâvalî the statement that “she obtained the title devî through her virtues,” permits us to infer that she was of comparatively speaking low extraction. As her father Kapilavardhana receives only the epithet Śrí ’the illustrious,’ he probably was nothing more than a common Rajput. The fact that Îśvarâ was married to a scion of the royal family of Jâlandhara the modern Jallandhar in the Panjâb, makes it very probable that the district over which her ancestors ruled lay in the same province. Hence the Saiṅghapura rájya of our inscription may be safely identified with the kingdom of Sang-ho-pu-lo, i.e., Siṁhapura,³¹ described by IIiuen Tsiang³².”). This identification gives us perhaps a clue to the probable date of the inscription and to the period during which the twelve kings of Siṅghapura ruled. If the palæographical facts mentioned above are alone taken into consideration, the inscription will have to be placed between about 600 and 800 A.D. For the earliest of the dated cognate inscriptions was written in Śrîharshasaṁvat 48 or 654-55 A.D., and the latest in Śrîharshasaṁvat 153 or 759-60 A.D. It would, of course, be unsafe to assume that these dates are exactly the beginning and the end of the

periodduring which the alphabet of our inscription was in use, and it is only reasonable to allow a margin of about fifty years either way. Hiuen Tsiang’s remarks concerning the government of Siṅghapura make it, I think, likely that it was written near the remoter limit of this period He says ( loc. cit., p. 143) that, at the time of his visit, “the country had no king or fulers, but was in dependence on Kaśmîr.” As our inscription distinctly asserts that kings of the Yadu race ruled the realin of Siṅghapura since the beginning of the Yuga and enumerates those of eleven generations by name, its date probably falls before the Kaśmîrian conquest. For even if we assumed, though there is no foundation for such an assumption, that Siṅghapura again became free shortly after Hiuen Tsiang’s visit in 651 A.D., and if we assigned the inscription to the remotest limit, the end of the eighth century, its contents would clash with Hiuen Tsiang’s statement. For the eleven generations of kings enumerated we require at least 275 years, which we can in no way get, if we suppose the inscription to have been written after Hiuen Tsiang’s visit and after the hypothetical liberation of Siṅghapura from the Kaśmîrian yoke, cay between 650 and 1700 A.D. If we assume that it was incised before those two events, say about 600, the assertion that the Yâdavas ruled Siṅghapura since the beginning of the Yuga, i.e., since time immemorial, and that eleven princes ruled it in a direct line of succession, offers no difficulties. The accession of Sonavarman will thus have to be placed in the beginning of the fourth century A.D.

In conclusion I may add that this inscription very forcibly inculcates the necessity of our abstaining from identifying every Chandragupta who may turn up in literary or epigraphic documents with the Maurya or the Gupta king of that name.

TRANSCRIPT.

**Line 1. **

श्री³³

सर्ग्गस्थितिलयहेतोर्व्विश्वस्य [ब्रह्म] विष्णुरुद्राणां।
मूर्त्तित्रयं प्रदधते संसारभिदे नमो विभवे॥ [१]
यदुवङ्शभुवां राज्ञां सैङ्खपुरं राज्यमा युगादृधताम्।

L. 2.

श्रीसेनवर्म्मनामा राजर्षि प्रक्रमेणासीत्॥ [[२]]³⁴
तनयस्तस्य श्रीमान्नृपतिरभूदार्यवर्म्मनान्नैव।
आर्यव्रततां प्रथमं ख्यापितवाङ्स्तदनु यश्चरितैः॥ [३]
श्री [दत्त ] वर्म्म–³⁵

**L.3. **

** नामा दत्ताभयविभवविजयविध्व[ङ्] सः [।]**

भीतार्त्थिकुलारिभ्यो बभूव तस्यात्मजो नृपतिः॥ [४]
सूनुरभूत्तस्य महान्भूपालश् श्रीप्रदीप्तवर्म्मेति।
दर्प्पान्धशत्रपृतना-

L.4.

** पतङ्गपटलीप्रदीप्ताग्निः॥ [५]**

श्रीश्वरवर्म्मेति सुतस्तस्याभूद्भूपति≍ प्रदानेन।
ऐश्वर्यं य X क्रितवान्भव इव निचये[भवा] र्त्थानां॥ [[६]]³⁶
श्रीवृद्धिवर्म्मसंज्ञस्तस्य बभूवात्मजः

L. 5.

** प्रवृद्धश्रीः।**
चन्द्र इव तापहारी तयनानां नन्दनो राजा॥ [७]
स्वभुजार्ज्जितशौर्ययथा दानवतामुपरि दृष्टसामर्त्थ्यः[।]
श्रीसिद्धवर्म्मनामा तत्तनयोराजसिङ्घोभूत् ॥ [८]

L.6.

तस्य सुतोभूदांशापूरणकर्म्मा जनस्य तापच्छित्।
श्रीजलनामा नृपतिः कलियुगदावाग्निजलवर्षः॥ [९]
श्रीयज्ञवर्म्मनामा ततङ्गजीभून्महीपतिर्येन।
यज्ञाज्य–

L.7.

** धूमजलदैर्न्नित्योत्केका X क्रिताश शिखिनः॥ [[१०]]³⁷**
पुत्रस्तस्य बभूव श्रीमानाजर्षिरचलवर्म्मेति।
कृतयुगचरितेष्वचलो यश्च स्थैर्यादिगुणसाम्यात्॥ [११]
यस्सम–

L.8.

** रघङ्घलाख्यामन्वर्त्थवतीन्दधार रणरौद्रः[।]**
अपरामगणितसङ्गरकरिरदनाग्राङ्कितोरस्कः॥ [१२]
तस्य दिवाकरवर्म्माश्रीमान्स्तनयो बभूव नृपतीशः[।]
यस्यदिवाकरता–

L.9.

** भूत्परतेजीभिभवधर्म्मेण॥ [१३]**
वारणविषाणसङ्कटसङ्गरचलचारिश् श्रुत्वा यस्य।
अकरीदरीनशस्त्रान्मपदि महीघाङ्गलभटाख्या॥ [१४]
तस्य कनीयान्‌भ्राता

L.10.

** श्रीभास्कर इत्यभून्नृपतिपालः।**
रिपुघङ्गलाभिधानं योवहदाजौविजयमन्त्रं॥ [१५]
स्वभुजार्ज्जितपरराज्यद्रविणसदादानकर्म्मणः पाणेः[ ।]
यस्यासीहिश्रामो नत–

L.11.

** रिपुपृष्ठक्षणस्थितिषु॥ [१६]**
येनाभिरुह्यपद्माम्पतत्रिगमगनि शैलदुर्ग्गाणि।
आक्क्रमा युद्धशौण्डा हस्तिकरं दापिताः क्षितिपाः॥ [१७]
तस्य गुणार्ज्जितदेवीशब्दा श्रीकपिलवर्ध्दन–

L.12

** सुताभूत्।**
राज्ञी प्राणेशा श्रीजयावलीत्येकपत्नी च॥ [१८]
तस्यास्तनया साध्वी सावित्रीवश्वरेति नाम्नासीत्।
जालन्धरनृपसूनोर्ज्जाया श्रीचन्द्रगुप्तस्य॥ [१९]
भर्त्तरि गतवति नाकं करि–

L.13.

** णस्कन्धाद्भवास्पदमिदं सा ।³⁸**
तत्पुण्यायाकारयदार्चायानुगतसत्येन ॥ [२०]
यावन्महीमहीधरजलनिधयो यावदिन्दुरविताराः।
तावदिदमस्तु कीर्त्तिस्थानं श्रीचन्दगुप्तस्य॥ [२१]
भट्टक्षेम–

L.14.

** शिवात्मजभट्टस्कन्दादवाप्तशुभजन्मा।
भट्टवसुदेव एताम्प्रशस्तिमकरोदयो [ध्ये]शः॥ [[२२]]³⁹
अश्मनीश्वरणागेन नागदत्तस्य सुनुना।**
उत्कीर्णासूत्रधारेण रौहीतकनिवासिनः॥ छ॥ [[२३]]⁴⁰

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ.

Obeisance to the supreme Lord,⁴¹who destroys the circle of births and assumes the three forms of Brahman, Vishṇu, and Rudra for the sake of the creation, continuance, and dissolution of the universe !

Among the kings, sprung from the race of Yadu, who govern the kingdom of Siṅghapura since (the beginning of) the (Kali) Yuga, arose in the course (of time) a royal sage, named the illustrious Senavarman.
His son was an illustrious hing with the name Âryavarman, who first after him (his father) proclaimed by his deeds the fact that he kept the vow of an Ârya.
The king, named the illustrious Dattavarman, who sccured safety, riches, victory, and destruction (respectively) to the fearful, to beggars, to his race and to his enemies, was his son.
His son was a great protector of the earth, called the illustrious Pradîptavarman, a blazing fire for (that) multitude of moths, the armies of his roes, who were blinded by pride.
His son, called the illustrious Îśvaravarman, became king through his great liberality, he who ruled, like Bhava, over a multitude of objects of existence (bhava).
His son was he who was denominated the illustrious Vṛiddhivarman, a king whose good fortune was much increased, who, like the moon, removed torments⁴²and gladdened the eyes (of men).

His son was the illustrious Siṅghavarman, a lion–like king who earned by (the strength of) his arms a reputation for bravery and whose power was seen (to be) above (that of) those having dâna (i.e., of merely liberal not heroic princes and of rutting elephants)⁴³

His son was he who is named the illustrious Jala, a prince whose peculiar action was the filling of the regions (with his fame), who removed the torments of his people, and who rained water (as it were) for (quenching) the forest–fire of the Kaliyuga.⁴⁴

His son was the king named the illustrious Yajñavarman, by whom the peacocks were ever made to cry aloud on account of the smoke–clouds (arising) from the sacrificial butter.
His son was the illustrious royal sage called Achalavarman, who was constant in (following) the holy practices of the Kṛitayuga, because (his) virtues, firmness, and so forth, (were) the same (as those prevailing in the polden age);
Who bore the second name Samaraghaṅghala,⁴⁵suitable (for him) on account of its meaning, (because he was) terrible in battle and his chest had been marked in countless fights by the points of elephants’ tusks.

13.His gon was the illustrious lord of kings, Divâkaravarmań, whose sun–like nature (divâkaratâ) was shown by a characteristic (of his), the humbling of his enemies’⁴⁶fiery courage (paratejobhibhava), just as the sun causes so pale all other lights (paratejobhibhuva);

Whose famed appellation ’the Mahîghaṅghala’ warrior made his foes weaponless, when he nimbly strode over the battle(field) that was impassable on account of the elephants’ tusks.
His younger brother was the protector of kings, called the illustrious Bhâskara, who (also) bore the name Ripughaṅghala, a charm ensuring victory in battle;
Whose hand that was constantly occupied in giving away the wealth of hostile kingdoms won by (the strength of) his arms, (found) repose by resting for a moment on the backs of bending focs;
By whom, sealing on foot mountain–fortresses, accessible (only) to birds, kings expert in fighting were attacked and made to pay a tribute of elephants.
His queen, mistress of his life and his sole consort, was the illustrious Jayâvalî, the daughter of the illustrious Kapilavardhana, (a lady) who won the title of queen (devi) through her virtues.
Her daughter was (a lady) faithful like Sâvitrî,” Îśvarâ by name, the wife of the illustrious Chandragupta, son of the king of Jâlandhara.
When her husband had ascended to heaven from the shoulder of his elephant,⁴⁷she caused to be built for his spiritual merit this temple of Bhava in consequence of a vow which was (made) in accordance with (the instructions of) her spiritual teacher.

As long as the mountains, the oceans, the moon, the sun and the stars exist, so long may this location of the fame of illustrious Chandragupta endure.⁴⁸, the latter portion of the verse might be translated,”)

Bhaṭṭa Vasudeva, the lord of Ayodhyâ,⁴⁹who owed his happy birth to Bhaṭṭa Skanda, the son of Bhaṭṭa Kshemaśiva, composed this panegyric.

By the mason Îśvaraṇâga, an inhabitant of Rauhîtaka⁵⁰ (and) son of Nâgadatta, has it been incised in the stone.

III.—AŚOKA’S TWELFTH ROCK–EDICT

ACCORDING TO THE SHÂHBÂZGARHÎ VERSION,

By G. BÜHLER, PhD., LL.D., C.I.E.

The subjoined edition of the lately discovered twelfth edict of the Shâhbâzgarhi series is based on (1), a heliotype facsimile taken from an impression; (2) a slightly mutilated paper impression taken by Captain ‘Deane, Assistant Commissioner of Yusafzai, and (3) a direct photograph of the right half of the inscription, taken from the rock.

The inscription is, incised in 9¼unequal lines on a granitic boulder, and is about 2 feet 6 inches broad and 9 feet 8 inches long. The rock appears to be full of large and small fissures, exfoliations, and holés. Some of these seem to have existed before the inscription was engraved, as the mason has avoided them in cutting the letters. Thus the last two syllables of the word dhramamahamatra in 1.9, stand more than an inch apart from the preceding ones, and the impression clearly shows the traces of flaws in the intervening portion of the stone. But in most cases the fissures and holes are of later origin and have destroyed smaller or larger portions of the letters. This circumstance makes a certain proportion of the vowel signś anusvâras and subscribed ra–kâras doubtful. In a very few cases the consonants too are not clearly distinguishable.

The alphabet of the inscription is the so-called Baktro-Pâli or North-Indian, which according to Sir A. Cunningham was current in Indian Kâbul and in the Panjâb from the beginning of the historical, period to the third century A.D. The letters are mostly 1½to 2 inches high. Owing, to the want of perfectly readable impressions and trust worthy facsimiles of the inscriptions in this character, and specially of the edicts of Aśoka, a good many minor details in the reading of these characters have still to be settled. Though this is not the place for the discussion of all the doubtful or disputed points, I must refer to a few of them in explanation of my transcript.

I have in general adopted the new interpretations of some signs, e.g., of <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709370147S.png”/>and <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709370240S.png”/>which Dr. Bhagvânlâl Indrâji and Dr, Hoernle have given in their articles on the first rock-edict of the Shâhbâzgarhî version, and of the Suibihârâ inscription, Indian Antiquary, vol. X, pp. 105 & 324, and vol. XI, p. 128.
I am however not able to agree as yet with Dr. Bhagvânlâl’s remark in the last article, that the short line slanting upwards, which is sometimes found on the left side of the lower end of consonants and a, denotes the long â. In our edict it occurs distinctly in the first sign of bahuvidha, 1.2, where the reading bâhuvidha is impossible. It is further found in the va of devanaṁ, 1.1, where the reading devânaṁ is required. In a third word, ataprashaḍavaḍhi, 1.8, it perhaps occurs in the initial letter, and the reading âta is possible. But I do not dare to put these two lengths in the transcript, as none of the numerous other letters after which â must have been read, such as ḍa in prashaṁḍani, ṭha in grahaṭhani, show a similar contrivance. Moreover, neither Dr. Bhagwânlal’s facsimile of the rock-edict nor the photograph of the Shâhbâzgarhî version which I owe to the kindness of Sir A. Cunningham, nor the facsimile and photograph of the Mânsahra version, which I have likewise received from him, confirm the assertion that the distinction between a and â is clearly marked in the Aśoka inscriptions. Hence I have noticed these slight peculiarities of the letters merely in the notes to the transcript.
With respect to the spelling I have scrupulously adhered to the position of the letters in the original. I transliterate priyadraśi, dhramo, savra, though I have not the slightest doubt that the words were pronounced in the Panjâb, as elsewhere, priyadarśi, dharmo, and sarva. To everybody who is acquainted with manuscripts of works in the modern Prâkrits of India, or who has had to do with official correspondence in theso Prâkrits, the carelessness which the old inscriptions show with respect to the position of the letter ra will be nothing new or wonderful. A Hindu who is neither a Pandit nor a pupil of the Government schools, will write for sovarṇa, sovraṇ or srovaṇ, for sarva sometimes srava and sometimes savra, just as his fancy may direct.⁵¹ used in the transcript indicates that the letters are slightly injured, the sign [ ] that they are very much defaced but just recognisable.”) As long as the ra appears in the word, he is quite contented. He, of course, pronounces invariably dhar’m, sar’v,sovar’n, and so forth. There is, I think, no reason to suppose that Aśoka’s Rajukas were better scholars than the Karkuns of the British Government offices before, the introduction of the European system of education, and I therefore believe that the abnormities in their spelling may be attributed to the same causes which operated in the case of the modern office writers. Still, in a transcript, it is as well to render the peculiarities of the text as accurately as possible.

TRANSCRIPT.

L. 1—De(va)naṁ (p)riyo (P)riyadraśi raya⁵²savraprashaṁdani graha [tha] ni cha puje(ti) danena vividhaye cha pujay(e) [.] N[[o]]⁵³ehu (tatha) [dajna[[ṁ]]⁵⁴va puja va.

L. 2—devanaṁ⁵⁵ priyo m(a)ñati yatha kiti [?] sa(la)vaḍhi siy(a) savraprashaṁḍana[[m]]⁵⁶ [.] Salavaḍhi tu bahuvidha⁵⁷ [.] Tasa tu iyo mula ya(ṁ)⁵⁸ vach(a) guti [;]

L. 3—kiti [?] ataprashaṁḍapuja (va) pa[rapa]sha[ṁ]ḍagarana⁵⁹ va no s(i)ya [apra]–karanasi⁶⁰ [,]lahuka va siya ta(si ta)si prakara[ṇ]e⁶¹ [.] Puje[ta]v[[a]]⁶² [e]va⁶³ (chu) parapra (shaṁ) (.)

L. 4–[ḍa tena tena prakaraṇena [.] Ev]aṁ⁶⁴ karaṁtaṁ [ata]prashaṁḍaṁ vadheti

paraprashaṁḍasa⁶⁵ pi. cha upakaroti [.] Ta(da) añatha ka[[rata]]⁶⁶ [[cha]]⁶⁷ a(ta)pra[shaṁḍam]

L. 5—chhaṇati parap(ra)shaḍasa⁶⁸ cha apakaroti [.] Yo hi kochi⁶⁹ ataprash (a)ḍaṁ pujeti (para)p(ra)sh(a)ḍ(a)⁷⁰ [ga]rahati savr(a)⁷¹ atap (ra)shaḍabhativeva⁷²kiti [?]

L. 6—(a)taprashaṁḍaṁ dipaya(mi) ti [,] so eha puna tatha karaṁtaṁ so cha puna tatha kar(aṁtaṁ)⁷³ba(ḍha)tara (ṁ)⁷⁴upahaṁti atapra (sha)daṁ [.] So sayamo vo⁷⁵s(a)dhu [,] kiti [?] añaṁ (a)ñasa dhramo⁷⁶

L.7—ś(r)uṇeyu⁷⁷cha su(ś) rus(e)yu⁷⁸cha ti, [.] Evaṁ (hi) d(e)vanaṁ priyasa ichn [,] kiti [?] savraprashaṁḍa bahuśruta cha [kala[ṇa]gama]⁷⁹cha siy (a)su (.) Ye cha tatra tatra⁸⁰

L.8—prasana teshaṁ⁸¹vatavo⁸²[:] de(va)naṁ⁸³pri[yo] n(a tatha da)naṁ va (pu)ja va m(a)ñati ya(tha) kiti [?] salavadhi siya ti savraprashaḍanaṁ bahuka cha[-]. Etaye a * *⁸⁴

L.9—vapaṭa [[dhra]mahamatra]⁸⁵ (i) * * yachhama (hama) tra⁸⁶v(a)chabhumika añe cha nikay(a)⁸⁷[.]Ima(ṁ)⁸⁸cha etisa (pha)laṁ yaṁ ataprashaḍavaḍhi⁸⁹

L.10—dhrama (sa) cha dipana⁹⁰[.]

IN DEVANÂGARÎ.
————————

1. देवनं प्रियो प्रियद्रशि रय सव्रप्रषंडनि ग्रहठनि च पुजेति दनेन विविधये च पुजये।नो चु तथ दनं व पुज व

2. देवनं प्रियो मञति यथ किति । सलवढि सिय सव्रप्रषडनं । सलवढि तु बहुविध । तस तु द्वयो सुल यं वचगुति ।

** 3. किति । अतप्रषंडपुज व परप्रषंडगरन व नो सिय अप्रकरणसि लहुक व सिय तसि तसि प्रकरणे । पुजेतव एव चु परप्रषं-**

** 4. ड तेन तेन प्रकरणेन । एवं करंतं अतप्रषंडं वढेति परप्रषंडस पि च उपकरोति । तद अञथकरत च अतप्रषंडं**

** 5. छणति परप्रषंडस चअपकरोति ।यो हि कोचि अतप्रषडं पुजेति परप्रषड गरहति सव्र अतप्रषडभतियेव । किति ।**

** 6. अतप्रषंडं दिपयमि ति । सो च पुन तथ करंतं सो च पुन तथ करंतं बढतरं उपहंति अतप्रषडं । सो सयमोवो सधु । किति । अञमञस ध्रमो**

** 7. श्रुणेयुच सुश्रुषेयु च ति । एवं हि देवनं प्रियसइछ । किति । सव्रप्रषंडबहुश्रुत च कलणगम च सियसु ।ये च तत्र तत्र**

** 8. प्रसन तेषं वतवो । देवनं प्रियो न तथ दनं व पुज व मञति तथ किति । सलवढि सिय ति सव्रप्रषडनंबहुक च । एतये अ——**

** 9. वपट भ्रममहमत्र इ——यछमहमत्र वचभुमिक अञे च निकय । इमं च एतिसफलं यं अतप्रषडवढि**

** 10. भ्रमस च दिपना ॥**

TRANSLATION.

The Beloved of the gods, king Priyadraśi, honours men of allcreeds⁹¹ assembly or school. For as ra may be taken as equivalent to ar, prashaḍa may stand for parshaḍa, and this form differs from the Sanskrit original only by the shortening of the first a and by the lingualisation of the final da, both of which changes are required or sanctioned by the phonetic laws of the Prâkrit dialects. My rendering of the word by adherent of a creed, or creedis based on the assumption that in Aśoka’s times it was free from the mala nota which adheres to it later. Itsinsport, I think, corresponded exactly to the English term ‘denomination and the German ‘Glaubensgenossenschaft. Owing to its ponderous length ’ denomination’ is not fit to be used in the translation of a document where prashaḍa recurs more than a dozen times.")both [ascetics] and householders⁹²,by (showing them) liberality and by honouring them in various ways. But the Beloved of the gods thinks not so (much) of liberality and honour—as of what ?—that an increase of essentials⁹³may take place among men of all creeds. But the increase of essentials (may happen) in various ways. But this is its root, viz., guarding onc’s speech—how so ?—“honouring one’s own creed and blaming other creeds shall not be in unimportant points, or, it shall be moderate with respect to this or that important point? But other creeds must even be honoured for this or that important point. Acting thus, one exalts one’s own creed and benefits also the other creeds. Acting differently, one hurts one’s own creed and injures the other creeds. For he who honours his own creed and blames all other creeds out of reverence for his own creed—how so?—(thinking) “I promote (thereby the interests of) my own

creed”—he, however, acting thus injures his own creed exceedingly. Hence self-restraint alone⁹⁴ (is) commendable—how so? " They shall hear each other’s law and love to hear it.⁹⁵.’ For both in Sanskrit and in the Prâkrits the desiderative śuśrûsh has almost lost its etymological meaning. In Aśoka’s inscriptions, too, it is regularly used in the sense of ’to obey.’ The nominative dhramo stands for,dhramaṁ, as it is governed by the two verbs śruṇcyu and suśruseyu. The same interchange of the two cases occure, as is well known, regularly in the modern Prâkrits, and occasionally in the Vedic dialects.”) For this is the desire of the Beloved of the gods—what ?—” that men of all creeds shall have heard much and possess holy doctrines.” And to those⁹⁶ who adhere to this or that (faith) it must be said⁹⁷. The Beloved of the gods thinks not so (much) of liberality and honour as of what ?—that an increase of essentials “may take place among men of all creads; and a large one.” For this and are working the superintendents of the law, the superintendents of women, the vachabhumikas⁹⁸, and other bodies. (of officials). And this is its result (viz.) the exaltation of one’s own creed and the promotion (of the interests) of the law.⁹⁹

IV.—AN INSCRIPTION FROM DABHOI.

By G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., LL.D, C.I.E.

On a large stone slab, 3 broad and 2′ 10″ long, which is fixed in the inner side-wall of the Hîra Bhâgolâ gate at Dabhoi or Darbhavatî, are found the remnants of a very large metrical Sanskrit inscription, originally consisting of 59,lines of neatly-incised Nâgarî characters which closely resemble those of the ancient Jaina palm-leaf MSS. The lower portion of the stone is broken in several places. The breaks have destroyed lines 44-46, and have more or less seriously injured the centre portions of lines 47-59. Never theless the lower portion, especially lines 52-59, is in a better condition than the upper one, which has suffered from the effects. of the weather or from rough treatment to such an extent that nowhere is an entire line readable. On the right hand, pieces containing from 20 to 35 letters have been almost entirely obliterated in each of the first 52 lines. The first five or six letters on the left are likewise gone nearly everywhere, and in the centre portions of lines 16-40 not much more can be made out with certainty than single words and letters here and there. Under these circumstances it would be a waste of time and paper to transcribe all the small fragments. I shall confine myself to a description of the contents of the document and to giving transcripts of those pieces where at least a whole pâda of a verse is readable. The materials on which I work, a photograph and a paper impression, have been furnished to me by Dr. J. Burgess.

The inscription belongs to the class of the Praśastis or panegyrics, a large number of which have come to light during recent years. As has already been pointed out by Professor V. A. Kâṭhvâte,¹⁰⁰ it is the composition of Someśvaradeva, the well-known Purohita of the Rânakas of Ḍholkâ, who wrote the Kirtikaumudî in honour of his spiritual client and master Vîradhavala and of his friend the famous Jaina minister Vastupâla. The Praśasti is dated (1. 59) Vikrama Saṁvat 1311 Jyeshṭha Śudi 15, Vudhadine, or May 14, 1253¹⁰¹, corresponding to 1253, the full moon of Jyaishyha fell on May 14th, 10 P.M., a Wednesday, in V.S. 1311 elapsed, or 1254 A.D., on June 2nd, 10 F.M., a Tuesday.”), and belongs therefore to a time when Vîradhavala and Vastupâla had passed away.¹⁰² On the throne of the former sat his second son Vîsaladeva, who in Vikrama Saṁvat 1300 or 1302 extended his sway over the whole of Gujarât.¹⁰³ As might be expected, it is the latter to whom Someśvara devotes the greater portion of his poem, Vîradhavala and his ancestors occupy a secondary place, and, Vastupâla is, it would seem, not even mentioned. The immediate cause which led to the composition of the Praśasti, was the building or restoration of a temple of Śiva-Vaidyanâtha at Dabhoi-Darbhavatî, ordered by Vîsaladėva.

Turning to the details, it would seem that the first three verses contained a maṅgala or invocation addressed to Śiva-Vaidyanatha.. A fragment of verse 2 says, “May glorious Vaidyanâtha himself with his eight bodies grant their desires to the creatures.” In verse 4 the description of Vîsaladeva’s ancestors begins; for the end of páda 2 and pádas 3-4 speak of “the line of the progeny of that (man), the good deeds of which (line) …. (cannot be described—) even by eloquent men.” As the name of the first ancestor is lost, and verse 5, too, is gone entirely, full certainty as to the point at which the genealogy begins is not obtainable. But verse 6 makes it probable’ that it included the name of the first Chaulukya of Gujarât. For the fragroents of verse 6 point clearly to its identity with Kîrtikaumudî, II, 2—“Won over by the eminent qualities of this conqueror of his foes, the guardian goddess (Śri) of the Gûrjara princes became of her own choice his bride, just as (the goddess Śri became the bride) of (Vishṇu), the foc of Bâṇa (at the churning of the ocean).” In the Kirtikaumudî these lines refer to Mûlarâja, the founder of the Chaulukya dynasty of Aṇhilvâḍ. I do not believe that they can refer here to anybody else. For if they had been applied to Dhavala, the first member of the Vyâghrapallîya or Vâghelâ branch of the Chaulukyas, known to us, Someśvara would be guilty of uttering a deliberate falschood. Dhavala was according to all accounts not even a minor chief of any consequence. The next verse 7 begins with the word yasmin and hence refers likewise to Mûlarâja. Its sense seems to be that the wives of his enemics tremble or fly into the jungles, “when he, an embodied stream of the sentiment of heroism, stands on the back of…..with the intention of fighting. In the lost verse 8 the poet seems to have turned to the Vâghelâs and, just as in the Kîrtikaumudî, to have begun with Arṇorâja. This is evident from verse 9, “By whom, even the son of Dhavala, an imitator of Kṛishṇa, this realm of famous Gûrjara land was made free from thorns.” Here we have a new version of

*Kîrtikaumudî,*II, 63, “By that good warrior who imitated Kṛishṇa, even by the son of Dhavala, was begun the clearance of the kingdom from thorns.” The fragment of verse 10 informs us further that Arṇorâja “slow on the battle-field Ranasiṁha who resembled Râvaṇa”—a deed which is not mentioned elsewhere. Verse 11 finally confirms the statement of Kirtikaumudî, II, 66, according to which he himself met his death in battle. It says, “Now when his son valiant Lavaṇaprasâda [was able to sustain]
the load of Gûrjara land, he (Arṇorâja) offered, his heart being averse to the world, a battle-sacrifice at which he gave his life as fee.”

Next follows the eulogy of Lavaṇaprasâda, verses 12-24, which besides known events contains. Some now, historical facts. Verse 12 declares that owing to some deals of his, the particulars of which are lost, “the kingdom of the Gûrjaras was even greater than that of Râma.” Verse 13 mentions a fight near Vardhamâna, the modern town of Vaḍhvâṇ in north-eastern Kâṭhiâvâḍ, with some unnamed powerful foes, regarding which the chronicles are silent. Verse 14—” By whom the chief of Naḍûla was deeply wounded with his mighty swordy; owing to this (severe stroke), yon kings quake even to-day, just as the mountains at a thundor-clap”—is identical with Kirtikaumudî, 11, 69, and reiterates the defeat of the Ṭhâkur of Nânḍol in southern Mârvâḍ. Verses 15-17 refer to a victory over a Muhammadan king, whose name is not given.

How many godlike kings are there not on earth? But even all of them became troubled by the mere mention of the king of the Turushkas. When that (Turushka king), excessively angry, approached in order to fight, [it was Lavaṇaprasâda] who placed only . . .. . .. . .
By whom (Lavaṇaprasâda), the king of the Turushkas. . .. . .. . .who had spattered the earth with the blood flowing from the cut-off heads of numerous kings—when he came in front, with dry lips, full of doubt,—was conquered at Stambha with his arm (strong) like a post (stambha) and terrible through the sword.”

17.. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. .If he (Lavaṇaprasâda) is a mortal, how is it that he conquered the lord of the Mlechchhas?”

This encounter of Lavaṇaprasâda with a king of the Turushkas causes a difffculty, especially because Stambha¹⁰⁴ is named as the place where it happened. In Lavaṇaprasâda’s time fall three attacks of the Muhammadans on Gujarât: (1) the unsuccessful expedition of Shâhabu’d-dîn Ghorî in 1178 A.D.;, (2) the first expedition of Quṭbu’d-dîn in 1194 A.D., during which Aṇhilvâḍ was sacked; (3) the second expedition of Quṭbu’d-dîn in 1196, which was at first unsuccessful, but finally led to the temporary conquest of Gujarât and to the temporary occupation of Aṇhilvâḍ by a Muhammadan garrison.¹⁰⁵, pp. 160, 180-181. Regarding the duration of Lavaṇaprasâda’s career we only know that he was the Râjyachindâkâri or major domus of Bhîma II., who ruled over Gujarât from Vikrama Saṁvat 1235 or 1179 A.D., and that he was alive and took part in the war against Siṅghana of Devagiri which happened after the appointment of Vastupâla to the post of prime minister in Vikrama Saṁvat 1276 or 1220 A.D. (Kîrtikaumudî, pp. xiv-xv; Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 188), and ended with a treaty in Vikrama Saṁvat 1288 (Bhâṇḍârkar, Early History of the Dekhan, p. 84)”) It is very probable that he fought against the invaders on all three occasions. But I do not think that any of the engagements which then took

place can be referred to in our passage. Both according to the accounts of the Muhammadans and according to those of the Gujarâtî chronicles and bards, the decisive battles were fought in southern Rajputând. On the other hand Stambha, the scene of the battle mentioned in our inscription, can be it seems to me, only Stambhapura or Stambhatîrtha, the modern Khambhâyat—Cambay,—which lies much further south. For Stambha is the regular abbreviation of these two names, made bhîmavat, and no other town has hitherto become known in Gujarât from the name of which it could be derived. If we have then to look out for some other period during which Lavaṇapraśâda may have gained his victory, the most probable. conjecture seems to me that it happened after the occupation of Aṇhilyaḍ in 1196. Some time later the Muhammadans did suffer a defeat in Gujarât and the province shook their yoke off.¹⁰⁶ The details of these events are not given either by the Muhammadan or the Hindu authors; but our passage probably contains an allusion to them, and it may be that Lavaṇaprasâda was the liberator of his country.

The fragments of verse 18 inform us that Lavaṇaprasâdas, a repository of medicine-like valour, cured [his country…. .] when the crowd of the princes of Dhârâ of the Dekhan and of Maru, who resembled diseases [attacked it].

His success against the kings of Mâlvâ and of the Dekhan are mentioned also in the Kîrtikaumudî, II, 74-75. As I have pointed out in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, page 188, note, the first mentioned foe is probably Subhaṭavarman and the second siṅghaṇa (1209-10—1247-48 A.D.), whose insctiptions record several expeditions against Gujarât. The kings of Maru or Mârvâḍ, who are added here, may possibly be the four princes referred to, Kîrtikaumuî, IV; 55–65, who attacked Gujarât at the
same time as Siṅghaṇa’s army.

Verse 19 is purely laudatory: “He (Lavaṇaprasâda) who raises his race, seems to me of greater fame than Yudhishṭhira, whose relatives were all destroyed, though their power to remove a Śalya is equal.”¹⁰⁷ Verse 20 seems to have been of the same import. Verse 21 refers to the erection of a temple of Kumâra near Vaḍhvâṇ. “Who (Lavaṇaprasâda) caused to be erected in the neighbourhood of Vardhamâna, a (temple of) Kumâra rivalling the ocean (in the possession of treasures) and surpassing the moon (in brilliancy).” The sense of the next three verses I am unable to make out from the scanty remnants. With verse 25 begins the praise of Vîradhavala. Its complete restoration is easily possible, as it agrees literally with verse 27 of the Praśasti in. Tejaḥpâla’s temple at Âbu.¹⁰⁸ “From him sprang a son, who was the image of Daśaratha and Kakutstha (spelt kakustha), who swallowed like a mouthful the armies of hostile kings,—Vîradhavala. When the flood of his fame spread, the cleverness of faithless women,—whose minds are distressed with the longing after enjoyments,—in the art of approaching (their lovers) was destroyed.”

Of the remaining verses referring to Vîradhavala, 26–51, little more than single letters or words are legible, except in verse 45, where an unsuccessful combined attack of the lord of Dhârâ and of the ruler of the Dekhan is mentioned. The portion of the Praśasti which celebrates Vîsaladeva’s great deeds and virtues, verses 52–108, is likewise in a very bad condition. The only political events traceable aro fights with the kings

of Mâlvâ and of the Dekhan (L. 29, verse 58?) which his grant of V.S. 1317 mentions too, and a hitherto unknown expedition on which “Vîsaladeva kept the hero’s vow on the shore of the Sindhu,” i.e., either of the ocean or of the Indus (L. 30, verse 59). In verse 77 and in those immediately preceding the manner in which Vîsaladeva gained the throne of Gujarât seems to have been described. But the name of the opponent whom he overcame has been lost. All that remains is: 77. “Vîsalâ [madę. . . . . . . . .undergo] the fate of a moth in the fire of his valour.”

78.“Then that moon among princes, Vîsaladeya, after obtaining sway over the world,”. . . . . . . . . .

A little further on, with verse 80, begins apparently the account of Vîsaladeva’s building operations. We hear of the erection of one or several temples of Siva, (verses 81 and 91), of the restoration of a temple of the sun, called Mûlasthâna (verse 92), of another” temple which resembled a peak of the mountain of. Hara,” i.e., of Kailâsa (verse 93), and that, “he who in form resembled Cupid renovated the prâkara,” i.e., the enclosure, probably of some other temple. Verses 99—108 praise the king’s liberality. According to verse,100 he gave annually “a kalpalatâ of always increasing value; the cause of the wealth of the Brâhmaṇas.” Verse 102 says that “in his country the sound of the Vedas, uttered by untired Brâhmaṇas who were gladdened by fees given at great sacrifices, [ever] meets one’s ears.” The other verses are of a more general import. In the concluding portion of the poem, which opens with the words itaś cha, Someśvara speaks of the official and architects connected with the building of the temple, of himself, of the writer and the engraver of the Praśasti.

In the.Prâgvâṭa face¹⁰⁹ was … ga, the son of illustrious Chaṇḍasiṁha, who was appointed by the king on account of his confidence (in him),to the post (of guardian) of the fort of Vaidyeśitṛi.

What description shall (I) give of that minister the flood of whose pure fame filled the carth, erected by whom, the excellent line of ramparts, free from interstices, dived into the abode of the gods.”
There was a mason, called Sâdeva, a store of all good qualities; from him sprang Vâmadeva, famous for having built the temple of the Sun, called Mûlasthâna. As his son was born he who is called Madana, a scion of (the race of) Viśvakarman, the builder of the wall of (glorious) Vaidyeśa, of the extensive temple, of the gates, of the wings and of the foundations.”¹¹⁰

The son of Âhlâdana, called Devâditya, who (became) the firm architect of Vaidyeśitṛi, is famous in the first rank of masons.
Glorious Vaidyanâtha, worshipful sole protector of the world, I address a prayer to thee—“May God, through thy favour, that Vîsaladeva, free from cares caused by focs, and united with his sons, be victorious during ten thousand Kalpas !”
The chief domestic priest of the kings, born . . . who is called Someśvaradeva, made this panegyric, producing the great composition in half a watch of the night.
And the excellent Brâhman Prahlâdana, the son of Śriyâmanda (?), born in the gotra of famous Nandipura, wrote this panegyric.¹¹¹

By skilfulPadmasiṁha, foremost among masons,¹¹² the son of the mason Sajjana, was this panegyric incised.—Saṁvat 1311, on the 15th day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, a Wednesday. May it be well

TRANSCRIPT

L2.

• • • • • • पाद• • •
तप्राणि [ना]-
मष्टाभिस्तनुभिस्तनोत्वभि[मतं] श्रीवैद्य[[नाथः स्वयम् ॥ २]]¹¹³
विधेर्व्वि [दधतु] किल के

• प्रसिद्धा॥ ३
• • • • • •
• भु • •
तंदपत्यपरंपरायौ।
शक्यानिवाक्यनिपुणैरपि<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/> रि<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/>
<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/> <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/> [म] ात्तसुहृदः सुकृतानि यस्याः॥ [[ ४ ]]¹¹⁴

**• • • • • • • • • • • • • • **

• • • • • • • • • • [॥ ५]
[आव-]

L4.

** र्ज्जिता जितारा[तेगुणैर्वाण] रि[पोरिव]
गुर्ज्जरेश्वर [राज्य] श्रीर्यस्य जज्ञेस्वयंवरा॥ ६¹¹⁵
यस्मिन् शरीरवति वीररस[प्रव]ाहे
[म]हें[द्र] पृष्ठमधितिष्ठति युद्धवृद्धा।
अतः पुराण<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/> राणि क<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/> <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/>
<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/> <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/> <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/> <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/> <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/>\॥[७¹¹⁴**

L5.

• • • गुणरत्नराजि• • • • •गंभीरता जगति ॥ ८¹¹⁶”)
धवलस्य सुतेनापि येन कृष्णानुकारिणा।

श्रीगूर्ज्जरधराराज्यमेतन्निष्कंटकीकृतं॥ ९¹¹⁵
रावणमिव रण[सिं]हं संह[त्य]र[ण] ां [गणे]

L6.

अथात्मने गूर्ज्जरभूमिभार-
<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png”/><MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png”/> <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> धो[- लवणप्र] सादे
नकार संसारविरक्तबुद्धि
र्युद्धक्रतुं जीवितदक्षिणं सः॥ ११¹¹⁷
तस्मिन्विस्मयनीयविक्रमगुणें क्षोणीमिमां रक्षति
क्षीणा <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

L7.

**
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> पि ते-
नासीहर्ज्जरराज्यमेतदधिकं श्री[राम]राज्यादपि॥ १२¹¹⁸
दोर्द्दर्प्पदुर्द्धरविरोधिशिरोधिरक्तः
श्रीवर्द्धमानसविधे वसुधां विलिम्य।
मुक्ताफलैर्दलितकुंजरकुंभमुक्तै-
र्योवर्द्धमानमभिमानमधि<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> ॥ [१३¹¹⁴
[जघ्रे येनासिदंडेन गाढं नडुल] नायक [ :। ] [नि]**

L8.

**र्घातेनेव तेनामी कंपंतेद्यापि भूभृतः॥ १४¹¹⁵
राजानः कति नाम नामरसमाः संति क्षमायां परं
ते सर्व्वेपि तुरुष्कराजक[थ]याप्यस्वस्थतां विभ्रति।
तस्मिन्योद्धुमुपागते ऽ तिकुपिते धत्ते स्म यः के[व]लं
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>कतां॥ १५
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> **

L9.

** हिरदो मदोक्तट<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> ह<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> जः
कृत्तानेकनरेंद्रमौलिविगलद्रक्ताभिषिक्तावनिः।
सोपि प्राप्य पुरस्तुरुष्कनृपतिः शुष्काधरः शंकया
साकं येन कृपाणभीषणभुजस्तंभेन [स्तं]भे जि [तः ॥ १] ६
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

L10.

** <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> ।
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> दशामासीत्तदित्थंकथं

मर्त्यश्चेन्मनुजैरजेयमज[य]न् म्लेच्छाधिनाथं कथं॥ १७
धाराधीश्वरदक्षिणेश्वरमरुक्षीणीश्वराणां गणे
रोगाणामि [व] संमिषु<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> ल<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> विक्रमौषध [नि]-**

L11.

** धिचक्रे चिकित्सामसौ

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> ज्वर<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> कधन्वतरिः।
तुल्येपि शल्योद्धरणप्रभावे
युधिष्ठिराद्धृस्तसमस्तबंधोः।
समुन्नयन्नेयकुलं स्वकीय-
मुत्कृष्टकीर्त्तिः प्रतिभासते मे॥ १९¹¹⁹
हे वि <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>**

L12.

**
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

पाणि<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> पार्थस्य या
चारित्रंच तदत्र याद[व] पतेश्चौलुक्यचंद्रे<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> ॥ २०¹²⁰
सविधे वर्द्धमान[स्य] स्पर्द्धमानं पयोधिना।
अधःकृतसुधासारं यः कुमारमकारयत्॥ २१¹¹⁵
• • • • • •
• • • •
• •**

L13.

** राजस्य॥ २२
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> परि<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> पवित्रमते ऽ र्जनस्य
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> र्थमर्थिजनजं<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> प्रयत्नः॥ २३¹¹⁴ **

**नर्म्मदातटनिविष्टविष्टपा

नंदिनं<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>[1]
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> ॥ २४¹²¹
सु [त– ]**

L14.

** [स्तस्यादासी] हशरथककुस्थप्रतिकृतिः
[प्र] तिक्ष्मापालानां कवलितवलो वीरधवलः
यशःपूरे यस्य [प्रसरति रतिक्लांतमनसा–]**

[मसाद्धीनां भग्नाभिसरणक]लायां कुशलता॥ २५¹²²
ते— ——किमपि• • • • • •
• • • • • • • • •
•
• • • • • • • • •

L23.

**• • • • • • • •
• • • • • •॥[ ४
धारापतिर्दक्षिण<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

निका<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> धश्चकार॥[[४५]]¹²³

• • • • • • • •
• • •
• • • • • • • •
• • • •**

L 25.

**• • • • • • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • •
• • • •
• •
•॥५१<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>वीरेश्वरेण श्रीवोसली • • •
• • • • • • • •
• • • • **

**• • • • • • • •
• • • • **

L 29.

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

**श्रीवीसलः क्ष्मापतिर्द्धाराधीश्वरदक्षिणेश्वरा• • • • • **
• • • • • • • • • • • • •

• • • • • • • • • • • • •

L 30.

• • • • • • • • • • • •

वीरव्रतं चरति वीससदेव एव ॥ ५९¹¹⁴
• • •
• • • • • • • •
•**

L 39.

• • • • • • • • • • • •
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>

सा येन स्थतिरध्यगामि — -ि तः पूर्व्वं ययातिर्यया
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>[[॥८९]]¹²⁴
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

L 40.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

आधिपत्यमधि[ग]त्य जगत्याः
पार्थिवेदुरथ वीसलदेवः।

स<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>कार [सु] जनं ि- <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>[[॥७८॥]]¹²⁵
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •

L 41.

• • • • • • • • • • •
• • •
मिंद्र इव विश्वमन<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>॥७९
श्रीमूलराजकुलजेषु मृगांकमौलि-
भक्तेषु भूपतिषु तेषु दिवं गतेषु।
यस्ये <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> संप्रति समं<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>तिपन्नवित्त-
श्चित्ते<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>वेश्मभिर<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>[[॥८०]]¹²⁶
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>

L 42.

**<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>
दु<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> मंधकरिपुः सुरभीकरोति ॥ ८१
हे रत्नाकर रत्नसंपदमिमामुच्चैः क्वचि<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

[त्वं] नीचैर्भव कांचनाचल [यथा] केनापि नालोक्यसे।
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> स्थ्यं जगतोऽ [पि] निर्द्दलयितुं<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

L 43.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> तिविजृंभितानि।
करोति व <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> रैधिकाधिकैर्यः
पूर्व्वाणि पूव्वाण्यधराधराणि ॥ ८३¹¹⁹
भ्रांत्या यत्करवालः पी[त्वा] मातंगकुंभकीलालं।
अनुतापीव व्रतयति रिपुनृपतीनां <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>[[॥ ८४ ]]¹²⁷
• • • • • • • • • •
• •
• • • • • • • • • •
• •
• • • • • • • • • •
• •

L 47.

• • • • •त्वोत्क <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> स्तें त्र<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> दाख्यायव यः शांकरं कारयति
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>॥९[०]• • • • • • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • • •
• •
• • • • • • • • • •
• •

L 48.

L 49.

** <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> [ । ]
• • • • तस्य वसुधावांधुरुद्दधार कुलद्वयं॥ ९५
यः प्राकारं स्मराकारः कारयामासिवान्नवं।
• • • • <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> • • • • <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> **

धातुकृ[तरूप]सिद्धिः<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> संधिः स्वरो वितन्य • • • [ । ]
—— महाभाष्यगुणः• • • • • •
• • [॥ ९७ ]

L 50.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>धन्वतरेर्यदि।
तथाप्येष विशेषज्ञैरतुलः परिकीर्त्त्यते ॥ ९८¹¹⁵
नूनं दास्यर्ति दानदुर्द्धरं <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> कनकाचलं तदधुना किं धाम <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> मो वयं ।
एवं पल्लवयंति यावद <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>

L 51.

येन [कल्प] लतादानं निदानं विप्रसंपदां।
दीयते धर्म्मलुब्धेन प्रत्यव्दमधिकाधिकं॥ १००¹¹⁵
दानानि • • • • प्रदत्तानां।

अलमस्मि नास्य यस्माद्गणयितुमेकं गुणग्रामं॥ १०१¹¹⁷
अन्येषां ि <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>

L 52.

**
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>ये <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>।**

अश्रांतक्रतुदक्षिणाप्रमुदितब्रह्मप्रयुक्तः पुन-
र्व्वेदानां ध्वनिरध्वनि श्रवणयोरस्यैव देशेऽवि — [[॥ १०२]]¹¹⁸
[कनक] वितरणप्रसिद्धिमस्य
क्षितिरमणस्य निशमा लज्जमानः।
वलिरपि मलिनं विभर्त्तिवक्रं
किमपि न ज <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> [[॥ १०३]]¹²⁹

L 53.

L 54.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> पेतः खेतः शुमिषु पुरुषः सोपि नहु व-
स्ततः श्लाघ्यं लोके तमहमवलोके नृपवरं॥ १०६¹³¹

**वरोचने र[चितवत्य]मरेशमैत्री-
मेकत्रनागनगरं च गते द्वितीये
दीनाननंभुवनमूर्द्धमधश्चपश्य-
दाश्वासितं पुनरुदारकरेण येन॥ १०७¹¹⁸
धर्म्मस्थानं विधिना विधा <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> **

L 55.

** ** <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> तिक्तको यः ।

**धर्म्मस्थानैः स्वकृतैःसुकृतै सोयं चिरं जयतु॥ १०८¹²⁷ इतश्च
प्राग्वाटवंशे <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> ** गनामा
श्रीचंडसिंहस्य सुतो वभूव।
यः क्षोणिपालेन निजप्रतीत्या
वैह्येशितुर्दुर्ग्गपदेऽधिचक्रे॥ १०९¹³²
किं वर्णनीयमधुना सचिवस्य तस्य
सत्कोर्त्ति[पू]

L 56.

** रपरिपूरितभूतलस्य।**

यत्कारितोड्डमरनिर्विवरप्रकार-
प्राकीरपद्धतिरगाहत नाकिलोकं॥ ११०¹¹⁴
[आ] सीत्सादेवनामा सकलगुणनिधिः सूत्रभृत्ततोऽभू-
न्मूलस्थानाख्यभानोर्भवनविरचनाख्यातिभृ[द्वा]मदेवः।
तस्योत्पन्नस्तनूजो मदनसमभिधो वि[श्वक]

L 57.

** र्म्म] प्रसूनः
श्रीमद्धैद्येशवप्रप्रविततसदनद्वारशाखाधिकर्त्ता॥ १११¹³³
आहादनस्य तन[यो भूतो] वैद्येशितः स्थिरःस्थपतिः।
देवादित्यसमाख्यः ख्यातो धुरि सूत्रधाराणां॥ ११२¹²⁷
श्रीवैद्यनाथ भगवन् भुवनैकनाथ
त्वामुर्थये किमपि देव तव प्रसादात्।
नि[त्यं प–]**

L 58.

** राधिरहितः सहितश्च पुत्रेः
कल्पायुतं जयतु वीसलदेव एषः॥ ११३¹³⁴
प्रशस्तिमेता[म]** **<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> **
संभूतभूपालपुरोहितेंद्रः।
चकार सोमेश्वरदेवनामा
यामार्द्धनिष्पन्नमहाप्रबंधः। १९४¹¹⁹
श्रियामदस्य तनयः श्रीनंदिपुरगो[त्र]जः।

L 59.

**प्रह्लादनोऽलिख[त्तां] प्रशस्तिं द्विजपुंगवः॥११५¹³⁵ **

सूत्रसज्जनपुत्रेण पद्मसिंहेन शिल्पिना।

सूत्रधारधुरीणेन [प्रशस्तिरुद] कीर्यत॥ ११६

संवत् १३११ वर्षे ज्येष्ठ शुदि १५ बुधदिने॥ छ॥ — ॥

शु [भं] भवतु॥ छ॥॥

————————

V—RATNAPUR STONE INSCRIPTION OFJAJALLADEVA, OF THE (CHEDI) YEAR 866.
BY PROF. F. KIELHOLN, Ph.D., C.H.E., GÖTTINGEN.

This inscription is on a reddish-brown stone which was found at Ratnapur, in the Central Provinces, and is now in the Nâgpur Museum.

The inscription consists of 31 lines. The writing originally ,covered a space of about 2॔2½̋ broad by 2॔ 2̋ high. At present, a small portion of the upper proper left corner and a large portion of the lower right corner of the stone are broken away, so that from 4 to 9 aksharas, are missing at the end of the first five lines, and from 2 to about 25 aksharas at the beginning of the last thirteen lines. Small portions of the stone appear to have broken away also at the upper right and lower left corners, and by the peeling off of the surface some aksharas have become illegible, especially in the last three lines of the inscription, as will appear from my transcript of the text.—The size of the letters generally varies from ½^(̋)to ⁵/₈̋, and is somewhat less in the five or six bottom lines. The characters are Dêvanâgarî. The language is Sanskrit, and, except for the introductory blessing and the date at the end, the inscription is in verse. The verses are numbered, and their total number is 34. The names of the composer, of the writer, and of the engraver appear to have been given in the concluding verses, but they are now illegible.—In respect of orthography we have to note the very frequent employment of the dental for the palatal sibilant (in sapharî, line 1; sirasi, line 2; vaṁsê, line 4; visva, lines 4 and 16; satru, line 6; kôsam, line 7; sôbhaṁ, line 9; srutâ, line 13; saurya, lines 14 twice, 23, and 25; sîlâṁśu, line 19; sôchiḥ, line 19; Sõmêsvurô, line 20; *sirô,*line 23; asêsham, line 24; sâsanaṁ, line 28; sâsvataṁ, line 28; sâstra, line 29; prasasti, lines 30 twice, and 31); the employment of the palatal for the dental sibilantsin tamiśra, line 9, śitaṁ, line 19, and śarasaḥ, line 26; and the non-observance of the rules of Saṁdhi in samabhavat śrî–, line 3, âsît śêshâṁś = cha, line 6, and mitravat = śriyâ, line 20. The consonant b is denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in abdhi, line 18, where the proper sign for b has been employed.

The inscription refers itself to the reign of a prince Jâjalladêva of Ratnapura, a distant descendant of the Chêdi ruler Kôkalla; and it is dated in the year 866, expressed by decimal figures only, on the 9th day of the bright half of Mârgaśîraha, on Ravi or Sunday. And the inscription records (verses 27–31) certain religious benefactions,—the establishment of a monastery for ascetics, the making of a garden and of a lake, probably also the foundation of, or the establishment of a temple at, Jâjallapura, and the grant of the village of Sirulî, and of Arjunakôṇasaraṇa (?), &c., by the prince Jâjalladêva. Elsewhere I have tried to show that the epoch of the Chêdi era is A.D. 218-49, and assuming the date of the present inscription to be recorded in that era, I

have found by Professor Jacobi’s tables that the 9th day of the bright fortnight of the month Mârgaśîrsha, 866, corresponds to the 8th November, A.D. 1114, which was a Sunday, as required. On that day, at sunrise, the 9th tithi of the bright half of the month was current, and it ended 19 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.¹³⁶

By way of introduction, the inscription gives the following account of the prince Jâjalladêya and his ancestors:—

In the lunar race there was Kârtavîrya (v. 2), the ancestor of Haihaya, from whom were born the Haihayas (v. 3). In the race of these princes was born the Chêdi ruler Kôkalla, whose residence or country appears to be called Tritasaurya (v. 4). Kôkalla had eighteen, sons, of whom the first born was ruler of Tripurî, while the others became lords of maṇḍalas (v. 5). A descendant of one of these younger sons was Kaliṅgarâja, who left Tritasaurya and acquired Dakshiņakôśala (v. 6), where he settled at Tuṁmâņa (v. 7). His son was Kamalarâja (v. 8), and his son agam, Ratnarâja (v. 9) or Ratnêśa,who ornamented Tuṁmaṇa with temples, gardens, &c. (v. 10), and founded Ratnapura (v. 11-12). He married Nônallâ, a daughter of Vajjûka, the prince of the Kômê maṇḍala (v. 13), who bore to him a son, Prithvîdêva or Pṛithvîśa, who succeeded Ratnarâja (v.14-16), and built temples at Tuṁmâna and a tank at Ratnapura (v. 17). He married Râjallâ (v. 18), who bore to him Jâjalladêva (v. 19). Jâjalla was allied with the ruler of Chêdi (v. 20), and honoured by the princes of Kanyakubja and. Jêjâbhuktika (v. 21); he defcated and captured in battle one Sômêśvara (v. 22); and ho had either annual tribute paid or presents given to him by the chiefs of the maṇḍalas of… [Dakshina]–kôśala, Andhra, Khimidî, Vairâgara, Lañjikâ, Bhâṇara, Talahâri; Daṇḍakapura, Nandâvalî, and Kukkuṭa (v. 23).

I am not at present able to give a satisfactory account of the countries and places mentioned in the preceding. The name Tuṁmâṇa we shall meet again in the two following inscriptions, where it denotes a country or district, not a town. Perhaps it may have been the original name of the “Junâ Shahar,” which is mentioned as being close to Ratnapur in Archæological Survey of India Reports, vol. VII, p. 216. Vairâgara and Lañjiká may be readily identified with Wairagarh and Lânji on the map, plate I, appended to vol. XVII of the Archæological Survey of India. The Talahâri maṇḍala is mentioned in lines 6 and 20 of a Ratnapur inscription of [Chêdi-] Saṁvat 915, which has suffered in the most deplorable manner, since it was first drawn attention to by Sir R. Jenkins in the Asiatic Researches, vol. XV, p. 504. Both

Talahâri and Kômô occur in the inscription from Râjîm which has been edited in the same volume of the Asiatic Researches; and the name Komo is found, in ‘Komo Pass’ and ‘Komo Choki,’ on the maps, about 30 miles to the north of Ratnapur. A place, Kimedi or Khimide in Ganjâm, is mentioned in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 131; and as we there have the name Parlâ–Kimedi, we may possibly have to read in the present inscription Andhra-Khimiḍî, not Andhra and Khimiḍî.

The prince of Kanyakubja akuded to in our inscription probably was Govindachandra (Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 6); the prince of Jêjâbhuktika (or Bundelkhand sce Hultzsch in Zeitsch. Deutsch, Morg. Ges., vol XL, p. 49, note), the Chandêlla king Kîrtivarmadêva (Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 202; and Archæological Survey of India, yol. XXI, page 85); and the ruler of Chêdi, Yaśahkarṇa or Gayakarṇa of Tripurî. Sôméśvarà I had thought of identifying with the prince of that name, the father of the Châhumâna prince Prithvîrâja Archæological Survey of India, vol. XXI,p.174); but as that Sômeśvara appears to have died in A.D. 1169 (Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, vol. LV, pt. I, p. 15), he could hardly have been defeated by Jâjalladêva before. A.D. 1114.

TEXT.²

[Ôṁ • • • • • • • • \।\। Śaśi ?]–śakala–kalâ [k]i[ṁ**<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>n]–âmṛit–âṁbhaḥ–plava–va(ba)halita–nîra–svarnňa[dî-tîra]–vṛittiḥ \। kim=u va(ba)ta sa(śa)phar=îti svaḥ–śri-[tâ?]<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/>। <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> **
si(śi)rasi yasya syât sa Îśaḥ śivâya \।\। 1 \।\।¹³⁷ Êtad=yat=paramaṁ vihaṁtri timiraṁ trailôkya–nêtra–dyuti jyôtis=tat=purushaṁ (shâḥ)¹³⁸ sudh–âkara iti prâhus=tam=antar**<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>**

[jô] na charamaḥ sâmrâjya-sû[tra]ṁ yataḥ [kshâ]trasy=âdi–tad–anvayê sama–bhavat śrî-Kârttavîryaḥ kshitau \।\। 2\।\।¹³⁹ Tad–vaṁśyô Haihaya âsîd=yatô=jâyanta Haihayâh\। • • • • • • • •

tyasênapriyâ satî \।\। 3¹⁴⁰ \।\।¹⁴⁰ Têshâṁ Haihaya–bhûbhujâṁ sa[mabha]vad = vaṁsê(śê) sa Chêd–îśvaraḥ śrî–Kô[ka]lla¹⁴¹[]¹⁴¹ iti Smara–pratikṛitir=vvisva(śva)–pramodô yataḥ \। yên=âyaṁ Tritasau[rya ?]** <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/>**

mêna mâtuṁ yaśaḥ svîyaṁ prêshi[[ta u]]¹⁴² chchakaiḥ kiyad=iti vra(bra)hmâṁḍam=antaḥ–kshiti \।\। 4 \।\।¹⁴³ Ashṭâdaś=âsya ripu–kuṁbhi–vibhaṁga–siṁhâḥ putrâ va(ba)bhûvur=abhivarddhita ** <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622384S.png"/> <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709622701S.png"/> **

ḥ \। têshâm=ath=âgraja–sutas=Tripur–îśa âsit śêshaṁs = cha maṁḍala–patîn=sa chakâra va(ba)ṁdhûn \।\। 5 \।\।¹¹⁴ Prâpat=têshu Kalimgarâjam = asamaṁ vaṁśaḥ kramâd=ânujaḥ putraṁ sa(śa)tru–kalatra–nêtra–salila–sphî–
ta[ṁ] pratâpa–drumaḥ(m)¹⁴⁰ \। yên=âyaṁ Tritasaurya–kôsa(śa)m =¸ akṛiśîkart–tuṁ vihây=ânvaya–kshôṇîṁ Dakshiņa–kôśalô janapadô vâ(bâ)hu–dvayên=ârjjitaḥ \।\।6¹⁴³\।\।¹⁴³ Râjadhânî sa Tuṁmâṇaḥ pûrvvajaiḥ kṛita ity=a–
taḥ ।tatra-sthô ri-kshayaṁkurvvan = varddhayâm-âsa ṣa śriyam ॥7॥¹⁴⁴.")Jâtas = tataḥ pratata-nirmmala-kîrtti-kântaḥ śîtâṁśu = vat = Kamalarâjait = îha siṁdhôḥ। nṛîṇâṁmanaḥ-kumudashaṁḍam= adhiśri-

sô(śô) bhaṁyasmâd = abhûd=arijan=âṁdhatamiśra (sra)-nâśaḥ ॥8॥¹¹⁴Mahîbharttṛi-vibhûsh-ârtham payôdhir = iva kaustubham । jita-śûra-pratâpaṁhi Ratnarâjam = asûta saḥ ॥9¹⁵¹⁴⁵.")॥Śrî-Vaṁkêśa-surâlaya-prabhṛitayô[Ra ?]-

[tnê?]śvar-âdyâs = tathâ yat r= ôdyânam = asaṁkhya-pushpa-suphalaṁchâr = âchcham = âmvraṁ¹⁶ vanam ।Ratnêśôna [sa]-saudha-sadma-nichitaś = châru-śriyâ bhûshitas =Tuṁmâṇaḥsamakâri lôchana-sukhaḥ saṁvîkshyamâ-
[ṇê] janaiḥ॥10॥¹⁴⁶Etad=yad=vipulaṁDhanêśvara-pura-prakhyaṁmahêś-ânvitaṁ nânâvarṇṇa-vichitra-ratna-nichitaṁratnâlay-âbhaṁyataḥ ।nânâ-dêvakulaiś=cha bhûshitam=iti svargg-âbham=âlakshyatô śrima-

[d=Ra] tnapuraṁdiśi śruta-yaśô Ratnêśvarô yad=vyadhât ॥11॥Vyadhâ-payan=mâṁbhuvi Ratnarâjaḥ śrêshṭhi yaśaś=chêd=adhitishṭhati sma । vakt = îty = adôRatnapuraṁsamantân = mattônayôr = yâtu ya [śa]-
s = trilôkam ॥12॥¹¹⁹Kômô-maṁḍala-bhubharttür = V vajjûkasya [sru(śru)] tâ sutâ।NônallâRatnarâjêna pariṇîtà nṛipa-śriya ॥13॥Tasyâm = ajani pṛithvîśaṁ(śô)¹⁴⁷= dharmma-śaurya-guṇ-ânvitam (ḥ)।svar = nninyê

[dha] rmmatôvaṁśyân sau(śau)ryâch =cha yudhi vidvishaḥ ॥14॥¹⁴⁵; and of the next verse.")Sau(śau) [ry-âdyai?] Ratnarâjê yudhi ripu-jayini svar-ggatê svargga-kṛityât =Pṛithvîdêvaḥ, kshitîśas = tad = anu samabhavat = tat-sutaḥ kshâtra-śûraḥ।
aiśya-śrîdatva-śaurya-pramukha-guna-bharair = llôka = pâlaḥ sa ê [va] ṁkshâtraṁ trastaṁ hi tasmai kuruta iti namôyêna pṛithvyâḥ sa dêvaḥ ॥15॥¹⁴⁸ Pṛithvîdêvaḥ-samâ-śritâbhavati cha sva-

rggô hi [Iô] ka-sthitiś =chitraṁch = aitad = ataḥ sphuṭaṁsphurati yat = sarvvatra śûr-âśritâ।bhûri-śrî-vitatâ śata-kratu-vṛitâbhâsvan-mahêś = âchyutâ visv(śv)-ânaṁdi-vu =(bu)dhâprasarppita-sudhâsadm-âśritâ
[ni]r-dvidhâ॥16¹¹⁸॥Tuṁmâṇê dharmma-kîrtty-arthaṁPṛithvîdêvêśvar-âdayaḥ। Ratnapurê samudr-âbhas = tên = âkâri cha sâgaraḥ ॥17॥¹⁴⁵; and of the next two verses.")Upayêmê sa Râjallâṁ yâ kânty = êv = êṁdu-saprabhâ ।Lakshmîr - iv = âchyuta-
prîtiḥ saubhâgyên = êva Pârvvati ॥18॥Aiṁdrir = Aiṁdryâm = iv =Eṁdrêṇa svaḥ-śriyâm =abdhin = êṁdu-vat ।Pṛithvîdêvêna tasyâṁtu Jâjallô jani kîrttimân ॥19॥Chi-traṁyasya yaśô vyadhâd = anu-
[diśa ?] ṁsî(śî) tâmśu-sô(so)chiḥ-prabhaṁraktaṁstraiṇa-śataṁśi (si) taṁjagad = idaṁkurvvach = cha kṛishnân = arîn ।śrî-Jâjalla udêti yaḥ prati-dinaṁśûraḥ pratâpa-rddhi-taś =Chêd-îśêna sa aina-saṁ [[gra ?]]¹⁴⁹ha-kṛitâ maitrya-

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698748194lughuguru.PNG"/>[ta]ḥ॥20॥¹¹⁸Kanyakuv(b)ja- mahîpêna Jêjâbhuktika-bhûbhujâ। śûra iti pratâpîtvâd = arhitô mitravat = śriyâ॥21॥¹⁴⁵.") Lakshmîh saptavidh = âpi yasya jagṛihê yuddhê cha Sômêsva (śva)rô
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698846613121.PNG"/>[da]gva(gdha)ṁ = amitaṁsainyaṁnihaty = âmunâ । va (ba) ddhaṁmaṁtri-kalatra-sârtham = anu tan = mâtur = ggirâmôehitaṁyêna v(b)rûta sa îdṛiśaḥ kshiti-patir = dṛishṭaḥkshitau vâśrutaḥ
\॥[22¹⁴⁶] <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698850388322.PNG"/> [ṇa] kô [śa] I-Âṁdhra-Khimiḍî-Vai [râga] raṁLaṁjikâBhâṇâras =Talahâri Daṁḍakapuram Naṁdâvali Kukkuṭaḥ।yasy = aishâṁhi mahîpa-maṁḍala-bhṛitômaitreṇa kêchin = mufê kêchi-
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698850173323.PNG"/>kâny = anvav(b)da-k [li] ptaṁdaduḥ ॥23॥Yatrâ pratâpini chchhat [t*]ram = êkam = êvasi (śi) rô-dhṛitam ।chitraṁkurvvaj =janê śaityaṁkuryât = tâpaiṅhṛidi dvishâm ॥24॥¹⁴⁵.")Udâratâ-sau(śau) ya-gabhîrimâ
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698849848324.PNG"/>’sya varttatê । bhuv = êty=abhâshi pratataṁSamuch = chritair = yaśaḥ su-śubhraiḥ surasadma-sadbhujaiḥ ॥25॥¹⁵⁰KiṁKâmô = yam = asâv= asê(śê) =[sham=a] tanus = Tryaksh-âkshi-dṛishțô na yaḥ kiṁVaikuṁta (ṭha)-

25.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698846197f.PNG"/> śriyâ।śûraḥsau (śau) rypta iṁdur =iṁdita-ruchâ Śrîdaḥ kim = arthi-priya êvaṁma [rshayat ?]âjanêna viditô Jâjalladêvaś = chirât॥26॥¹⁴⁶ Śri-Jâjallapuraṁ

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698849466326.PNG"/>[śivaś=cha?] tâpasa-maṭhaḥ s-odyânam =âṁvraṁ¹⁵¹vanam ।tulyaṁsvaḥ-śa (sa) rasaḥ sarô = pi ruchiraṁyat = kâritaṁśrîmatâ Jâjallêna tad =astu kîrtṭi-ruchira [ṁ]

27.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698849147327.PNG"/>[॥27॥]……….[pa-Dignâ?]g-âdi-pramâṇa-vit । [sv-â]-nya-siddhânta-vich = ch = âsya śrîmân Rudraśivôguruḥ ॥28¹⁵²; and of the next three verses.")॥¹⁵²; and of the next three verses.")Sáṁdhivigrahikô = py=asya Vigra[ha]râja ity = abhût।

…………………………….. [॥29] ॥Dadau dêvâya Jâjallaḥ, Sirulî-grâmam = u [tta] mam।maṭhâya pâṭalâ-sarthaṁsâ(śâ) sana[ṁ] sà(śâ)sva(śva) [ta]ṁnṛipaḥ ॥30॥Arjunakôṇasara [ṇa] ṁsa dê-

29.**……………..।……………………**vê ॥31॥Śrî [ma]-r<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698848642231.PNG"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698848765232.PNG"/>guru-prasparddhi-maṁtr-âgraṇîḥkâyásthô’sama-sâ (śâ) stra-sâra-[suma] tiḥśrîmâ[n = sa Sauḍ-ânvayê] ।śrî-

30.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698848516230.PNG"/>[prasa (śa)stim = a]samâṁ Jâja [lladê] vê vyadhât ॥32॥¹¹⁸Chakrê prasa (śa)stisât =tasya—rbhêśôvimalân = guṇân। uttamaṁhala [dî]-

31.………………[[॥33॥]]¹⁴⁵; and of the next verse.")……………….dharôvu(bu)-dhaḥprasa(śa)stiṁprâpta- [svarvvâ] sâṁvâsta…[nu]jô= likhat ॥34॥[Sa] ṁvat 866 Mârga su di 9 Ravau ।[Jâja(?)¹⁵³.`")-ê—?]

TRANSLATION.

Ôm !

(Verse 1.)—May that Îśa grant prosperity !—heon whose head ….. is it the crescent portion [of the moon], abiding by the shore of the celestial river, the waters of which are augmented by the flood of the nectar fluid …………..?or is it, oh, acarp,………….thus gone to heaven……….!

(V. 2.)—This highest light dispelling darkness, having the lustre of the eye of the three worlds, which men call ‘the mine of nectar,’……… not the last, whence (there is).

the line of universal sovereignty of the regal order,—in his (the moon’s) primeval race there was born on earth the illustrious Kârtavîrya.

(V. 3.)—Of hisrace, was Haihaya, from whom were born the Haihayas**……….**(?).

(V. 4.)— Inthe race of these Haihaya princes was born that ruler of Chêdi, the illustrious Kôkalla, an image of the god of love, whence all derived delight; by whom, (being) on earth, in order to measure his own fame, how much it might be, this**………..**of (?) Tritasaurya was sent up high into the universe.

(V. 5.)— He had eighteen sons, who destroyed the enemies as lions do elephants, (and) who increased**…….**The first-born son among them afterwards was ruler of Tripurî, and he made the remaining brothers lords of maṇḍalas.

(V. 6.)—The race of one among these younger brothers in the course of time obtained an unequalled son, Kaliṅgarâja, a tree of prowess grown large by the water of the eyes of the wives of enemies; who, in order not to impoverish the treasury of Tritasaurya, abandoned the ancestral land and acquired by his two armsthis country Dakshiṇakôśala.

(V. 7.)— Since Tuṁmâṇa had been made a royal residence by his ancestors, therefore residing there, he increased his fortune, causing the destruction of his enemies.

(V. 8.)— As the cool-rayed (moon) from the oceanso was born here from him Kamalarâja, lovely by his expanding spotless fame; through whom the lotus-group of the minds of men received exceeding lustre, (and) who dispelled, like blinding darkness, the hostile people.

(V. 9.)— As the ocean (produced) the Kaustubha for the decoration of the supporter of the earth (Vishṇu), so he begat Ratnarâja, who verily conquered the prowess of heroes, to be an ornament of princes.

(V. 10.)—Tuṁmâṇa with its temples of the holy Vaṅkêśa and other (gods) and also (of) Ratnêśvara and the rest, with a garden containing innumerable flowers and beautiful fruit, (and) a charming high mango grove, (and) crowded with palatial dwellings, decorated with charming beauty, was made by Ratnêśa pleasant to the eyes, when viewed by the people.

(V. 11.)— This extensive glorious Ratnapura, which Ratnêśvara built, has its fame listened to in (every) quarter; held by a great lord, it is like the city of (Kuvêra) the lord of riches; it is full of many-coloured sparkling jewels and hence like (the ocean) the abode of jewels; and since it is decorated with many temples, it looks like heaven, (with the many families of gods).

(V. 12.)— On all sides Ratnapura there says;If Ratnarâja ordered me to be built on the earth, (and) if the foreman of the guild acquired fame, may the fame of these two proceed from me to the three worlds! (?).

(V. 13.)—Nônallâ, the famous daughter of Vajjûka, the prince of the Kômô maṇḍala, was married by Ratnarâja, together with the majesty of princes.

(V. 14.)—From her was born Pṛithvîśa, endowed with the qualities of righteousness and bravery. He led to heaven his kinsmen through his righteousness, and his enemies through his bravery in battle.

(V. 15.)—When Ratnarâja, who by his bravery and other (qualities) conquered the enemies in battle, had gone to heaven through his action (worthy) of heaven, his son Pṛithvîdêva, the royal hero, became ruler of the earth after him. He was (really) a

god on earth (Pṛithvî-dêva), inasmuch as the frightened tribe of kings verily offered adoration to him, regarding him to be a guardian of the world in consequence of his many excellent qualities, among which lordly nature, bestowing of prosperity, and bravery were foremost.

(V. 16.)— And ruled over by Pṛithvîdêva, the earth verily was Heaven (itself). And this marvel was strikingly manifest from the fact, that (the earth) everywhere was dwelled on by heroes, spread over with abundant fortune, (and) covered with hundred sacrifices; that it had a splendid great lord, and was (in consequence) unshaken; that the learned on it caused joyto everybody; that it was built over with extensive stuecoed buildings, (and) was without a second¹⁵⁴; containing the splendid great lord (Śiva) and Achyuta (Vishṇu); containing the planet Meroury (Budha) which causes joy to the universe, and the moon, the habitation of nectar, which moves about in heaven.")

(V. 17.)— For the glory of religion (shrines of) Pṛithvîdêvêśvara and others (were established) at Tuṁṁâṇa, and a tank resembling the ocean was built by him at Ratnapura.

(V.18.)— He married Râjallâ, who by her loveliness shone like the moon, who was like Lakshmî(the beloved of Achyuta) inasmuch as her love was unshaken, (and) like Pârvatî by her beauty.

(V. 19.)—As Indra (begat) Jayanta on Aindrî, (and) the ocean the moonin the beauty of heaven, so Pṛithvîdêva on her begat the famous Jâjalla.

(V. 20.)—Strange (to relate), his fame, shining like the lustre of the cool-rayed (moon) in every direction, rendered a hundred women red (with affection), while it made this world white, and the eneimiess black. The illustrious Jâjalla, who rises up a hero day by day on account of the abundance of his prowess, was by the ruler of Chêdi, forming an alliance of princes (?)¹⁵⁵**……….**friendship.

(V. 21.)— By the ruler of Kanyakubja (and) the prince of Jêjâbhuktika, considering him a hero on account of his prowess, he was like a friend honoured with fortune.

(V. 22.)—He who is possessed of even sevenfold fortune; and (by whom?) was seized in battle Sômêśvara**……….** having slain an immense army (and) by whom was captured, and afterwards at his mother’s request released, the group¹⁵⁶of counsellors and wives; —tell me, have you seen or heard of such (another) prince on earth?

(V. 23.)—To whom verily the princely rulers of these maṇḍalas, (viz.)………… [Dakshi]ṇakôśala, Andhra, Khimiḍi, Vairâgara, Lañjikâ, Bhâṇâra, Talahâri, Daṇḍakapura, Nandâvalî, Kukkuṭa,—some out of friendship, some to delight (him), gave**…….**fixed year by year.

(V. 24.)—Of whom, endowed with majesty, the unique umbrella held over his head, while causing coolness to (his) people, strange (to ṛelate), may well cause heartburning of enemies.

(V. 25.)— Nobility, bravery, depth**……….**he possesses; thus (his) expanding fame was proclaimed by the earth with the uplifted very splendid excellent arms—the habitations of the gods.

(V. 26.)—Is this that entirely bodiless god of love, who has not been seen by the eye of the three-eyed (Śiva)? Is it Vaikuṇṭha**…….**with fortune? Is he, a Hero on

account of his heroism, the moon by his mighty splendour, the bestower of fortune (Kuvêra), dear to supplicants ? By the people, thus deliberating,¹⁵⁷was he at last found out to be Jâjalladêva.

(V. 27.)—The glorious Jâjallapura …………. [and an auspicious] monastery (maṭha) for ascetics; a mango grove with a garden; a pleasant lake, too, equal to the lake of heaven, which was caused to be made by the illustrious Jâjalla, may that be, shining like fame,……..

(V. 28.)—His religious advisar (was) the illustrious Rudraśiva, who knew the authoritative doctrines of.…… pa, Dignâga (?), and others, and knew his own and others’established truths.

(V. 29.)—His minister for peace and war also was Vigraharâja,…………

(V. 30.)—The prince Jâjalla gave to the godthe excellent village of Sirulî, to the monastery a group of pâṭalâtrees, as a perpetual grant.

(V. 31.)— Arjunakôṇasaraṇa (?) he.……………..

(V. 32.) The Kâyastha, the illustrious**…….in the Sauḍa family……..** the leader of those whose counsel rivals the preceptor**…….illustrious…….who is anunequalled proficient in the essence of the Śâstras………,**has composed the unequalledeulogy on Jâjalladêva.

(v. 33.)—**….**rbhêśa has brought his spotless qualities into the eulogy, the excellent

(V.34.)—**…….the learned … dhara, the younger brother…..,**has written the eulogy which has obtained a dwelling in heaven.

The year 866; the 9th day of the bright half of Mârga[śîrsha]; ona Sunday. Jâja**…….**(?).

______________________

** VI. — MALHAR STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAJALLADEVA,**

OF THE (CHEDI) YEAR 919.

By Prof. F. KIELHORN, Ph.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.

This inscription is on a black stone, now in the Nâgpur Museum, where itappearsto have been brought from Malhâr in the Central Provinces.

The inscription consists of 28 lines. The writing covers a space of from 2’ 3½"to 2′ 4½ ″ broad by 1′ 6½" high. At the upper proper right corner a small piece of the stone appears to have broken away, so that the first four aksharas of the first line are missing; otherwise the inscription is complete, and well preserved almost throughout. The size of the letters is½".—The characters are Dêvanâgarî.—The language is Sanskrit, and, except for the introductory blessing and the date at the end, the inscription is in verse. The verses are numbered, and their total number is 26. They were composed by Ratnasiṁha, son of Mâmê, of the Vâstavya race; and the inscription was written by the Kshatriya Kumârapâla, of the Sahasrârjuna race, and engraved by the sculptor Sâmpla (verses 23-26). In respect of orthography we have to note the employment of the dental for the palatal sibilant and vice versâ in saurya, line 8, and vyâśakta, line 25; the use of the dental n instead of the anusvâra in mîmânsâ, line 16, and anhri, line 26; the exceptional denotation of ñcha by the sign for ncha in bhûtin=cha,

line T3; and the non-observance of the rules of Saṁdhi in âvahan Śubhra-, line 4.The consonant bis throughout denoted by the sign for v.

The inscription refers itself to the reign of a prince Jâjalladéva, a ruler of Tummâṇa, of the Chêdi family; and it is dated, in figures only, in the year 919, which, taken as a year of the Chêdi era, would correspond to A.D. 1167-1168. And it records the erection, at the town of Mallâla, of a temple of the god Kêdâra (Ke., Śiva) by the Brâhman Sômarâja, a younger son of Gaṅgâdhara, who in turn was theson of Pṛithvîdhara. In the introductory portion we are, told that the prince Jâjalladêva was preceded by his father Pṛickvîdêva, who again was the son of the prince Ratnadêva, the vanquisher of Chôḍa and Gaṅga princes, of the lunar race (verses 4-7). And we are further informed that the Brâhman Pṛithvidhara had been settled at the village Kumbhaṭîin ‘Madhyadêśa; and that his son Gaṅgâdhara had come from there to the country Tummâṇa, and had been honoured by the prince Ratnadêva with the gift of the village Kôsambî. (Verses 9-13.)

Mallâla most probably is the modern Malhâr (or Malar), where the inscription is stated to have been found. The other places I am unable to identify.

TEXT.¹⁵⁸

[Ôm ốm nama* []]¹⁵⁹ [ḥ Śi] vâya ॥Mûrddha-nyasta-jaṭ-âmv(b)upallava-chayô bhâla-sthalî-mallikâ-târttîy-êkshaṇa-havyavâha-visaraj-jvâlâ-pradîpa-dyutiḥsaṁpûrṇṇaḥsurasindhu-tuṅga-laharî-vâri-pravâhair-asauŚambhu-

[r-ma] ngala-kumbha-vibhrama-padam-vi(bi) bhrat-sad pâtu vaḥ ॥1॥¹¹⁸Ûrddhvî-kṛitaḥ surasarit-salil-âvagâhâd=uddaṇḍa-chaṇḍatara-châru-karô vibhâti(tê)¹⁶⁰।vra(bra)-hmâṇḍa-maṇḍala-mahôtpala-nåla-lilâm-vi(bi) bhrat=sa vô Gaṇapa-

têr=avatâd=ajasram ॥2॥¹¹⁴Dêvaḥ pîyûsha-dhârâ-nikara-parigalad-vindu-sandôha-kîrṇṇa-vyôm-âśâ-chakravâlôMadana-nṛipa-chamû-darppaṇaḥ kairavâgâm ।va(ba)ndhuḥ sindhu-prasûtiḥ sa jayati bhu-
van-ânanda-sambhâra-kandô lôlâkshî-mâna-mudrâ-vighaṭana-paṭutâm = âvahan Śubhrabhânuḥ ॥3॥¹⁶¹Tad-vaṁśê nṛipa-Chôḍa-Gaṅga-visarat-prauḍha-pratâp-ânala-jvâlâ-santati-śanti-chaṇḍa-jala-

daḥ śrî-Ratnadêvô ‘bhavat ।bhûpâlô ‘khila-vairi-vîra-vásudhâ’dhîś-ôru-dôr-vallarî-darpp-aika-druma-dâha-dâva-dahanaḥ śrî-mandiraṁsundaraḥ ॥4॥¹⁶²Pṛithvî-dêvas=tatô’bhûd=va (ba) lavad-ari-dharâ-

nâtha-nâgêndra-Târkshyô¹⁶³namrâṇâṁmauli-ratna-dyuti-bhara-vilasan-mallikâ-mâlya-bhâraiḥ ।pûjy-âṁhri-dvaṁdva-padmô nija-bhuja-vijaya-śrî-mahâ-kêli-śailaḥ putraḥ sat- kshâtra-kîrtti-

vratati-tarur=ilâ-maṇḍal-âbhôga-bharttâ॥5॥¹⁶⁴Tasmâch-Chêdi-kul-âvalamv(b)a-ua-yu(ju)¹⁶⁰shâm=agrêsarôbhûbhujâṁdôr-ddaṇḍa-dvaya-darppa-khaṇḍita-ripur = Jjâjalladêvô’bhavat ।Tummâṇ-âdhipatir-nnij-âmala-

kula-pradyôta-dîp-ôpamaḥ sat-kshâtr-aika-nidhiḥ pratâpa-taraṇiḥ sau(śau)ry-ârj-jita-śrîr = nṛipaḥ॥6॥¹¹⁸Manyêyad-dâna-śaṁkâ-janita-bhaya-vaśâd = vallabhô nimnagânâṁdugdh-âv(b)dhir = bhîma-garbha-sphu-
rad-uru-salilêratna-râśim = va(ba)bhâra ।vâhân = Mârttaṇḍa-dêvas = tridaśa-parivṛiḍhaḥ [sva]rnnadî-tôya-durggê svarggêdân-âmv(b)u-dhâr-ôddhura-madhupa-vadhû mâlam = Airâvaṇañ = cha ॥7॥¹⁶¹Râjyê mahîbhujas = tasya
naya-vartm-ânusâriṇi । kshîṇ-ôpasargga-saṁsarggêpraj-ânanda-vidhâyini ॥8॥¹⁴⁵.")Âsîch = chhrî-Madhyadêśê vitata-suranadî-vâri-pûr-ôrmmi-mâlâ laṅkârê hâra-bhûtê nikhila-janapad-ô-
ddâma-bhû-maṅḍalasya। grâmôraṁy-ôru-bhûmir = dvijavara-vasatiḥ Kumbha-[ṭî]-nâmadhêyôyatnât = svargg-aika-khaṇḍa-pratinidhir-amalônirmmitôyôyidhâtrâ॥9॥¹⁶⁵ Âtrêyas = tâvad = â-

dyas = tad = anu cha viditô = pp(py) = Ârchchanânôdvitîyaḥ Sasyâvâsas¹⁶⁶ = tṛitîyaḥ pravara iha śubhais = tair = dvijô bhûshitôbhût ।Kṛishṇâtrêyasya gôtrêpraṇata-vasuma- tîpâla-mâl-ô-

ttamâṅga-tvaṅgad - ratn-âṅkura-śrî-khachita-pada-yugas-tatra Pṛithvîdharâkhyaḥ ॥10॥ Yaḥ prajñ-aika-viśâla-lôchana-puṭan = dhattêtṛitîyaṁsadâsad-bhûtin-(ñ) = cha tanôti yô nija-tanau durvvâra-mâr-â-
pahaḥ।durgg-âślêsha-karô= ri-vâdi-nivahê putras = tatô’bhûd = asau vi(bi)-bhrâṇô dvijarâja-sundara-padaṁ maulau sa Gaṅgâdharaḥ ॥11॥¹¹⁸Tataḥ kâla-kramêṅ =âsau dêśaṁTummâḥam = âgataḥ ।guna-grâm-ârjji-
ta -prauḍha -lakshmîr = dvija- śirômaṇiḥ ॥12॥¹⁶⁷; and of the next verse.")Prakshâlya charaṅ-âmbhôjê Ratnadêvômahîpatiḥ ।Kôsamv(b)î-grâmam = êtasmâudakîkritya dattavân ॥13॥Śrî-Gaṅgâdharataḥ sutô ‘jani jagad-vandy-aika-pâdô=

nujaḥ prauḍh -âñanda-karaḥ kalaṅka-rahitaḥ sphâyat-kalânâṁnidhiḥ ।vi(bi)-bhrâṇôdvijarâjatâṁhata-jaḍa-ślêsh-ôru-bhûri-prabhô dhâtri-maṇḍala-maṇḍanôvidhur =asau śrî-Sômarâjô’paraḥ ॥14॥¹⁶⁸Mîmân(ṁ)sâ-

dvaya-pâragôgurur = asau yaḥ Kâśyapîyê nayê sâṁkhyê ch = âpratimallatâ-mada-nidhis = try-akshô ’kshapâd-ôkti-dṛik। yaś = Chârvvâka-viśâla-mâua-malanôdurvvâra-vau(bau)ddh-âmv(b)udhèḥ pân-â-
nandita-Kumbhasambhava-munir = ddigvâsasâm = antakaḥ ॥15॥A-śrântaṁkratu-kuṇḍa-maṇḍala-chalad-dhûm-âvalî-dhyâmala-vyôm-âśâ-valayaṁvilôkya vilasan-nîl-âmv(b)ud-âlî-bhramât ।vipr-âsy-êri-
ta-vêda-râśi-vitat-ôdghôsh-ôddhuraṁ yad-gṛihê sat - paksha-prasarânaṭanti paṭavôhṛishṭâmuhuḥ kêkinaḥ॥16॥Bhîtô durgga-padaṁdadhâti śikharî rukmasya vârâṁnidhê(dhi)ḥpârôkaṇṭa-
ki-pâdap-âvṛita-vapur=bhîmaiś = cha siṁh-âdibhiḥ ।yad-dânâd = iva tîkshṇa-daṁshṭra-vadana-prô[dgî]rṇṇa-chañchad-viskivâlâ-jâla-karâla-[bhô]ga paṭalê ratnâni Śôsho = py-adhât ॥17॥Rûpaṁviśva-jay-aishi-
ṇôRati-patê rukm-âchalâd = gauravaṁgâmbhîryaṁjaladhêḥ sahasra-kiraṇâd = aśrântam = ôjasvitâm । aiśvaryaṁSmarasûdanasva paramaṁgrâmaṁ guṇâṇâm-iva grâhaṁgrâham - asau didṛi-
kshur=asṛijat=Padmôdbhavô yaṁbhuvi ॥18॥Sapt-âmbhônidhi-tîra-vâriṇi bhṛiśaṁyat-kîrtti-haṁsî muhur = bhrâṁtv=âśrântam=iyaṁsur-âlayam=agân=Mandâkinî-kâṁkshi-
ṇî\। bhuktvâvâ(bâ)la-mṛiṇâla-nâla-śakalâny = uddâma-kâm-ôtsukâvra(bra)-hmâṇḍ-ôdara-bhâṇḍa-vârija-bhuvôrantuin ma[dât=saṁ]yayau ॥19॥Vât-âhati-chalat-tûla-tarałaṁjîvitaṁuṛiṅâm ।Chancha-
lân =cha śriyam [ma]tvâ dharmmêmation = adhad = vu(bu)dhaḥ ॥20¹⁹¹⁴⁵; and of the next verse.")॥Têna Kêdâra-dêvasya dhâma Mallâla pattanêdhimatá kâritaṁramyaṁsvayaśô-râśi-bhâsuram॥21॥Urvvîm = âliṅgya pârvvaṁguru-
jaghana-ghan-âślêsha-lav (b) dha-pramôdâm = êtat-Kâshthâ-vadhûnâṁ dhvaja-bhuja-valanaiḥ ślêsha-dakshaṁsamantât। kâma-vyâśa(sa) kta-chêtâiva vivu(bu)dha-purî-sundarîṇâṁsamakshê tyakta-vrîḍaṁnikâmaṁgagana-parisaraḥ Śri-
mukhaṁchumv(b)at = îva ॥22॥¹⁶¹Kâśyapîy-âkshapâdîya-naya-siddhânta-vêdinâ।vipaksha-vâdi-siṁhêna Ratnasiṁhêna dhîmatâ॥23॥¹⁴⁵.")Śrî-Râghav-ân(ṁ)hri-kamal-âmv (b)udhar-âbhishêka-lav(b)dh-ôdata-pratata-śâ-
kha-mahîruhêṇa ।Vâstavya-vaṁśa-kamal-âkara-bhânun-êyaṁ।Mâmê-sutêna rachitâ ruchirâpraśastiḥ॥24॥¹¹⁴ IyaṁSahasrârjjuna-vaṁśajêna kutûhalât-ksha-triya-puṅgavêna ।Kumârapâ-
lêna gun-âbhirâma-râm=êva ramyâlikhitâ praśastiḥ॥25॥¹¹⁹Anêka-silpar-nirmmâṇa-payôdhêḥpâra-dṛiśvanâ।utkîrṇṇârûpakârêṇa Sâṁpulên=êyam=âdarât ॥26॥¹⁴⁵.") Samvat 919[॥*].

TRANSLATION.

Ôm! Ôm!

Adoration to Śiva!

(Verse 1.)— May that Śambhu always protect you !—he who, wearing on his head, like water-lilies¹⁶⁹,a mass of braided hair, (and) spreading around the lustre of a blazing lamp with the fire of his third eye which, as on a lamp-stand, is on his broad forehead, (and) covered with the streams of water of the high waves of the celestial river, possesses the beauty of an auspicious jar!

(V. 2.)—May that lovely trunk of Gaṇapati for ever guard you!— which at daybreak, when lifted out of the waters of the celestial river into which it has been dipped, raised up and threatening, possesses a charm as if it were the stalk of the great lotus—the circle of the universe!

(V. 3.)— Triumphant is that god with white rays, (the moon), born from the ocean, (who is) the root of great joy to the world, (and) possesses skill in removing the haughty reserve that closes (the hearts of) tremulous-cyed women; who covers the circle of the regions of the sky with a mass of drops trickling down from a multitude of streams of nectar; (who is) the mirror of the army of the king Love, (and) the friend of the night-lotuses.

(V. 4.)—In his race there was, beautiful (and) an habitation of Fortune, the protector of the earth, the illustrious Ratnadêva; a fierce cloud to extinguish the

continuously raging flames of the spreading mighty fire of the prowess of Chôḍña and Ganga princes,¹⁷⁰ (and) a blazing fire to consume the unique tree of the pride in their creeper-like long arms of all the hostile heroic rulers of the earth.

(V. 5.)— After him came his son Prithyîdêva, a master of the whole extent of the terrestrial globe;, who to the mighty hostile lords of the earth was what Garuḍa is to the serpent-chiefs; whose two lotus-feet¹⁷¹were an object of worship for (princes) bent down with the weight of jasmine wreaths glittering with the great splendour of their crest-jewels; a high pleasure-mount for the glory of victory of his own arm; a tree for the creeping-plant fame, of excellent royalty.

(V. 6.)— From him was born the prinde Jâjalladêva; the leader of the princes who delight in keeping up the Chêdi family; who by the pride of his two-massive arms annihilated the enemies; the ruler of Tummâna, illumining like alamp his own spotless family, a unique treasury of excellent royalty, a sun of prowess who has acquired fortune by his heroism.

(V.7.)— I fancy that through fear, produced by the suspicion that they would have to give (them) to him, the ocean of milk, the husband of the rivers, kept (his) mass of jewels in the deep water agitated by the fear-inspiring (beasts) within it, and the sungod (his) horses, and the lord of the gods (Indra) his elephant, who enlivens rows of female bees with streams of rutting-juice, in the heavens rendered impassable by the waters of the celestial river.

(V. 8.)— In the reign of this prince, which follows the path of good government, is free from the contact of troubles, (and) causes joy to the people¹⁷².

(V. 9.)—There was in the glorious Madhyadéśa, ornamented by the garland of the waves of the streams of water of the extended river of the gods, (and itself) as it were the necklace of the whole orb of the earth crowded with countries, a village named Kumbhaṭî, with pleasant broad lands, a dwelling-place of the best of the twice-born, which the creator had exerted himself to make the spotless counterpart of a portion of heaven.

(V. 10.)—In that (village) there was a twice-born named Pṛithvîdhara, in the gôtra of Kṛishṅâtrêya, ornamented with the (three) auspicious pravaras, Âtrêya the first, and after him the famous Ârchanâna the second, (and) Sasyâvâsa¹⁷³the third; whose pair of fect was covered with the lustre of the jewels which likesprouts were trembling on the heads of rows of protectors of the earth bowing down (before him).

(V. 11.)— From him there was born a son, that Gaṅgâdhara who, bearing on his head the beautiful title of ‘king of the twice-born,’always had knowledge as a third unique largeeye; (and) who, warding off the irresistible passion of love, secured for himself excellent welfare; (who) in a crowd of hostilo disputants resorted to (arguments) difficult to be met; (resembling Śiva Gaṅgâdhara, who, having on his

crest a spot beautified by the moon, possesses a large third eye; who annihilated the irresistible god of love, spreads excellent ashes over his body, and embraces Durgâ).

(V. 12.) —Then that crest-jewel of the twice-born, who had acquired great fortune by the collection of his good qualities, inthe course of time came to the country Tummâṇa.

(V. 13.) —To him the lord of the earth Ratnadêva gave, after he had washed his lotus-feet, the villagé of Kôsambî, (confirming his gift by the) pouring out (of) watér.

(V. 14.) — From the illustrious Gaṅgâdhârâthere was born, as a younger son, that illustrious Sômarâja whose unique feet are an object of adoration for the people, causing great joy, free from blemishes, a treasury-house, óf numerous arts; who holds the position of king of the twice-born, is possessed of wide and abundant splendour inasmuch as be avoids the company of the dull, (and) is an ornament of the orb of the earth; (being) freed from its spot, a second moon (whose rays are an object of adoration for the world, which causes great joy, is the receptacle of growing digitš, bearsthe name of ‘king of the twice-born;’which, united with miserable cold, is spreading its splendour far and wide, and is an ornament to the orb of the earth).

(V. 15.) —That venerable person, who is a treasury of the pride of having no rival in the doctrine of Kâśyapa and in the Sâṁkhya, has completely mastered the two Mĵmâṁsâs; (like Śiva) he is possessed of three eyes inasmuch as he has for his eye the teaching of Akshapâda. Hecrushed the great conceit of Chârvâka, delighted the pitcher-born sage (Agastya) by drinking up the difficult-to-be-restrained Bauddha ocean, (and is) a god of death to the Digambaras.¹⁷⁴

(V. 16.) — At his house dexterous peacocks, delighted when they see the circle of the regions of the sky incessantly blackened by lines of smoke rising from groups of sacrificial fire-pits, which they mistake to be lines of black clouds moving about, dance again and again with spread-out wings, enlivened by the long-drawn sound of Vedic texts recited by the mouths of Brâhmans (which they mistake for thunder).

(V. 17.) — Afraid as it were of having to give (their precious stones) to him, the mountain of gold keeps an impervious place, the ocean has itself guarded at the shores by thorny trees and by lions and other terrific beasts, (and) Sêsha even places his jewels in the multitude of his hoods, terrible with the sheets of flickering poison-flames ejected by the mouth with sharp fangs.

(V. 18.)— Him that lotus-born (Brahman) created, desirous as it were of seeing on the earth the most excellent collection of good qualities, after he had severally taken, beauty from the lord of Rati desiring to conquer the universe, gravity from the mountain of gold, depth from the ocean, nevor-ceasing¹⁷⁵splendour from the thousand-rayed (sun, and) the lordly nature of (Śiva) the destroyer of the god of love.

(V. 19.) —The swan of his fame, having frequently again and again roamed about by the water on the shores of the seven oceans, unweariedly went to the abode of the gods, longing for the heavenly Ganges; (and) having eaten (there) tender lotus-fibres and pieces of lotus-stalks, it has, pining with excessive longing, rapturously come, to enjoy itself, to the lotus-grounds of the interior of the vessel-like egg of Brahman¹⁷⁶.

(V. 20.)— Having reflected that the life of man is unsteady like a tuft of grass which moves when struck by the wind, and that fortune is fickle; he, the wise, set his mind on religion.

(V. 21.)— Possessed of intelligence, he caused to be built at the town of Mallâla a charming temple of the god Kêdâra, resplendent like the accumulation of his own fame.

(V. 22.)— Having first embraced the earth, which derived pleasure from the close embrace of his heavy thighs, the surrounding sky, having as it were the heart filled with love, void of bashfulness within sight of the beautiful damsels of the city of the gods eagerly kisses, as if it were the face of, Fortune, this (temple) fit to be embraced on all sides by the encircling banner-like arms of the women of the regions.

(Verses 23 and 24.)— This pleasing eulogy has been composed by the son of Mâmê, the intelligent Ratnasimha, who knows the established truths of the doctrines of Kâśyapa and of Akshapâda, (and is) a lion to opponent disputants; who owes his elevation, as a tree with wide-spread branches does its growth to showers from clouds, to the lotus-feet of the illustrious Râghava¹⁷⁷;(and who is) to the Vâstavya race (what) the sun (is) to a group of lotuses.

(V. 25.)—This eulogy, charming like a woman who is pleasing by her good qualities, has been eagerly written by the excellent Kshatriya Kumârapâla, born in the Sahasrârjuṇa race.

(V. 26.)—Engraved it has been with care by the sculptor Sâmpula, who has seen the opposite bank of the ocean of various mechanical arts.

The year 919.

VII.— RATNAPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRITHVIDEVA,

OF THE (VIKRAMA) YEAR 1247 (?).

BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, Ph.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.

This inscription is on a black stone, which was discovered within the fort of Ratnapur in the Central Provinces¹⁷⁸,and is now in the Nâgpur Museum.

The inscription consists of 24 lines. The writing originally covered a space of about 2´ 5½̋ broad by 1´ 1̋ high; at present, a portion of the proper left side, all the way down, and the lower right corner of the stone, are broken away, so that altogether about ninety aksharas are missing. The stone evidently was less injured when Dr. Râjendralâl’s rubbing was taken. What remains of the inscription is well preserved.—The size of the letters is about³/₈̋ .—The characters are Dêvanâgarî.—The language is Sanskrit, and, excepting the introductory blessing and the date at the end, the inscription is in verse. The verses are numbered, and their total number is 30. They were composed by Dêvagana, son of Ratnasiṁha; written by Kumârapâla, or, as he is called here, Kumărapâla; and engraved by Sâmpula (verses 26-28).—In respect of orthography, we have to note the employment of the dental for the palatal sibilant in suṇḍâ, line 2, saurya, line 6, Sachî, line 10, sâśvatê, line 18, and sikhara, line 19;

the use of the dental n instead of the anusvára in’ avatansaḥ, line 4; the employment of the upadhmânîya in punpavantau, line 17; the exceptional denotation of ñcha by the sign for ncha in chancharîkaḥ, line 11, kincha, line 13, and chakran=cha, line 23; and the non-observance of the rules of Saṁdhi in dhavalam=vilôkya, line 12, and idam=vidagdhô, line 20. The consonant b is throughout denoted by the sign for v.

The inscription refers itself to the reign of a prince PrithvÎdêva, son and successor of the Chêdi prince [Ratnadêva], the vanquisher of Chôda and Gaṅga champions, who was the son and successor of a prince Jâjalladêva, of the lunar race (verses 4-6). And it records (in verse 24) the erection at the village of Sâmbâ, of a Siva–temple by one Dêvagana, the glorification of whom and whose ancestors, wives, and children fills just half the number of verses of the inscription (verses 8-22). The great-grandfather of Dêvagana, Govinda, of the [Vâstavya] race, had come from the Chôdi maṇḍala to Tummaṇa, the country ruled over by the above-mentioned princes. Gôvinda had two sons, Mâmê and Râghava; and Mâmê’s son again was Ratnasiṁha, he father of Dêvagana. This Dêvagana, the founder of the temple, himself composed, as we have seen above, this very inscription; and his father Ratnasiṁha is the author of the preceding Malhâr inscription, dated [Chêdi-] Saṁvat 919=A.D/1167-1168.

According to Dr. Râjêndralâl Mitra, the inscription is dated in [Vikrama-] Saṁvat 1207=A. D. 1149-50. But, on the rubbing before me, the figures (scratched on the stone rather than properly engraved, and perhaps added some time after the inscription itself was engraved) look certainly more like 1247 than 1207. Besides, a comparison of the verses 3, 8, 12, 20, and 22 of the Malhâr inscription of [Chêdi-] Saṁvat 919=A.D. 1167-68 with the verses 3, 7, 8, 23, and 25 of the present Ratnapur inscription, as well as some minor resemblances, show that the author of this inscription, Dêvagaṇa, had his father’s Malhâr inscription before him when he wrote his own composition. Taking further into consideration that this inscription, eulogizes five of the grandchildren of Ratnasiṁha, the composer of the Malhâr inscription, I feel certain that it has been composed considerably later than A.D. 1167-68=Vikrama-Saṁvat 1225, and I think it probable that the figures at the end of it are really Vikrama-Saṁvat 1217=A.D. 1189-90, and that these figures, by whom and whensoover added, furnish a true date for the prince Prithvîdêva, in whose reign the inscription was composed. How well this date agrees with the other known dates of the earlier rulers of Ratnapur, may be seen from the following list of those rulers, which has been compiled from the three inscriptions here published, and from the Râjîm inscription of Jagapâla :—

(1.) Kaliṅgarâja.

(2.) Kamalarâja.

(3.) Ratnarâja (or Ratnêśa).

(4) Prithvîsa (or Prithvîdêva).

(5.) Jâjalla (or Jâjalladêva); according to the first inscription here published, [Chêdi-] Saṁvat 866=A.D. 1114.

(6.) Ratnadêva.

(7.) Pṛithvîdêva; according to the Râjîm inscription, Kulachuri-saṁvatsarê 896=A.D. 1145 ; and, according to Archaol. Survey of India, Volume XVII, Plate xx, Kulachuri-saṁvatsara 910=A.D. 1158-59.

(8.) Jâjalladêva; according to the second inscription here published, [Chêdi-] Saṁvat 919=A.D. 1167-68.

(9.) Ratnadêva; according to Archeol. Survey of India, Volume XVII, page 43, line 4 from the bottom, and Plate XX, Chêdi-Saṁvat 933=A.D. 1181-82.

(10.) Pṛithvîdêva; according to the present inscription, [Vikrama] Saṁvat 1247 (?)=A.D. 1189-90 (?)

TEXT.¹⁷⁹

\Ôṁ[³¹⁸⁰] ôṁ namal Śivâya \।\। Blôg-îndrô nayana-śru[ti]ḥ katham=asau drashtuṁ kshamô nau bhavêd-éshâ chåndra-kalâ[=pi śaiśava-daśâṁ=âsâdya nau [?]]¹⁸¹<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747464CHANDA1.JPG"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698557799A.PNG"/>

vaṁ Śailasutâ-pravô(bô)dhana-parô Rudrô ratê pâta vaḥ \।\।1\।\।¹⁴⁶ Sat-sindûra-viśâla-pâṁśu-patal-âbhyakt-aika-kumbha-sthalaḥ su(śu)ndâ-tândava-maṇḍit-âkhila-nablrô-diṅ-maṇḍa[p-âḍamv(b)a]<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698745818छन्दः.JPG"/>
mîruha-vyûh-ônmûlana-kêlir-astu bhavatâṁ bhûtyai Ganagrâmanîh \।\।2\।\। Dêvaḥ pîyûsha-dhârâ-drava-kara-nikar-âkrânta-dik-chakravâlas-trailôky-âkrânti-niryan-Madana-nṛipa-chamû-darppaṇ-âbhôga-[lakshm]l <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698746851CHANDA3.JPG"/>
yati shra-vadhû-ratna-karnn-âvatan(ṁ)saḥ Śubhrâmśuḥ prauḍha-râmâ-hṛidaya-giriguhâ-mâna-sarvvaṁkasha-śriḥ \।\।3\।\।¹⁶¹ Tad-vaṁśê bhuja-daṇḍa-maṇḍala-mad-âkrânta-trilôkî-talô vi(bi)[bbr]Aṇaḥ sura-sârtha-nâtha-padavîm-uddâ⁷¹⁸²<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698746890CHANDA4.JPG"/>

nidhi-mêkhalâ-valayita-kshônî-vadhû-vallabhô bhûpâlô bhuvan-aika-bhûshaṇa-manir=Jjâjalladêvô bhavat \।\।4\।\।¹⁸³ Tasmâch-Chêdi-narêndra-durddama-chamû-chakr-aika-vârâṁnidhês=tîvr-aurvva-jvalanô ’janishṭa tanayaḥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747018CHANDA5.JPG"/>

rvv-âkharvvita-Chôda-Gaṅga-subhaṭa-sphâr-êndu-vi (bi) -mv (b) a-graha-grâsê Râhur = ananta-sau(śau) rya-mahim-âścharyô mahî-mandalê \।\।5\।\। Sarppat-pûrṇṇa-śaśâṅka-dhâma-dhavala-sphâyad-yaśô-janmabhûr-udyat-tîvratara-pratâpa-taraṇiḥ¹⁸⁴. The last syllable of the line I suppose to have been ga.")sat-[kshâ[tra]-]¹⁸⁵<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747125CHANDA6.JPG"/>

yâta-diganta-vandi-nivah-âbhîshtârtha-chintâmaṇiḥ Prithvîdêva-narêśvarô ’syatanayaḥ śrîmân-abhûd=bhû-talê \।\। 6 \।\। Râjyê bhûmibhujò ’sy=aiva naya-mârgg-ânusâri-ṇi । kshîn-ôpasargga-saṁsarggê praj-ânanda-vidhâyini \।\।7\।\।¹⁴⁵; and of the next verse.") Vâ¹⁸⁶. . . . . .

r=Ggôvindaś-Chêdi-mandalât । kritî kâla-kramên-âsau dêśan-Tummâṇam=âga-taḥ \।\। 8\।\। Putras-tasya jan-ânurâga-jaladhir-bhûbhṛit-sabhâ-bhûshanô jyâyân=paṇḍita-pundarîka-taraṇir-Mmàmé’bhidhâno ’bhavat । yô dhâtrî-tilakô [[ni]]¹⁸⁷<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747256CHANDA8.JPG"/>

1-âlaṇkâra-hâr-ôpamô vikhyâtas=Tripuràntak-aika-charaṇ-âmbhôj-aika-bhṛiṅgô bhuvi \।\।9\।\।¹¹⁸ Bhrâtâ śrî-Râghavô ’mushya kanîyân=guṇa-sâgaraḥ nâgarô bhu-van-âbhôga-bhûshâ Pûsh-ôpamô va(ba) bhau \।\।10\।\।¹⁴⁵.") Śrî-Mâmê-tanayaḥ samasta-[jaga[tî]]¹⁸⁸^(<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747337CHANDA9.JPG"/>)

rṇṇna-kîrṇṇa-sphurat-kund-êndu-dyuti- kîrtti-santati -latâ-vyâsakta- diṅ-maṇḍa-paḥ । râjaty=unmada-vâdi-vṛinda-dalanô lîlâ-vihâraḥ śriyaḥ śîl-âchåra-vi[vê]ka-puṇya-nilayaḥ śrî-Ratnasiṁhaḥ kaviḥ \।\।11\।\।¹¹⁸ Sa(śa)ch-îva Jishṇôr=Ggirij=[ê[va]-]¹⁸⁹

mbhôr=Dugdhâv(b)dhi-putr-îva cha Chakrapânêḥ । sâdhvî sadâ va(ba)ndhu-jan-âbhipûjyâ Rambh-êti nâmâ’bhavad=asya patnî \।\।12\।\।¹¹⁹ Tâbhyâm-ajâyata jagat-traya-ghushṭa-kîrttir = âkhaṇḍit-âri-vu(bu)dha-maṇḍala-chaṇḍa-darppaḥ । Chandîśa-châru-charan-âmv(b)uja-chan (ñ)charîkaḥ pra[jñâ]-pa<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747682CHANDA11.JPG"/>
r=iha Dêvagaṇas-tanûjaḥ \।\।13\।\।¹¹⁴ Etad-yasya jagad=yaśôbhir=abhitô ḍiṇḍîra-piṇḍa-prabhair=âkrântan=dhavalam(ṁ)=vilôkya nikhilaṁ gôp-âṅganâ-vîkshitaḥ। Ká-lindî-hrada-Kâlanêmi-dálana-prârambha-vîtâdaras=tîrê tâmyati Vâriràśi-tanayâ-¹⁹⁰

ttô=pi jâta-bhramaḥ \।\।14\।\।¹⁴⁶ Pîyûsha-drava-sândra-vindu-vasatir=yasy=âsya vâk-chandrikâ vidvach-cḥakra-ckakôra-chañchu-puṭakair=âpîyamân=âniśam ।kin(ñ)ch-âya[ṁ] kara-pañjarô khila-milaṅ-nânâ-digant-ârthinâṁ bkûyô ’bhîshţa-phala-pradâna-chatura[h] [svâdhî[na]–]¹⁹¹

Ipadrumaḥ \।\।15\।\। Chaṁdrik-êva śiśir-âṁśu-mâlinô maîtjar=îva sura-mêdinîru-haḥ। kânti-nirjjita-surânganâ-gaṇâ tasya sâdhu-charitâ vadhûḥ Prabhâ \।\।16\।\।¹⁹² Jâ[mh]ô-nâmnî dvitîy=âsya vilâsa-vasatiḥ priyâ। amita-prêma-vâ(bâ)huly&[d=[dvi]-]¹⁹³

yaṁ prâṇa-mandiram \।\।17\।\।¹⁴⁵.") Lâvaṇy-âpratimallatâ-mada-bharâ Maulîṁdunâ krôdhatô dagdhasy=âpi Manôbhavasya, bhuvanê vidy=êva sañjîvanî । sat-saubhâgya-guṇ-aika-garvvá-vasatiḥ prâṇ-âdhikâ prêyasî yâṁ nirmmâya Sarôjabhûḥ pramudi-¹⁹⁴

prâptaḥ parâṁ nirvṛitim \।\।18\।\।¹¹⁸ Avô(bô)dha-dhvânta-santâna-kavi(ri)-kumbha-vidâraṇaḥ। Jagatsiṁhô ’sya tanayaḥ siṁhavad=bhuvi râjatê \।\।19\।\।¹⁴⁵; and of the next three verses.") Târak-ârir-asau Śaila-sutâ-sûnur=ayaṁ punaḥ । sutô Râyarasimhô ’sya va(ba)ndhu-varggasya târakaḥ \।\।20 [\।\।]
Bhôp=âsya duhitâ sâdhvî kali-kâla-vichêshṭitaiḥ। a-spṛishṭâ svar-dḍhun=îv=êyam bhuvana-traya-pâvanî \।\। 21 \।\। Vâlhû-śrî-Dévadâs-âkhyau va(ba)ddha-saknyau paras-param। jagad-ud[d*]yôtakau bhâtaḥ puhpavantâv=iv=âmv (b) arê \।\।22\।\। Vât-ôddhûti-[vi]-
lôla-tûla-taralaṁ nṛîṇâm=idaṁ jîvitaṁ lakshmîṁ ghôra-ghan-ântarâla vilasad-vidyud-vilâs-ôpamâm । matv=aitad-durit-augha-dâru-dahana-prôddâma-dàv-ânalê śra-ddhâm=uddhata-dharmma-vu(bu)ddhir=akarôch=chhrêyaḥ-pathê sâ(śâ) śvatê \।\।23\।\।¹¹⁸ Cha-krê Dêva[ga]-
ṇô dhâma Vi(bi)lvapâṇi-pinâkinaḥ। Sâṁv (b)â-grâmê tushâr-âdri. si (śi)khar-âbhôga-bhâsuram \।\।24\।\।¹⁴⁵.") Nânâ-bhûpâla-bhukta-kshiti-jaghana-ghan-âślêsha-tôshâd=iv=âdau dig-vâmâ-kâma-pîḍâ-tarala-tanu-guru-ślêsha-lipsaṁ samantâ[ t ।]
kâm-îv-êdam(ṁ)=vidagdhô virachita-parama-prêma-hâsaṁ tvarâvat=svarvvâ-mâṇâṁ samakshaṁ gagana-parisara[ḥ] Śrî-mukhaṁ chumv(b)at=îva \।\।25\।\।¹⁶¹ Niḥśêsh-âgama-śuddha-vô(bô)dha-vibhavaḥ kâvyêshu yô bha[vya]-dhîḥ sat-tarkk-âmv(b)udhi-pâragó Bhrigu-su-¹⁹⁵

[yô] daṇḍa-nîtau mataḥ। chhandô’laṅkṛiti-śav(b)da-manmatha-kalâ-śâstr-âv-(b)ja-chaṇḍadyutiś=chakrê Dêvagaṇaḥ praśastim=amalâ[ṁ]śrî-Ratnasiṁh-âtṛnajaḥ \।\।26\।\।¹¹⁸ Yaḥ kâvya-kairava-vikâśana-śîtaraśmir=uddâma-vu(bu)ddhi-nilayô’¹⁹⁶

pâla-sûnuḥ । vidyâ-vilâsa-vasatir-vvimalâṁ praśastiṁ śrîmân-imâṁ Kuma-ra-pâla-vu(bu)dhô lilêkha \।\।27\।\।¹¹⁴ Praśastir=iyam=utkîrṇṇâ ruchir=akshara-pâṁktibhiḥ । dhîmatâ sûtradhârêṇa Sâṁpulêna manôramâ \।\। [28\।\।¹⁴⁵; and of the next verse.")[]]¹⁹⁷

[D]êva[ga]ṇâv=êtau rûpakâra-śirômanî। chakratur-ghaṭanân-dhâmnô Vi(bi)lvapâni-pinâkinah \।\।29\।\। Chandrârkkau kiraṇ-åvalî-valayitaṁ yâvad=vidhattâñ¹⁹⁸=jagad-diṅ-mâtaṅga-ghaṭ-ôpavṛiṁhita-dharâ-chakran(ñ)=cha kû-

24.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698834014chanda24.JPG"/>nakshatra-prakar-ôru-hâralatikâ’laṅkâra-sâraṁ nabhas=tvat-kîrttir=Mmadanâri-mandira-mishât-tâyach-chiraṁ nandatu \।\।30\।\।¹¹⁸ [[Saṁvat 1247]?.]¹⁹⁹, looks as if it had been put in the place of the figure 9, or as if that figure had been altered so as to assume the form of saṁ.")

TRANSLATION.

Ôm! Ôm!

Adoration to Śiva!

(Verse 1)—May Rudra protect you ! —he who at the sexual enjoyment eagerly [thus] speaks to (Pârvatî,) the daughter of the mountain: ‘How should that lord of serpents, who uses his eyes as ears, be able to see us? And [how should] this crescent moon [too, reduced to a state of infancy]…….!’

(V. 2.)— May Ganapati grant you prosperity! —he who has the surface of his unique frontal globes anointed with broad sheets of the powder of excellent red-lead; who with the dance of his trunk beautifies the [immense] pavilion of all the regions of heaven,…. play of uprooting groups of [trees]……!

(V. 3.)— [Triumphant] is the god with white rays, (the Moon), who covers the circle of the regions with a mass of rays flowing with streams of nectar; is beauteous as if he were the extensive mirror of the army of the king Love marching out to conquer the three worlds; ….. is the car-ornament of the gems of celestial damsels; (and) whose loveliness completely takes away the proud reserve of the hearts, (deep) like mountain caves, of haughty women.

(V. 4.)— In his race there was the protector of the earth Jâjalladêva, who, having by the pride of the group of his massive arms taken possession of the extent of the three worlds, was holding the position of (Indra,) the lord of the host of the gods, ….. the favourite husband of his wife, the earth, surrounded with the girdle of the… oceans; a unique jewel to ornament the world.

(V. 5.)— From him there was born a son, [the illustrious prince Ratnadêva?], who was the fierce submarine fire of the unique ocean of the array of the difficult-to-be-subdued armies of the Chêdi princes; who to the Chôda and Gaṅga champions elated.

with [conceit] was, what Râhu is to the full orb of the moon, when he seizes and swallows it; (and) the marvellous might of whose heroism had no bounds on the orb of the earth.

(V. 6.)—Then there came on this earth his son, the ruler of men, the illustrious Prithvîdêva; the birth-place of increasing fame, white like the spreading lustre of the full moon, a sun from which is proceeding most intense brilliancy; … of excellent royalty; a gem which yields the desired objects to crowds of panegyrists from the (carious) quarters, come …..

(V. 7.)—In the reign of this very prince, which follows the path of good goverment, is free from the contact of troubles, (and) causes joy to the people.²⁰⁰—

(V. 8.)—In the course of time the learned Gôvinda, the [moon of the] Vâ[stavya race, ?] came from the Chêdi maṇḍála to the country Tummâṇa.

(V. 9.)—He, had an elder son, named Mâmê, an ocean of the affection of the people, embellishing the assemblies of princes, to learned men what the sun’ is to lotuses; who, an ornantent of the earth, as it were a pearl-string to decorate [his]…. was famous the earth over as the unique bee of the unique lotus-feet of (Śiva,) the destroyer of Tripura.

(V. 10.)—His younger brother was the illustrious Râghava, an ocean of good qualities; clever, an ornament of the expanse of the earth, he was endowed with splendour like the sun.

(V. 11.)—Resplendent is the son of the illustrious Mâmê, the illustrious Ratna-siṁha, the poet; the creeper of whose brilliant expanding fame, shining like jasmine and like the moon, [spreading over] and covering the entire world, is entwined with the pavilion of the regions; who scattered crowds of crazed disputants, (anâ was) the pleasure garden of Fortune, (and) the home of virtuous conduct; discernment, and religious merit.

(V. 12.)—He had a virtuous wife, always an object of reverence for the kinsfolk, named Rambhâ; who was (to him) what Śachî is to Indra, what (Pârvatî) the daughter of the mountain is to Śambhu, and what (Lakshmî) the daughter of the ocean of milk is to (Vishṇu), who holds the discus in his hand.

(V. 13.)—From these two there was born here a son, Dêvagaṇa, whose fame has been proclaimed in the three worlds; who has broken the excessive conceit of crowds of learned opponents; a bee (hovering) round the dear lotus-feet of (Śiva) the husband of Chandî, (and) a …. of knowledge.

(V. 14.)— Having seen this whole world on all sides filled (and) whitened by his fame, shining like the foam of the sea, (Vishṇu) even, [the beloved] of the daughter of the ocean, watched by the milk-maids, becomes confused; (and) having his attention withdrawn from the undertaking of destroying Kâlanêmi²⁰¹in the waters of the Kâlindî, he stands motionless by the shore.

(V. 15.)— His words are always (eagerly received) by crowds of learned men, as the moonlight, the habitation of abundant drops of the nectar-liquid, is drunk by theround beaks of Chakôra birds; and this cage-like hand of his, dexterous in giving plenti-

fully the wished-for fruits to all the supplicants of the various quarters, crowding together, holds in subjection the tree of paradise.

(V. 16.)—What the moonlight is to the (moon) garlanded with cool rays, (and) the cluster of blossoms to the tree of the gods, that to him is his wife of virtuous conduct, Prabhâ, who by her loveliness has surpassed the crowd of celestial women.

(V. 17.)— A second dear wife he has, named Jâmhô, a habitation of graceful charms from the intensity of (his) boundless love a second home of (his) life.

(V. 18.)— Full of tlfe pride of having no rival in loveliness; being as it were the science of reviving on earth the god of love, even though he was wrathfully burnt by (Śiva) who wears the moon on his crest;²⁰²a habitation of the unique pride of the excellencies of sterling beauty,— the dear one was more (to him) than life; she, having created whom the lotus-born (Brahman), filled with delight, obtained supreme happiness.

(V. 19.)— Resplendent on the earth is his son Jagatsiṁha, ‘the lion of the world,’ who dispels the expanding darkness of ignorance, as a lion cleaves the frontal globes of elephants.

(V. 20.)—That (Skanda, the) son of the daughter of the mountain, is the enemy of Târaka; but this son of his, Râyarasiṁha, is the preserver of the whole body of relations.²⁰³

(V. 21.)—This virtuous daughter of his, BhÔpâ, untouched by the doings of the Kali-age, like the river of heaven, is purifying the three worlds.

(V. 22.)—(His) two (children) named Vâlhû and the illustrious Dêvadâsa, united in mutual friendship, are shining, illumining the world like sun and moon in the sky.

(V. 23.)—Having reflected that this life of man is unsteady like a tuft of grass which trembles when shaken by the wind, and that fortune resembles the play of lightning flashing in the midst of terrific clouds, the exceedingly virtuous-minded (Dêvagaṇa) put his faith in the eternal path of beatitude, which is a mighty blazing fire to burn the wood of this multitude of evils here.

(V. 24.)—At the village of Sâmbâ, Dêvagaṇa built (to Śiva), the bearer of the Pinâka, who has a Bilva-staff in his hand, a temple, resplendent like the extensive peaks of (Himâlaya) the mountain of snow.

(V. 25.)—First gratified, as it were, with the close embrace of the thighs of the earth, enjoyed by many princes, the surrounding sky, like a clever lover, accompanying his action with a smile of extreme love, eagerly within sight of the damsels of heaven kisses, as if it were the face of Fortune, this (temple) desirous of receiving²⁰⁴on all sides the heavy embrace of the bodies, trembling with the pangs of love, of the women of the regions.

(V. 26.)—The son of the illustrious Ratnasiṁha, Dêvagaṇa, whose wealth of learning is purified by every traditional knowledge, (and) who possesses an excellent turn of mind for poetry; who has gone to the further shore of the ocean of the science of reasoning, (and) is esteemed as Bhṛigu’s son in the administration of justice; who to the sciences of metrics, rhetorics, grammar, of love, and of the arts, is what the sun is to lotuses,— he has composed (this) spotless eulogy.

(V. 27.)—The son of [Avani-?]pâla, the illustrious learned Kumarapâla²⁰⁵,(who is) a moon in causing the lotus of poetry to open, a home of unlimited intelligence, (and) a habitation of the play of learning, has written this stainless eulogy.

(V. 28.)—This pleasing eulogy, charming with its rows of letters, has been engraved by the intelligent artisan Sâmpula.

(V. 29.)—……and Dêvagaṇa (?), these two crest-jewels of sculptors, have built the temple of (Śiva) the bearer of the Pinâka, who has a Bilva-staff in his hand.

(V. 30.)—As long as the moon and the sun keep the world enveloped in lines of rays; and the orb of the earth, supported by the array of the elephants of the regions, [is resting on the tortoise ?]; and the sky has for its excellent ornament the extended pearlstring of a mass of stars;—so long may thy fame prosper, in the guise of (this) home of the enemy of the god of love !

[[The year 1247]?]²⁰⁶

VIII. — A RÂSIHṬRAKÛṬA GRANT OF KṚISHṆA II., DATED ŚAKA 832.

BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.

The original of the subjoined grant was found at Kâpaḍvaṇaj in Gujarât. The document is inscribed on three copperplates with slightly raised rims, and is in good preservation. Each plate measures about 11½ by 8½ inches. The three plates are strung on two rings. The right-hand ring is circular and about ½" thick; measures about 3½" in diameter. The left-hand ring is of irregular shape and carries the oval scal, which measures 2³/₈ by 3 inches and bears, in high relief, on a countersunk surface, a well-cut figure of Garuḍa, who is sitting on a rising lotus-flower and surmounted by two svastikas. As Garuḍa, the vehicle of Vishṇu, is represented on the seal of the present grant, while all other Râshṭrakûṭa grants hitherto published bear a figure of Śiva, it may be concluded that Kṛishṇa II. who issued it was, unlike other members of his race, a Vaishṇava. The language of the inscription is very incorrect Sanskrit. The numerous mistakes are not only due to the engraver, but also to the author of the text. Thus in verses 17 and 18, the metre proves that the composer of the inscription used the word yaśas in its Prâkṛit form yaśa.

The inscription opens with a short vaṁśâvali, which has four verses in common with other Râshṭrakûṭa grants²⁰⁷and mentions the following princes :— Kṛishṇarâja I. or Śubhatuṅga (verses 2, 3); his son Dhruvarâja or Nirupama (verses 4, 5); his son Govindarâja III. (verses 6 to 8); his son mahârâja Shaṇḍa (verses 9, 10); his son Śubhatuṅga or Akâlavarsha, i.e., Krishṇa II. (verses 11, 12). Of Govinda III. the grant says that, though his father had several sons, he left the kingdom to him, as to a second Râma, on account of his virtues (verse 7). From other inscriptions we know only one of Govinda’s younger brothers, viz., Indra III., the founder of the Gujarât branch of the Râshṭrakûṭas. The mahârâja Shaṇḍa of the present grant is identical with the mahârâja Śarva or Amoghavarsha of other inscriptions. He is

here said to have destroyed his enemies and to have reconquered his kingdom, which had fallen off (verse 9). As we know from other inscriptions,²⁰⁸the enemies alluded to were rebellious members of his own family, probably Govinda IV. and his followers, whom he conquered with the help of his cousin Karka II. of Gujarât.

After the pedigree of Kṛishṇa II. the inscription gives the vaṁśâvali of a vassal of his, the mahâsâmanta Prachaṇḍa, the son of Dhavalappa, who belonged to the race of Brahimavaka (verses 13 to 18). Further, the document records that Vallabharâja or Akâlavarsha (ie., Krishṇa II.) gave the village of Vyâghrâsa or Vallûrikâ to the brâhmaṇa Brahmabhatṭa This villige formed one of 750 villages, which were designated by their chief town Harshapura, and among which Khetaka²⁰⁹; see Ind. Ant., vol. X, page 278; vol. XIV, p. 198.")and Kâsadraha²¹⁰are mentioned. To these 750 villages belonged the 84 villages of Karpaṭavâṇijya, and to the latter the 10 villages of Rûriddhâ, in which the village granted was included; the inscription also mentions the names of seven villages which formed its boundaries²¹¹. East of Vaghâs lies Panthora called in the grant Panthoḍâ; in the south there is the Laruji Mûsḍuṁ, probably the Araluvaka of the grant. North-west we have Abuvel, the Apûvallî of the grant, and north Ambach, corresponding to Ambâuñcha.—G. Bühler.")(lines 38 to 40). In verse 20, the 750 villages are stated to have belonged to the king himself, while in the ensuing prose-passage it is said that in these 750 villages a certain Chandragupta was the daṇḍanâyaka of the mahâsâmanta Prachaṇḍa. It thus appears that Prachaṇḍa held them as a feoff from Kṛishṇa II. Perhaps Prachaṇḍa’s father Dhavalappa had received them as a reward for his bravery and loyalty, which are praised in verse 17.

After the customary imprceatory verses there follows the signature of Akkuka or, as he is called in verse 18, Akkuva, the son of Dhavalappa and brother of Prachaṇḍa The date of the grant was the Śaka year 832 (910-11 A.D.), on the full moon of Vaiśâkha.²¹²The writer was the kulaputraka Ammaiyaka, the son of Nemâditya.²¹³The document ends with the signature of Chandragupta, who, as mentioned in line 34, was the daṇḍanâyaka of the mahásánanta Prachaṇḍa.

TEXT.

PLATE I.

1 ओं [॥] स वोव्याद्वेधसा धाम यन्नाभिकमलं कृतं । हरश्च यस्य कान्तेंदुकलया कमलंकृतं । [१] आसीन्मु 2 रारि(तः) संकाशः कृष्णराज क्षिते[:] पतिः । अप्रमेयवसोर्द्दाता साक्षाधर्म्म²¹⁴इवापरः । [२] 3 शुभतुङ्गतुङ्गतुरगप्रवृहरेणूड²¹⁵रुहरविकिरणं ग्रीष्मेपि नभो निखिलं प्रावृट्का- 4. लाय॒ते स्पष्टं । [३] तस्यात्मजः श्रीधूवराजनामा महानुभावः प्रथितप्रतापः [।] प्र-

5 साधिताशेषनरेन्द्रचक्रः क्रमेण वालार्णवपुर्व्वभूव । [४] शशधरकरनिकरनिभं यत्र य– 6 शः सुरन (T) गाग्रसाणुत्यैः²¹⁶ [१] परिगीयते समन्ताहिद्याधरसुन्दरीनिवहैः । [५] तस्याप्यभू– 7 भुवनभारभृतेः समर्थः पार्थोपमः पृथुसमानगुणागुणधः [!] दुर्व्वार-वहरि²¹⁷ 8 वनितातुलतापहेतुः गोविन्दराज इति सुप्रयितप्रतासः । [६] यस्य प्रभोशुतुरचा²¹⁸रुरु- 9 दारकीर्त्तेः रामापरी²¹⁹निरुपमस्य पितुः सकाशात् [!] श्वखेभ्यंनेकत²²⁰नयेषु गुणा 10 तिरेकान्मूर्डाभिषिक्त (:) नृपसम्मतमाशु²²¹ राज्यं । [७]\। रक्षितं येन नि[:]शेषं प्रतुरंभोधिसंयु- 11 तं । राज्यं धर्म्मेण लोकानां कृता तुष्टि[:] परा हृदि । [८] सूनुतस्या²²²तिवोतः सकसमुणग- 12 णाकारभूतो वभूव(:) भूणलात्कंटिकाभि²²³ सपदि विष्टटितन्वेष्ट्टइत्वा²²⁴ ददाह । 13 राज्यं यस्याभिमानी रिजमपि²²⁵ चलितं वाहुवीर्यादधाप²²⁶ पृथ्वीमेकातपतुमि²²⁷ 14 कुरुत वलवान् श्रीमहाराजषंडः । [९] यस्य विभो [:] कारायां रिपुरमणीचारु- 15 चरणलग्नानां [।] परुषरधे²²⁸ निगडानां अनवरतं श्रूयते लोके । [१०] \। तस्याहभूव²²⁹16 राजा प्रथितयश[स]: (।) शुभतुङ्गनामायै²³⁰ योसानकालवर्षोपरनामा²³¹ 17 गीयते लोके ।[११] कृष्णचरितः स एव हि हितकृतेये²³² यो वि[भ] - 18 र्त्ति वर्णानां । निहतारातिः (।) खभुजेन भुवं च (कृ)

PLATE IIa.

19 कृष्ण इव । [१२] अस्य चरणप्रभावाद्व्रह्मवकान्वयमगाद्भृशं लक्ष्मीं²³³[।] 20 पश्चाद्भूतकविन्दै²³⁴ रनवरतं पट्ठ्यते प्रकटं ॥ [१३] तस्मादन्वयमगंरात्स– 21 मभव[त्] श्रीशुङ²³⁵त्कुम्वम्वडिः तस्माच्चापि बभूव दर्पदलन[:] श्रीदेगडिर्व्विद्विषां [।] येनानेकनरे– 22 न्द्रदन्तिदलनात्प्राप्तं यशः साश्वतं सिंघेनेव²³⁶रणाटवीर्व्विरचितान्निवर्भीक²³⁷मेकाकिना । [१४] 23 तस्माज्जातः प्रचण्डः प्रचरखरकराक्रान्तनि[:]शेषभूभृन्नात्रा श्रीराजहंस[:] प्रतिदि– 24 नमुदयी क(T)श्यपाहा पिवखान्येनानीता²³⁸ निजं श्रीः पुनरपि भवनं चंचला क्वापि या– 25 न्ती पार्थेनोवारिचक्रे प्रमथनपटु²³⁹ना शांभवं भव्यभावं । [१५] निर्जितसकल[T]रिजनः श्री– 26 धवलप्पः प्रसिद्धतरनामा । धवलितभुवनो जयससी²⁴⁰ संजातः पवनसूनुरिख । [१६] 27 सिंघीभूय²⁴¹विपक्षेण गृह्यमानं²⁴² यशेप्सुना [।] दत्तं खसामिनो²⁴³ येन तं निहत्याशु म– 28 ण्डलं । [१७] तस्मात्प्रचण्ड [:] संजातः समरे यशलंपटः[।] अक्कुवश्चासि खङ्गेन विख्या– 29 तो निर्म्मलो भुवि । [१८] सेल्लविद्याधरेणापि सेलुल्लालित²⁴⁴पाणि (तपाणि) ना [ । ] निहत्य (T)

30 शत्रून् (।) समधे²⁴⁵यशसा कृत²⁴⁶मलंकृतं । [१९] श्रीमहलभराज्ञः²⁴⁷श्रीहर्षपुरोप-

31 [[ल]क्षितादृग्रामात्]²⁴⁸। भुंजत्यकालवर्षःअर्हाष्टशतोपसंख्यानात्। [२०] सर्व्वानागामि-

32 भद्रनृपतिमहासामामात्यबलाधिकृतविषद्रकमहत्तरात् (।) समनुबोध-

33 यत्यस्तु वः संविदितं व्यथा श्रीवेटकहर्षपुरकासद्रहणतत्(।) अर्हाष्टम-

34 यं … … … समधिगतपंचमन्हाशदमहासामन्तप्रचण्डदण्डनायकश्रीचन्द्रगु-

35 ते (।) मया श्रीहर्षपुरार्हाष्टमशतान्त[ः]पौति[क]र्प्पटवाणिज्यचतुर(।)शीति-

PLATE IIb

36 काप्रतिवहरूरिवादशकान्त [:] पातिव्याघ्रासग्रामः सवृक्षमालाकुलः सुदण्डशाप-

37 राधः ससीमापर्यन्त[:] सकाष्ठतृणकूपतडागोपेतः सभोगभाग [:] संहिरण्यः . चतुराघाटनो -

38 प्रलक्षितः न्धाणक²⁴⁹पलसमेतः (समभिलिख्यते)। आघाटन्नानि²⁵⁰अभिलिख्यन्ते । पूर्व्वतः पंथो-

39 डाग्रामो वित्वावशी च । दक्षिणतः केरडवल्लीग्रामो ( अ ) रलुवकंग्रामच ।पश्चिमत[:] नावा-

40 लिका अपूल्लोच। उत्तरतः अग्वाउञ्चग्रामः[।] एवं चतुराघाटनोपलक्षितः वलूरिका-

ग्रामः भट्टवास्तव्यवाजिमध्यन्दिनभरद्वाजसगोत्रसब्रह्मचारी²⁵¹ब्राह्मणव्रह्मभट्टे²⁵² वव्य-

42 सुताय (।) स्रात्वौदकातिसर्ग्ग²⁵³वलिचरकवैश्वदेवार्त्²⁵⁴थप्रतिग्रहेण प्रतिपादितः [।] तदर्थम-

43 स्मप्र²⁵⁵दत्तधर्म्मदाय [:] सब्बेरेवा²⁵⁶गर्भमभोक्तृभिःअस्मबुप²⁵⁷रोधात्पालनीयो (अ) नुमन्तव्य -.

44 य[।] उक्त च (।) रिषिव्यासेन । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गेतिष्टति²⁵⁸” भूमिदः[!] आच्छेता चानुमता²⁵⁹

45च तान्यैव नरके वसेत् । विन्ध्याटवीष्वतीयासु शुष्क ( : )कोटरवासिनः [।], महहियो हि जाय-

46 न्ते भूमिदानं हरंति ये । स्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यत्नाद्रच नराधिप (:) [1] महीं महीभृतां श्रेष्ठ दा-

47 नातु²⁶⁰श्रेयोनुपालनम्। यानिह²⁶¹दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रैःदानानि धर्म्मार्त्थयशस्कराणि । निर्मा-

48 ल्यवन्तःप्रति²⁶²मानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत ( : ) । सर्व्वानेव²⁶³ भाविनः पात्थिवेन्द्रात्²⁶⁴भू -

49 यो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः [। ] सामान्योयं धर्म्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भव-

50 द्भिः । वहुभिर्व्वसुधा’ भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः [ ।] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिः

PLATE III.

51 तस्य तस्य तदा फलम्। इति कमलदलाम्बु(:)वि-

52 न्दुलीला²⁶⁵श्रियमवलोक्य मनुष्यजीवितञ्च। सकलमिद-

53 [मसाम्बतं]]²⁶⁶ [च] बुद्धा²⁶⁷न हि अनुजैःपरवीर्त्तये²⁶⁸तिक्षीप्याः। अदत्तां परदतानायोहरे-

54 त वसुन्धरां [1] स्विहागांकमिर्भूंबा पितृभिः सह पच्यते। भूमिं वः प्रतिगृह्नाति²⁶⁹च-

55 च भूमिं प्रयच्छति। उभौतो पुण्यकर्म्माणौनियतौकर्म्मणामिनौ। पुष्पपत्वंप्र-

56 यमं सुवर्स्संभूर्व्वैष्णवी²⁷⁰सोमसुतान मातः । लोकत्रय²⁷¹तेन भवेतु²⁷²दत्तंयःकांच

57 गां च मही²⁷³च दद्यात् । वह्नि²⁷⁴वंसिसूतं चात्वुपंञ्चपुतां²⁷⁵प्रजायते । दत्वा सर्व्वरसां चेत्तश्च²⁷⁶

58 न मर्त्वो जायते पुनः । सर्व्वेषामिव²⁷⁷। खनानां पञ्चवस्त्रानुगुणंफलं । हाढक्ष²⁷⁸ क्षितितौ-

59 रीणांसप्तजन्मानुजंफलं । स्वहरोयंश्रीमदबुकास्त्र श्रीववस-

60 नोःशकसंवत् ८३२ वैशालश्वरपोर्णमास्या महावेशालापूर्व्वं-

61 देवब्रह्मदायवर्ज्जोदत्तः [।]लिखितमिदं शासनं कुलपुजवेचाय-

62 केन नेमादित्यसुतेनेति ।यदन्नोनाक्षरमधिकाक्षरम्यातत्सर्व्वं प्रमा-

63 णमिति व्यासतुस्योपिसुह्यति ॥ स्वहस्तोयं श्रीचरगुप्तश्च॥

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ. ( Verse 1. ) May he( Vishṇu ) protect you, from whose navel (rises) the lobusflower which Vedhas ( Brahman ) has made his abode, and may Hara (Śiva) protect you, whose head is adorned by the lovely crescent of the moon !

There was a lord of the earth (called) Kṛishṇarâja, who rosombled Murâri (Kṛishṇa), and who like anovker incarnation of the god of justice,²⁷⁹ gave away immeasurable wealth.

Even in summer the whole firmament had exactly the same appearance as during the rainy season, because the rays of the sun were obstructed on the sky by the dust, which was raised by the tall chargers of Śubhatuṅga.
He was succeeded by his son, the illustrious Dhruvarâja, who conquered all kings and resembled the morning sun( by ) his great majesty and his widespread prowess ( or heat ).
His fame, which rosembles the rays of the moon, is sung in full by the Vidyâ-dhara women, who dwell on the uppermost ridge of the mountain of the gods (Meru).
He had ( a son ) called Govindarâja, who was able to bear the burden of the earth, who resembled Pârtha ( Arjuna ), who, like Prithu; knew ( hereto distinguish between) good and bad qualities, who was the cause of unequalled sorrow to the wives of irresistible foes, and whose prowess was very widely known.
Though there were several sons, this clover and handsome ( prince ), like another Râma,–received on account of his superior virtues the kingdom, to which anointed kings paid homage, from the famous lord, his father Nirupama.
He ruled righteously his whole kingdom together with the four oceans ( and thus ) filled the hearts of men with the highest joy.

PRASASTI FROM LAKKHA MANDAL AT MADH

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JHĀNSI; CHANDEL INSCRIPTION OF SALLAKSHANAVARAM

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His son was the illustrious peahárdja Shaṇḍa, who was very brave, a mine²⁸⁰of all virtues, prouts and powerful. He quickly dispersed, surrounded and burnt the kings, like thorns, conquered by the strength of his arm his own kingdom which had fallen off, and made the earth subject to one’( royal ) paresol.

In the jail of this sovereign, people incessantly heard the harsh clinking of the chains which were attached to the tender feet of the wives of his enemies.
From this famous ( prince ) there sprang this ( present ) king called Śubha-tuṅga, the same whom people praise in song by his other name Akâlavarsha.
His deeds resembie those of Kṛishṇa; for, laving killed his Poes, he bears the kingdom for the welfare of the ( four ) castes and the earth with his arm, like Kṛishṇa.²⁸¹

Through his favour²⁸²great fortune came to the face of Brahmavaka; ( this fortune ) is incessantly and openly proclaimed by the great pats of later times.

From this ocean-like race there arose the illustrious … Kumbaḍi, and from him the illustrious Degaḍi, the destroyer of the pride of his enemies; the eternal fame which alone ( but ) without fear, obtained by destroying the elepants of many princes, pervaded the battle-fields, as that of a lion does the forests.
As the sun from Kaśyapa, there sprang from him the fierce and illustrious Râjahaṁsa, whose far-reaching and hard hands ( or hot rhys ) overcame all kings ( or mountaing ) and who was rising daily; he who, liko Partha ( Arjuṅa ), knew how to destroy his foes, led fickle fortune, who was wandering somewhere else, again to his own beautiful temple of Śambhu ( Śiva²⁸³ )

Like ( Ḥanumat ) the son of the wind, there was born the illustrious Dhaval-appa, who conquered all his enemies, whose name was well-known, and who whitened the world with his fame.
Becoming ( as it were ) a lion and being desirous of fame, he quickly killed the enemy and restored to his master the province, which ( this unnamed enemy ) had taken.
From him came Prachaṇḍa, who was eager for fame in war, and the spotless Akkuva, who is renowned on earth by his sword.
Sella-Vidyadhara²⁸⁴also, whose hands were as graceful as the selu ( plant ), adorned his race with fame by killing his enemies in battle.

The illustrious Vallabharâja Akâlavarsha possesses soven hundred and fifty villages, which are designated by ( their chief-town ) Śri-Harshapura.

( Line 31.) He informs all who shall come (to this village) :— gracious princes, great vassals, ministers, commanders of the army, heads of districts and great men,—

( L. 33.) “Be it known to you that, while in these seven hundred and fifty (villages) of Khetaka, Harshapura, and Kâsadraha, the illustrious Chandragupta was the dandandyaka of the mahdsámanta Prachaṇḍa, who has obtained tho five maháśabdas, I gave as a donation the village of Vyâghrasa, which is included in the ten (villages) of

Rûriddhâ, which belong to the eighty-four (villages) of Karpaṭavâṇijya, which are included in the seven hundred and fifty (villages) of Śri-Harshapura, together with its rows of trees, together with (the right to) punishment and (the right of fining those who commit) the ten offences, up tó its boundaries, together with its timber, grass, wells and tanks, together with its enjoyments and shares, together with its gold, defined by its four boundaries, together with its pacture and straw;– the boundaries are (here) written: on the east, the village of PanhoḍâandVitkhâralli; on the south, the village of Keraḍavalli and the village of Araluvaka;on the west, ‘Nâvâlika and Apûvalli; on the north, the village of Ambâüñcha ;– the village of Wallûrikâ, thus defined by its four boundaries, to the bráhmaṇa Brahmabhaṭi who is the son of Vavva, lives at Bhaṭṭa (!), belongs to the Bharadvâja-gotra and studies the Vaji-Madhyaṁdina (śákhá), aftc. having båthed, with a libation of water, in order (to enable the donee to perform) the bali, charuky and vaikvadeva. Therefore, all future rulers shall preserve and assent to the charitable gift which was given by us, without obstructing us."

(L. 44.) And the saint Vyâsa has said:– [ Here follow twelve of the customary imprecatory verses which it is unnecessary to translate. ]

(L. 59). This is the signature of the illustrious Akkuka, the son of the illustrious Dhavalappa. Saka-samvat 832, on Mahá-vaiśákhi, (i.e.) on the full-moon in the bright half of Vaiśákha, (the above-mentioned village) was given, with the exception of previous gifts to iemples and to Brâhmanas. This edict was written by the noble (kulaputraka) Ammaiyaka, the son of Nemâditya. What syllable in this (document) is too few or too many, all that is valid; for even a man who resembles Vysa is liable to make mistakes. This is the signature of the illustrious Chandragupta.

IX. - TWO CAVE-INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE TRIŚIRAPALLI ROCK.

By E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.,

EPIGRAPHIST TO THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY, SOUTHERN INDIA.

The subjoined inscriptions are engraved on two pillars in a rock-cut cave not far from the summit of the well-known rock at Trisirâ palli (Trichinâpalli). They are both somewhat worn. The left pillar was covered by a modern wall, which the temple authorities temporarily removed at the request of the Collector, W. A. Willock, O.S. Each of the two pillars bears four Sanskrit verses. Besides, the lower part of the left pillar bears a few unintelligible Sanskrit words and a much defaced inscription in old Tamil characters.

The two inscriptions record that a king Guṇabhara, who bore the birudas– Puru-shottama, Śatrumalla and Satyasaṁdha, constructed a temple of Śiva on the top of the mountain and placed in it a linga and a statue of himself. Each of the two pillars mentions the river Kâvîrî, i.e. the Kâveri, on whose banks Triśirâpalli is situated,

______________________

Compare the village of Araluäm in the Ilâo grant of Dadda II., Ind. Ant. vol. XIII, p. 117.

and refers to the Chola country. ‘On’the left pillar the Kâvîrî is called the beloved of the Pallava’; this means in prose that a Pallava Ring ruled over the country along the banks of the Kâterîriver. This allusion and the fact, that the characters of the two pillax inscriptions remind us of those of the Pallava inscriptions at Mâmalla-puram and Kâñchîpưram, make is very probable that Guṇabhara was a Pallava prince who ruled over the Chala country..

A. - PILLAR TO THE LEFT.

TEXT.

[1] कावीरीत्रयनाभिरामसलिलामारा-

[2] मसालाधराम्नत्नोप्रियः

[3] प्रिय [गु] वामप्येष²⁸⁵रज्वेदिति[[।×]]²⁸⁶सद्मं-

[4] कागिरिकन्यकापितृकुलंहित्वेहमन्ये गि-

[5] [रौ]नित्यन्तिष्ठतिपलवस्यदयितामेतां ब्रु-

[6] वाणा नदीम् ॥ [१] गुणभरनामनि राजन्धनेन लि-

[7] ङ्गेन लिङ्गिनि ज्ञानम् [।*] प्रथताचिराय लोके वि-

[8] पक्षवृत्तेः परावृत्तम् ॥ [२*]चोलविषयस्य शैलो

[9] मौलिरिवायंमहामणिरिवास्य[।] हरगृहमेतं-

[10] जयोतिस्तदीयमिव शांकर ज्योतिः ॥[३*]. शिला[ख] रे-

[11] णजनिता सत्यसन्धस्य भौतिकी [।] मूर्त्तिःकीर्त्तिम-

[12] यी चास्य कुता तेनैव शाश्वती ॥ [४ *] निष्कृ[ष्य] चला [स]-

[13] मधायि [गुणभ] रे भक्तिः

TRANSLATION.

(Verse 1.) Being afraid that the god who is fond of rivers (Śiva), having perceived the Kâvîrî, whose waters please the cye, who wears a garland of gardens, and who possesses lovely qualities, might fall in love (with her), the daughter of the mountain (Pârvati), has, I think, left her father’s family and resides permanently on this mountain, calling this river the beloved of the Pallava (king).²⁸⁷

(2.) While the king called Guṇabhara is a worshipper of the liṅga, let the knowledge which has turned back from hostile (vipaksha) conduct, be spread for a long timein the world by this liṅgal²⁸⁸, in which lingin meansthe subject of a proposition, linga the predicate of a proposition and vipaksha an instance on the opposite side.").²⁸⁸, in which lingin meansthe subject of a proposition, linga the predicate of a proposition and vipaksha an instance on the opposite side.")

(3.) This mountain resembles the diadem of the Choḷa province, this temple ofHara (Śiva) its chief jewel, and the splendour of Śaṁkara (Śiva) its splendour.

(4.) By the stone-chisel a material body of Śatyasañdhâ²⁸⁹was executed, andby the same an eternal body of his fame was produced.

B. — PILLAR TO THE RXGHT.

TEXT.

[1] शैलेन्द्रमूर्द्धनिशिलाभवने विचित्रे

[2]. शैलीतनुंगुणभरोगुणभरो नृपतिर्बिंधाय [।]

[3] स्थाणुं व्यध [ त्त ] वि[ धि ]रेवयथार्थसंज्ञ

[4] स्थः स्यस सह तेन जगत्सु जासः [॥ १*]

[5] गृहमकृत शत्रुमलोगिरिन्दु²⁹⁰कन्या-

[6] पतेर्ग्गिरावस्मित् [1 *] गिरिशस्य गिरिश-

[7] [स]ज्ञसन्वर्थो कर्तुमर्त्यपतिः ॥[२*]

[8] विभूतिबोलांनां कथमहमवेक्षे-

[9] य विपुलां नदीं वा कावीरीमवनिभवनाव-

[10] स्थित इति [।*] हरेणोक्तःप्रीत्या विभुरदिश-

[11] दभ्रलहमिदन्मनुम[ख्यो राज्ये] गरिभवन²⁹¹-

[12] मस्मै गुणभरः ॥ [ ३ *] निर्म्मापिता[मिति मुदा]

[13] पुरुषोत्तमेन शैलीं हरस्य तनुमप्रति-

[14] मामनेन [ 1 *] कृत्वा शिवं शिरसि [धा]रयतात्म-

[15] ‘संस्थमुच्चैः शिरस्त॒मच [लस्य] कृतं कृता- 1

6] र्त्थम् ॥ [ 8 *]

TRANSLATION.

( Verse 1.) When king Guṇabhara placed a stone-figure in the wonderful stone-temple on the top of the best of mountains, he made in this way²⁹²Sthâņu ( Śiva ) stationary²⁹³ one whose name was true to its meaning.’")and became himself stationary ( i.e., immortal ) in the worlds together with him.

( 2 ) King Śatrumalla built on this mountain a temple of Giriśa ( Śiva ), the husband of the daughter of the king of mountains, in order to make the name Giriśa ( i.e., the mountain-dweller) true to its meaning.

(3.) After Hara ( Śiva ) had graciously asked him : “How could I standing in a temple on earth, view the great power of the Cholas or the river Kâvîrî?"– king Guṇabhara, who resembled Manu in his manner of ruling, assigned to him this mountain-temple which touches the clouds.

( 4. ) Thus having joyfully placed on the top ( of the mountain ) & matchless stonefigure of Hara ( Śiva ), which he caused to be executed, that Purushottama; who bore Śiva fixed in his mind, made the loftiness of the mountain fruitful.

X – BADÅUN STONE INSCRIPTION OF LAKHANAPALA.

BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.

This inscription was found in August 1887, in the rains of the south gate of the old fort of Badâyn²⁹⁴ and described as “),^()the chief town of the Badaun District of the North-Western Pro-vinces, whence it has been removed to the Lucknow Museum,

The writing covers a space of about 3 feet broad by 1 foot, 6 inches high, but the inscription is not complete now.All along the top, on the proper left side all the way down, and at the left side of the bottom, portions of the stanę are broken away. But the aksharas which in consequence are missing on the left side are few, and can in almost every case be casily supplied; and at the top probably only one or two lines are lost, containing little more than the customary blessings and verses in honour of some deity, in the present casc, probably Śiva; and the introductory historical portion of the inscription, at any rate, appears to be complete. Nor does anything of importanco scem to have been lost in the concluding lines, in the verses which cither refer to the composer of the inscription or express the usual wish that the temple, the erection of which is recorded here, may last for ever. Excepting about half a dozen aksharas at the beginning of the last dine, what remains of the inscription is well preserved, and may be read with certainty.

The average size of the letters varies from ¾” to ¾" and is somewhat less in the four or five bottom lines. The characters are Devanâgari of about the 12th or 13th century A.D., and the inseription was engraved by the two artizans Gôge and Jilhe ( line 23 ). The language is Sanskṛit, and excepting what possibly is a date, at the beginning of line 23, the inscription is in verse throughout. The verscs were, it appears, composed by the poet Govindachandra, who is described as the youngest of the five sons of Gaṅgâdhara ( himself the son of the sage Sômêsvara, a resident of Âhâdegaḍha ) and his wife Sülhâ, a daughter of the learned Paraśurama ( lines 21-22 ). The inscription is remarkably free from minor errors, and in respect of orthography I therefore have only to note that ba is represented by the sign for va everywhere except in the word árabdha in line 23.

The inscription possibly, at the beginning of line 23, contains a date which at present, unfortunately, I am unable to make out from the impression submitted to me. Certain it is that it refers itself to the reign of a prince, Lakhaṇapâla, and that it records the erection of a Śiva-temple at the place, it may be presumed, where the inscription was discovered, and which is called here Vodâmayûtâ ( lines 1 and 11). And from these two points of view the inscription may be conveniently divided into two portions, the first of which, extending to near the end of line 7, gives the genealogy of Lakhaṇapâla, while the second part, comprising about lines 8–20, has reference to the founder of the temple and his spiritual predecessors. Of this latter portion it is sufficient to give

an abstract of the contents; regarding the prince Lakhaṇapâla and his ancestors, the writer of the inscription expresses himself as follows:—

(L. 1). “*[Here²⁹⁵*] where the rising of the whole assemblage of evils is far removed by the floods of water of the river of heaven,²⁹⁶[there is] the town Vodâmayûtâ, ornamenting the land named Pañchâla, (and) protected by the arms of all the famous princes born in the Rashtrakta family. Radiant with, prosperity, inasmuch as its enemies were feeble and the excellent well-disposed persons in it many, ornamented with the best of horses, (and) surrounded by trees resembling the trees, of paradise, pleasing with its lofty.spotless [tentples] (and) a seat of law-abiding people, this beautiful (town) with its collections of excellencies shone like the city of Indra, radiant with the wealth of very many excellent flowers of mandára²⁹⁷trees, ornamented with the best of Gandharvas, (and) surrounded by samtána and kalpa trees, pleasing with, its lofty pure [habitations] of the gods, (and) the seat of the assembly of the immortals."

(L. 2). “There, there was first, endowed with endless excellencies, the lord of men, Chandra, who by the terror of his sword terrified the host of the enemies; whose son Vigrahapâladova protected the carth, well known among adversarics (and) munificent towards supplicants. His son, known by the name of Bhuvanapâla, (was) certainly, manifested as it were to the eyes, the law incarnate; when, after having protected the earth, he had gone to heaven, his son Gopâladeva guarded (the earth), and when he, the remover of the distress of the people, had assumed the reign, the castes, delighting in their several duties, attained to happiness.”

(L. 3). “Afterwards his son Tribhuvana protected the earth, humbling the multitude ofenemies (and in consequence) endowed with fame. When (this) his brother by the deeree of fate had gone to heaven, then the same land was ruled over by the prince Madanapâla, in consequence of whose distinguished prowess there never was any talk of IIambîra’s²⁹⁸coming to the banks of the river of the gods. Afterwards his younger brother, who destroyed hundred thousands of proud adversaries (and who was) munificent (and) compassionate, protected the earth, bearing on earth the excellent name of the illustrious Devapâla, a recital of whose deeds might secure victory even to-day."

(L. 5). “ (Then) his son became king, installed in the place of his father as the illustrious Bhîmapâla, who defeated the difficult-to-be-conquered hostile herocs (and) whose excellent body was spotless like gold, a born ruler, causing welfare, devoted to the gods and to Brâhmmans. Then there came, to protect the carth, his son, known the world over as the illustrious Sûrapâla, (who among princes was) what Indra is in the assembly of the gods, what the moon is in the assembly of the stars, what (Indra’s elephant) Airâvaṇa is among the choicest of elephants, (and) what the lion is among the wild beasts. IIis son was Amritapâla, who, endowed with prowess, frightened all enemies by the sharp sword of his hand, who was devoted to the twice-born, the elders,’ and the gods, attached to every science, (and) the preceptor as it were of all whose. weapons deal out stern punishment.”

(L. 7). “ May his younger brother, the prince Lakhaṇapala, who has succeeded him, remain here billions of ages!– he, whose munificence i boundless, (and) the multitudes of whose missile weapons, resembling the scorching rays of the sun, drink streams of blood from the bodies of distinguished enemies !"

Put into the form of a tabular statement, the genealogy here furnished to us is as follows:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-169874820100000000.png"/>

Beyond these names, and the statement that these princes belonged to the Rashṭrakûṭa clan (which appears to connect them with the Râthôr rulers of Kanauj), and that the town Vodamayûtâ was ruled over by them, we learn nothing of historical importance from the inscription. Nor have I been able to gather any certain information about these rulers from other inscriptions, or from the historical works which I have consulted. Most of the names, of course, do occur elsewhere, but the only name ending in pala, distinctly connected with the town of Badâun, is that of Mahîpâla, “the Tomar Raja of Dehli, who,” according to Sir A. Cunningham,⁶ “is said to have built the great fort on which part of the city now stands," as well as a temple, on the site of which the Muhammadans built the present Jâmî’ Masjid; and Mahîpâla’s name does not occur here. The reference to Hambira (or the Hambîras), in line 4, appears clearly to point to the invasions of the Muhammadans.

After the above historical introduction, the inscription goes on to relate that therewas once a Saiva ascetic, called Varmaśiva, whose home was Anahilapâțaka, and who, after destroying by the efficacy of his mantras an idol which had been set up by Bauddhas in Dakshiņâpatha, and after giving other proofs of his piety and superhuman power in Kaśmîr, on his wanderings also came to Vodàmayûtà, where, by Devapàla’s minister Rulhâ, he was appointed head of a matha or monastery of the town (lines 8-12). In this office he appears to have been succeeded by another holy and renowned personage, named Mûrtigaṇa, who became the spiritual adviser of the prince Sûrapâladeva (lines 13-15). Mûrtigana’s place, again, was taken, during the reign of Amṛitapâla, by his pupil Îśânaśiva, who is described as born in Gauda, as belonging to the Vatsabhârgava gotra, with the five pravaras Bhârgava, Chyavana, Âpnavâna, Aurva, and Jamadagni, and as the eldest son of the twice-born

______________________

Archæol. Survey of India, vol. XI, p. 1.-A prince ‘Depâl,’ with the date A.D. 1256, and a prince ‘Lakhan Pal, with the date A.D. 1330, are mentioned, ib., vol. XX, pp. 18 and 14.

Vasâvaṇa, a resident of Siṁhapallîin the Hariyâna country. This Îśânaśiva, per-suaded of the vanity of worldly affairs, founded the temple of Śiva at which this inscription must be supposed to have been put up originally, and endowed it with (the revenues of) a place called Bhådanaulikâ(lines 16-21). This portion of the inscription closes with a verse (line 21) which appears to intimate that the minister Rulhâ, mentioned above, was succeedêd in office by Lakshmîdhara ând Jagatpâla, who were as devout workshippers of Śiva as their predecessor.

Of the places and districts, which, besides Vodâmayûtà; are mentioned in the inscription, Anahilapâtaka is the well-known Anhilwåḍa in Western India, and Hariyâṇa the modern Hariâna, described in the Imperial Gazetteer as a tract of country in the Ilissâr District of the Panjâb. The places Siṁhapallî (l. 16), Bhada-ṇaulikâ, and Âhâdegadha (1. 21) I am unable to identify.

TEXT.²⁹⁹

L. 1. [svaḥsi]ndh³⁰⁰-ûdaka-pûra-dûra-gamit-âśêsh-âgha-saṁgh-ôdayê। prakhyât-âkhila-Râshtrakûṭa-kulaja-kshmâpâla-dôḥ-pâlitâ Paṁchâl-âbhidha-dêśa-bhûshaṇa- Karî Vôdâmayûtâ purî॥Maṁdârâtiva(ba)hu-prakṛishṭa-sumanaḥ-sampatti-saṁ-[ś]ôbhitâ gaṁdharvv-ôṭtama-bhûshitâ parivṛitâ saṁtânakalpadrumaiḥ। atyuchch-âmala-dêva-[maṁ ?]

nâramyâ sudharmm-âśrayôyâ rêjê guṇa-saṁchayair=iva purîPaurandarî sundarîTútr³³⁰¹=âditô=bhavad=ananta-guṇônarêndraś-Chandraḥ sva- khaḍga-bhaya-bhîshita-vairi-[vṛi]ndaḥ ।prathyarthishu prakaṭitô=rthishu yasya dâtâ kshôṇîṁ raraksha suta-Vigrahapâladêvaḥ ॥Tasy-â[[tma]]³⁰²-

Bhuvanapâla iti prasiddhaḥ pratyaksha-lakshya iva mûrtti-dharôhi dharmaḥ।tasmin=prapâlya vasudhâṁdivi saṁprayâtê Gôpâladêva iti tat-tanayôjugôpa ।(॥) Yatra prajâ-durita-hâriṇi lavdha bdha)-râjyê varnṇâḥ sva-karma-niratâḥ sukhitam-avâpuḥ ॥(।) tat-sûnur=ânamita-vairi-kadaṁva(ba) kô-taḥ kirty³⁰³-a[nv[]i—]³⁰⁴

s-Tribhuvanô bhuvanaṁraraksha ॥Sva-bhrâtari svar=upayâtavati sva-daivât= s-aiv-âvanir=Madanapâla-nṛipêṇa bhuktâ।yat-paurushât=pravarataḥ surasindhu-tîra-Hamvî (mbî) ra-saṁgama-kathâ na kadâchid-âsît ॥Tasy-ânujô dalita-dṛipta-vipaksha-lakshô dâtá dayâlur=avanîm-avati sma paśchât [।*]
śrî-Dêvapâla-vara-nâma-dharô[dharâyâ]m=ady=âpi yach-charita-varṇṇanatô jayaḥ syât ॥Tasy=åtmajôvijita-durjaya-vairi-vîro râj-âbhavat-kanaka-nirmala-sach-
chharîraḥ।garbhêśvaraḥ śubha-karaḥ sura-vipra-bhaktaḥ śrî-Bhîmapâla iti tâta-padê-bhishiktaḥ ॥Tat-sambhavô=bhavad-a—³⁰⁵

vani-pâlanâya śri-Sûrapâla iti sarvva-jagat-prasiddhaḥ। Śakrôyathâsura-gaṇê bha-gaṇê śaśâṁka Airâvaṇô gaja-varêshu mṛigêshu siṁhaḥ ॥Abhavad³⁰⁶= Amritapâlas=tasya putraḥ pratâpînija-kara-niśit-âsi-trâsit-âśêsha-śatruḥ। dvija-guru-sura-bhaktaḥsarvva-[[śâ]]³⁰⁷—

nuraktô gurur-iva sakalânâṁ=ugra-daṁḍ-âyudhânâṁ॥Tad-anu tad-anujâtô âts-dân-âtirêkô nṛipati-Lakhaṇapâlaḥ kalpa-kôtîr=ih=âstâm। tapa-tapana-kar-âbha-prâsa-vṛiṁdâni yasy-âri-vara-tanushu dhârâraudhirîr=âpiva (ba)nti ॥Aṇahilapâ-taka¹²⁷-vasatiḥ prâg-âsît-tâpa-³⁰⁸

mahakula-jaḥ।Varmaśivaḥ śiva-mûrtiḥ kîrti-mati-kshâṁti-dhṛiti-dhâma ॥ Yô-³⁰⁸vå (bå)laḥkila Dakshiṇâpatha-gatôyau(bau)ddha.prati[shṭh] âpitâṁ sampaśyan-pratimâṁjahâra vidhinâkên=âpi dûraṁrushâ।maṁtr-ôchcharaṇa-vêlay=aiva paṭaha-dhvânât-tafôviśrutô vijñâtô guru-gauravân=nija-padê ninyê-
tâṁmaṁtra-vit॥ Kamîrêshu ya iśvar-ârpita-manâ vidýadbhir=abhyarchchitaḥ svâṁśaktiṁ paridarśya Kaśyapa iva kshmâpâla-mâl-ârchitaḥ ।digrudrân=vishamân=vidhâpya sa tatô Rudr-âlayaṁnirmalaṁ vâṁchh-âhâṛa-karaṁ mathaṁvyarachayad=bha ṭṭârak-abhîshṭa-daṁ॥Svairêṇ=ôpavanê kvachid=virachita dhyânâsan-â-
dhyâsanômadhyâhnê=pi na tatyajê [vara-ta[rô]h]³⁰⁹pṛâgvan=nija-ehehhayayâ।tad=dṛishṭvá dvija-jâtin=âtiśayataḥ kên=âpi saṁsêvitas=tasmai tushṭa-manâ manushya-nikara-syâmitva-lâbhaṁdadau ॥Paśchâd=adbhuta-tarka-vô(bô)dha-va(ba)latas-tatr-aiva pa[t*]traṁsvayaṁdattv=ôpârjya yaśaḥ śaśâṁka-ruchifâṁ jitv=ô

țân=vâdinaḥ। chêtaḥ-śuddhi-karêshu tîrtha-nikarêshv=â-vârddhi sisnâ (shṇâ)-sayâ prâdakshiṇyam=idaṁmahî-talam=aṭan=Vôdâmayûtâm gataḥ ॥Tadâ³¹⁰.")-³¹⁰.")śrî-Déva- pâlasya kula-krama-samudbhavaḥ ।maṁtrî Rulh-âbhidhânô=bhûd= Iṁdrasy=êva sva-yaṁguruḥ ॥Tatô³¹¹-³¹¹bhâvi-kshmâbbrit-sukṛita-[rachana]ḥpâtra-nikara-pradhâ-

nên=ânêna prachura-guṇa-bhṛit-pûjya-charitaḥ svayaṁRulhâ-nâmià divira-kulajên=âpta-matinâ gurutvê vinyastô nija-pura-maṭha-svâmya-vishayê ॥Anâdi³¹²-³¹²Ka-nhêśvaradêvam=ådau Rulhêśvaraṁkârayati sma paśchat I maṭkaṁtapasvislv=anukûla-vastu-sampatti dêvâvani-tulyam=êtat ॥Tad-bhaktimân

Mûrttigaṇôguṇ-iṁdrôva (ba) bhûva bhâpâla-hṛidavja (bja)-sûryaḥ ।sad-dî-kshayâyasya sa Sûrapâladêvô va(ba) bhův=âpratima-prabhâvaḥ Vaśy¹¹⁸-âkṛishṭi-mahâ-vidhâna-ni puṇô maṁtr-ôddhṛitau dakshiṇô vipraṁbhûmipatiṁtadîyam-athav=âmâtyaṁsa yaṁdîkshayêt ।taṁtaṁvô(bô)dha-nidhiṁ[su]masta-pṛithivî=nâthaṁ pradhânaṁuṛiṇâṁsthâṇuṁ
pa[t*]triṇam=âtanôt=tarum-iva śrî-Yâjñavalkyômuniḥ॥ Kâmaḥ³¹³-knṁbhî tadupayamanaṁ³¹⁴-tad-bhujastaṁbha-yugmaṁkrôdhô vyâdhir=vvachanam= amṛitan-tasya tach-chhâṁti-hêtuḥ । lôbhaḥ śaṁkê śaśaka-śiśukaḥ kêsarîsa prasiddhaḥ sa trailôkyê kim=iha va(ba)hund Śaṁbhu-saṁbhâvan-ârhaḥ ॥Asyâṁbhûmau malahara-[ma]-

hâtîr[tha]-yâtrâ-prayâtaṁśrâvam śrâvaṁvara-yatijanô=nugrahây-aitam=êva।ghrâyaṁghrâyaṁparimalam=ali-vrâta âsâdya sadyôyadvad=dûrâd=vrajati kusumaṁ sêvatê ch=âpy=ajasraṁSva¹⁴⁴.")-sishyavara-bhûpâla-bhakti-lavdhê (bdhê)na bhûriṇâ। bhûmi-dânêna yôviprân=pûjayâm-âsa bhûriņâ ॥Prakhyâtô³¹⁵-Hariyâṇa-déśa-vasatiḥ śrî.

Siṁhapallyâṁdvijô va(ba)hv-annôguṇavân=Vasâvaṇa iti khyâtaḥ pṛithi vyâm= abhût॥ tasya śrêshṭha-sutaḥ purâkrita-mahâ-puṇya-prabhåvâd=asau tyaktvâ

_______________________

1Perhaps ninyê, gryatâm.
2 i.e.,jitv-ôdbhatân=.

va(ba) ṁdhu-dhana-spṛihâm para-pada-prâptyai sishêvê guruṁ ॥Niyama³¹⁶-sayama-dhyâna-vyagrôgurôḥpariçharyayâpratidinam=abhûd-dêv-âbhyarchâ-kṛitê kusum-âkulaḥ। tṛiṇam=iva dhanaṁmatvâ-

sa [t*] tva-sthitau [ma] kar-âkaraḥ sva-guru-hṛidayê śishyôbhaktiṁparâṁ samadarśayat ॥Gauḍa-jaḥ¹²¹-pravara-paṁchak-ânvitô Vatsabhârgava-sugôtra-maṁḍitaḥl Bhârgava-Chyavanak.Âpnavânakair-Aurvva-nâma-Jama [[ḍa]]³¹⁷-gnibhir=yutaḥ ॥Åśêsha³¹⁸-śishyêshu parîkshya dîkshitaḥsvayaṁya Îśanasiv-êti kirttitaḥ 1 tapasvi-râjyê sva-padêbhishê-

chitô mahîbhujâṁpadṃakarô’bhavad-guruḥ ॥Târyânâm³¹⁹saṁninâḍair-ma-dhukara-madhurair=vallakî-sphîta-gîtair-ghaṁtà-saṁghaṭṭa-ghôshaiḥ kusuma-parimal-air=nartanair-nartakînâṁ।yasminṇ-atyaṁta-bhaktyâ mahati Girisutâ-vallabhaṁnitya-rîtyâ bhrâmtiḥ pâvitraki syâd-ativa (ba) hala-malâ-pûjayâ vismitânâṁ ॥Amṛitapâla³²⁰.ni-³²¹

tara-bhaktits vasumatîgahan-âsya hîkîrttanaiḥ । kim-aparaṁ grahaṁshu naganyatê katishu sarva-dhanaṁdvijasât-kṛitaṁ॥N³²²=âmî sêvyâ vishama-vishayâ dushṭa-hâlâhal-abhâva(ba)ddhaṁkaṁṭhê chiram=api dhanaṁ prâṇinaṁ n=ânuyâti I saṁsårô=yaṁ sarasa-kadalî-daṁda-vach=ch=âpy-asâras=tasmâd= dhêyaṁsakalam=aparaṁ dharma-tô=nyad=viditvâ॥ Prâ³²³

da êsha Bharatasya purê hy-akâri yê nâma tuṁgima-gunêna jagaj=jigâya।yad-râmaṇîyakan=anuttamam=âkalayya Kailâsa-vâsa-vimukhôvasat-îha Śaṁbhuḥ IIAnârata¹¹⁹- prabhramêṇa bhẩnô³²⁴khinnô=si viśrâmya muhûrttam=atra ॥it=îva saṁ-ñâm=anusaṁdadhânaś=chalat-patâkâ-chchhalatô vibhâvi(ti) ॥Śivâlayam³²⁵and of the next verse.")yihirmâpyapratishṭhâ [[s-cha ?]]³²⁶

dhânataḥ। prâyachchhad=ÎsânaśivaḥśâsanaṁBhadaṇaulikâṁ RûḍhâRulhâbhi[dham]prâpyaŚiva-bhakti-latâ hiyâ।Lakshmîdhara-Jagatpâla-bhavanaiḥ s=aivavarddhitâ॥Â hâḍêgadha¹¹⁸uttamê samabhavat=sûriḥ sa Sôméśvarôyat-pûjâ-paramâva(ba) [bhûvu]r=akhilà lôkâḥsadà nâgarâḥ ।tasy= âsêsha-g[u]ņâ<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698746019b.PNG"/>[Ga]ṁgâdharaḥpaṁḍitôvidy-âdâna-rataḥ pa–³²⁷

graha-bhayâd-yôn=aikshata kshatriyân॥ Tasmai¹¹⁴dadau Paraśurama-vu(bu)dhaḥsva-putri[ṁ] Sûlh-AbhidhâṁGirisutâm=iva Parvvatêśaḥ ।tasyâṁ= va(ba)bhûvasuta-paṁchatayîkanishṭhô Gôviṁdachaṁdra-vivu(bu)dhaḥ śruti-śâstra-nishṭhaḥ ॥Surâ-lay-³²⁸ârâ[ma]<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747065c.PNG"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747112d.PNG"/>[pra*][śa]stim-êtâm-akarôt=kav-iśvaraḥ [॥*]

23 – – – – – – –॥³²⁹Utkîrṇṇ³³⁰=êyaṁvarṇṇa-vinyâsa-vidbhyâṁGôgê-Jîlhê-nâmakâbhyâṁ-ubhâbhyâṁ।yad-varṇṇ-âlyô bhâṁti pâshâṇa-paṭṭê jâtî-pushp-ârabdha-pûj-ôpamânâḥ ॥Yåvad³¹⁰")= Gaṁgå sutâBhâ[nô] r=yâvad-bhânu-[ni[śâ]]³³¹……………[pra]śa[sti*]……

XI. –THE MADHUBAN COPPER-PLATE OF HARSHA,

DATED SAMVAT 25.

BY G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The subjoined edition of Harsha’s lately found grant has been prepared from two paper impressions and an ink print which have been made and furnished to me by Dr. J. Burgess. The plate was discovered in January 1888, by a cultivator whose phoughshare struck against it in a field near Madhuban, a village in pargaṇa Nathûpur of tehsîl Sagrî, thirty-two Miles NE. from Âzamgaṛh, in the North-Western Provinces. It was obtained by Dr. A. Führer from the Collector of Âzamgarh, and is now in the Lucknow Museum.

The inscription is incised on a single copper-plate measuring 20 inches by 131, and which weighs 83 tbs, but has no ring or seal. The letters are cut neatly and deeply, so that even in those places where the surface has suffered or the plate is uneven, they have not been quite destroyed or blurred, and the reverse of the impressions shows them distinctly. The alphabet is of the Central Indian type which appears on Dr. Bhagvânlâl’s inscriptions from Nepal, Nos. 3–15, the Kâmavana, Jhâlråpâtan, LakkhâMaṇḍal and other inscriptions, as well as on the Horiuzi palm-leaves and the Nepalese Cambridge MS. No. 1019.³³² The characters resemble those of the later epigraphic documents named, especially Dr. Bhagvânlâl’s No. 15, and those of the MSS., more closely than the earlier inscriptions which are known to fall within or immediately after Harsha’s reign. Only
a few letters, like ka and the subscribed ña, show more ancient forms than the palmleaves. As regaṛds ka, the curve of the left-hand limb does not join with the upward stroke on the left of the central vertical line. The subscribed ña has in samájñápayati (1. 10) the older form, which occurs in the LakkhâMandal Praśasti, in rájñi (1. 12) and đjñá (1. 15), the form used in the MSS. and Nepal No. 15, differing only slightly in the position. On the other hand a good many signs like tha, śa, ha and the numerals for 20, 5 and 6 show somewhat later or more developed forms than those of the documents quoted. The letter-numerals 5 and 6 resemble exactly the figures of the Cambridge MS. No. 1702, the sign for 20 comes closest to that of the Cambridge MS. No. 1461.³³³Peculiar is a small excrescence on the left-hand of da, caused by the letter having been made with two strokes, the triangular form of the subscribed va, and the slope in the bottom-lines of the letters pa, ma, ya, va, la, sa, and sha, which however is not constant. These latter mostly show acute angles, but occasionally nearly right angles.

The inscription is most important for palæographical purposes, and its careful study may be recommended to those scholars who still believe that the epigraphie documents give a clear view of the gradual development of the Indian alphabets. If this Śâsana is compared letter for letter with Dr. Bhagvànlàl’s No. 15, it will appear that the latter, which was incised 128 years later, shows a number of more archaic forms. If the Madhuban grant had been accessible when I wrote my palæographic essay on the Iloriuzi palm-leaves³³⁴, it would have been much easier to prove that everywhere in India the epigraphic alphabets are in many details retrograde and lag behind the literary ones,

and to demonstrate more forcibly the great antiquity of the Japanese and of the oldest Nepalesc MSS.

The language of the edict is on the whole good Sanskrit, and there are very few clerical mistakes. As regards the spelling, no distinction is made between ba and va, no doubt because in the seventh century the pronunciation of the two letters was the same, just as at present. I samviḍitaṁ (1. 10) and samvet (1. 18) the letter m remains unchanged before va, which practice is, though against grammar, very common in the inscriptions of the fourth and later centuries, and due to the pronunciation that in this point too agreed with the modern one. Ungrammatical or, unidiomatic forms and words occur exclusively in the technical portion of the grant. Among them may be noted kuṇḍádhánívaishayika (1. 8) for kuṇdhâdhánívishayântaḥpáti, bhuktakaḥ (1. 10) for bhuktaḥ, sarvaparihritapariňáraḥ (1. 11) for parikṛitasarvapariháraḥ, ºsamakâlínaḥ (1. 11) for ‘samakâlikaḥ. Very interesting is the incorrect form pramâtâra, which twice (1. 9 and 1. 17) occurs in the middle of a compound. It can only be explained as caused by the influence of the vernacular language which must have had then as now forms in târ, spelt tára, such as kartâr, instead of the Sanskrit words ending in tṛi.

The historical information which the inscription furnishes, is throughout most interesting. Great IIarsha is known as one of the most eminent kings of India. His life and the lives of his immediate predecessors have been described by Bâṇa and by Hiuen Tsiang. It is therefore most important to sec, if what he says about himself and his family agrees with the accounts in the Śrîharshacharita and in the Si-yu-ki. The result of the comparison is on the whole favourable, especially for Bâņa. But we obtain some valuable additions to the facts already known. The genealogy of Harsha’s family–the Vaiśyas of Sthâṇviśvara³³⁵ prove him to have been a Kshatriya. I also agree with his identification of Harska’s family with the modern Bais Râjputs. I would add that according to Dr. Kielhorn’s MS. B., Patañjali on Pâṇini, IV, 1, 170, (vol. II, p. 369, Kielhorn) mentions a country called Vaisa, an inhabitant of which is named Vaiśya. Dr. Kielhora prints, according to the majority of his MSS. Naiśa and Naiśya. Though this proceeding is undoubtedly correct, yet it by no means follows that the roading of the majority of the MSS. is the original one, for na and va are very similar in the ancient alphabet and the writers or correctors might casily make a mistake in the case of a nume which does not occur in other literary works. Hence it is not impossible that the Mahâbhâshya has preserved the ancient name of the Bais nobles. The fact that the capital of Harsha’s ancestors was Sthâṇvisvara–Thâṇesar, is fully proved by Bâṇa’s statements.")–stands now as follows:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698823726e.PNG"/>

The names of the first three kings and those of their queens are new. Both Iliuen
Tsiang and Bâṇa omit them, the latter mentioning in their stead the remote founder of the family Pushpabhùti or, as the correct spelling of the name probably was, Pushyabhûti³³⁶.³³⁶ They seem however to have stood on Mr. Fleêt’s Sonpat scal of Harsha, on the

facsimile of which (1. 5) the end of the name of Prabhâkaravardhana’s mother is visible in the words . . . . naguptâdêvyâm utpannaḥ.³³⁷ it appears that he has made out the names of the second and third kings and of the third queen.")As all three receive the simple title mahârâja, it follows that their power was not great, and it is even doubtful if they were independent. For in the fourth, fifth, sixth and later centuries of our era the title mahârâja was commonly given to great vassals, as the Valabhî and numerous other inscriptions prove. The position of the fourth ruler, Prabhâkaravardhana, was of course different. As he is called paramabhaṭṭâraka and mahârâdhirâja, he must have been an independent sovereign and a man of some consequence. He no doubt owed his prosperity to his own valour. Bâṇa mentions his successful wars against his northern neighbours, the king of Gandhâata and the Hûnas in the Himâlayas, against the king of Sindh in the west, and against the rulers on his southern frontier, the Gûrjaras, i.e., those of Bhînmâl in Râjputânâ, the Lâṭas, i.e., the Gûrjaras of Bharoch, who no doubt assisted their northern clansmen, and against the king of Mâlava³³⁸, where the foes of Prabhâkaravardhana are briefly enumerated and in a somewhat different order.").The same author gives also a number of other data which prove that Prabhâkaravardhana’s wars did not lead to permanent conquests of the countries or tribes which he combated and may have vanquished. Thus he tells us that shortly before his death the king sent his eldest son “into the north-country in order to exterminate the Hûnas.³³⁹” Again, we hear³⁴⁰that immediately after Prabhâkaravardhana’s death the king of Mâlava was powerful enough to destroy the kingdom of the Maukhari Grahavarman, the son-in-law of the ruler, of Sthâṇvîśvara, and to slay him, as well as that he intended to attack Thâṇeśar. That does not look as if Mâlava had suffered much at the hands of its foe. Another remark which Bâṇa makes on the same occasion warns us against forming too high an opinion of the extent of Prabhâkaravardhana’s kingdom. He says that after Grahavarman’s death, his wife Râjyaśrî was thrown into prison at Kanyakubja, and lay there in fetters. Hence Kanyakubja seems to have been the independent state which Grahavarman governed and the kingdom of Sthâṇvîśvara which Prabhâkaravardhana held, cannot have extended far eastwards. It seems probable that his possessions did not go beyond the limits of the kingdom of Thâṇeśar which Hiuen Tsiang describes (Beal’s Si-yu-ki, vol. I, p. 183ff), and which, as Sir A. Cunningham (Ancient Geography, p. 328ff) suggests, probably included portions of the Southern Panjâb and of Eastern Râjputânâ. A state, the circuit of which amounted to 7000 li or 1200 miles, might exercise a considerable influencc, keep its neighbours in fear, and afford to a very talented king the means for greater conquests; but its ruler cannot have been a chakravartin.

The further description of Prabhâkaravardhana in our grant is obviously

conventional. The same expressions occur also on the Asîrgaḍh seal of the Maukhari Śarvavarman, and apply there to the first king Harivarman. The only other statement which possesses a historical value is the assertion that Prabhâkaravardhana was “a most devout worshipper of the Sun.” Bâṇa, too, says of him (in the Śṛîharshacharita p. 274)—“ And owing to his natural disposition this prince became a worshipper of the Sun.” He goes on describing at length the king’s daily devotions, adding that the recitation of the Ádityahṛidaya—a still much-used stotra—formed part of them. The name of Prabhâkaravardhana’s queen is likewise known from Bâṇa’s poem. In the latter she is however called Yaśovatî, not Yaśomatî.³⁴¹This vacillation in two contemporaneous sources is another instance showing how little the Hindus care about the form of a name provided the sense remains the same.

Prabhâkaravardhana’s eldest son Râjyavardhana ruled, as Bâṇa and Hiuen Tsiang tell us, for a short time only. Soon after his father’s death he set out in order to punish the king of Mâlava and to avenge the destruction of Grahavarman. He was successful, defeated and slew his foe. But before he returned home, he followed an invitation of the king of Gauḍa (Śrîhârshacharita) or Karṇa-Suvarṇa (Si-yu-ki),—named, according to one MS. of the Śrîharshacharita, Narendragupta and according to the Si-yu-ki Śaśâṅka,—who treacherously killed him, because he feared his military ability.³⁴² The grant in the main confirms these statements. The verse inserted, 11. 6-7, declares that after defeating various kings, Devagupta and others, Râjyavardhana “gave up his life in the mansion of his foe owing to his adherence to a promise.” Assuming the correctness of Bâṇa’s account (Śrîharshacharita, pp. 393-394), according to which the expedition against Mâlava followed immediately after Prabhâkaravardhana’s death and Râjyavardhana was slain some months³⁴³later, it may be suggested that Devagupta was the name of the Mâlava king. The latter certainly was the chief foe, and the conquest of his kingdom is attested by the further statement of Bâṇa that Bhaṇḍin, who had accompanied Râjyavardhana, brought the booty from Mâlava to Harsha when the latter had reached the territory of Kumâra-Bhâskaravarman on his expedition of revenge against the king of Gauḍa.³⁴⁴ Asserts. Bâṇa, 298, states plainly that he was the son of queen Yaśovatî’s brother, who at the age of eight years became the attendant of the two princes, अस्मिन्नेव तु कालं यशोवत्या भ्राता सुतमष्टवर्षदेशीयम् . . . भण्डिनामाममनुचरं कुमारयोरर्पितवान्. Dr. Hall has already pointed out that Hiuen Tsiang’s account of the part which Bhaṇḍin played in setting Harsha on the throne does not agree with Bâṇa’s narrative. It is no doubt inexact.")I may add that the word Mâlava need not refer here or in the other passages of the Śrîharshacharita to the Mâlava in Central India. There was another Mâlava in the Panjâb, much nearer to Thâneśar, which may be meant.

Another statement of the grant which possesses some interest is that Râjyavardhana was a Saugata or Buddhist (1. 6). If Bâṇa, himself a Brâhmaṇ, does not

mention it, there is no reason for wondering at his reticence. But it is certainly curious that the fact—for such it must be considered—escaped the notice of Hiuen Tsiang, who is so anxious to record every point in favour of his faith and who occasionally, it would seem, exaggerates its influence in India. Suchan exaggeration of the Chinese pilgrim is laid bare by the only direct statement concerning Harsha which the grant contains. Harsha calls himself a most devout worshipper of Maheśvara or Śiva, “who like Maheśvara is compassionate towards all created beings.” It agrees with this assertion that the emblem on the Soṇpat seat is a reclining Nandi. Huen Tsiang, on the other hand, tries to make out tha Harsha was a Buddhist or full of faith in Buddha from the beginning. He tells us an obviously fictitious story describing how Harsha was prevented from mounting the throne and induced to take the title kumâra by a Bodhisattva, who miraculously appeared to him in return for his worship³⁴⁵

In the gencalogical portion of the grant Harsha says nothing more about himself, and to our regret thereby sets an example which few Indian princes have imitated. But indirectly we learn something more about him from his edict. First, the wording of the verse in II. 16-17, and the reverential manner in which the grant in 1. 13 speaks of “the feet” of the elder brother, prove that Harsha really felt the strong attachment and great regard for Râjyavardhana of which Bâṇa speaks very fre–quently. Otherwise he would not treat him here with almost greater reverence than
his parents. Secondly, we learn from the edict that Harsha really was a poet. The second admonitory verse, Il. 16-17, gives us a maxim proclaimed by Harsha. Its wording proves beyond a doubt that the king superintended the drafting of the grant, and that this verse at least is his own composition. The fact that the first admonitory verse contains the same sentiments which are usually given in such passages, but in its form differs from all the known parallel passages, makes it probable that it likewise belongs to him. Under these circumstances I feel inclined to ascribe to him also the verse on Râjyavardhana. Instanees in which kings took a part in the composition of their inscriptions are not common. No. 15 of Dr. Bhagvânlâl’s Nepâl series, where five verses are stated to be “the clever king’s own composition,” proves, however, that such things did occur. In the case of Harsha it is not astonishing that he took an interest in such matters, as we still possess three plays which go under his name and probably, in part at least, proceeded from his pen. The third piece of information, a confirmation of Hiuen Tsiang’s account, of his military career, is furnished by the particulars regarding the donation. The object of the grant is to transfer the village of Somakuṇḍikâ situated in the vishaya of Kuṇḍadhânî, and in the bhukti of Śrâvastî, to two learned Brâhmans, the Sámavedî Bhaṭṭa Vâtasvâmin of the Sâvarṇi gotra and the Ṛigvedî Bhaṭṭa Śivadevasvâmin of the Vishṇuvṛiddha gotra. The village had formerly been enjoyed on the strength of a forged śâsana by one Vâmarathya, from whom it is now taken after destroying the old plate. The latter point is of some interest, as it shows that the rules of the Smṛitis which settle the punishment for forgers of royal edicts, were not unnecessary, and that ancient forgeries existed. As the village granted by Harsha was situated in the bhukti of Śrâvastî, it is evident that he had conquered at the time a very considerable portion of Northern and Central India. The dûtaka,

or officer charged with the execution of the grant, was the Mahâsâmanta-mahârâja Skandagupta who held the office of pramâtṛi. This personage is probably the same Skandagupta who, according to Bâṇa³⁴⁶,was “the master of the elephant” at the death of Râjyavardhana and addressed to his prince the well-known speech full of political wisdom and historical allusions. The order to engrave the inscription was given by the chief of the mahâksḥapaṭalika’s office, or the great keeper of the records, sâmanta-mahârâja Îśvaragupta, and it was barried out by one Gurjara, whose name no doubt is derived from his caste.³⁴⁷

The date of the grant, Sarṃvat 25, Mârgaśîrsha vadi 6, clearly refers to the Śrîharsha era. Since the discovery of Mr. Bendall’s inscrintion³⁴⁸of Aṁśuvarman, dated Saṁvat 34, it is not doubtful that the era began in 606 A.D. Our date consequently corresponds to November-December 631 or, if the years are taken as elapsed, to 632 A.D. I am unable to offer any suggestion regarding the situation of Pinthikâ, where Hersha’s camp of victory which included elephants, horses and boats, was located at the time when the edict was issued.

TRANSCRIPT.

L. 1. ओ³⁴⁹स्वस्ति महानौहस्त्यश्वजयस्कन्धावारात् पिन्थिकायाः महाराजश्रीनरवर्धनस्तस्य पुन्नृस्तत्पादानुध्यातः श्रीवज्निणीदेव्यामुत्पन्नः परमादित्यभक्तो

L. 2. महाराजश्रीराज्यवर्धनस्तस्य पुत्रस्तत्पदानुध्यातः श्रीअप्सरोदेन्यामुत्पन्नः परमादित्यभृक्तो महा-राजश्रीमददित्यवर्धनस्तस्य पुत्रस्तत्पादानुध्यातः श्रीमहा-

L. 3. सेनगुप्तादेव्यामुत्पन्नश्चतुःसमुद्रातिक्कान्तकीर्त्तिः प्रतापानुरागोपनतान्यराजो वर्णा-श्रमव्यवस्थापनमय त्तचक्र एकचक्करथ इव प्रजानामार्त्तिहरः

L. 4. परमादित्यभक्तः परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजश्रीप्रभाकरवर्धनस्तस्य पुत्रस्तत्पादानुध्यातः सितय-शःप्रतानविच्छरितसकलभुवनमण्डलः परिगृहीत-

L. 5.धनदवरुणेन्द्रप्रभृतिलोकपालतेजाः सत्पथोपार्ज्जितानेकप्रविणभूमिप्रदानसम्प्रीणितार्थिहृदयोति-शयितपूर्व्वराजचरितो देव्याममलयशोमत्यां

L. 6. श्रीयशोमत्यामुत्पन्नः परमसौगतः सुगत इव परहितैकरतः परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजश्रीराज्य-वहनः राजानो युधि दुष्टवाजिन इव श्रीदेवगुप्ता -

I. 7. दयः

कृत्वा येन कशाप्रहारं विमुखा सर्व्वे समं संयताः [ । ]
उत्खाय दिषतो विजित्य वसुधां कृत्वा प्रजानां प्रियं
प्राणानुज्मितवानरातिभवने सत्यानुरोधेन यः [[॥ ]]³⁵⁰तस्यानुज -

L. 8. स्तत्पादानुध्यातः परममाहेश्वरी महेश्वर इव सर्व्वसत्वानुकम्पी परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराज–श्रीहर्षः श्रावस्तीभुक्तौ कुण्डधानीवैषयिकसोमकुण्डिकाग्रामे

L. 9. समुपगतां³⁵¹महासामन्तमहाराजदौम्साधसाधनिकप्रमातारराजस्थानीयकुमारामात्योपरिकविष–यपतिभटचाटसेवकादीन्प्रतिवासिजनपदाश्च समा-

L. 10³⁵². ज्ञापयत्यस्तु वः सम्विदितंमयं सोमकुण्डकाग्रामो ब्राह्मणवामरप्येन कूटशासनेन भुक्तक इति विचार्य यतस्त शासनं भङ्क्ता तस्मादाक्षिप्य च स्वसीमा-

L. 11. पर्यन्तः सोद्रङ्गः सर्व्वराजकुलाभाव्यप्रत्यायसमेतः सर्व्वपरितपरिहृतपरिहारो विषयाद्वष्टृतपिण्डः पुत्रपौत्रानुगः चन्द्रार्क्कक्षितिसमकालीनो

L. 12. भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेन मया पितुः परमभट्टारकमहाराधिराजश्रीप्रभाकरवर्द्धनदेवस्य मातुः परम-
भट्टारिकाम्रहादेवीराज्ञीश्रीयशोमतीदेव्याः

L. 13. ज्येष्ठभ्रातृपरमभट्टारकर्महाराजाधिराजश्रीराज्यवर्द्धनदेवपादानां च पुण्ययशोभिवृहये सावर्णिस-
गोत्रच्छन्दोंगसब्रह्मचारिभट्टवातस्वामि-

L. 14. विष्णुवृङ्गसगोत्रवह्नचसब्रह्मचारिशिवदेवस्वामिभ्यां प्रतिग्रहधर्म्मणाग्रहानूत्वेन प्रतिपादितः विदित्वा भवद्भि समनुमन्तव्यः प्रति

L. 15. वासिजनपदैरप्याज्ञाश्रवणविधेयैर्भूत्वा यथासमुचिततुल्यमेयभागभोगकरहिरण्यायादिप्रत्यायाः अनयोरेवोपनेयाः सेवोपस्थानं च करणीयमित्य-

L. 16. पि च ॥

अस्मत्कुलक्कममुदारमुदाहरङ्गिरन्यैश्च दानमिदमभ्यनुमोदनीयं [ । ]

लक्ष्मप्रास्तडित्सलिलचंचलायाः दानं फलं परयशःपरिपालनं च ।

कर्म्मण

L. 17. मनसा वाचा कर्त्तव्यं प्राणिनेहितं [ । ]

हर्षेणैतसमाख्यातं³⁵³ धर्म्मर्ज्जनमनुत्तमं ॥

दूतकोत्र महाप्रमातारमहासामन्तश्रीस्कन्दगुप्तः महाक्षपटलाधिकरणाधि -

L. 18. कृतसामन्तमहाराजेश्वरगुप्तसमादेशाच्चोत्कीर्णं गुर्ज्जरेण सम्वत् २० + ५ मार्ग्गशीर्षवदि ६

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ Hail ! From the great camp of victory (containing) boats, elephants and horses, from Pinthikâ:³⁵⁴—the great king, the illustrious Naravardhana ; his son who meditated on his (father’s) feet ( was he who was ) born from the illustrious queen Vajrinî, a most devout worshipper of the Sun, the great king, the illustrious Râjyavardhana. His son who meditated on his (father’s) feet (was he who was) born from the illustrious queen Apsaras, a most devout worshipper of the Sun, the great king, the illustrious Adityavardhana. His son who meditated on his (father’s) feet (was he who was) born from the illustrious queen Mahâsenaguptâ, he whose fame passed beyond the four oceans, he whose sovereign power was employed in settling (the system of) castes and orders, who like (the deity) with the single-wheeled chariot³⁵⁵removed the torments of his subjects, a most devout worshipper of the Sun, the supreme lord and supreme king of great kings, the illustrious Prabhâkaravardhana. His son who meditated on his

______________________________

L. 11 Read विषयादुद्धृत.

1 Metre of the first verse, Vasantatilakâ; of the second, Anushṭubh.

(father’s) feet (was he) who overspread the circle of the whole world with the canopy of his brilliant fame; who completely appropriated the lustre of the guardians of the world, Dhanada, Varuṇa, Indra and so forth; who gladdened the hearts of needy men by gifts of many excellent³⁵⁶ (pieces of) land gained in a righteous manner; who was born from the queen possessing spotless fame, the illustrious Yaśomatî,—a most devout worshipper of Sugata, who like Sugata solely found pleasure in doing good to others, the supreme lord and supreme king of great kings, the illustrious Râjyavardhana; “By whom, plying his whip in battle, the kings Devagupta and others— who resembled wicked horses— were all subdued with averted faces; who, after uprooting his enemies, after conquering the earth, and doing what was agreeable to his subjects, in consequence of his adherence to his promise gave up his life in the mansion of his foe.” His younger brother who meditates on his (elder brother’s) feet, a most devout worshipper of Maheśvara, who like Maheśvara is compassionate towards all created beings, the supreme lord and supreme king of great kings, the illustrious Harsha, addresses (this) order to the great feudal barons, the great kings, Daussâdhasâdhanikas³⁵⁷, is identical with dauḥsâdhika (see A. Weber, Hâla, 406, 557), it means perhaps “policeman,” or, as Professor Weber thinks, “doorkeepe..”"),Pramâtṛis³⁵⁸, and regarding the form pramâtâra, see above, p. 68."),viceroys, princes, ministers, Uparikas, rulers of districts, regular and irregular soldiers, servants and others, as well as to the provincials of the neighbourhood, assembled in the village of Somakuṇḍikâ which belongs to the district (vishaya) of Kuṇḍadhânî in the bhukti of Śråvastî :

“Be it known to you that, having considered that this village of Somakuṇḍikâ has been enjoyed³⁵⁹by the Brahman Vâmarathya on the strength of a forged edict, having therefore broken that edict and having taken (the village) from him, I have granted it, up to its boundaries, together with the udraṅga, together with (the right to) all the income which ought to accrue to the house of the king³⁶⁰ and other grants of the same series. Mr. Fleet interprets them however differently. I dissolve the compound by sarva-râjakula-âbhâvya-pratyâya-sametaḥ and take âbhâvya in the sense of âbhâvayitarya."),endowed with all immunities . . . . . . . (with the right of) inheritance by sons and grandsons, (for a period) lasting as long as moon, sun and earth (endure), according to the maxim concerning land unfit for tillage,¹for the increase of the merit and fame of (my) father, the supreme lord

1 My translation of bhûmichchhidra by ‘land unfit for tillage’ rests on a passage of Yâdava’s Vaijaydnti, where we read according to a MS. sent to me by Dr. Oppert (now India Office Bühler Sausk. MSS., No. 145) in the Vaiśyôdhyâya of the Bhûmikâṇḍa, III, 8, 16b-17:

केदारः केदरः क्षेत्रमुर्बरा सर्वसस्यभूः ॥ १६ ॥

भूमिच्छिद्रं कृष्ययोग्या प्रहृतं नालमुत्थितम् ।
खिलं त्वप्रहृतं स्थानमूषवत्यूषरेरिणे ॥ १७ ॥

The maxim concerning ground unfit for tillage is probably that enunciated by Manu, IX, 44, that “a field belongs to him who cleared away the timber.” The ultimate sense of the expression is, therefore, that the land in question is made over to the donee with the same full right of ownership which the first oultivator would have possessed who reclaimed it.

and supreme king of great kings, His Majesty the illustrious Prabhâkaravardhana, of (my) mother, the supreme lady and great queen, Her Majesty the illustrious queen Yaśomatî, and of the feet of (my) elder brother, the supreme lord and supreme king of great kings, His Majesty the illustrious Râjyavardhana,—to Bhaṭṭa Vâtasvâmin, a member of the Sâvarṇi gotra, and a fellow-student of the Chhandogas (a Sâmavedi) and to Bhaṭṭa Śivadevasvâmin, a member of the Vishṇuvṛiddha gotra and a fellow-student of the Bahvṛichas (a Ṛigved), as a duly accepted³⁶¹agrahâra. Knowing this you should agree (to it), and the provincials of the neighbourhood being obedient to (my) command should bring to these two (donees) alone the due income, which is to be given according to weight and according to measure, (viz.) the share (of the crops), the (objects of) enjoyment,³⁶² enjoyment’ the so-called huks, fruit, firewood, flowers, pao, etc., which the villagers have to furnish to their lord either daily or on certain occasions, —see also Manu VII, 118, and the note to my translation of the passage.")the taxes, the gold and so forth, and they should do them service.”

Moreover, “By those who profess (to belong to) the noble line of our race and by others this gift ought to be agreed to. Gifts and the protection of the fame of others (are) the result of fortune that is unstable like lightning or a water-bubble.” “With deeds, thoughts and words living beings should do their duty. Harsha has declared that an unsurpassable (mode of) acquiring spiritual merit.”³⁶³

Tlfe messenger (charged with the order) concerning this (grant is) the great feu dal baron, the great king Skandagupta; and (the edict) has been incised by Gur-jara at the command of the great chief of the office of records, the feudal baron, the great king Îśvaragupta, [Śrîharsha-]Saṁvat 25 Mârgaśîrsha, dark half, the sixth (Junar day).

XII.-THE DEWAL PRAŚASTI OF LALLA THE CHHINDA.

By G. Bühler, Ph.D., L.L.D., C.I.E.

The Dewal Praśasti was originally discovered by Mr. II. S. Boulderson in 1829, at the village of Gaḍh Gajâna, on the west bank of the Kâvâ or Katnî stream, between Dewal and Deoriyâ,about twenty miles south-east of Pilibhit, in the North-Western Provinces.³⁶⁴

The inscription is incised with great neatness and care on a stone slab, measuring 3’ 9" by 2’ 1", and is in a state of almost perfect preservation. The characters are ancient Nâgarî, differing from the ordinary type of the tenth century only in that the loops on the left hand of na and ma are not closed, but represented by a curve. Similarly

the left limb of ka in the group ksha is curved upwards. In all other respects the letters closely resemble those of the Paramâra, Râṭhor, and other inscriptions of the same period. As in most other inscriptions from Northern India, we find here no distinction between the letters ba and va, which doubtless were pronounced alike. In râjahansî, 1. 3, the dental na is substituted for the anusrâra. The letter pha has a very archaic form. Owing to the peculiarity mentioned above and guided by a peculiar interpretation of a statement of the copyist who in verse 36 call himself “acquainted with crooked letters” (kuṭilâksharâṇi), Mr. Prinsep has called the alphabet of this inscription the Kuṭila alphabet. It seems to me, however, that there is no sufficient reason for doing so I cannot see anything particularly crooked in any of the letters, and do not think it likely that the very slight modifications in three signs could have caused the alphabet to be designated by a special name. Moreover, if the writer says that he was acquainted with crooked letters, the natural interpretation of the phrase seems to be that it refers to his skill in reading badly written and difficult documents, not that he was acquainted with letters called Kuḷila. For there is nowhere else an indication that an alphabet of this name existed. Nor could the knowledge of such ordinary easily read characters as those of our inscription become the subject of a boast on the part of a professional scribe. If a writer wishes to extol his skill, he will of course say that he is proficient in the difficult local alphabets, used by the professional classes, such as the Moḍî, Lânde, &c., which all, indeed, are very “crooked” and are not easily deciphered. I would, therefore, remove the term Kuṭila alphabet from Indian palæography and describe the letters of the Dewal inscription as Nâgarî of the North Indian type.

The language is very high-flown Sanskrit, which, however, is not quite free from mistakes. When the author speaks, verse 21, of “holy śâsanas, situated on the banks of pure rivers,” he uses the word śâsana in the sense of “villages granted by śâsanas or edicts,” for which meaning it might be difficult to find good authority. Again, the use of âvabhâra, in verse 11, is very curious. Further, the construction of samvaddhâ, verse 32, with the locative instead of with the instrumental is ungrammatical. Finally, there are some cases where words seem to have been put in mercly in order to make up the verse.

The inscription records the erection of two temples dedicated respectively to Śiva and to Pârvatî and of certain donations made to them. The founders were the provincial chief, Lalla of the Chhinda family, and his wife Lakshmî.

The pedigree of the former is given as follows:—

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The allusion in verse 4 to Chyavana’s quarrel with Indra shows that the person intended is the mythical sage of the Bhârgava tribe, who according to the Vedic and Purânic legends married Sukanyâ, the daughter of king Śaryâta or Śaryâti, a son or descendant of Manu Vaivasvata. The Chhinda family would, therefore, seem to have claimed connexion with the Solar line of Kshatriyas. Its name occurs elsewhere only in the Jaina lists. It is found in the slightly different form Chhindaka in the Ratna-

kosha³⁶⁵,and in the Kumârapâlacharita³⁶⁶. Sir H. Elliot’s identification (Memoirs, &c., vol. I, p. 73) of the Chhindas with the Chandels is most improbable, because the words do not agree and the Jaina lists contain both names.")of Jinamaṇḍana where the thirty-six Râjput tribes are likewise enumerated.

The description of the four Chhinda chiefs named is almost purely conventional. In spite of the extravagant praise of their bravery and warlike exploits, it may be considered as certain that they were only ordinary feudatories, obeying a paramount power, possibly the king of Kanauj. The real facts recorded are very few. Regarding Malhaṇa it is said in verse 11 that he was a Śaiva, and in verse 13 that his consort Aṇahilâ belonged to the royal Chulukîśvara race. The latter name is, I think, an equivalent of the better-known one Chaulukya. The Chaulukas derive their origin from a mythical hero Chuluka, who is said to have been created from Brahman’s waterpot (chuluka). Chulukîśvara may stand either for chuluki(n)-îśvara or, as I believe to be more likely, with a somewhat irregular sandhi for chulukya-îśvara, and may be translated the Chulukya lords. Malhaṇa’s marriage seems to have been above his rank and a source of pride to the family. The definite statements regarding his son Lalla are—that he brought the Kaṭha river to his unnamed capital, verse 22, and that he built the temples of Śiva and Pârvati in conjunction with his wife Lakshmî, endowing them with some villages, situated in the Mayûtâ of Bhûshaṇa,to which he gave the name Devapallî, as well as with a fourth of his income. Sir A. Cunningham’s researches³⁶⁷have shown that Devapallî is the modern Dewal³⁶⁸,and that the Katha river is the canal still called Katnî-nadî. The latter identification makes it very probable that Lalla’s residence was the deserted fort, called Gaḍh-khera, which is almost surrounded by the canal. As the date of the inscription, Saṁvat 1019, probably refers to the Vikrama era and thus corresponds to 992-93 A.D., Lalla and the other chiefs named, all lived in the tenth century. Nehila, the author of the Praśasti, who, as would appear from his great praise of Lalla’s liberality, must have been very well paid for his work, was the son of Bhaṭṭa Śivarudra and belonged to the Vedic gotra of Vatsa. The copyist Takshâditya, son of Vishṇuhari, was a Gauḍa Kâyastha, and Somanâtha, son of Kâmadeva, the mason, who incised the document, was a native of Kanya-kubja—Kanauj.

TRANSCRIPT.

L. 1. ओ ओं नमः शिवाय ॥

हेलाङ्गुष्ठाग्रपीडाभरनमदचलोत्संगसन्भारदूर भ्रश्यङ्गुभारतिर्यग्दलितमणिफणामण्डले भोगिराजे ।तत्कालीड्भ्रान्तलोकत्रितयक्कतमहास्तोत्रमन्त्रावतारः पायाद्वः पा [र्व्व ती]शः शमितदशशिरःशौ-र्यवीर्यावलेपः ॥ [[१॥]]³⁶⁹
L. 2.

शूलक्षतद्विरददानवकुंभमुक्तमुक्ताकलापकलितामलकण्ठकांतिः ।

विश्वं पुवातु गिरिजा वदनावधूतचन्द्रोपनीतपरिवेषमिवोद्वहन्ती ॥ [[२॥]]¹¹⁴

लक्ष्मीविभ्रमकेलिम सुभटव्यापारलीलास्पदं प्रख्यात -

L. 3. क्षितिपालरत्नजलधिः श्रीराजहन्सीसरः। सद्वीरव्रततीर्थमर्थिकुमुदप्रज्ञादनेन्दुर्हिष द्वंशभ्रंशदवानलो विजयतां छिन्दक्षितीशान्वयः॥ [[३॥]]¹¹⁸उत्पत्तिरस्य हि पुरा च्यवनान्महर्षेर्व्वग्क्तत्यलीककलिते त्रिदशाधिनाथे।

तद्दर्प्पनिर्द्दलनदत्तकठो -

L. 4. रदृष्टेरष्टासु दिक्षु यशसैव सह प्रसिद्धा॥ [[४॥]]³⁷⁰

वंशेस्मिन्सितकीर्त्तिकन्दलवति श्रीवैशम्रर्म्माख्यया ख्यातभून्नुवि भूषितावनितलो राजन्यचूडामणिः।

जन्मस्थानमिवाकलय्य कमला तुङ्गात्मनां भाविनाम्भर्तॄणामवनेश्चकार चतुरा यस्यालयान्तस्थिति-

L.5. म्॥ [[ [५] ]]³⁷¹

त्यागी धर्म्मपरः पराक्रमंधनः सत्यप्रियः कीर्त्तिमान्सन्मार्ग्गानुगतः शुचिर्दृढमतिर्म्मानोन्नतो नीतिमान्।

शौर्यौदार्यविवेकधैर्यनिलयो यः सङ्गतः सज्जनैर्युक्तः सर्व्वगुणोदयेन महतामाराधनीयोभवत्॥[[६॥]]³⁷¹

तस्मादत्युग्रतजःप्रसरनियमितारा -

L. 6. तिपङ्गोपसंगः श्रीमांश्चण्डप्रतापः सकलवसुमतीभूषणं भूषणोभूत्।

यस्योद्योगप्रसर्प्पहलभरदलितक्ष्मातलस्थस्थवीयः शेषाहिश्वासशीषादगमदिरिणतां निर्ज्जलं भोगिसद्म॥ [[७॥]]¹⁶¹

यत्सैन्यगन्धगजगण्डगलन्मदाम्भः संजातचन्द्रकशतैरिव मुद्रि-
L.7. तासु।

दूरे विपक्षकरिणो वनदन्तिनोपि भूयो न वारि जग्टहुः सरसीष्वरण्ये॥ [[८]]¹¹⁴

यः सेबागतराजचक्रमुकुटोदृष्टांघ्रिपीठस्थलो भर्त्ता यश्चतुरम्वुराशिरशनालंकारवत्या भुवः।

विक्षेपैरपि यस्य तै रघुपतेराशोषिताः सिन्धवो यस्तस्यापि महाकुला -

L.8. [च]ल इवावष्टभ्य तस्थौ भुवम्॥ [[९॥ ]]³⁷²

यस्यैषा राजधानी रजनिकरकराकारकान्तैर्ग्गुणौघैः पूर्णवाद्यापि रमना स्फुरति मरकतश्यामलैः काननान्तः।

उद्यानैर्न्नन्दनाभैरतिविशदसुधासेकशुभ्रैः सुराणां प्रासादैरुन्नताग्रैरमरंपतिपुरीस्पड्विनीव विभाति॥ [[१०]]¹⁶¹

L.9. तस्यानुजः समभवद्भवभक्तिनमः श्रीमल्हणः परिघपीवरवाहुदण्डः।

भ्रातुः कृपाणतुलिताहितराजचक्रं यो लीलयैव धवलो धुरमावभार [॥ [[११॥]]¹¹⁴

ल[ व्ध्व]ा ततः स विपुलामपि राजलक्ष्मीं भक्तिं परामकृत देवगुरुद्विजेषु।

L. 10. प्रीत्यै सुहृत्प्रणयिवन्धुजनेजनिष्ट दुष्टत्तयादतनुतातिमुदं प्रजासु॥ [[१२॥]]³⁷³

तस्य प्रियापि चुलुकीखरराजवंशसम्भूतिरुज्वलगुणाभरणाभिरामा।

गीता जगत्यणहिलेति समस्तकान्तशुद्धान्तवक्तमलेन्दुकला वभूव॥ [[१३॥ ]]¹¹⁴

तस्यां श्रीलल्लनामाजनि जनितमहामण्डलाधीशशङ्कः शूरः कुन्दे -

L. 11. न्दुदत्तव्युतितुलितगुणालंकृताशामुखत्रीः ।

**योसौ सामन्तचक्राचलकनकगिरिर्विज्ञतारातिल मीतिर्यङ्गेचान्तपातीइतभुजशिखरन्छिन्दवंशप्र-

          रोहः॥[\[१४\]][^465]**

चित्रं यदस्य किल जन्मदिने ममन्तात् श्रीमल्हणस्य भवने परमप्रमोदे ।
आवेदयत्युदयम-
L. 12. म्वरतः पपात । भृङ्गालिमङ्गलरवैरिव पुष्पवृष्टिः॥[[१५]]³⁷⁴

नोन्नित्र नलिनी न वार्ष्णितमनस्विन्धा सतां सङ्गति-र्वोत्पुलस्तवका नता वनलताशीमा समस्या न च ।

मोद्यामा कविभारती न च तथा हृद्या लक्ष्मीर्यस्य शरत्कौमुदी यथा वभूव विदुषामानन्दनिष्यन्दि
L. 13.
नी॥ [[१६]]³⁷⁵

किचातैरपरैईराधिपतिभिमन्ये वृथा रक्षिता येषान्तिछति दुर्भरीव वनिता श्रीरप्यभोग्या गृहे।
नाभूदस्ति न नापि कीपि भविता भूपालचूडामणिर्यः श्रीलल्लनरेन्द्रचन्द्रसदशस्यागेन भीगेनच[१७॥³⁷⁶]
भादौ सङ्गरसंगताहितमहामातङ्गकुन्भ[स्थ] -
L. 14. ’
ली सिन्दूरारुणकान्तिरुज्वलयभस्तेजोभिरिधस्ततः ।

उत्खातारितमः प्रतायविसरैराक्रान्तदिन्मण्डल स्तिग्मांशोस्तुलनाम्विभर्ति भुवने यन्मलाग्रोधुना॥³⁷⁷

** भ्रब्धौ मुक्तायमाना शिरसि हिमगिरेरभ्रगङ्गायमाना
व्योनि ज्योत्सायमाना दिशि दिशि करियां कुम्भ-
L. 15.
मालायमाना ।**

** उचैर्देवालयानामुपरि सितपताकायमाना यदीया
कीर्त्तिर्भान्ता समन्तादनुनदि पुलिने राजहंसीयमाना ॥[[१८॥]]³⁷⁸**

कष्टे काले कलावप्पभिभवति जगत्कूपवापीतडागै रासन्धारामसन्चैः सुरसदनमण्डिताया-ममुष्याम् ॥

** रमग्रामृष्टिं वहन्त्या
L. 16. मतिसुजनजनानन्दितायां नगर्यो यस्मिन्धर्मावतारी प्रकृतकृतयुगान्धर-सम्भावनाभूत् [[२०]]³⁷⁹**

** यः शासनान्यतिसमृञ्चजनान्वितानि सीमान्तसस्यवडलानि ददौ द्विजेभ्यः ।
पार्श्वप्रशस्ततरुषण्डममोहराणि पुण्यानि निर्मूलनदीतटवासभांजि ॥[[२१]]³⁸⁰
गङ्गा भ -
L. 17. गोरथेनेव येन मार्गोपदेशिना।**

** खपुरीसबिधी रमरा पुण्या कठनदी कृता ॥[[२२]]³⁸¹
तस्याभवत्प्रणयिनी मधुसूदनस्य लक्ष्मीरिवामलकुलाम्बुनिधेः प्रसूता**

** सर्व्वावरोधनवधूमुखपद्मषण्ड मालेयष्टिरपराभिषयापि लक्ष्मीः ॥[[२३॥]]³⁸²
भक्त्वा च या विनयनमुर्तया
**

L. 18. च पत्युचेगी जहार गुणवत्यनुरागिणी च ।

** रमंत्र हराद्रिसतयोरिव तत्तथा हि प्रेमापि रूढमनयोरितरतरस्यम् ॥ [२४॥³⁷⁴ ]
भारामोद्यानवा पीषु देवतायतनेषु च ।
कृतानि क्रियमाणानि यस्याः कम्मणि सर्व्वदा \।[[२५]]³⁸³
दीनानाथविपद्धेषु करुणान्वितचेतसः ।**

** सत्रे -
L. 19. षु भुते यस्या विप्रसंधा दिने दिने ॥[[२६॥]]³⁸⁴**

** इत्यं विवितमनयोः परिवर्धमानधर्मप्रवन्धविगलत्कलिकालवृत्त्योः ।
एकस्तयो मुमकारयदिन्दुमौलेः प्रासादमद्रितनयाभवनन्तथान्या ॥ [२७॥]
सुरण्टहयुगमेतत्तुङ्गकैलासशृङ्गतियतुलितकान्ति श्वेत-**

**
मुञ्च सुधाभिः ।

L. 22.**

** वितरति हृदि नान्तर्विस्मयं कस्य वातप्रहतघनपताकाकंपिताम्भोदवृन्दम्॥[[२७॥]]³⁸⁵”
यावत्सकोस्तुभमुरो मुरमईनस्य शम्भोः शशाङ्गशृकलाभरणं शिरश्च ।
यावत्स्यितिन्दधति तोयधयः समस्ताः स्तादेव तावदचला भुवि कीर्त्तिरेषा [[२८॥]]³⁸⁶
संजय -
L. 23. तु भुवि लझन्छिन्दवंशप्रवीरः सममतिगुणवत्या कान्तया चेह लारा \।**

** रिपुगजमदपंकप्लाविताग्रेण येन प्रतिरणमसिनैवालेखि दिक्षु प्रशस्तिः ॥ [२९]]³⁸⁷
भूत्यै सदैव भवने कृतसंनिधाना नानाविधानि दुरितानि विनाशयन्ती ।
साप[त्य]दारपरिव[सु] -
ब्रहणस्य श्रीलझमण्डलपतेरनधास्त देवी ॥ [ [३०॥ ]]³⁸⁸
L. 24.**

** भूषणस्य मयूतायां सम्वदा भूमिरुत्तमा ।
विधाय देवपनीति देवयोः प्रतिपादिता ॥ [[ ३१॥ ]]³⁸⁴
पूजासंस्कारहेतीब शिवयोः शासनीकृतः ।
दानादायस्य पादीपि श्रीलजेन सुकीत्तिना ॥ [[ ३२॥ ]]³⁸⁹
प्रख्यातवत्समुनिवंशसमुद्र[वो] -**

L. 25.
भूङ्गट्टोनुरूपचरितः शिवरुद्रनामा

** तत्तूनुना विरचिताभिनवा प्रशस्तिरेषा प्रसन्नकविता किल नेहिलेन ॥ [[३३॥ ]]³⁹⁰
यस्य प्रसवसरला पदमालिकेयं प्रह्लादहेतुरधिकं सदलंकृतिश्च \।
श्रीलल्लनिर्मलगुणग्रथनाभिरामा मुक्तावलीव हृदये विदुषां चकास्ति ॥ [[३४]]³⁹¹**

L. 26. विष्णुहरी स्तनयेन च लिखिता गौडन करणिकेणेषा ।
कुटिलाक्षराणि विदुषा तक्षादित्याभाधानेन[[३६]]³⁹²
कृत्यकृत्यागतेनापि कामदेवसुतेन च ।
उत्कीर्णा सोमनाथेन टङ्कविज्ञानशालिना ॥ [३७॥³⁹³".
सम्वत्सरसहस्र १०४८ मार्ग वदि ७ गुरुदिने ॥ थ॥³⁹⁴

TRANSLATION.

ỏm, Om, Adoration to Siva!..

May the husband of Pârvati protect you,-he by whom the mainfestation of a charm (in the shape of) the Mahástotra, was made in the three worlds that were greatly frightened at that time when the King of Serpents had his jewelled heads obliquely rent by the load of the earth that fell far away in consequence of the multitude of the mountain-plateaux bending under the weight of a gentle pressure of the tip of (Siva’s) great toe-he who humbled the pride entertained by the ten-headed (Rávaná) on account of his strength and valour."³⁹⁵

May the Daughter of the Mountain purify the universe-she the spotless splendour of whose throat has been gained through a multitude of pearls fallen from the frontal globes of the Dânava (who assumed the shape of) an elepliant (and was) wounded by (her) trident, she who wears as it were the halo surrounding the moon which is surpassed by her face³⁹⁶."

Victorious be the race of the Chhinda princes, the scene of the coquettish sport of Lakshmi, the field of the playful activity of brave warriors, an ocean containing jewels (in the shape of) renowned kings, a lake for the royal swan Śrî, a sacred bathing place for those who keep the vow of noble heroes, a moon to gladden the needy, (who may be compared to) the night lotuses, a forest-fire for the destruction of the families of (their) foes (who resemble) bamboos.
Its origin in ancient times from the great sage Chyavana-who sternly frowned in order to break the pride of the Lord of the gods when he was openly tainted by sin³⁹⁷"**-**is known in the eight regions of the world together with its fame.

In this race which possesses brilliant fame (comparable to the white flowers of the) Kandala, was born’a crest-jewel of warriors, famous on earth under the appellation the illustrious Vairavarman’ in whose house the clever goddess of Fortune took

up her abode, foreseeing, as it were, (that it would be) the birth-place of high-minded future lords of the earth;

Who (Vairavarman), being liberal, pious, energetic, fond of truth, famous, a follower of the path of the virtuous, pure, of firm intellect, exalted through (proper) pride³⁹⁸, politic, the abode of valour, munificence and discernment, an. associate of the virtuous, (and) endowed with all wirtues, bocame worshipful for great men.

From him sprang illustrious Bhūshana³⁹⁹" of fierce prowess, an ornament of the whole earth, who through the expansion of his exceedinf;ly terrible lustre prevented mud (i.e. his) enemios from sticking (to him). Through the heat of the breath of the very stout serpeut Sesha wlio lying under the earth was wounded by the weight of that (Bhūshana’s) army when it strenuously marched forward, the abode of the snakes (Páṭála) was converted into a salt-marsh.

In the forest-lakes which were marked, as it were, with hundreds of dark spots sprung from the ichor that dropped from the temples of the rutting elephants of his army, even tho wild elephants-how much less those of his enemies-no longer drank water.
His footstool was scratched by the crowns of a multitude of princes who came to serve him; he was the lord of the earth that is encircled by the four oceans as by anornamental zone; the oceans were almost dried up by his camps (as) by those of the lord of the Raghus, resembling one of the primeval mountains he stood supporting the earth.⁴⁰⁰. Possibly, however, vikshepa may mean ‘constructions and the poet wished to say that Bhûshaņa built bridges or dams across the ocean, as Râma did when invading Ceylon. In the fourth Pada I have left untranslated the words tasyd pi,of which I cannot make anything. I am inclined to assume that they have been put in in order to make up the verse.")

This capital of his, filled as it were with numerous excellent qualities that are lovely like the shape of the beams of the moon, glitters even at present, charming onaccount of its woods that are dark-green’ like emeralds, (and) seems to’rival the town of the lord of the immortals with its gardens resembling Nandana, with its high-toppedtemples of the gods that are resplendent with the sprinkling of exceedingly pure whitewash.
His younger brother was the illustrious Malhaṇa, who, in devotion, bowed to Bhava, whose strong arm was stout like a club, who resplendent (with fame)⁴⁰¹,’ may possibly be intended as a second name or baruda of Malbuna.")sportively took over the burden (of the empire) from his brother, proving himself equal to the multitude of hostile kings with his sword.⁴⁰²

Though he gained thereby great royal fortuno, he showed the highest devotion to gods, Gurus and Brâhmans; he was born for the joy of his friends, intimates and kinsmen; he spread delight among his subjects by destroying the wicked.
But his wife, sprung from the royal race of Chulukiśvara, lovely through the ornament of shining qualities, celebrated in the world as Anahila,⁴⁰³ was (as) thenew moon to the lotus faces of the whole harem of her husband.

From her was born a hero, called the illustrious Lala, who caused fear to great rulers of provinces, who adorned the beauteous faces of the (nymphs guarding) the regions by His virtues which equalled the brilliancy of jasmin, the moon and ivory; he was a shoot of the Chhinda race, whose high arm was struck by the oblique glance of the goddess of Fortune that he took from his enemies.
Wonderful (it was) that, forsooth, on the day of his birth a rain of flowers fell from the sky all around in the most joyful palace of the illustrious Malhaṇa, announcing, as it were, (his future) prosperity by the auspicious humming of the bees.
Neither a lake with opened lotuses, nor the company of the virtuous, dear to those who give them their hearts, nor bending forest-creepers with full-blown flower bunches, nor fields covered with crops, nor the high-flown speech of poets, nor the light of the autumnal moon, is so pleasing to the heart, as his good fortune that showersjoy on the learned.
What is the use of the birth of other princcs, in whose palaces 1 ween Fortune resides, like a hapless woman⁴⁰⁴guarded jn vain and unenjoyed? No crest-jewel of princes ever existed, exists, or will exist who resembles the illustrious moon-like prince, Lalla, in liberality and in enjoyment.

His sword now equals in the world the fierce-rayed (sun), as first it possesses a ruddy hue derived from the minium on the frontal glohes of the huge elephants of his foes meeting him in battle, and then, flaming with the brilliant lustre of his fame, it occupies all the regions with its majestic power that destroys his enemies who resemble darkness.
His fame wanders all around (the world), becoming a pearl in the ocean,appearing on the top of the snowy mountain as the heavenly Ganga, changing to the moon-light in the sky and in every quarter of the horizon to the frontal globes of the (guardian) elephants⁴⁰⁵,being visible on high, above the temples, as a white flag and on the sands of every river in the shape of royal swans.

Though the dread Kali age oppresses the world, there arosc-when justice became incarnate in him-the idea that the original Krita age had begun in that town (of his) which is adorned with round and square wells and tanks, with temples of the gods and monasteries having gardens and alms-houses⁴⁰⁶attached, which shows a pleasing prosperity, and which is joyful with most virtuous men.

He presented to the Brahmans, by grants, sacred villages which are inhabited by very wealthy people, on whose fields corn is plentiful, which are pleasant through neighbouring groves of excellent trees, and arc situated on the banks of pure rivers.
The pleasant, holy river Katha was conducted by him, who showed it the way to his town, just as Gangâ (was brought down from heaven) by Bhagîratha.
His wife became she, who is born from a pure ocean-like family (and therefore) resembles Lakshmi, the wife of Madhusûdana rising from the pure ocean, her ancestral home, she who is a snow-shower to the lotus-thicket of the faces of all the (other) ladies of (her husband’s) harem,⁴⁰⁷and who éven according to her appellation is a second Lakshmi.

She, being endowed with virtues and affectionate, charmed the heart of her husband by her devotion and her modest humility; for their pleasing mutual affection is even as high grown as that of Hara and of the Daughter of the Mountain Párvatí).
In parks, gardens, wells and temples of the gods her (good) works have been performed, are ever being performed.
Crowds of Brâhmans dine every day in the alms-houses maintained by her, who is compassionate towards the distressed, the helpless and the decayed.

27: Thus it was resolved by those two (Lalla and his consort) through whose increasing acquisition of merit the manners of the Kali age disappear; the one of them built this temple of the god who wears the moon on his head, and the other that of the Daughter of the Mountain.

Whose heart does not this pair of temples fill with wonder, the splendour of which equals that of two high tops of Kailâsa, which is on high white with stucco (and) by whose numerous flags, agitated by the wind, the cloud banks are shaken?
As long as the breast of the destroyer of Mura is decked with the Kaustubha jewel, as long as the head of Śambhu is adorned with the crescent of the moon, as long as all the oceans exist, so long may this (source of) fame remain firm on earth.
Victorious be here on earth Lalla, the chief hero of the Chhinda racc, together with his most virtuous consort Lakshmi, he who in every battle has written a eulogy (of himself) on the firmament even with his sword, the tip of which is covered by the muddy ichor of his enemies’ clephants.
May holy Devî⁴⁰⁸ who destroys misfortunes of various kinds, be ever present to (grant) welfare in the palace of the illustrious Lalla, the ruler of a province, who is united with his children, wife, dependants and friends.

The excellent land connected with the Mayûtàof Bhd’sħana⁴⁰⁹" has been presented to the two deities, having been given the name Devapaļlî.

And for the purpose of the worship and of the repairs, illustrious Lalla of good fame has granted by a charter, after (making) a (solemn) donation, to Śiva and his consort one-fourth of his revenues.
There was a Bhuṭṭa of befitting conduct, called Śivarudra, born in the famous line of the sage Vatsa. By his son Nehila has been composed this new eulogy, the poetry of which is perspicuous.
This perspicuous and simple wreath of verses of his, which is the cause of exceedingly great joy, which possesses true poetical ornaments and is lovely through the

description of the pure virtues of illustrious Lallah, glitters in the hearts of the learnedlike a string of pearls.⁴¹⁰

And this (eulogy) has been written by the son of Vishnuhari, a Gauḍa clerk⁴¹¹ and ‘a Government office. The latter meaning may be gathered from Hemathaudra’s commentary on his Yogasdatra, III; 127 : यथोचितं स्थानम् । यथोचितमिति । यदा राजा तदा धवलगृह यदामात्यस्तदा करणं यदा बधिगादिरापणमिति ।"),called Takshaditya, who knows grooked letters.

And it has been incised by Somanatha, the son of Kâmadeva, who came from Kanyakubja and is experienced in (work performed with) the chisel.

One thousand years, 1049, Mârga, dark half 7, on a Thursday.

XIII. —A VALABIÎ. GRANT OF DIIRUVASENA III. DATED SAMVAT 334.

BY E. HULTZSсí, Ph.D.

Like the Rashtrakûta grant published above,⁴¹²the original of the subjoined grant was found at Kapaḍvaṇaj in Gujarât. The document is inscribed on the inner sides of two copper-plates with raised rims. Each plate measures 1′3″ by 10g". The righf hand ring has been lost. The left-hand ring, which bears the seal, is of irregular shape and about " thick. The oval seal measures 2" by 2 1/2" and bears-in relief, on a countersunk surface-a seated bull facing the left and below it the legend श्रोभट्टार्कः Both the plates and the scal are in a state of almost perfect preservation.

The grant is dated “from the victorious camp pitched at Siri-S1mminikâ,” which looks like a Prâkrit name. The inscription gives the usual genealogy down to Dhruvasena III. and records that the latter granted the village of Pattapadraka, which was situated in the Dakshina-patta of the Sivablâgapura-vishaya,⁴¹³to the Brâh-maṇa Bhaṭṭibhata, the son of Bappa, a native, inhabitant and chaturvedin of Mahichhaka, who belonged to the Kausika-gotra and studied the Vájasaneya-śákha. The name Mahichhaka, which occurs twice in the grant, seems to be a later correction in somewhat different characters. The dútaka was the pramátri Nâga,⁴¹⁴and the document was written by the chief secretary (divirapati) Anahila⁴¹⁵, the son of the chief secretary Skandabhaṭa⁴¹⁶, who was charged with peace and war (samdhivigrahá-dhikrita). The date of the grant⁴¹⁷, an unpublished grant of Dhruvasena III. is dated in Samvat 332. The reign of Dhruvasena III. is limited by the latest date of his predecessor Dharasena IV. (330) and by the date of his successor Kharagraha II. (337).")was the 9th day of the bright half of Mâgha of [Gupta-]Samvat 334 or 653-54 A.D.

TEXT.

PLATE I.

[L. 1.] ओं स्वस्ति विजयस्कृन्धावारात् सिरिसिम्मिणिकावासकात् प्रसभमणतामिचायां मैत्रकाणाम-तुलबलसंपत्रमण्डलाभोगसंसक्लप्रहारशत-
[2.]लब्धप्रतापातापोपहतदानर्मानार्जबोपार्जितानुरागादनुरक्तमौलवतश्रेणीबलावाप्सराज्यन्त्रियःपरममाहेश्वरश्रीभटार्कादव्यवच्छि-
[3.] अराजवङ्मान्मातापितृचरणारविन्दप्रणतिप्रविधौताशेषकल्मषणं शैशवाप्रभृति खङ्गहितीयवाहुरेव समदपरगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशितम् -
[4.]त्वनिकषः तत्प्रभावप्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभासंसक्तपादनखरश्मिसहतिः⁴¹⁸सकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्ग- समाक्परिपालनप्रजाहृदयरंजनान्व-
[5.] राजशब्दो रूपकान्तिस्थैर्यगांभीर्य्यबुद्धिसंपद्भिः स्मरशशाङ्काद्रिराजोदधिचिदशगुरुधनेशान-तिशयानः शरणागतांभयप्रदानपरतया तृणव-
[6.] दपास्ताशेषस्वकार्य्यफल[: *] प्रार्थनाधिकार्थप्रदानानन्दितविइत्सुहृत्प्रणयिहृदयः पादचारीव सकलभुवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वरः श्री-
[7.] गुहसेनस्तस्य सुततत्पादनखमयूखसन्तानविस्वतजाभवीजलौघप्रचालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रणय-अंतसहस्रोपजीव्यमानसंपद्रूपलोभादि॑वात्रि -
[8.] तः सरभसमाभिगामिकैणैस्सहजशक्तिशीक्षा⁴¹⁹विशेषविस्मापिताखिलधनुईरः प्रथमनरपति-समतिसृष्टानीमनुपालयिता धर्मदायानामपा
[9] कर्त्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणामुपप्नवानां’ दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवासस्थ ‘संहतारातिपक्ष-लक्ष्मीपरिभोगदचविक्रमो विक्रमोपसंप्राप्तविमलपा -
[10]र्त्विवश्री परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तस्यसुतस्तत्पादानुगतस्मकलजगदानन्दमात्यनुतगुण-समुदयस्थगितसमग्रदिङ्‌मण्डलः समरशतविजयशो
[11.] भासनाथमण्डलाग्रद्युतिभासुरतरांसपीठोदूढगुरुमनोरथमहाभारः सर्व्वविद्यापरापरविभागा-धिगमविमलमतिरपि सर्व्वतः सुभाषितल -
[ 12 ] वेनापि मुखोपपादनीयपरितोषः समग्रलोकागाधगांभीर्य्यहृदयोपि सुचरितातिशय सुव्यक्त-परमकल्याणस्वभावः खिलीभूतक्कृतयुगनृपति-
[13.] पथविशोधनाधिगतोदप्रकोत्तिः धर्मानुपरोधोज्यलतरीक्कृतार्थसुखसंपदुपसेवानिरूढधर्मादि-त्यहितीयनामा परममाहेखरः श्रीशीलादित्यः
[14.] तस्यानुजस्तत्पादानुयातः स्वयमुपेन्द्रगुरुणेव गुरुणात्यादरवता समभिलषणीयामपि राज-लक्ष्मीं स्कन्धासक्तां परमभद्र इव धुस्तदाज्ञा -
[15.]संपादनैकरसतयैवोद्दहन् खेदसुखे⁴²⁰रतिभ्यामनायासितसत्वसंपत्तिः प्रभावसंपदशीकृतनृपति-शतशिरोरत्नच्छायोपगूढपादपीठोपि
[16.]परावज्ञाभमान⁴²¹रसानालिङ्गितमनोवृत्तिःप्रणतिमेकां परित्यज्य प्रख्यातपौरुषाभिमानैरप्य-रातिभिरनासादितप्रतिक्रियोपायः कृत -
[17.] निखिलभुवनामोदविमलगुणसंहतिप्रसभविघटितसकलक लिविलसितणतिर्बीचजनाधिरोहि भिरशेषैर्दोषैरन[[T*]मृष्टात्युवत हृदयःप्र-

[18.] स्थातपौरुषास्त्रकौशलातिशयगणतिर्थाविपचचितिपतिलश्रीस्वयंग्राइप्रकाशितप्रवीरपुरुषप्रथ-मसंख्याधिगमः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीखरण -
[19.] हस्तस्य तमयः तत्पादानुगतः सकलविद्याधिगमविहितनिखिलविइज्जनमन परितोषा-तिशयः सुत्यसपदां⁴²² त्यागौदार्येण च विगतानुस -भागोपि परमभद्रप्रकृतिर-
[20.] न्यांनाझमाहितारातिषचमनोरथाचभङ्गः सम्यगुपलच्चितानेकशास्त्रकलालोरचरित⁴²³“गजरवि-
[21. ] [[क] त्रिमप्रत्रयविन प्रशोभाविभूषणः समरशतजयपताका हरणप्रत्यलोदग्रवाहुदंडविध्वंसित -
[22.] स्वधनु < प्रभावपरिभूतास्त्रकौशलाभिमानसकलनृपतिम फलाभिनन्दितशासनः परममाहे-भारः श्रीधरसेनः तस्यानुजः तत्प[T]दा -निखिलप्रतिपचदर्पोदयः
[23.] नुजरातःसञ्चरितातिशयितसकलपूर्व्वनरपतिरतिदुसाधानामपि प्रसाधयिताविण्याणां⁴²⁴मूर्त्तिमानिव पुरुषकारः परिचगु -
[24.] यानुरागनिर्भरचित्तवृत्तिभिर्मनुरिव स्वयमभ्युपपनः प्रकृतिभिरधिगतकलाकलापः कान्तिमान् निर्वृतिहेतुरकलङ्कः कुमुदनाथः ददगुण

[25.] प्राज्यप्रतापस्थगितदिगन्तरालप्रध्वन्तितध्वान्तराशिसततोदितः सविता प्रकृतिभ्यः परं प्रत्यय मर्त्यवंतमतिबहुतिथ -
[26.] प्रयोजनानुबंधमागमपरिपूर्णवदधानः⁴²⁵सन्धिविग्रहसमा शनिश्चयनिपुणः स्थानेनुरूपमादेशं दहद्गुण-

PLATE-II

[27.] हद्धिविधानजनित[संस्का]रः [सा]धूनां राज्यसालातुरीय⁴²⁶तन्तृयोरुभयोरपि निष्णातः प्रकृष्ट-विक्रमोपि करुणामृदुहृदयः श्रुतवा
[28.] नप्यगर्व्वितःकान्तोपि प्रथम⁴²⁷स्थिरसौहृदय्योपि निरसिता दोषवतामुदयसमयसमुपजनित-जनतानुरागपरिपिहित-
[29.] भुवनसमर्थितप्रथितबालादित्यहितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीध्रुवसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तपादकम-लप्रणामधरणिक-
[30.] षयजनितंकिणलाञ्छनललाटचन्द्रशकलः शिशुभाव एव श्रवचनिहितमौक्तिकालङ्कारविभ्रमा मलश्रुतविशेषः प्रदानसलिलचा -
[31.] लिताग्रहस्तारविन्दः कन्याया इव मृदुकरग्रहणादमन्दीक्कृतानन्दविधिर्व्वसुन्धरायाः कार्मुके धनुबंद व संभाविताशेषलक्ष्य -
[32.] कलापः प्रणतसामन्तमण्डलोत्तमाष्टतचूडारण [T*]यमानशासनः परममाहेश्वरः परम भहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर च -
[33.] क्रवर्त्तित्रीधरसेनस्तत्पितामह भ्रातृश्रीशीलादित्यस्य शार्ङ्गपारिवाङ्गजन्मनो भक्तिबन्धुरावय-‘वकल्पितप्रणतेरतिधवलया दूरं तत्पा-
[34] दारविन्दप्रवृत्तया नखमणिरुचा मन्दाकिन्येव नित्यममलितोत्तमाङ्गदेशस्थागस्त्यस्यैव राजर्षर्हाक्षिष्यमातन्वानस्य प्रबलधवलिया य-

[35.] शसा⁴²⁸ वलयेन मण्डितककुभा नभसि यामिनीपतेर्विडब्बिताखण्डपरिवेषमण्डलस्य पयोद- भ्यामशिखरचूचुकरुचिरसयविन्ध्यस्तनयु-

[36.] गायाःचिते पत्थुः श्रोडेरभटस्पाङ्ग चितिपसंहरनुरागिण्याः शुचियमोशकवतः स्वयंवरमालामिव राज्यत्रियमर्पियत्या x कृ⁴²⁹-

[37.] तपरिग्रहः शौर्य्यमप्रतिइतव्यापारमानमितप्रचण्डरिपुमण्डलमण्डलाग्रमिवावलम्बमानः शरदि प्रसभमाक्कृष्ट शिल⁴³⁰

[38.] सुखबाणासनापादितप्रलाधनानां परभुवां विधिवदाचारतकरग्रहणः पूर्वमेव विविधव- वर्णोज्वलेन श्रुतातिशयेनोशासितत्र⁴³¹

[39] वणः पुणः पुनरुक्रेनेव रवालङ्कारेणालतोत्रः परिस्फुरत्कटकविकटकीटपञ्चरत्नकिरण- भविछिनप्रदानसलिलनि- .

[.40.] वहावंसेकविलसन्नवशैवलाङ्गरमिवाग्रपाणिमुद्दहन् धृतविशालरजवलंयजलधिवेलांतटायमा- नभुजपरिष्वक्तविश्व.-

[41. ] भरः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीध्रुवसेन x कुशली सर्वानेव समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वस्संविदितं यथा मया मातापित्रोXपुण्याप्यायनाय

[42.] महिछ [क] विनिर्मातमहिछकवास्तव्येतचातुर्विद्यसामान्धकौशिकसगोषवाजसनेयसव प्रचारि ब्र[*]ाणवप्पपुत्रभट्टिभटांय

[43.] शिवभागपुरविषये दक्षिणपट्टे पहपदुकग्रामः सोद्रङ्गः सोपरिकरः सभूतवातप्रत्यायः सधान्य- हिरण्यादेयस्पद-

[41. ] शापराधस्मोत्पद्यमानविष्टिक सर्व्वराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पूर्व्व प्रत्तदेवब्रह्मदेयरहितः भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेना-

[45.] चन्द्राकर्णवक्षितिसरित्यर्व्वतसमकालीनः पुत्रपौचान्वयंभोग्य उदकातिसर्गेण धर्मदायो निसृष्टः यतोस्थोचितया ब्रह्म-

[46.] देयाग्र (T, हारस्थित्या भुंजतः कृषतः कर्षयतः प्रतिदिशतो वा न केसियासेधे वर्त्तितव्यमागा- मिभद्रनृपतिभिरण्यस्महङ्ग

[47.] जेरन्यैर्व्वा स्खनित्यान्यैश्वर्यास्यस्थिरं मानुष्यं सामान्यच भूमिदानफलमवगच्छविरयम महा- योनुमन्तव्य परिपालयितव्यञ्चेत्यक्त⁴³²-

[ 48.] ञ्च ॥ बहुभिर्व्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः [[I*]। यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलम् [॥*] यानीह दारिद्राभयानरेन्द्रनानि धर्मायतनीक्व -

[ 49.] तानि [1*] निर्मुक्तमात्यप्रतिमानि [तानि*] को नाम साधु पुन ददोत [*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्व तिष्ठति भूमिदः[1*] आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् [*] दूतकोत्र प्रमातृश्रीनागः

[50.] लिखितमिदं संन्धिविग्रहाधिकर्तादिविरपतिवीस्कन्दभटपुत्रदिविरपतिश्रीमदनहिलेनेति ॥सं ३००३०४ माघ शु ८ खहस्तो मम ॥

VALABHI GRANT OF DHRUVASENA III.

TRANSLATION.

(L. 1.) Om. Hail! From the victorious camp pitched at Siri-Simmiņikâ From the deyout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Bhaṭârka, who had obtained majesty by hundreds of battles⁴³³fought in the vast territories, which were held by the matchless army of the Maitrakas; who had prostrated their enemies by force⁴³⁴. Regarding his translation I venture to observe, that it seems easier to connect the genitive मैचकाणां art with बल , than with the more distant मच्चचाभोग.”); who had gained the devotion of those whom he prostrated by his majesty, by his impartiality (in conferring) presents and honours; who had acquired the splendour of royalty by his devoted army (which consisted) of hereditary servants, hired soldiers and men employed in posts⁴³⁵; and whose poyal lineage was uninterrupted,-(there descended) the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Guhasena, all whose sins were washed away by his prostrations at the lotus-feet of his father and mother; who, ever sword in hand from his infancy, brightened the touchstone of his courage by splitting the temples of the rutting elephants of his foes; the rays of whose toe-nails mingled with the splendour of the crest-jewels of the enemies whom he had prostrated by the power of that (courage); who (made) the word “king” (rajan) true to its meaning by delighting (rañjana) the hearts of his subjects through careful observance of the conduct prescribed in all smritis; who surpassed Cupid in beauty, the moon in splendour, the king of mountains in firmness, the ocean in profundity, the preceptor of the gods in wisdom,. and the lord of treasures in wealth; who, in his readiness to grant safety to refugees, scattered as trifles all (the riches) gained by his (warlike) deeds; who made the loving hearts of his learned friends rejoice by granting them more riches than they desired; and who appeared to be an incarnation of the delight of the vast çircle of the whole world.⁴³⁶

(L. 7.) His son was the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Dharasena, all whose sins were washed away by the flood of the waters of the Gangâ, which flowed from the cluster of rays, (that issued from) the toe-nails of (his father); whose wealth was lived upon by hundreds of thousands of loving (vervants); whom attractive virtues⁴³⁷ approached impetuously, as if it were out of a desire for his beauty; who astonished all archers by his natural ability and excellent training; who preserved the meritorious gifts made by former princes; who drove away the plagues which oppressed his subjects; who demonstrated (the possibility of) the co-existence in one person of prosperity and wisdom; whose valour knew how to enjoy the prosperity of the party of his united enemies; and who obtained pure royal splendour by his valour.

(L. 10.) His son was the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Śîlâditya, who meditated at the feet of (his father); who covered the whole horizon with the multitude of his wonderful virtues, which made the whole world rejoice; who carried a heavy burden of serious projects on the pedestal of his shoulders, the splendour of

which was increased by the flashing of his sword, that possessed the lustre of victory in hundreds of battles; who was easily pleased by everybody even through a trifling bon mot, although his mind was refined by the study of the higher and lower branches of all sciences; whose noble ’nature was well shown by his extremely virtuous conduct, although the profundity of his heart was unfathomable by the whole world who acquired great fame by purifying the deserted path of the princes of the Kṛita-yuga; and whose second name Dharmaditya arose from (the fact that) his enjoyment of an abundance of wealth and pleasure was made still more resplendent by his never obstructing the law (dharma).

(L. 14.) His younger brother was the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Kharagraha, who-meditated at the feet of (his elder brother); whose excellent character was not troubled by fatigue or love of pleasure, while, like a noble bullock, he bore the royal dignity, which his elder brother, who resembled (Indra) the elder bro- ther of Upendra (Vishṇu) himself, had most respectfully placed on his shoulders, though it (viz., the royal dignity) was a desirable object, merely because his only pleasure was to fulfil his (viz., his elder brother’s) commands; whose mind was untouched by the feeling of contempt of others or of pride, though his foot-stool was covered with the splendour of the crest-jewels of hundreds of princes, whom he had subdued by his great power; towards whom even those enemies, whose manliness and pride were notorious, found no other means of action than submission alone; who forcibly stopped all the coquettish ways of the Kali (yuga) by the collection of his pure virtues, which gave delight to the whole world; whose noble heart was untouched by all the sins which overcome low people; and who proclaimed his obtaining the first rank among heroes by wooing to himself the prosperity of a crowd of hostile princes by his famous manliness and extreme skill in weapons.

(L. 19.) IIis son was the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Dharasena, who meditated at the feet of (his father); who gave immense delight to the minds of all learned men by his mastery of all sciences; who, by great. courage and noble liberality, broke the axles of the desires (literally, the vehicles of the minde) of the party of his foes in such a way that there was no hope of repair; who was very kind-hearted, though he had thoroughly studied the most secret branches of many sciences, arts and chronicles of the world; whose ornament was the splendour of unfeigned modesty and courtesy; who destroyed the rising pride of all his adversaries by the long staff of his arm, which was able⁴³⁸to carry off the banner of victory in hundreds of battles; and whose commands were received with joy by the whole circle of princes, whose pride of skill in weapons had been conquered by the strength of his bow.

(L. 22.) His younger brother was the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Dhruvasena, who meditated at the feet of (his elder brother); who surpassed all former princes by his good deeds;, who, like an incarnation of manliness, conquered even such countries as were difficult to be conquered; who, like Manu himself, was resorted to by subjects, whose minds were full of affection on account of his high virtues; who, (like) the moon, possessed all arts (or digits), was full of splendour and caused delight, (bul) who was free from sins (or spots); who, (like) the sun, destroyed the

dense darkness in (all) quarters, which were covered by his great splendour, (but) who was rising continually; who was versed in both the sciences of government and of Salaturiya (i.e., of Panini), as he inspired in his subjects perfect trust, which was useful, connected.with various purposes and full of profit, as he knew how to decide about peace, war and encampment, as he gave the correct order in the proper place, and as he caused good people to thrive by making virtue prosper⁴³⁹, significant (Papini, I, 2, 45), (joined with) indicatory letters for various purposes and completed by an augment, as he knew the truth about euphonic rules, analysis and composition, as he put the correct substitute in the place (of another), and as he caused the formation of correct (words) by the performance of guna and vriddhi."); who, though very brave, had a merciful heart; who, though learned, was free from pride; who, though bandsome, was full of calmness; who, though constant in friendship, cast out the sinful; and whose famous second name Bâláditya (i.e., the morning-sun) was made.true to its meaning (by the fact that) the world was pervaded by the affection (or redness) of men, which was produced at his rise.

(L. 29.) His son was the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the supreme lord, the lord of great kings, the supreme ruler, the emperor, ’the illustrious Dharasena, who (like Siva) bore the crescent of the moon on his forehead, as the latter was marked with a scar that was produced through his rubbing the carth, while prostrating himself at the lotus-feet of (his father); who, even in his infancy, was distinguished by sacred knowledge, which was as pure as the glittering pearl-ornaments that were fixed in his ears;the tips of whose lotus-hands were moistened with the water (sprinkled) at donations (ae the tip of the trunk of an elephant with the rutting-juice); who gave great delight to the earth, as to a maiden, by imposing light taxes (or by taking her soft hand); who, with his bow, seemed to be (an incarnation of) the science of archery, as he hit all sorts of aims; and whose commands resembled the crest-jewels which were borne on the heads by the crowd of his bowing vassals.

(L. 33.) The son of his grandfather’s brother, the illustrious Silâditya, was the illustrious Derabhata⁴⁴⁰ seems to be the correct form of the name;-see the facsimiles, Ind. Ant., vol. V, page 211;vol. VII, p. 78."),whose head was continually purified by the extremely bright splendour which widely issued from the jewel-like nails of the lotus-feet of (his father), when he performed prostrations with his body, which was bent in roverence, just as the head of Vishnu’s son (is purified) by the Gangâ (which issues from the toe of his father); who possessed the courtesy (or the southern region) of the royal sage Agastya himself; who imitated the unbroken circle of the halo of the lord of the night (i.e., the moon) in the sky by the extremely bright girdle of his fame, which adorned the nymphs of the quarters; and who was the lord of the carth, whose breasts, (viz.) the Sahya and the Vindhya (mountains), are adorned with (black) nipples, (viz.) with peaks, which are darkened by clouds.

(L. 36.) IIis son is the devout worshipper of Maheśvara, the illustrious Dhruvasena, who has wooed the loving assembly of princes, which wore bright fame as a white garment, and which handed to him the splendour of royalty as the garland at a “self-choice” (svayamvara); who, in autumn, depending on his valour, which was as irresistible as his sword, that had subdued the territories of fierce enemies, has lawfully taken the hand of (or levied taxes from) foreign countries, which were conquered by the

bow (of Cupid or of the king), on which the arrow had been forcibly pulled back; whose ears are again ornamented with jewels, which seem superfluous, as his ears have been already adorned with extensiye sacred knowledge of various kinds (or colours); the tip of whose hand (is resplendent) with the rays of the jewels, which cover his gleaming bracelet, and resembles a fresh sprout of (the aquatic plant) śaivala, as it glitters with the masses of water, which he is continually sprinkling at donations⁴⁴¹; and who has embraced the earth with his arm, which resembles the coast of the ocean, that wears an armlet of large pearls.

(L. 41.) (He), being’in good health, issues (the following) command to all : “Be it known to you, that, for tlfè increase of the spiritual merit of my mother and father, I gave with a libation of water to the Brâhmaṇa Bhaṭṭibhaṭa,” the son of Bappa, who comes from Mahichhaka, dwells at Mahichhaka and belongs to the chaturvedins of this (place), to the gotra of the Kausikas and to the school of the Vâjasadeyas, the village of Paṭṭapadraka, in the southern division (dakshinapaṭṭa) of the district (vishaya) of Sivabhâgapura, as a meritorious gift, with the udranga, uparikara and bhútavátapratyaya, with the income in grain and in gold, with (the right of fining those who commit) the ten offences, with (the right to) eventual forced labour, not to be meddled with by any royal officers, excluding grants previously made to temples and to Brâhmaṇas, according to the mode of bhúmichchhidra, to last as long a time as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers, and the mountains, and to be enjoyed by his sons, grandsons and (further) descendants. Wherefore, nobody shall cause obstruction to him if he enjoys (this village), cultivates it, causes it to be cultivated or assigns it (to others) according to the usual rule relating to agrahâras, which are given to Brâhmaṇas. And future gracious kings of our lineage or others shall assent to this our gift and shall preserve it, recognizing that the royal dignity is very transient, that human life is unstable, and that the reward of a gift of land is common (to all kings).⁴⁴², I suggested that the Bhattibhata of the present inscription might be identical with the author of the Bhaṭṭikdvya, which was composed, “)

(L. 47.) And it has been said: [Here follow three of the customary imprecatory verses].

(L. 49.) The messenger for this (grant was) the pramâțri Śri-Nâga. This was written by the Chief Secretary Srimad-Anahila, the son of the Chief Secretary Sri- Skandabhaṭa, who was charged with peace and war. Sam[vat] 334, on the 9th of the bright half of Mâgha. (This is) my own handwriting.

XIV. - INSCRIPTION IN THE DEHLL MUSEUM.

Br Pror. J. EGGELING, Ph. D., EDINBURGE.

The inscription, of which the following transcript and translation has been prepared,is now in the Dehli Museum, and is said to have been found in a well at Sarban, aboutive miles to the. south of Dehli, — the Süravala or Strabala of the inscription. It is on & rectangular black slab measuring 17 inches by 11, of which the inscription covers 15t by 10t inchtes. It consists of 18 verses written in 18 lines — the last containing only 6 aksharns of the date, and is in almost perfect preservation; the letters well formed. It belongs to the time of the Saltan Muhammad bin Tughlaq ( A. H. 725 – 752 ) and is dated V. Samvat 1384, Phâlgun Su. di. 5th, Tuesday, which, if intended for the current year, would fall in February 1328 A.D., and records the construction of a well at the village of Saravala by two brothors-Khetala and Paitala. The date is first given as reckoned by the Vedas (4), Vasus (8), Agni (3), Chandra (1), and then in figures-1384.

1..¹ स्वस्ति ॥ सर्वाभीष्टफलं यस्य पदाराधनतत्पराः।
लक्ष्मीधरस्तत्तनयोगणाधिपतये नमः॥१॥

² सत्यलो नाम वः पातु सांववत्यांवया सह।
प्रसांदाद्यस्य देवस्य भक्ताः स्युः सौख्यभाजनं॥२॥

देशोस्ति³ हरियानाख्यः पृथिव्यां स्वर्गसंनिभः।
ढिलिकाख्या पुरी तत्र तोमरेरस्ति निर्मिता॥३॥

तोमरानंतरं⁴ यस्यां राज्यं निहतकंटकं।
चाहमाना नृपायक्रुः प्रजापालनतत्पराः॥४॥

जथ प्रतापदहन⁵दग्धारिकुलकाननः।
मेच्छः सहावदीनस्तां वलेन जग्गृहे पुरीं॥५॥

ततःप्रभृति भुक्ता सा ⁶तुरष्कैर्यावदद्य पूः।
श्रीमहंमदशाहिस्तां⁷ पाति संप्रति भूपतिः॥६ अपि च ॥

तस्यां पुर्यस्ति वणि जामग्रोतकनिवासिनां।
वंशः श्रीसाचदेवाख्यः साधुस्तत्रोदपद्यत॥७॥

लक्ष्मीधरस्तत्तनयौ ⁸वभूव लक्ष्मीधरातिदयपद्मभृंगः।
देवद्विजाराधन⁹निष्ठचित्तः समस्तभूतावनलब्धकीर्त्तिः॥८॥

‘लक्ष्मीधरस्तत्तनयौ कलिकालवाह्यावास्तामुभौ महिमबारिनिधी सुरूपौ।
माहाभिधों निपुण¹⁰वुध्दिरभूत्तदायो घीकाख्य उत्तमयथा अनुजस्तु तस्य॥9॥

माहाख्यास्याभवत्पुचो मेल्हा¹¹नामा मनोहरः।
देवद्विजगुरूणां यः सदाराधनतत्परः॥१०॥

श्रीधरस्यात्मजा वीरोनाओं (? वोराअन्नी)भर्तृप¹²रायणां।

घीका विवाहयामास तस्यामास्तामुभौ सुतौ॥ ११॥

ज्येष्ठस्तयोः खेतलनामधेयः साधुत्वपाथो¹³ धिरनंतशीलः।
पैतूकनामा च लघुः समस्तगुरुद्दिजाराधन शीलचित्तः॥१२॥

¹⁴अथैतयोः खेतलपैतलाख्यसाध्वोः ‘सदा कीर्त्तनकर्मवुद्धीः।
इयं शुभा सारवलाभिधानग्रामांतभूरध्यवसल्लम चित्ते॥१३॥

¹⁵पितृणामचयस्वर्गप्राप्त्यै संतानवृध्दये।
घेतलः पैतलचैनं कारयामासतुः प्रहिं॥१४॥

वेदवत्व¹⁶ग्निचंद्रांकसंख्येष्देविक्रमार्कतः।
पंचम फाल्गुन सिते लिखितं भौमवासरे॥१५॥

इंद्रप्रस्थप्रति¹⁷गणे ग्रामे सारवलेन तु।
चिरं तिष्ठतु कूपोयं कारकश्च सर्वाधवः॥१६॥

संवत् १३८४ फाल्गुनशुदि¹⁸५ भौमदिने॥

TRANSLATION⁴⁴³ by Pundit Birasharnath of Dehii, with an English translation by Bàbd Rajendralala Mitra, uppeared in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for May 1873, P, 103 #egg.In the following notes the various readings of the Pandit’s transcript have been referred to after renewed careful examination of the impressions taken from the stone.”).

V. 1. Hail ! Worship be unto that Lord of Ganas through constant devotion for
whose feet men obtain the fruit of all their desires.

May he, who is called Satyala⁴⁴⁴, apparently intended here as & name for Śiva, has not been found in any Sanskrit work."),together with Amba and Ambavati, protect you,that god by whose grace the faithful shall be a vessel of bliss !

There is a country, called IIariyâna, a very heaven on earth: there lies the city called Phillikâ, built by the Tomaras,
Whercin, subsequent to the Tomaras, the Chähamana kings, intent on protecting their subjects, established a kingdom, in which all enemies of public order were struck down.
Thercupon the Barbarian Sahâbadîn⁴⁴⁵,having burnt down the forest of hostile tribes by the fire of his valour, seized that city by force.

Thencoforward that city has been in the possession of the Turashkas to this
day : at present Prince Śri Mahammad Śahi⁴⁴⁶rules over it.

Now, in that city there is a family of merchants dwelling in Agrotaka⁴⁴⁷ of the quarter of the town of Dhilli where these merchants residod."):f in thisfamily was born the Sâdhu Sri Sâchadeva⁴⁴⁸by name.

His son was Lakshmidhara, the bee of the lotus-pair of (Vishnu) Lakshmi-dhara’s feet, whose mind was ever bent on the propitiation of the gods and Brâhmans,and who obtained fame by his kindness to all beings.
Lakshmidhara had two sons, who were strangers to the Kaliyug (time of strife and sin); both of them oceans of greatness, and of goodly form. The first of them was Mâha (or Mâhâ) by name, of subtile mind; and his younger brother named Ghikâ,of highest renown.
Maha had a charming son, named Melha, who was ever bent on propitiating the gods, Brâhmans and Gurus.
Ghika married Sridhara’s daughter, Virà (?) by name, devoted to her husband : by whom he had two sons;
The elder⁴⁴⁹ of them, Khetala by name, an occan’ of goodness, and of boundless piety; and the younger, named Paitûka, whose mind was devoted to the propitiation of all Gurus and Brâhmans.

Now in the thought of those two sâdhus, named Khetala and Paitala⁴⁵⁰ has read the namo Paituka,which Rajendralâla Mitra naturally takes to be a mere varia lectio metri causa for Paitûka (as the name is clearly spelt inverse 12). The inscription, however, undoubtedly has Paitala in verses 13 and 14."), whose minds were occupied with deeds of renown, this fair piece of ground at the extremity of the village called Sâravala, was dwelling.

Shetala and Paitala, with the view of, their deceased ancestors attaining to imperishable Svarga⁴⁵¹ is in reality the lower end of साध्वि the T of ruft: in the preceding line."), and for the continuation of their race, caused this⁴⁵²well to be made.

15: Written in the year countable by Veda (4), Vasu (8), Fire (3) and Moon (1), from the time of Vikramârka, on Tuesday, the 5th of the bright half of Phâlguna.

In this village of Sâravala, in the pratigaṇa⁴⁵³of Indraprastha, may this well, and its author with his family, exist for a long time. Samvat 1384, bright Phâlguna 5, Tuesday.

XV.-A NEW INSCRIPTION OF THE ANDHRA KING
YAJÑASRÎ GAUTAMIPUTRA,

BY G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The subjoined inscription is incised on a stone, which was originally found on the sea-shore south of the Krishnâ river close to the village of China in the Kistnâ district, and is now deposited in the Madras Museum. I edit it according to two rubbings, made over to me by Dr. Burgess. It contains six unequal lines, all of which are mutilated, the lower ones more than the upper ones. The characters are of the ordinary Audhra type, but rather ornamental.

The purpose of the document is not quite certain. If the syllables dháya at thebeginning of 1.6 are the remnant of Budháya, it may have been the record of some Buddhistic donation or dedication. The chief points of interest which it offers are the date and the expressionvasasatâya preceding the latter. As regards the date, it is the twenty-seventh year of king Gotamiputa Siriyaña Sâtakani, i.e., Gautami putra Yajñaśrî Sâtakarni, who, as the Váyu and Matsya Puráṇas assert, ruled twenty-nine years.⁴⁵⁴ The close agreement of the figures is very remarkable, and it would seem that the Paurânic statement is really true.⁴⁵⁵ As we have here quite distinctly vasa-satáya, it becomes advirable to give up the attempt at reading the corresponding expression in Dr. BurgessBanavâsi inscription visasatâya⁴⁵⁶and the explanation proposed there. At the same time it seems even less possible than formerly to accept Dr. Bhagvânlal Indraji’s interpretation, who takes it to be equivalent to varshakatyám, " in the century of years." I still believe that it has the same import as the phrases pravardhamánavijáyarájya and the like, which occur so often in Sanskrit inscriptions before regnal dates⁴⁵⁷,and I am inclined to fall back on the translation vaśasattâyđḥ, which I proposed-loc. cit note 5.

TRANSCRIPT.

सिघं न[मो [भ]गवतो]⁴⁵⁸—-[वस]‘रञो गोतमि -
पुतस भरकसिरियजसातकणिस वससताय संवकर सत[वि] -
मं २० + ७ हेमतानं पखं चतुथं ४ दि⁴⁵⁹a®दि[ पंच] म")—-मं ५ एतिय
पुवाय’ भरकमहतरकेन महा⁴⁶⁰——–
याजिना महादं——
घाय——

TRANSLATION.

Success! Adoration to divine…… va! The year twenty-seven (20+7) of the existence of the power of the king, the lord⁴⁶¹Siriyaña Sâtakani, the son of the (Queen of the) Gautama (race), the fourth (4) fortnight of summer, the fifth (5) day-on the above (date) by the lord, the Mahataraka⁴⁶²Mahâ.e……, a sacrificer, ………to (Bud)-dha (?)….…..………….

XVI.-THE TWO PRASASTIS OF BAIJNATH,

By G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

\Kiragrâma or Baijnath is a small town in the cast of the Kângra district about thirty miles east of Kot Kângra, in latitude 32° 3′ N. and longitude 76° 41′ E., at a bend of the Binuân river-a fceder of the Biyâs and on its east or left bank. The number of old temples about the village point to its having been in early times a place of some note. Under the Katoch dhiefs or Râjanakas who were tributary to Jalandhara or Trigarta, it may have been the residence of one of them. But most of its temples are now in ruins. The two of most architectural interest and, best preservation are those of Siddheśvara and Vaidyanâtha. The former, at the west end of the town, is now deserted, but consists of a four-pillared maṇḍapa and a shrine, measuring over all about 33 feet by 20, and the śikhara is 35 feet high¹. It faces the east and has two doors in the back wall of the hall on each side of the shrine, to admit of its parakrama or circumambulation.A perforated stone window on each side of the hall helped to light it, and in a niche in the south wall has beeh an inscription on a slab 17″ by 14", but scarcely a letter is now traceable. In a niche on the outside of the back or west wall is a figure of Sûrya.

The temple of Vaidyanâtha is on the north side of the village, close to the river,and stands in an irregular walled enclosure, about 120 feet from east to west, and from60 feet wide inside at the east end to 75 at the west, with rooms for the púfáris, &c.,on the north and west sides, and several small temples in the court along the north side.The principal temple measures 51 feet by 31 over the base. The mandapa is 20 feet square inside; its roof supported by four round pillars standing on two raised benches on each side the central area. Behind this is a small ante-chamber with two pillars in antis; and beyond it is the shrine, 8 feet square [inside⁴⁶³, containing a small lingam and a number of loose images. To the entrance, on the west, is added a porch, with four columns in front, and measuring inside about 8′ 4° in width by 6'6" deep. The pillars are of carly date, but in its present form this addition is probably due to Sansâra Chandra II. of Kangra (1776-1809), who thoroughly repaired and restored the temple in 1786. With the exception of the balcony windows on each side of the mandapa, its walls and inner roof and those of the shfine, however, were not materially interfered with; but the outer roof of the mandapa and the spire of the shrine were either largely reconstructed or covered with so thick a coating of lime, as entirely to mask the original. But whether this is the temple for which the inscription slabs of the beginning of the ninth century were engraved may possibly be questioned: the pillars and some details certainly belong tot hat period; but if there were no such inscription to influence us, the archæologist

1In his Archæol. Survey Reports, vol. V, pl, xliv, General Sir A. Cunningham has given a plan and elevation of this templo, drawn by himself, which are not correct, especially in the details most essential for estimating its age; the height of the spire abose the eaves of the mandapa is dwarfed from 21’ 5" to 15’; the small representations of Sikharas on the walls are neither of the modern form nor all in the positions represented; and the middle facet of the spire is elaborately carved with horse-shoe’ or shell diaper carving, similar to that on the ruined temple of Jamadagni in the court of the temple of Vaidyanatha. The only way one can account for the inaccuracios of this elevation is to suppose that after measuring for the plan, a rough sketch was made of the north side, with the height of the walls measured, and the details left out, or only roughly marked as reproduced in the plate. Mr. Fergusson finds serious fault with this drawing (Ind. & East. Archit., p. 315n.), but mistakes the small templo of Jamadagui in his engraving (p. 316) for this temple of Siddhanâtha or Siddheśvara. The style is quite the same and they belong to the same age.

might be disposed to assign the general structure to a somewhat later date. Tradition says it is the seventh restoration; and it seems not improbable that, when Maḥmad of Ghazni invested Nagarkot or Kângrakot in 1008, his troops may have wrecked the Vaidyanatha temple also, and that it was, soon after, rebuilt with such important parts of the old materials as the two praśasti slabs and the columns. The inscriptions are on two stone tablets at the ends of the front cross aisle of the maṇḍapa,-No. I, in the south wall, measures 2′ 3″ by 2’ 4"; and No. II, in the north, measures 2′ 3″ by 2′ 5".

In the niche in the back wall or east side of the shrine outside, is a sandstone figure of Sûrya, wearing a laced jacket, placed in a marble pedestal which is almost bidden by the ledge of the nicho, but which bears on its facets an inscription (given below) dated Samvat 1296, and recording the dedication of an image of Mahavira, the twenty-fourth Jaina Tirthamkara. This stono must therefore have come from some Jaina temple in the neighbourhood. And in one of the small temples in the court is an image of Supârévanatha, the seventh Jina.

The small temples in the court are all more or less ruined. They are now named as if dedicated to Jagannath, Lakshmî Nârâyana, Bhairava, Jamadagni, Narmadeśvara, and Kadhâ-Krishna, while one is nameless. In front of the porch is the usual Nandi-mandapa or small canopy over the couchant bull or váhana of Śiva, and behind it is a standing figure of the animal.-J. B.]

In his Archaeological Reports, volume V, pp. 180-181, Sir A. Cunningham notices two large inscriptions which he found in 1846 in the famous temple of Siva-Vaidyanâtha, vulgo Baijnâth, at Kiragrâma or Kirgrâãon in the Kângra District of the Panjab. He gives their date Saptarshi Samvat or Lokakâla 80 and Saka Samvat 726, i.e., 801 A.D., as well as a summary of their historical contents, and quotes two verses, 1, 39, and II, 6, in full, according to the readings of Babu (now Râjâ) Sivaprasada, C.S.I.⁴⁶⁴The ślokas given in full show clearly that the decipherer has not succeeded in overcoming the great difficulties of his task. For they contain, besides lacunæ, impossible Sanskrit forms, and metrical mistakes. Morcover the historical information extracted from the two documents is by no means exact. Dr. J. Burgess has forwarded to me a double set of paper impressions of the two inscriptions (A and B), and of late two more (C), made under his own superintendence, according to which I now attempt a complete edition⁴⁶⁵. Though the last two, one on thick and one on thin paper, have been made with great care, I find it impossible to solve all the difficulties completely. A great number of indistinct or mutilated letters occur especially in lines 1-14 and at the end of No. I as well as in the first and last lines of No. II. These defects become particularly serious on account of the difficult character of the alphabet. They frequently force the decipherer to have rocourse to conjectures which in most cases can be made with great certainty. In one passage of No. I and in three passages of No. II I have failed to find the words required, while one passage in No. I remains doubtful.

The technical execution is in general very good. The characters belong to the Śâradâ alphabet, a branch of the Bráhmî lipi, which has been used for many centuries in the extreme porth-west of India. Though our inscriptions differ in numerous

details from the modern Sâradâ of Kaśmir, the type is unmistakcable.This circumstance makes the documents very interesting for the student of palæeography. They are the oldest specimens of Sarada writing, considerably more ancient than Dr. Leitner’s inscription from the reign of “king” Diddâ in the Lahore Museum and even anterior to the coins of, Avantivarman of Kaśmir. Morcover they show pretty clearly the gradual development of the Sarada. The initial yowels a, á, o, and the consonants ka, ja, bha, ya, ra, va, still agree with the forms of the Horiuzi and Nepal palm leaves, and differ from the modern Kaśmîrian. The initial e, ta, na, na, pa and ba present transitional forms, while pha is still more. Archaic than in the Bráhmílipi. The remaining single letters and a number of groups are the same as in the Sâradâ alphabet. Among them the single consonants khu, gha, cha, da, tha, da,dha, and la, the medial ri, the Jihvámuliya, the Upadhmániya, the groups jñá and those beginning with ua and ra, arc peculiarly characteristic of the Sârada. In other cases, e.g., in those of the medial e, ai and o, and of the subscribed ba, we find considerable vacillations. The medial e is mostly represented by a thick horizontal or slightly slanting stroke as in the Sârada. Occasionally, however, the ancient prishṭhamátrá is used. Similarly the medial ai is mostly expressed by two horizontal lines, more rarely by a prishṭhamátrá and one horizontal line. Again, the medial o shows in the great majority of cases the peculiar wavy line of the Sâradâ alphabet, which resembles. a Greek circumflex. But a few instances occur where. it is expressed by c, either superscribed or a prishṭhamátrá plus á. As regards the subscribed ba, it shows either the peculiar form of the single ba, which resembles a modern SaradA va, or more rarely is hardly distinguishable from va. But in one case, chumbitáḥ, Nỏ. II, 1. 3, it is exactly like the modern Śârada ba. It would lead me too far if I were here to enter on a more detailed discussion of the alphabet of these inscriptions. But the points which have been noticed will suffice to show that it possesses great interest and well deserves a separate full treatment in connexion with the characters on the Kaśmirian coins, the inscription from the reign of Didda and the Champâ grant, published by Dr. Kielhorn in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 7. The language of the inscription is pure and good Sanskrit, full of very rare words, which furnish some valuable contributions for the dictionary. The spelling shows very few and slight mistakes. It closely resembles that of the Kaśmirian MSS. by the constant use of the Jihvâmúlíya and of the Upadhmániya, instead of the Visarga before ka, and pa, as well as by the assimilation of the nasals to the following consonants in compound words. The spelling prakriptávanam for prakliptávauam, No. II, verso 15, too, deserves attention.

No. I consists of two distinctly separate parts, a hymn addressed to Siva and Pârvatî, which, with its nineteen verses, fills lines 1-16. Then follows a new Mangala, contained in a single verse, and then only the real Prasasti which gives (1) an account of Lakshmaṇachandra the lord of Kiragrâmą; (2) an account of Manyuka and Ahuka, the founders of the temple, which is also briefly described; (3) a notice of various donations made by certain other persons to the templo; (1) a notice of the masons or architects who erected the building; (5) a notice of the poet who wrote the Prasasti; (6) the datc, together with a mention of the overlord, the king to whom Lakshmanachandra owed allegiance. No. II is of one piece. It contains (1) a Mangala of five verses; (2) a mention of the king of Jalandhara, of the two founders of the temple, of Kiragrâma and its lord; (3) a detailed genealogy of the latter; (4) a fuller account of Manyuka

and Âhuka describing their piety and the cause which led to the erection of the temple, and naming their ancestors; (5) an account of various donations made by the founders, by Lakshmaṇachandra and by his mother, together with the usual blessing on those who uphold the grants and curses against those who scize them; (6) an account of the author of the Prasasti; (7) a notico, it would seem, of an additional donation, in prose; (8) the date. The fact that two Prakastis by the same author are found in one temple is unusual. It may be explained by the supposition that the various donations were not made at the same time. The first Prasasti, it would seem, was composed immediately after the temple had been built and the three grants, mentioned in it, had been made. Later, the lord of the village and his mother made also donations. This seems to have rekindled the zcal of the founders. They not only responded to the liberality of their masters by making some further endowments for the temple, but they also had again recourse to the skill of their poct, who now devoted still more verses to the chieftains of Kîragrâma than on the first occasion, and, of course, also duly sang the praises of the picty and liberality of his employers. This explanation is, I think, supported by some hints contained in the inscriptions. The composition of the Prasasti, which I have called No. I in accordance with Sir A. Cunningham’s opinion, must be certainly assigned to the time immediately after the completion of the building, because it gives some details regarding the appearance of the latter, because it names the architects who constructed it, and because it begins with the hymn addressed to Siva and his spouse. It was a natural idea to compose such a poem on the consecration of the new temple. Later, it would have been of less significance. These considerations, it seems to me, definitively settle the chronological order of the two poems.

If we now turn to the historical details which may be gathered from the two documents, those referring to the building of the temple are as follows. In Kîragrâma,either a large village or a small town which belonged to the kingdom of Jalandhara (I, 39; II, 6, 16) or Trigarta (II, 10, 18) and was situated on the river Kandukabindukâ (II, 10, the modern Binoa or Binwâ)⁴⁶⁶, lived two wealthy merchants, Manyuka and Âhuka, who were brothers (11, 26) and members of an undivided family (I, 28). They were the sons of Siddha (I, 27, 28; II, 23) and Chhinnâ (I. 27). Their grand-father was called Kâhila, the great-grandfather Pâhila, and the father of the latter Sahila (II, 28). Manyuka, the elder among them, had a wife, named Gulhâ (I, 28). Both were devout worshippers of Siva (I, 30; II, 8, 9, 26, 27-29), and their zeal for their faith induced them to build a temple for an ancient linga which stood in Kiragrâma and was called Vaidyanâtba⁴⁶⁷ (II, 25). The temple consisted of a purí, or adytum, and of a Mandapa in front of that (I, 29; II, 25). It was adorned with numerous sculptures, such as the images of the Ganas, Siva’s celestial attendants (I. 37), and at the gates stood statues or relievos of the rivers Gangâ and Yamunâ and of other divine beings (I, 29)⁴⁶⁸.The architects were Nayaka, son of Asika, of Susarmanagara, probably the modern Koț Kângrâ, and Thodhuka II., son of Sammana (I, 35-37). Immediately after its consecration, the temple received various endowments which, it would seem, were chiefly destined to defray the expenses of the religious services, and perhaps of the repairs

of the building. The Brâhman Ralhaṇa, an astrologer of Susarmapura⁴⁶⁹, son of Âsuka,gave two droņas of grain “from Navagrâma” (I, 31, 32), i.e., the right to that amount which had to be delivered annually by the donor’s serfs or cultivators in Navagrâma.Another Brahman, Gaṇeśvara, son of Govinda and inhabitant of Kîragrâma, made a donation of half a plough of land in Navagrâmæ, where he possessed a field which required four droṇas of seed-corn (I, 33). A rich merchant, Jivaka, son of Depika,and Malhikâ, presented his land in Kiragrama for the court-yard of the temple (I, 34).Later,the local chieftain Lakshmanachandra and his mother Lakshanikà added some further endowments. The former granted daily two drammas out of the income of the mandapiká, i.e., the custom-House where the transit, import and export duties were levied (II, 30), and the latter, one plough of land, situated in the village of Pralamba.Thereupon the founders of the temple likewise showed their liberality. They gave an oil-min which they possessed in Kiragrâma, in order to provide lamps for the temple (11,33), a shop and a piece of good land, measuring four ploughs, for the bhoga, the maintenance, of the god (II, 34).

As regards the account of the Râjânakas of Kiragrâma No. II, verses 11-20, gives the following pedigree:-

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Kanda is twice, called. (II, 11, 20) emphatically the founder of the family. The former verse says of him, that he was the root (kanda) of an incomparable family (kula) which resembles à Bakula trec, and the latter speaks of the servants of the lotus-feet of the kings of Trigarta, the first of whom was Kanda. As his eighth lineal descendant ruled about 800 A.D., he must have lived in the end of the sixth century of our era, or in the beginning of the seventh. Neither he himself nor any of his successors seems to have performed great deeds. The descriptions are purely conventional. Only with respect, to Dombaka it is hinted that he formed alliances with other kings, and regarding Bilhaṇa we learn that he married the daughter of his liege-lord Hridayachandra. The latter point is of some importance, as it shows that the Râjânakas⁴⁷⁰of

Kiragrâma were noble Rajputs, and, though only feudal barons, stood high enough in the estimation of the world to be thought worthy of an alliance with the royal house of Jalandhara-Trigarta. It shows, further, that they probably possessed a larger territory than a single village or small town. This view may be supported by the somewhat indefinite statements in I, 27, and II, 20-21, where the country (deśa) of Laksh-maṇachandra is mentioned and the assertion is made that he enjoyed the whole territory (bhúmi) which his ancestors had held. Rinally Bilhana’s marriage proves that the Râjânakas of Kîragrâma did not belong, as Sir A. Cunningham conjectures, loc. cit.,to a branch line of the dynasty of Trigarta; for among-Kshatriyas exogamy is obligatory in accordance with the sacred law, and marriages between members of the same family or clan are against the generally prevailing custom.

With respect to Râma, Bilhaṇa’s eldest son, No. II, verse 19, states that he died early and was dead when the Prasasti was composed. The reigning prince Lakshmaṇa. chandra is praised also in No. I, 21-26. We are informed that he undertook a pilgrimage to Kedâra, the modern Kedårnâth in Garhwâl,⁴⁷¹ and on this occasion took the vow never to commit a rape on the wife of any of his subjects. This vow, the Prasasti says,he kept most faithfully, and the poet asks with a charming naïvete, what austerity could be difficult of performance for a prince whose heart avoided the wives of others, though youth, beauty, money and complaisant servants were at his command. The picture of the morals of the time, which these versos unfold, is certainly not a flattering one.

Lakshmanachandra’s liege-lord is mentioned twice, No. I, 39, and No. II, 6. His name is not Jayachandra, as Râjâ Śivaprasâda has read it, but Jayachchandra.⁴⁷²He probably was a brother of Lakshmaṇachandra’s mother, Lakshaṇikâ, and a son of Hridaya chandra. But, however that may be, the two inscriptions certainly furnish the names of two rulers of Jalandhara or Trigarta, who closely followed each other. The history of this dynasty, some members of which are also mentioned in the Raja-tarangini, has been discussed by Sir A. Cunningham, Archeological Reports, vol. V,p. 155ff, and Ancient Geography, p. 136ff. I have nothing to add to his remarks. But some identifications, such as that of IIiuen Tsiang’s U-ti-to with the non-existent Atrchand⁴⁷³,have now to be abandoned.

Râma, the poet, who wrote the two Praśastis, introduces his name three times. He names himself at the end of the Gauríśvarastotra (I, 18). In verses 38-39 of the same Prasasti he again says that he wrote the poem and mentions his parents, Bhringaka and Sṛingârâ. In the third passage, II, 36-37, he once more names his father Bbringaka and adds that the latter was a poet since his earliest childhood and the pramátṛi of the king of Kasmir. I am unable to say what the office of a pramátr⁴⁷⁴iwas. The etymological import of the word leads one to suspect that it had to do with spiritual affairs. Regarding himself Râma states in the same passage that he was a young man when he wrote “this poem of simple meaning.” In No. I, 36, he calls himself Kaviśvara, a prince among poets." It is very probable that he may have earned this title in spite of his

youth. Judged by the Hindu standard, he was a great poet, and no European even will dispute his great ability and learning. The fourteen verses, 2-17, of his stotra, which each are applicable both to Śiva and to Gauri, and the puzzling stanza,3, which describes the eight forms of Śiva in four accessory sentences, the frequent change of the metres, and the various alamkáras, found in both Prasastis, prove his great skill in versification and his mastery over the language. Numerous rare words and forms and the general correctness of his language prove that he had deeply studied grammar and knew the Koshas well.

The most difficult point in the inscription is that whith still remains undiscussed-the date. The last verse of No. I

संवत्सरेशीतितमे [प्र]स ने] [ज्यैष्ठ ] स्य शुक्लप्रतिपत्तिथौ च ।
[श्रीमज्ज]यच्चन्दुनरेन्द्रराज्ये रवेर्दिने रामकृता प्रशस्तिःII

mentions the year 80 of an unspecified era and the pratipat or first day of the bright half of the month Jyaishtha. Thus much may be considered certain. For, though the first two syllables of the name of the month are damaged, there can be no doubt that they were either Jyaishṭha or Jyeshṭha. As regards the last word of the first pada, the only certain, portions are the sa and the final vowel e, a wellformed prishthamátrá. Theright side of the first sign is badly damaged. I can only think that it was either . pra or uf pra+i. The third group seems to have been mne, but might possibly be read ndhe. The word may therefore have been either prasanne, as I havo assumed, or prasindhe, a mistake for prasiddhe, as Râjâ Śivaprasâda has read it. In either case it is an adjective, the sense of which does not affect the date. The year is thus decidedly the eightieth, and there can be no doubt that it refers, as Sir A. Cunningham thinks⁴⁷⁵,to the Saptarshi Samvat or Lokakâla, which has been used since a long time in Kaśmir and in the adjoining Hill States. The year 80 of each century of the Lokakâla corres-ponds to a year 26 of the Saka Samvat and to a year 4-5 of the Christian era⁴⁷⁶. Both Prasastis have, or rather have had, also dates according to the Saka Samvat. In No. I, the Saka date stood just below the verse quoted above. The compound śakakála- gatábdáḥ, “the elapsed years of the Sakakâla," is still faintly visible in both impressions. It is best preserved in impression B, and in the latter appears ålso, just below the interstice, between the ninth and tenth signs of line 33, the remnant of a numeral sign which can only have been 6 or 8. Prasasti No. II has again śakakálagatábdáḥ, and after this word three numeral signs, the first of which is clearly 7. The following two may have been 26, as Sir A. Cunningham has read them and has represented them on plate xlii, 5, of the Archeological Reports, vol. V. But on the impressions they are by no means certain. These data, imperfect as they are, point to the conclusion at which Sir A. Cunningham arrived, that both Prasastis have been engravod in the same year Saptarshi Salivat 80, Saka Samvat 726, i.e., 804 A.D. Unfortunately the further specification in No. I, “the first day of the bright half of Jyaishṭha, a Sunday,” raises a difficulty. According to the independent calculations of Mr. J. F. Fleet and Dr. Schram the lunar day mentioned of Śaka Samvat 726 corresponds to May 13th, 804 A.D., which was a Tuesday, not a Sunday as stated in the inscription. I am not in a position to offer a solution of this difficulty. But I believe I may say this much, that whatever the solution

ally alter our opinion regarding the age of the inscription. For Praśasti No. II was clearly incised after Saka Samvat 700 and before Saka Samvat 800, because the first of its three figures is 7.

TRANSCRIPT.⁴⁷⁷

L. 1. ध [स्वस्ति र्धो] नम[ [ग]रपयो[]⁴⁷⁸
यद्यम्यहं पशुपते कुमति[द्र] एव
पर्याप्तभक्तिविव] [शे]नं मया त[था]पि ।
अस्यां स्तुतौ [[अ] वर्षले [अर] सांभा[जि]
[गौ] -
L. 2 [र्य][ सहैव परमेशं निमन्तितीसि ॥ [[१]]⁴⁷⁹
पा[शच्छेद]न[क]तंरि प्र[ण] मतां मोहान्धकूपहुड-
[लोक]प्रोचरण[चमे] नि[रु]पमानन्देक[सं]दायिनि ।
दुर्गे हार—-
L. 3. हारिणि हरिब्र[भा]दिदेवस्तुते
: चेमुविधायिनि विनयने त्वय्येव न[स्खा]मिनि ॥ [[ २ ॥ ]]⁴⁸⁰
व्यापहशि[समू]ल[प]टन[क]री त्वं गोयसै स[र्वदा]

** [मा]-
L. 4. हा[] जगतस्तवास्ति न मिति[स्खे]षां [महि]लामिह ।
उक्ति x केवलमेव [शो]भत इयं नो देव[मा] तेति ते
संसर्ग पि[तृ]काननेर[पचि]ते[रा]श्रीयते च [त्वया] ॥ [[ ३ ॥ ]]⁴⁸¹

L. 5. यस्य [T] हिमालयो[त्कर्ष]पोषिणी [नू ]र्तिरुत्तमा ।
तस्थानमन्ति चरणौ धन्या x केचन जन्तवः ॥ [[ 8 ]]³⁸⁴
धन्ये[र्न][रैरू][ग्र][वधूस्सदेव [त्व] मुझसे [भ]क्ति **

**
भराभिराभेः ।**

**L. 6. कशापहारोतिमनोहराभिर्वा[ग्भि] x क[वीना] सुपगीय[से] च ॥ [[ ५ ]]⁴⁸²
आासनमृत्युत्वदशामुपेयुषां पुरेषु नास्थाममरेषु कु-

     र्वताम्

L. 7. - सत्यं भवानीशरणाभिलाविद्यां मनोरथं पूरयितुं प्रगल्भते ॥ [[ ६ ॥ ]]⁴⁸³
मुहम्समुद्रासिन एव यु[ह]को [ड]ानिकत्तासुरस[र्म]प[स्थ]।**

————————-[]दवाद[ीमतो दिने दिने ।

से मि[][रवीणः[[७॥]]⁴⁸⁴
देशान्तर][]वकिल कम्यते ॥ [[८]]³⁸⁴
L.9. प्रवरवरीचिचयचन्द्रवाचा बदनेम राजसितरामतिविषा ।

** बमोषिमादिषसम्पदासयी परिपूजवन्ति भरची तवामराः ॥ [[९॥]]⁴⁸⁵
L. 10 —————–वां त्वयि करुचावति युज्यते वृष भतिः ।
दुचां
[[]] [अ] जयसि घरमदम! [[१०]]⁴⁸⁶
गिरिजेयाधिविडी[[चिर]
L. 11. त्वं मतिर्भव साम्प्रतम्] [l]
संसारसागराञ्चेती भीह मे नीयतां शमम् ॥ [११]
शिवाबेकविनम्तव्यपुष्प्रादाग्रपांसवे \।
तुभ्यं[तुभ्य][द्विपुध्वंष्सम-
L. 12. हाशक्लिमते नमः ॥ [[१२]]⁴⁸⁷**

** चन्चञ्चापलसदृष्टिविंषमेषु प्रयोजक[:l]
नैञ्चो [स्त्री] स्त्रीजनो यस्य त्वमधिदैवतम् [॥१३॥⁴⁸⁸]
[शोभि]ता[नां]त्रिविभिर्येवे[डा]मि -
L. 13 शरणैषियाम् [l]
वपुश् श्रीमदविध्वंसं विधातुं प्रजगल्भिषे ॥ [१४]यत्र
आपत्कलापबेलापपरिताप्रलापिनम् [ l]
गौरीयास्ति विमोहाकं [कस्वा] तुम -.
L. 14. परः क्षमः ॥ [[१५॥ ]]⁴⁸⁹**

** सर्वाणिमानं त्वङ्कक्ता यान्ति सर्वातियायिनम् ।
प्रसीद मातांसाराच्छीघ्रमेव विमोचय ॥ [[१६॥]]⁴⁹⁰
गाढा मजानने प्रीतिस्स[र्वमो] हि व
L. 15. पुस्सदा ।**

** उद्दीपितृकारा दृष्टिर्यस्यास्ते तत्पदं नुमः ॥ [[१७]]⁴⁹¹
इति रामेण निरामय समसुमया यत्रया स्तुतोसि विभो [l]
श्रुत्वा तसमीचीकुरु परिश्रमं
L. 16. परमकारुणिक ॥ [१८]
एकीत्या स्त्रोत्रमिदं गौरोश्वरयो पठन्ति ये भक्त्या ।
तेजामप्यभिलावस्सिध्यतु शिवयो प्रसादेन ॥ [[१९]]⁴⁹²
इति गौरीश्वरस्तोत्रम् ॥ ।**

L. 17. अस्ति शोतलगभस्तिशेखर त्वग्रमस्तिकरणेऽकुतोईता ।
किन्तु पावर्कमयाच तावकी भक्तिरेव जडतां भवति नः ॥ [[२०]]⁴⁹³

** " अद्यापि विमापयिता -**

" L. 18. . र एते विद्यन्त एवेम्बरभक्तिमन्तः [l]
विचित्रचारित्वनिधिर्यथेष राजानको लचचचन्द्रमामा ॥ [२१॥

** केदारयावां विरचय्य यन विभौधनी मात -**

L. 19.
नदुष्कृतस्य ।

** इस– पर सर्वपरस्त्रियों में खसार इत्येव कला प्रतिज्ञा ॥ [[२२॥]]⁴⁹⁴**

** किमेतदाबर्यमवार्यवीर्ये यंदेष योधैर्युधि दुध [र्वः]:[l]**

L.20 र्धराणा धुरि यो मनोभू बंभूव तस्याप्यविधेय एव ॥ [[२३]]⁴⁹⁴

** भ्रद्येश्चरा मन्दपराक्रमत्वं मत्वा विपक्षैरवधारिताशाः [l ]**

** [व][स्तव्यतारीहठस[ङ्कं]मेन**

. L. 21 पुराधिपत्यं सफलं विदन्ति ॥ [[२४॥]]⁴⁹⁵

** नवं वयो रूपमधि[त्रि] दातृता पुराधिपत्यं बहव प्रियङ्कराः [ 1]
तथापि चेत परदारवर्जि चे त्किमस्ति दुम्साघमत प-रं तप\।\।[२५\।\।⁴⁹⁶**

. L. 22. राजामकस्य प्रविशाहबुद्द पाणि x कृपाणग्रहणप्रवीणः[।]
विवजयामास विगर्हितानि तस्य[T]न्यनारीस्तनमर्दनानि ॥ [[२६]]⁴⁹⁷

** तस्यास्ति**

L. 23 देमेत्र वणिक प्रसिद्धस्सिद्वात्मजो मन्युकनामधेयः [ 1 ]

** छित्रेत्यविच्छिमहेशभक्तेर्मातावदातचरितस्य य[स्य] ॥ [२७॥⁴⁹⁸]**

** यस्याहु[का]ख्यीयविभक्तवित्तो**

L. 24, भ्राता कनिष्ठस्सुकतैकनिष्ठः [l]

** व्यग्रा समग्रातिथिपूजनाय गुल्हेति गर्हारहिता च भा[र्या] ॥ [[२८]]⁴⁹⁹**

** भक्ति[दुवाटे] भसलेन ते[न] [स]भ्भ्रातृकेन विपु-**

**L. 25.
रान्तकस्य **

** हारस्थ गङ्गायमुनादिमूर्ति x कृता पुरीयं सह मण्डपेन ॥ [[२९॥]]⁵⁰⁰
भस्वागर्भग्टहीतसर्वविभवा नेदिष्ठदेशे क्वचि ये कुर्वन्ति गतागता।**

L. 26. नि वणिजो मस्या बराक x क ते ।

** धन्यो मयुकनामधेय द्वि श्रीकण्ठरज्यान ५ः
पोतमोतविवेकवेतनधनो मोहावंतीर्णवान् ॥ [[३०]]⁵⁰¹
देवद्विजगु -
L. 27. क्षक्तस्सौजन्यनिधिर्मुचिप्रियो दातर ।**

** चासुकसुतोस्ति विप्रो रल्हयनामा सुशर्मपुरी ॥ [[३१]]⁵⁰²
तेन देवमधुर्येण धान्यद्रोषडयं शिवे ।
वहमान[ख] भूप-
L.28. ठाजवधामात्समर्पितम् ॥ [३२॥]**

** इइत्येन नवग्रामाइत्ता चा[व] इ[लार्ध]भूः [[ ]
गणेश्वरेण गोविन्दद्विजपुत्रेण धीमता ॥ [[३३]]⁵⁰³
देपिकाङ्कजनितेन मल्हिका-
L. 29. सुनना चिततवित्तशालिना ।
जीवकेन वणिजा निजा च भूत प्राङ्गणाय पुरत शिवेर्पिता ॥ [[३४॥]]⁵⁰⁴
[या]वदे[ष] भगवा[म्भुवाम्प]ति ब्यम कोम[स]चिव ग[ह]

    ते।

L. 30. मन्युकाड [कञ्जत]श् शिवालयस्तावदस्तु सममन्यसाचनः ॥ [३५] मे
भासिकात्मज उ[दा]रधी[]स सुवधारधुरि नायकाभिधः ।
श्रीसुण[[र्म]]-
L. 31. नगरादिहाययौ [सम्म] नस्य तनयच ठोढुकः ॥ [[ ३६॥]]⁵⁰⁵
तेन तेन च सहैव टङ्किता प्रोग्रता शिवपुरी समण्डपा ।
[शा] मुदृष्टिमनुसृत्य नि[र्मि]-
.ता यत्र भान्ति गणवर्गमू[र्तयः ॥ [३७॥]]⁵⁰⁶**

L. 32 भृङ्गारा भृङ्गको यस्य पितरौ पुण्यशालिनौ ।
स प्रशस्तिमिमां चक्रे रामनामा क[वी] घरः[[॥३८॥]]⁵⁰⁷
सवत्सरेशीतितमे[प्र]स[वे] [ज्येष्ठै]स्य शुक्रप्रतिपत्तियौ च ।
[श्री]म[ज्ज]यचन्द्रनरेन्द्रराज्ये रवे[र्दि]ने रामकृता प्रशस्तिः ॥ [[३८॥]]⁵⁰⁸
॥ओं नमश् शिवाय ॥
L. 35. [शककालगताब्दाः[] -]⁵⁰⁹

TRANSLATION.

Om, hail ! Om, obeisance to the two rulers of the Gaņas⁵¹⁰

V. 1. Though, O Pasupati, I am ohly running after folly⁵¹¹, yet art thou, supreme lord, invoked by me who am subdued by great devotion, together with Gauri, in this hymn which possesses some portion of sentiment, sweet to the ear.

2a. Our devotion (is) to thee alone who cuttest the bonds⁵¹².")of those bending (before thee) who art able to save men submerged in the hidden well of delusion, who alone grantest incomparable joy, who art difficult to reach, who takest away who art praised by Hari, Brahman and the other gods,.grantest security, (and) art (our) three-eyed lord.

b. Our devotion (is) to thee alone, three-eyed lady, O thou (who art) a knife to out the bonds of those bending (before thee) O thou (who art) able to save men submerged in the hidden well of delusion, O thou (who) ‘alone grantest incomparable joy, O’Durgâ O thou who takest awayO thou who art praised by Hari, Brahman and the other gods, O thou who grantest security !

3a. Thou art ever praised as the elephant (who effects) the destruction of (that) creep-er-misery-together with its roots, thou art the creator of the world, there is no limit to thy greatness here; (to call) thee, O god, creator, is the only fitting mode of address for us; and thou hauntest the burial-grounds, covered with pyres.

b. Thou art ever praised as the destroyer of (that) creeper-misery-together with its roots; thou art the mother of the world; there is no limit to thy greatness here; (to call) thee mother of the gods is the only fitting mode of address for us; and thou dwellest in the dense woods of (thy) father (Himálaya⁵¹³).

4a. Some blessed beings bow at the feet of him whose exceeding beauty is enhanced by a garland of snakes.

b. Some blessed beings bow at the feet of her whose exceeding beauty enhances the excellence of the Himalaya.⁵¹⁴

5a. By blessed men, who are filled with devotion to Abhirâma (Siva), thou art always called, O Ugra, a female (Ardhandri) and thou art celebrated by the charming songs of poets as the remover of trouble**.**
b. By blessed men who are lovely on account of their great devotion, thou art ever called the bride of Ugra, and thou art celebrated by the songs of poets, charming through their style, as the remover of trouble.⁵¹⁵

6a. Thou, Ọ Îía, art able, indeed, to fulfil the wish of men who, approaching the hour of death, do not care for the towns of the gods, (but) désire (èternal) bliss.

b. Bhavânî, indeed, is. able to fulfil the wish of those who, approaching the hour of death, do not care for the towns of the gods, (but) seek (her) protection.⁵¹⁶

7a. Thou alone standest, indeed, even above Hari, who again and again takes repose in the ocean, who drank the stream (of blood) from (the body of) the demon slain in a playful fight, and who possesses a brilliancy of fierce’strength.

b. Thou alone ridest, indeed, even on a lion, who again and again is lying (ourled up) like & ring, who drinks the streams of the blood of those slain (by thee) in the battleplay, and who possesses fierce power⁵¹⁷.

8a. In accordance with the teaching which removes impurity and the other (fetters) and gladdens by (granting) happiness thou art, indeed, called every day the Sthâṇu (immovable átman) in many different bodies.

b. On account of thy appearance whích gladdens the hearts of those possessing impurity (as their) chief (element), thou art, indeed, called the minute (Śakti) residing in many different bodies.⁵¹⁸

9a. Thou art exceedingly resplendent with thy countenance surpassing the goddess Sri and beautified through the (crescent of the) moon from which numerous rays issue forth; the immortals worship in manifold.wise thy feet, the abode of a multitude of. qualities, smallness and so forth.

b. Thou art exceedingly resplendent with a countenance which surpasses the goddess Śrf and which is beautiful like the moon from which a multitude of rays issue forth; the immortals worship thy feet, the abode of a multitude of good qualities, great redness and so forth⁵¹⁹.

10a. Devotion to thee, the leader of men in the three worlds, the compassionate one, is suitable for men; for thou leadest men to the highest place, into which the three worlds are absorbed.

b. Devotion to thee, the mother of the three worlds, O compassionate one, is suitable for men; for thou leadest, &c.

11a. Lord of the daughter of the Mountain, I am tormented by sorrows; be thou now my refuge; lead thou my fearful soul out of the ocean of births to (eternal) rest.

b. Daughter of the Mountain, rule me; I am tormented, be thou now my refuge, &c.⁵²⁰12a. Obeisance to Śiva, the dust of whose holy feet must alone be worshipped; to thee who possessest great power to destroy thy trembling foes.

12 a. Obeisance to Sivà the dust of whose holy feet must be worshipped by poets; to thee, O thou who art known as the great Power (able) to destroy her trembling foes.⁵²¹

13a. Thou art in these three worlds the supreme deity of the heroes who employ themselves in dangerous (undertakings and) whose looks flash on the quivering bow.

b. Thou art in these three worlds the supreme deity of women who lead (men) into danger and whose glances flash like a quivering bow.⁵²²

14a. Thou, Mṛida, hast been able to grant a glorious, imperishable body to those who, adorned with three eyes, seek eternal bliss.

b. Thou, Mṛidânî, hast been able to grant a glorious, imperishable body to those who, adorned with three eyes, seek thy protection.⁵²³

15a. Who else, lord of Gaurî, is able to protect from delusion any one who complains of the great pain (caused) by the concurrence of a crowd of misfortunes?

b. Gaurî rules him who complains of the great pain (caused) by the concurrence of a crowd of misfortunes; who else is able to protect any one?⁵²⁴

16a. Šarva, thy devotees obtain a power of making themselves small, which surpasses every thing; be gracious, O creator, quickly free (us) from the circle of births.

B. Šarvâņi, thy devotees reach a dwelling that surpasses all others; be gracious,Mother, &c.⁵²⁵

17a. We bow at the feet of him who feels deep affection for the elephant-faced
(Ganesa), whose (terrible) appearance bewilders all, (and) whose eye has burnt Oupid.

b. We bow at the feet of thee, who feelest deep affection for the elephant-faced god,whose beauty"charms every body (and) whose looks kindle love.⁵²⁶

Hearing, O (god) free from (all) taint, that, O lord, thou hast thus been praised together with Umâ by me, Râma, make this exertion truly fruitful, most compassionate one!
By the grace of Śiva and Sivâ may fulfilment attend the desire of those, too, who with devotion recite this praise of Gauri and Îévara (that) by a single expression (always conveys a double sense).

Here ends the hymn (addressed) to Gauri and Îśvara.

There is, O thou who carriest the cold-rayed moon on thy crest, some small merit in making an eulogy of thee, but, O god with the eye of fire, devotion to thee alone destroys our dullness,
Even now exist such wonderful men, filled with devotion to Îévara⁵²⁷like that store of marvellous virtue, the Râjânaka named Lakshmaṇachandra,

Who, after performing a pilgrimage to Kedâra, that cleanses from old sin, made even this vow, “Henceforth shall all wives of others be sisters for me.”
What wonder is it that in battle he was secure from assaults by warriors of irresistible bravery, since he, a Cupid at the head of the bowmen, was not to be subdued even by that (deity).
At present rulers, whose commands are disregarded by their opponents-

because they deem them to be of shall prowess- think the sovereignty over a town to yield its legitimate result only by the rape of the wives of the inhabitants.

Fresh youth, beautiful shape, liberality, sovereignty over a town, many flatterers (all these are his); ‘if nevertheless his heart avoids the wives of others, what austerity is difficult to perform after that?
The hand of this pure-minded Râjânaka, which is expert in wielding the sword, has (since)⁵²⁸ avoidedthe blamable, pressing of the bosoms of the wives of
others.

In his country there, is a well-known merchant, the son of Siddha, named Manyuka; Chinna is the mother of that (man) whose devotion to Maheśa is uninter-rupted and whose life is pure,
Whose younger brother, undivided (from him) in property and solely intent on pious works, is called Ahuka, and whose blameless wife is named Gulhâ.
By him, a bee in the park of devotion, and by his brother, has been erected this temple of the slayer of Tripura, at the doors of which stand the statues of Gaṅgâ,Yamuna and other (deities), together with a Mandapa.
In what (rank) are those miserable traders to be reckoned, who, taking with them all their wealth in the womb of their pouches, run to and fro somewhere in the nearest country? Blessed is he who is named Manyuka, for he has crossed the ocean. of delusion, giving his wealth as the fee for the true knowledge implanted in his heart that is attached to Srikantha (and thus is) the boat (which carries him over).
A man devoted to gods, Brâhmans and Gurus, a store of generosity, a friend of the virtuous and liberal, is the Brâhmaṇa Ralhaṇa, the son of Âsuka, in Suśarma-pura.
By that chief of astrologers have been given to Śiva two dronas of grain from Navagrâma, where the surface of his land (has) the measure of one Vaha.⁵²⁹

Moreover, by an inhabitant of this (village, Kiragrâma), wise Gaṇeśvara, the son of the Brahman Govinda, has been given to this (Śiva) (a piece of) land from Navagrâma (measuring) half a plough.
Further, by the son of Depika and Malhikâ, the very wealthy merchant Jivaka, has his own land been presented to Siva for the courtyard in front (of the temple).
And as long as this divine lord of the worlds with gentle beams dives into the expanse of heaven, so long may this temple of Siva, built by Manyuka and Âhuka, exist together with the other grants.
The high-minded son of Âsika, named Nâyaka, who is at the head of masons,came from Susarman’s town to this (village) likewise Thodhuk a, the son of Sammana.
By those two together has the very lofty temple of Siva been fashioned with the chisel, as well as the Mandapa; (it has been) constructed in accordance with the opinion of Śâmhu⁵³⁰and on it glitter the figures of the crowd of the Gaṇas.

The prince of poets, called Râma, whose holy parents are Śringârâ and Bhṛingaka, has composed this eulogy.

** **39. The eulogy, composed by Rama (has been inoised⁵³¹ the translation would be in the eightieth year known (in the world)’ i. e., ‘in the eightieth Laukika Sari-vatsara’."))in the eightieth year (of the Lokakála) on the pleasant first day of the bright half of the month of Jyaishtha, a Sunday, during the reign of king Jayachchandra.

Om, obeisance to Śiva 1 The elapsed years of the Saka era (dre).6 (?)

No. II - TRANSORIPT.

L. 1. ओं स्व[स्ति ]नमश्[र्वा]यें।

** [[भ्राशास्यं वो गजास्यो] वितरतु हरता[तार] कारिर्विकार
नन्दी सानन्द[नो]यं भवंतु स [] महाकालशूलब [[ध]र्ता \।
L. 2. -ना– – [रच] यतु कु [रुतां] वोरभद्रोपि [भ]द्रं
सर्वे वोखर्वगर्वा विदधतु कुशलं किङ्कराश् शङ्करस्य ॥ [[१॥]]⁵³²
स पातु वो [म] हादेवो
L. 3.
भक्तिचुम्बितः[ l]
आत्मानं सु[द्व] रीज़न्ते यत्पादनखदर्पणे ॥ [[२॥]]⁵³³
काष्ठोद्यीपनक[र्म]ठा जगति या या निर्निमेषेचवेस्सत्यक्षै-
L. 4. रुपजीव्यते द्विजजनं या बिनती शस्व[ते] [l]
देवस्कतिलम्पटस्य परमा पुष्टिर्यतो [जा]यते ताभिर्मूर्तिभिरष्टभिर्भवतु वो भूल्ये भवानोवि
L. 5.
[भुः]॥ [[3]]⁵³⁴
एतेनै [व] भरत्वमभ्युपगतं नोषाय पूर्वेपुरा संप्राप्त[T] धनुषम् श्रियं तनुरियं संप्रत्यमुच्चैव च ।
व्यानम्र हसतव य[त्सु]र
L. 6 रिपावित्यं सुषुर्विष्मया समोरमुपास्महे सारजित ५ पादद्वयं [त]द्वयम् ॥ [[8]]⁵³⁵•
यदप्यचेतनत्वाद्वङ्गुमशक्कध्यत्तस्रालयस्तदपि ।
भ्र-
L.7. व केन [व] तोहमिति प्रशस्तिप्रयुजिञ्जया वदति ॥ [[५॥]]⁵³⁶
ज[T] लन्धराधिराजो जयति गुणानां निधिर्जयचन्द्रः ।
ईदृगि यस्य राज्ये देवायतना-
L. 8 नि जातानि \। [40]
वित्तं शिवे प्रयुक्त येषां कालेन भवति कोटिगुणम् ।
ग[ण्यास्त ए]व वणिजश् शेषे x किं स्तोकवा[र्धु] षिकैः ॥ [७]
अनेन वयमाणेन सुकृतेन महा
L.9
नयौ ।
गयौ गणेषु भ्रातरी भूयास्तां मन्युकाहुकौ ॥ [[८॥ ]]³⁸⁴
तो भ्रातरी कृतज्ञौ याभ्यां शमदम[प]योधरयुतायाः ।
शि[व]भक्तिजनन्धा [अ] पि रसं-**

**L. 10. समाखादितम्सार्थम् ॥ [[९]]⁵³⁷
शैलस्याङचलित्वा रुचिरनववया X खेलतीयं सहेलं
कुष्पा कन्येव यत्न स्फुरदुरलहरी कन्दुकाबिन्दुकाख्या ।
की-
L. 11. रग्रामोभिलमो गुणगणनिलयो वर्ततुधिविगंत
.सोयं राजानुकेन प्रबलभुजयु[ज रचि]तो लक्ष्मणेन ॥ [[१०॥]]³⁷⁹
अतुलकुलबकुलपी[दप ] कन्द ४ प.

L. 12. रिपन्थिभि॑त्पुम्नस्कन्दः [l]**

** राजानकोव कन्द प्रथममभू[हु]र्यमस्कन्दः ॥ [[११॥]]⁵³⁸
बुडो विश्वबुषिस्तस्य सुतोजनयदुडुरं तनयम् !
विग्रह
L. 13. इति कृतविरहश् शत्रुवधूनां ततो जज्ञे ॥ [१२॥]
विग्रहविग्रहजातो ब्रह्मेति बभूव भूवधूंदयितः [l].
विग्रहनिग्रहकरणे शक्तिर्यस्य[[भ]वद्रि -

पुषु ॥ [\[१३॥\]][^638]

I. 14. इस्तालम्बकमुनताहिलुठतामाराधितत्राम्बकं
शत्रुत्रीपरिचुम्बकं परतिमिस्वीकारचिन्तांधकम्[1]
कान्तग्रामकदम्बकं नृपतिभिस्तदन्धु -

  \[कौ\]टुम्बकं

L. 15 .[ स्वा] कारप्रतिबिम्बकं स च कृती लेभे सुतं [कौ] टुम्बकम् ॥ [[१४॥]]⁵³⁹
नारीमोहनयौवनं नवनवत्यागोर्मिभि × [पा] वनं
भूभर्तु X कृतसेवनं निजभुवस्सम्यक्प्रक्कप्ता -

     वनम् \[l\]

L. 16. [उद्या]महिषदालयीजतवनं युद्धोग्रसिंहस्वनं
पुत्रं सोपि समाससाद भुवनं शन्धी बृहत्सावनम् ॥ [[१५॥]]⁵⁴⁰
गुणमणिनिकुरुंम्बरोहणं प्रव
L.17. हणमापदगाधवारिधौ ।
ऊतसुभटशिरोधिरोहणं [स]मजनयत्तनयं स कल्हणम् ॥ [[१६॥]]⁵⁴¹
[जा] लन्धराधीम्बरपादपद्मनिन्छद्मभक्ति प्रचुरात्मशक्तिः ।
L. 18. बलोलयो बिल्हणनामधेयस्तस्थात्मजोजायत सद्विधेयः ॥ [[१७]]⁵⁴²
तनयायां समयस्य त्रिगर्तभूभ[र्तृ] हृदयचन्द्रस्य[l]
[स]च रामलमणाख्यो लञ्च-**

**L. 19. शिकायां सुतौ लेभे ॥ [[१८]]⁵⁴³
ज्येष्ठ गुणेर्गरिष्ठे बिम्बोष्ठी भिस्समं व्यपुरि गोष्ठीम् ।
अधितिष्ठति • निष्ठुरधी[स्तस्य] कनिष्ठोव सुप्रतिष्ठोभूत् ॥ [१९॥⁵⁴⁴
त्रिगर्तनृपतीनां या.
L. 20. प्सूदपभ्रोपजीविभिः [1].
कन्दादि[भिरा]सन्दारिसन्दारिभिरभुज्यत ॥ [२०॥]
परिपालितवास्तव्यस्तव्यनिर्मलकर्मणा
साधुना साधुना भूमिर्लणेनोपभुज्यते ॥ [[२१॥ ]]⁵⁴⁵

L. 21. यस्य प्रेयस्यभवन्मयतज्ञे[त्य]तुलरूभृद्रमणी ।
तस्मिन्कीरग्रामं लक्ष्मणचन्देनुपालयति ॥ [[२२॥]]⁵⁴⁶
सिध्दाख्यवणिकपुत्री धर्मप्रवणाविह
L. 22.
स्थितौ कृतिनौ ।
“[ज्ये]ष्ठो मन्युकनामा कतिष्ठमप्याहुकं प्राहुः ॥ [२३॥]
भवतरुकुठारधारा प्रविषमतमजन्मभरुमरुन[ह]री ।
प्रकरोह मोह -
L. 23. [हं]वी [मन] सि तयो [श् शा]म्भवी भक्तिः ॥ [[२४]]⁵⁴⁷
ताभ्यां शिवलिङ्गमिदं निरालयं बोच्य वैद्यनाथाख्यम् []
पुर्या सहितं विहितं पुरतोस्य च मण्डपो रचित [ः ॥२५॥]
L. 24. इति मन्यु [ का ]हुकाभ्यामुदरे स्थित्वा पुरा किलैकत ।
पुनरुदरसम्प्रवेशप्रतिषेधविधि[स्स] सह विहितः ॥ [२६॥]
यद्यपि पितेव कुरुते करुणां**

L.25 शम्भुस्तथापि पितुरधिकः [1]
जन्मनिमित्तं हि पिता शशिमौलिरजन्मनो हेतुः ॥ [२७॥ ]
शाहिलपाहिल[क]हिलसिञ्चास्वर्लोकगामिनस्सन्तु

**L. 26. पूर्वे पुरुषा x क्रमशश्चत्वारी मन्धकाहुकयोः ॥ \ [२८ ॥⁵⁴⁸ ]
किम्बहुना[प्यु]र्य्देषा पुरुषाणामे [व] विंशतिर्यात् ।
[सुक्क] तेनानेन दिवं स्वयं च परमास्तु
गतिरनयोः ॥ [[२९]]⁵⁴⁹

L. 27. राजानकेन चास्मे लक्ष्मणचद्रेण वैद्यनाथाय ।
मण्डपिकोत्पत्तिधनाह[त्ताषष]ट् प्रत्यहं द्रमा ॥ [ ३०॥ ]
ग्रामाप्रलम्बना[म्रो]
L. 28. मात्रा राजानकस्य लक्षणया \।
एकहलवाहनीया दत्ता, भूमिर्महेशाय ॥ [[३१॥]]⁵⁴³
लक्ष्मणस्य सुकृतं सुकृती य पालयिष्यति तदन्वयधर्ता ।
तस्य पु-**

L. 29.समुपयात विष्ठद्वि यो हरिष्यति स गच्छृत चाधः ॥ [[३२॥]]⁵⁵⁰
तैलोत्पीडनयन्तं कीरग्रामेस्ति मन्युकाकयीः ।
ताभ्यां तदपि शिवाय
L. 30.प्रदीपनिष्पत्तये दत्तम् ॥ [३३॥]
एका च पख्यशाला ताभ्यां स्त्रीया शिवस्य भोगार्थम् ।
भूमिब हलचतुष्टयं योग्या दत्ता नवग्रामात् ॥ [३४॥]
इति ये -
• L. 31.न येन यद्यत्सुकतं विहितं शिवं समुद्दिश्य
इह तस्य तस्य तत्तंत्तिष्ठतु यावचरित्रीयम् ॥ [३५॥]
यस्थाविस्मृत [अ]ननीस्तन्यसमास्वादनस्य वदना -
ब्जे
L. 32.परिशतकवित्वफला सरस्वती भगवती न्यवसत् ॥ ३६॥
श्रीभृङ्गकस्य स सुत [ x काश्म]रनृपप्रमातुरनघस्य [[ l]]⁵⁵⁰
प्रथमवयास्सर[लार्थी] व्यधत्त राम ४ प्रशस्तिमिमा[म् ॥ ३७॥]

33. चबेढक्षेत्रात् हर—-क्षेत्रात् वलण[दे]वाद[ग्र]भूमि [छ?] ॥ ॥ गुहकेन य (?)
शसि भदो (?) ना ॥⁵⁵¹
॥ शककालगताब्दाः ७[३८]

TRANSLATION OF No. II.

Om hail ! Obeisance to Sarva !

Ver. 1. – May the elephant-faced god grant (your) wishes and the foe of Taraka remove sickness; may Nandin gladden (you), and he (who is) the carrier of the trident of Mahakala……….may make……..may Virabhadra too, give you happiness, may all the proud servants of Sańkara procure you welfare !

May that Mahadeva protect you, in the mirror of whose foot-nails the…… which are kissed with devotion, repeatedly reflect themselves.
May the lord of Bhavàni grant you happiness through those eight bodies (of his) viz., that which in this world is active in kindling wood, that which is active in illuminating the quarters of the world, that on which the strong-finned (fish) endowed with never-twinkling eyes, subsist, that on which the gods live, whose adherents are the virtuous, that which is praised as maintaining twice-born men, that which is praised as carrying the birds (and) that through which the doity, greedy of offerings, attains the highest growth⁵⁵² !

4..Just. this has formerly agreed to become an arrow in order to burn the towns (of the demon), and this body of his even that has now attained the beauty of a

bow”— (reflecting) thus repeatedly, we worship in astonishment the two feet of the conqueror of Cupid, resplendent with ashes, which (feet) mock, as it were, the prostrate foe of the gods.⁵⁵³ destroyed the town of the demon, Tripurâri. This is usually represented as bow-shaped, i.e., with corners on both sides standing in a vertical position. Regarding the feet which mock as it were the prostrate foc:’ see the frontispiece to Moore’s Hindu Pantheon. eye")

Though, being devoid of sense, the temple is unable to speak, it yet tells through (this) eulogy, (its) broad tongue, by whom it has been built.
Victorious is ‘Jayachchandra, the supreme king of Jalandhara, a store of virtues, in whose reign such dwellings of the gods have come into existence.
Those alone can be considered truc merchants, whose wealth, lent to Siva, in time becomes ten-million-fold;, what is the use of the others (who are brt) paltry usurers ?
May these two men endowed with great prudence of conduct, the brothers Manyuka and Âhuka, become honourable in the guilds on account of this pious work which will be described."
Grateful are these two brothers who tasted together also the milk of their (second) mother, the faith in Siva, of her whose breasts are tranquillity and self-conquest.⁵⁵⁴

There is in Trigarta the pleasant village of Kîragrâma, the home of numerous virtues, where that river called Kandukâbindukâ, leaping from the lap of the mountain, with glittering broad waves sportively plays, thus resembling a bright maiden in the first bloom of youth (who jumping from the lap of her nurse gracefully sports). That (village) is protected by the strong-armed Râjânaka Lakshmaṇa.
There lived in the beginning Râjânaka Kanda, the root (kanda) of a peerless race that resembles a Bakula tree, (he who was) a destroyer of his foes, a conqueror of towns, an untamable Skanda.
His son Buddha, a man of pure intellect, begot an excellent son; from him⁵⁵⁵20 sprang he who was called Vigraha (separation, and) who (accordingly) caused the separation of the wives of his enemics (from their beloved ones).

(Then) Brahman, the son of Vigrala’s body, became the husband of the earth, he who possessed power to punish his enemics.
And that happy man obtained a son (called) Dombaka, who reflected his (father’s) nature, who supported by the hand those falling from high placos, who worshipped Tryambaka, who kissed the Fortuna of his enemies, who was deeply engrossed with the care of catching (those) fish-his focs-who together with (other) princes took many villages, who was the head of a family of worthy relatives.
IIe, too, obtained a son (called) Bhuvana, whose youth charmed women, who sanctified (his race) by ever-fresh streams (of water, poured out) on (the occasion of) donations, who served his king and duly protected his country, who made the forest the home of his proud foes, whose lion-roar (sounded) dreadful in battle, and who offered great sacrifices to Sambhu.
He begat a son (named) Kalhana, (who was) a mountain⁵⁵⁶of precious stones-his virtues-(and) a boat on the deep ocean of misfortune, (and) who passed over the heads of brave warriors.

As his good and obedient son was born, he who was called Bilhaṇa, who showed guileless devotion to the lotus-feet of the supreme lord of Jalandhara, who possessed great power of mind and was terrible on account of his strength.
With Lakshanika, the daughter of Hridayachandra, the politic king of Trigarta, he had two sons, named Râma and Lakshmaṇa.
While the elder one, most worshipful on account of his yirtues, converses with the red-lipped maidens in the town of heaven, his strong-minded younger (brother) has been firmly established here.

20-21. The whole territory which Kanda possessed and the other servants of the lotus-feet of the kings of Trigarta, the destroyers of the foes of Âsanda, belongs at present to holy Lakshmaṇa, who protects the inhabitants and whose pure actions are worthy of praise.⁵⁵⁷

While that Lakshmaṇachandra, whose dear wife was Mayatalla-a lady of peerless beauty-protects Kîragrâma,

23, Two pious, happy sons of the merchant, named Siddha, live here; the elder one has the name Manyuka, but the younger one they call Âhuka.

In their hearts grew up the faith in Śambhu, which destroys" delusion, which is the edge of the axe (to cut down) the tree of mundane existence (and) a storm-wave (to carrry men acfuss) the most terrible ocean of births.
By those two, who saw this linga of Śiva, called Vaidyanatha, destitute of a dwelling, has it been provided with a templo and has a Manḍapa been erected in front of that.⁵⁵⁸

When Manyuka and Âhuka formerly dwelt in the same womb, they both announced their determination not to enter again into a womb, speaking thus:
“Though Śambhu is compassionate like a father, yot he is more than a father; for a father is the immediate cause of (one’s) birth, (but) the god with the moon on his crest is the cause of the cessation of births.”
May Śahila, Pâhila, Kâhila and Siddha, the four ancestors of Manyuka and Âhuka, in due order enter heaven.
In short, may the remaining twenty men (of their family) all reach Elysium in consequence of this pious work, but may the highest state be (the reward) of these two.⁵⁵⁹

And daily six drammas of the money collected in the custom-house have been allotted by Rajânaka Lakshmanachandra to this Vaidyanâtha.⁵⁶⁰

(A piece of) land to be cultivated by oné plough and belonging to the village named Pralamba has been granted to (this) Maheśa by Lakshaņâ, the mother of the Rajânaka.
May the merit of each pious successor of Lakshmaṇa, who protects his sacred gift, be increased; but he who may take it away, shall descend downwards.
The oilmill, too, in Kîragrâma (which) belongs, to Manyuka and Âhuka, has been given by them to Siva in order to provide for the lamps (of his temple).⁵⁶¹

Moreover one shop of theirs has been presented for the enjoyment of Śiva and (a piece of) good land, four ploughs, situated in Navagrâma.
Whatever pious gift. has thus been made by anybody for the sake of Śiva, may that last for his (benefit) as long as this earth (exists).

36-37. Râma, the son of the good pramátṛi⁵⁶²of the king of Kaśmir, famous Bhringaka, in whose lotus-mouth dwelt divine Sarasvati before he forgot the taste of his mother’s milk, composed in his first youth this eulogy of simple meaning.

From the Chabedha-field from the Hara . . . -field, from Vaktaṇadeva the best land (?). [The prakusti was engraved] by Guhaka. The elapsed years of the Śaka era (are) 7[26].

XVII. — THE JAINA INSCRIPTION IN THE TEMPLE OF BAIJNATH ATKIRAGRÂMA,

BY G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., LL.D., O.I.E.

The subjoined inscription is found in the same temple of Śiva-Vaidyanatha at Kîragrâma in Kângrâ.’ It consists of two lines of Jaina Nâgarî letters, which run,each divided into four larger and two small sections, along three facets of the pedestal of a statue of Mahavira. Its preservation is almost porfect. It records the dedication of this statue by two merchants Dolhaṇa and Âlhaṇa, and its consecration by a Sûri, called Devabhadra. The statue, we are told, was placed in a temple of Mahâvira, crected by the same two persons at Kiragrâma. As at present no old Jaina place of worship exists at Kiragrâma, it would appear that the base was transferred to the temple of Śiva after the destruction of its original location, and that it probably owes its preservation to the ignorance of the priests of the Vaidyanatha temple.

The donors probably were Gujarûtis, not Panjabis, and the consecrating Sûri likewise seems to have belonged to the same country. For Dolhaṇa and Alhaṇa were members of the Brahmakshatra gotra or caste, which is common in Gujarât, but according to the Census Report of 1881, not found in the Panjâb. Sûri Devabhadra is connected with Gujarât through his teacher Abhayadeva, who is called Rudrapalliya, the Rudrapallian, and is said to belong to the line of Sûri Jinavallabha. The latter is without

a doubt the Jinavallabha, whom the Paṭṭávali of the Kharatara gachchha names as the 43rd Yugapradhána⁵⁶³.He died in Vikrama Samvat 1167, after founding a new school, which in our inscription is called his samtána or line. In the time of his immediate successor Jinadatta, the Rudrapalliya branch of the Kharatara gachchha was founded by Jinasekharâcharya in Vikrama Samvat 1204. It is, therefore,evident that the Devabhadra of our inscription was a feacher of the Svetâmbaras and an adherent of one of the subdivisions of the Kharatara gachchha, which latter according to all accounts, arose at Anhilvâd Pattan in Gujarât. The date Samvat, i.e. Vikrama Samvat 1296, Phâlguṇa, dark half 5, a Sunday, corresponds, according to Dr. Schram’s calculations, to January 15, 1240 A.D. General Sir A. Cunningham, who discovered the document, has given a transcript of it in his Archeological Reports, (volume V, page 183) which, however, is imperfect, as the middle portions of both lines from na to garat and from ffs to art have been left out. This omission and some misreadings or misprints make a translation of his transcript impossible.⁵⁶⁴

TRANSCRIPT.

ओं संवत् १२८६ वर्षे फागुण वदि ५ रवौ कीरग्रामे ब्रह्मचवगोवोत्पत्रव्यव• मानूपुत्राभ्यां व्यदोल्हणाल्हणाभ्यां स्वकारितश्रीमन्महावीरदेवचैत्ये॥⁵⁶⁵

श्रीमहावीरजिनमूलबिंब आत्मश्रेयो[र्थं] कारितं । प्रतिष्ठितं च श्रीजिनवज्ञमसूरिसंतानीयरुद्रपनीयत्री-मदभयदेवसूरिशिष्यैः श्रीदेवभद्रसूरिभिः ॥⁵⁶⁶

TRANSLATION.

Om! In the year 1296, the (civil) year⁵⁶⁷ year,’ because sometimes लौकिकबर्षे fa appears in its stead after dates of the Vikrapa era. The years of the Vikrama era are in Western and North-Western India the laukika,"), (on the) fifth (day of the) dark half (of the month of) Phâlguna⁵⁶⁸,on a Sunday,-the *millabimba⁵⁶⁹*of the glorious Jina Mahâvîra has been erected for their own spiritual welfare by the two merchants, Dolhaņa and Âlhaṇa, the two sons of the merchant Mânû, sprung from the Brahmakshatra race, in the temple of the glorious deity Mahavira, erected by them at Kiragrâma. And it has been consecrated⁵⁷⁰ by the illustrious Sûri Devąbhadra, the pupil of the illustrious Sûri Abhayadeva, the Rudrapallîan, who belongs to the line of the illustrious Sûr-Jinavallabha.

XVIII-ON THE PEDESTAL OF AN IMAGE OF PARSVANATHA, IN THE
KANGRA BAZAR.

By Dr. G. ,BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The following inscription in eight lines is incised on the base of image of Pra nåtha in the porch of a small Hindu temple dedicated to Indravarman in the Kangra Bazar. It has been so smeared over with red paint and oil that some of the letters are very indistinct, and in the last line broken away.

(L1.) ओंसंवत् ३० गच्छे राजकुले सूरिरभू⁵⁷¹च-
(2.) भयचंद्रमाः [l] तच्छिष्यो मलचंद्राख्य[स्त]-
(3)पदाभोजषट्पदः [॥] सिध्दराजस्ततः ढङ्गः⁵⁷²
(4.) ढङ्गादर्जन [च] ष्टकः । रल्हेति गृ [[हण]] [त
(5.) स्य]पा - धर्म - पायिनी । [l] अजनिष्ठां सुतौ ।
(6.) [तस्य]t [जैन] धर्मधरायणी⁵⁷³। ज्येष्ठः भुलण्डको
(7.) [भ्र][[ता] कनिष्ठः कुमराभिधः । [l] प्रतिमेयं[च]
(8.) – जिना—-⁵⁷⁴नुज्ञया \। कारिता—————–[\।\।]

TRANSLATION.

Om (In) the year 30.⁵⁷⁵

In the Rajakula gachchhâ was a Sūri (called) Abhayachandra. His pupil wasnamed Amalachandra. A bee at the lotus of his feet (was) Siddharâja; from him (sprang) Dhanga: from Dhanga was born Chashtaka.

His wife was Ralhâ …..From her were born two sons wholly devoted to the law, taught by the Jina. The eldest brother was called Kuṇḍala ka; the youngest was named Kumara. This effigy…… has been made with the permission……

The terchha Ridicates that Abhayachandra belonged to the Svetâmbaras. I am, however, unable to find the Rajaku la in the Pattávalis accessible to me.

XIX.- INSCRIPTIONS FROM KHAJURAHO.

BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH. D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.

FRAGMENT OF A STONE INSCRIPTION [OF HARSHADEVA?].

The stone bearing this inscription appears to have been found⁵⁷⁶near the temple of Vâmana, at Khajuraho, an ancient and decayed town in the Chhatarpur State, Bundelkhand, North-Western Proyinces; and it is now kept in the modern mausoleum near the temples. This is only a fragment of an apparently very large inscription. It contains 13 imperfect lines, the total height of which is 1’ 4", while the length of the lines, beginning with 7" in the first line, gradually increases to 1’ 3" in line 8, and decreases again to 5" in line 13. The writing is fairly well preserved. The size of the letters is". The characters are Nâgari; they closely resemble those of the inscription of Yasovarman of the year 1011 (No. II below), and make it probable that the inscription is of about the same time or somewhat earlier. The language is Sanskrit, and what remains of the inscription is in verse.

Like the inscriptions of Yasovarman and Dhangadeva (Nos. II and IV below), sorption appears to have opened with an account of the creation of the universe, and of the rise of a princely family, which I take to be the family of Chandra treya. In line 5 it speaks of a prince, from whom were born (line 6) the famous ujjaka and Vijjâka. In line 7, it further mentions the illustrious Harshadeva who by his own arm conquered many proud enemies. And from line 10 we learn, that by somebody or other, who may have been Harshadeva. himself or his successor, the illustrious prince Kshitipâladeva was placed again on the throne.

Harshadeva is well known to us, from the inscriptions of Yaśovarman and Dhanga-deva, as the son of Râhila and father of Yasovarman. And Jejjâka and Vijjâka are clearly the two brothers Jayasakti and Vijayaśakti who are mentioned as the sons Vâkpati in the inscription of Yasovarman, and of whom Vijayaśakti was the father of Râhila and grandfather of Harshadeva. Moreover both, without doubt, are the two brothers Jeja and Vija mentioned in line 6 of the Mahoba inscription published by Dr. Hultzsch in Zeitschrift d. Deutsch. Morg. Ges., vol. XL, p. 47, from the name of one of whom is derived the name of the country Jejâbhukti, Jejâbhuktika, or Jejakabhukti.

The prince Kshitipàlade va, Sir A. Cunningham is inclined to regard as a son of Harshadeva and elder brother of Yasovarman, but from the way he is spoken of in the present inscription, it would appear that he was no Chandella prince at all. And I have no doubt that he really is the same Kshitipâladeva who in line 28 of the Siyadoni inscription⁵⁷⁷is mentioned as the immediatẻ8 predecessor of the prince Devapåla, who was ruling (at Kanauj) in the (Vikrama) year 1005. Yasovarman was a contemporary of Devapâla; his father Harshadeva in all probability was contem. porary with Kshitipâladeva; and I therefore, assume that the relative yena in line 10

of our inscription refers,——————self, and that this prince first defeatedKshitipaladeva,but———————d him in the government of his dominions⁵⁷⁸ called it Chatarbhuja, but it is nois called Lakshmanji, and the temple known as Chaturbhuja is at Jatkara. Ed.]")

                  \[ल्यार्थि\]षे **⁵**[^681].")'जल'

2
ये⁵⁷⁹पाचं किमत्मात्परं एवं यो व
3
—-न⁵⁸⁰प्रमेयमखिल न [वा] कल्पादौ विश्व[म]
4
धाः⁵⁸¹प्रथितमभावान् । चतुर्विधं भूतविकारात्
5 [[श]]⁵⁸² सकलभुवन तयोर्तिप्रभावः पृथ्वीना थे]
6 [[श्व]म् ॥ तस्मा⁵⁸³ज्जेजाकविक कामभूतां कीर्त्तिभूषणौ । [सु]
7
[[भुँ]]⁵⁸⁴‘जविजितानेकदृप्तारिवृदः ।स्त्रीहर्षदेवःवाण⁵⁸⁵
8 कांति⁵⁴³संवलितं । भीतेंद्रनिहितधनुरिव शुशुभ मादांडु (बु) जहिता[व]
9 [[प]रः]⁵⁸⁶")। त्यक्ता स्वानमिवायातः पुनर्झथनशंकितः॥ भास्तां⁵⁸⁷किं. व(ज)द्वे

10 पुनर्येन श्रीक्षितिपालदेवनृपतिः सिंहासने स्वा⁵⁸⁸

11
त्सादि⁵⁸⁹.")तारातिशक्तिकीर्त्तिविभूषणः ॥ प्रस
12 [ दूर ] स्थैरन्तिकस्यैञ्च⁵⁴³- सातपचनृ [[प]]⁵⁹⁰
13
[जत्व]ज – [ध्दितं]

II.

STONE INSCRIPTION OF YASOVARMAN, OF THE YAR 1011.

The stone which bears this inscription appears to have been discovered some time after A. D. 1843, amongst the ruins at the base of a temple, known as the temple of Lakshmanji, at Khajuraho; and it is now built into the wall inside the entrance porch of the temple at which it is said to have been found. The inscription has been drawn attention to several times in the volumes of the Archeological Survey of India, and an unfortunately very small photolithograph of it was published by Sir A. Cunningham, in Archeol. Survey of India, vol. XXI, plate xvii; but it has not been edited before.⁵⁹¹
The inscription consists of 28 lines. The writing covers a space of about 5’ 8" broad by 2’ 5" high. Down to line 16, and from line 22 to line 27, it is (with the

¹Wars between the Chandellas and the rulers of Kanya-" kubja are mentioned, e.g, in verse 3 of the inscription published in the Asiatic Researches, vol. XII, p. 359; in line 13 of the Mahon referred to above; and probably in line 2 of tipublished fruguentury inscription No. 29 of the Lucknow Museum.

exception of a few aksharas which can be readily supplied) well preserved;but the middle portions of the lines 17-21, and the second half of line 28, have suffered considerably by the peeling off of the surface of the stone, so that altogether about 30 aksharas have either gone altogether or are, at any rate, illegible in the impressions. The size of the letters is from¾to 7/8". The characters, which are. beautifully and carefully executed,are of the so-called Kuṭila type, differing little from the ordinary Devanagari.⁵⁹²They include the somewhat rare sign for jha, e.g., in jhátkára towards the end of line 8; besides, attention may be drawn to the old form of the sign for pha, used exceptionally in the word phala, at the beginning of line 6, and to the old form of the medial e in the last word savitre of the inscription.

The language is Sanskrit, and, excepting the introductory, blessing and the concluding portion of line 28, the inscription is in verse. The verses, of which the total number is 49, were composed (verse 47) by the poet Madhava, the son of the grammarian Dedda. The inscription was written by the karaṇika, or writer of legal documents,Jaddha, the son of Jayaguṇa(?) of the Gauda country (v. 48). The name of the engraver was given in line 28, but it is now illegible. The language of the inscription is fluent and correct, and in respect of orthography, too, there are few things that need be drawn attention to. The letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v. The dental sibilant is used for the palatal sibilant in kasmíra, line 13, and the palatal for the dental.
atíśád, line 24, and śavdânuśāśanu, line 27. Instead ofanusvárn, we have the dental nasal in vanśaḥ, line 5, and in hansáḥ, line 15; instead of ñcha, ncha in~nchana,line 1; instead of mr, mor in namorí, line 14, and namvra, line 26; and instead of the conjunct jjv, jr in ujvala, lines 3, 5, and 11, and in prodyajvált, line 16. The sign for visarga has been omitted in vakshasthale, line 2, kshilipů stuvanti, line 9, sádhubhi stúyate, line 19, and rave spashta-, line 20, where the omission is really permitted; but also, wrongly, in téa smita, line 4, and prápti kshayáya, line 6. The rules of cuphony have not been observed in ugrán-jagati, line 1, and in yam-vichintya, line 10, bhúmibhṛitám-varishṭhaḥ, line 10, and savaranám-vidhiná, line 12. Lastly, nishanna is put wrongly for nishanna in line 8, and tridiva for tridiva in line 24.
The inscription is dated, in line 28, both in words and in decimal figures, in the year 1011,’ which, as a year of the Vikrama era, corresponds to A.D. 953-54. And it records (in verses 42 and 43) the erection of a temple of Vishnu, under the name of Vaikuntha, by the prince Yasovarman, also called Lakshavarman (verses 37 and 39) of the Chandrâtreya (or Chandella) family. By way of introduction, the inscription furnishes an account of the ancestors of Yasovarman and of his own achievements. In the family of the sage Chandrâtreya, who himself was a son of the sage Atri, there was, we are told, the prince’ Nannuka (v. 10), whose son was Vâkpati(v. 12). Vakpati had trp sons, Jayasakti and Vijayasakti (v. 14), of whom the latter begat Rahila (v. 16), whose son again was Harsha (v. 18). This prince married a lady named Kanchhukâ, of the Chhamâna tribe (v. 21), who bore to him Yasovarman. This prince, in verse 23, is represented in a general way as having carried on successful wars against the Gaudas, Khasas, Kośalas, Kaśmîras, Mithilas, Malavas, Chedis, Kurus, and Gûrjaras, and he is, in particular, stated to have defeated the king of Chedi (v. 28), and conquered the Kalañjara mountain.

The inscription appears to have been set up after the death, of Yasovarman; for, in verse 44, we are introduced to his son Dhanga, who, in verse 45, is represented as ruling the earth as far as Kâlañjara, and as far as Bhaavat, situated (?) on the banks of the river of Malava; up to the banks of the river ndi (or Yamunâ), and to
the frontiers of the Chedi country, and even as far as the Mountain Gopa, or Gopådri, These localities indicate, then, the extent of the Chandella king the prince Dhanga; and that kingdom) accordingly, exter in the north to the frontiers of the Chedi kingdom int the east or north-east to Gopâdri, the modern Gwâlior, judging from the way in which it is introduced, should looked for, op te to Kâlañjara, in the west or south-west, and I would therefore identify it with Bhalla. svâmin or Bhailasvâmin, the modern Bhilsa on the river Vetravati or Betwa, from near which was issued the grant of the Chandella Madanavarmadeva of the year 1190.⁵⁹³

Attention may here be drawn also to the interesting verse 43 of the inscription. According to it, Yaśovarman bad received the image of Vaikuṇṭha, which He se up in the temple founded by him, from Devapâla, the son of Herambapâla. Heram bapâla in turn had obtained it from Sâhi, the king of Kira, who had received it from the lord of Bhota, who again had got it from the Kailasa. Devapâla is called hayapati, which may mean either the lord of horses’, employed (like aéva-pati) as a title, or ’the lord of the Hayas’; however this may be, there can, I believe, be no doubt that the Devapâla, here spoken of, is the same Devapâla who is mentioned as a paramount sovereign (of Kanauj) and as the successor, of Kshi ipâladeva, in the Siyadoni inscription, with the date (Vikrama) Samvat 1005. Th. Kiras have, as I have stated elsewhere,⁵⁹⁴by some been identified with the Kaśmiras, while in the Bṛihatsamhitá, XIV, 29, they are separately enumerated as a people inhabiting the north-east, together with the Kaśmiras. Bhota, according to Lassen⁵⁹⁵, is the modern Tibet.

Finally, in the last line, the inscription appears to mention a prince Vinayaka- påladeva, regarding whose relation to the Chandella princes I am unable at present to offer any conjecture.

TEXT.⁵⁹⁶

L. 1. ओं नमो भगवते वासुदेवाय ॥
दधानानेकां यःकिरिपुरुषसिं[होभय] जुषं त[दा] कारोच्छेद्यां तनुमसुरमुख्यानजवरात् ।
जघान त्रीनुग्राब्ज(ज्ज)गति कपिलादीनवतु वः सः वैकुण्ठः कण्ठध्वनिचकतमिःशेषभुवन \।\।⁵⁹⁷-[1]
पायासुर्व्व(र्व्व) (ञ्च)नव्यतिकरे देवस्य विक्रान्तयः
सद्यो तदेवदानवनुतास्तिस्रस्त्रि [लो] कीं
2. हरेः।

यासु व्र(व्र)भ्रमितोर्णमर्घसलिलं पादारविन्दद्युतं
धत्तेद्यापि जगत (च) येकजनतः पुष्यं स मूर्ध्ना हरः॥⁵⁹⁸−[2].

देवःपातु स वः पयःकणभृति व्यीबीव ताराचित
दैत्यासित्रयलांच्छने⁵⁹⁹दिविसदःसंत्यज्य सर्व्वानपि ।
तस्मिन्नशैलभित्तिविपुले वच[:]स्थले यस्य ताः॥ –[3].
पेतुर्मन्दरसङ्गमंजमवलज्ञझीकटाक्षचटाः
गंभीरो -

3.म्यु(म्बु) धयः प्रमांकुरुचिमान्भाव[त्प्र]तायोज्य (च) लो
धीरोधाति महान्महीधरवराः कल्पद्रुमास्त्यागवान् ।
या कल्पादविकल्पनिर्झलगुणग्रामाभिरामः⁶⁰⁰ प्रभुः
सत्यं बु(यू)त यदि कचित्पुनरभूत्तुल्यो यशोवर्म्मणः॥ – [4].

प्रधानादव्यक्तादभवदविकारादिह महानहंकारस्तस्मादर्जन जनितोपग्रहगणः ।
ततरमावाणि प्रसव-

4.·मलभन्त⁶⁰¹क्र[म*]वशादयैतेभ्यो भूतान्यनु भुवनमेभ्यःप्रववृते⁶⁰²॥ 18 – [6].
इहायो विद्यानां कविरखिलकल्पव्युपरतौ⁶⁰³परः साक्षी देवस्लिभुवनविनिर्माचनिपुणः ।
स विश्लेषासीश[:] स्मितकमलकिञ्चत्कवसतिर्महिया खेनैव प्रथममथ वैधाः प्रभुरभूत् ॥ -[6].
तस्मादासणः पुरायपुरंवादाबायधात्रः कवेर्येभूवन्मु-

5नयः पवित्रचरिताः पूर्व्वे, लाद्वैकव्यमव्याहतं\।\।-[11]
सुषुवे निरन्तरतपस्तीव्रप्रभावं सुतं चंद्रात्रेयमकृविमोज्य (व्य) शतरज्ञानप्रदीपं मुनिं⁶⁰⁴- [7].
अस्ति स्वस्तैविधायिनः स जगतां निःशेषविद्याविदस्तम्यामोपनताखिल[श्रु]तिनिधेर्व्वन्⁶⁰⁵शःसास्पदम्।
यत्वाभूव पराक्रमेण लघुता मी चाटुकारोहतिर्नास्याप्यंतरसा -

6रता न च फलप्राप्तिः*] क्षयायात्मनः ॥ –[8].
त्रस्तत्राणप्रगुणमनसां सर्व्वसंपत्पदानामुयुक्तानां कृतकृतयुगाचारपुष्यस्थितीनां ।
तवत्यानाममलयशसां भूभुजां का प्रशंसा येषां शक्तिः सकलधरणीध्वंसन पालने वा ॥⁶⁰⁶- [9].
तव चवसुवर्णसारनिकषभावा यशचन्दनक्रीडालंक्कृतदिक्पु -

7.रन्ध्रिवदनः श्रीमनुकोभून्नृपः ।
यस्यापूर्व्वपराक्रमक्रमन्निःशेषविद्वेषिणः संभ्यान्ताः शिरसाव हवृपतयः शेषामिवाज्ञां भयात्⁶⁰⁷॥
यस्थानंदितवंदिष्टंदरचितस्तोवक्रियाप्रक्रमात्संक्रान्तम्व (म्य) हुवैरिवर्गज यिनः कंदर्पकल्पाकृतेः ।
नाम चामतनूभृतां मृगदृश सद्यो विधत्ते पदं स्वान्तेषु
द्विषतां च राशिषु व (व)लाद्वैकव्यमव्याहतं॥ –[11].

8.तस्मादभूदाजिपराजितारेः श्रीवाक्पतिर्वाक्पतितुल्यवाचः ।
यस्यामला भ्राम्यति भानुभाभिः सहैव लोकत्रितयेपि⁶⁰⁸ कीर्त्तिः ॥⁶⁰⁹– [12].
यस्यामलोत्पल निषन (एण) किरातयोषिदुडीततद्गुणकलध्वनिरम्दप्तानुः ।
क्रीडागिरिः शिखरनिरवारिपातकात्का

9.रताण्डवितकेकिगणः स विन्ध्यः ॥³⁷⁴– [13].
तस्माद्विस्मयधामःक्षीराब्बेबन्द्रकौस्तुभौ⁶¹⁰यहत् । द्वावामजावभूतां जयमतिर्विजयशक्तिश्च⁶¹¹ ॥ -[14].
तयोर्द्वयोरप्यमितप्रतापदावाग्निदग्धाहितकानमानि ।
कर्माणि रोमांचजुषः समेताः समूर्ध्दकम्पं क्षितिपा[:*] स्तुवन्ति ॥⁶¹²– [16].
तत्वानुजन्मा तनयं राहिलास्थमजीजनत् । निद्राद-

10.विद्रतां यान्ति यम्विचिन्त्य⁶¹³ निशि द्विषः ॥⁶¹⁴.")– [16].
भीमभ्राम्यदसि[स्रु]चि स्रवदसृक्संपादिताज्यक्रिये
ज्यानिर्ग्घोषवषट् पदे क्रमचरत्संरब्ध(ब्ध) [यो]धर्त्विजि।
अश्रान्तः समराध्वरेप्रतिहतक्रोधानिलोद्दीपि[ते]
[वै]रोदर्ञ्चिषि यः पशूमिव कृतो मन्तैर्जुहाव द्विषः॥⁶¹⁵–[17].
श्रीहर्षभूपमथ भूमिभृताम्वरिष्ठः⁶¹⁶स्रोसूत कल्पतरुकल्पमन- 11.

ल्पसत्व (त्त्व): [[l*]
अद्यापि यस्य सुविकासियशःप्रसूनगन्धाधिवाससुरभीणि दिगन्तराणि ॥⁶¹⁷– [18] .
यत्र श्रीश्च सरस्वती च सहिते नोतिक्रमो विक्रम -
स्तेज_सत्व (त्त) गुणोज्व (ज्ज्व)लं परिणता क्षान्तिश्च नैसर्गिकी।
सन्तोषो विजिगीषुता च विनयो मानच पुण्यात्मन -
स्तस्थानन्तगुणस्य विस्मयनिधेः किग्राम वस्तु स्तुमः ॥⁶¹⁸- [19].
भीरुर्द्वर्मापराधे मधुरिपु-

12.वरणाराधने यः सतृष्णः
पापालापेनभिक्षां निजगुणगणनाप्रक्रमेष्वप्रगल्भः ।
शून्यःपे(पै) शन्यवादेनृतवचनसमुञ्चारणे जातिमूकः
सर्व्वत्रैवं स्वभावप्रथितगुणतया नाम [कः[स्तू]]⁶¹⁹ यतेसौ ॥³⁷⁸ – [20].

सोनुरूपां सुरूपाङ्गः कच्छुकाख्यामकुण्ठधीः[[l*] सवर्णाम्विधिनोवाह⁶²⁰ चाहमानकुलोद्भवां ॥⁶²¹.")[21] .
यस्याः पतिव्रततुलामधिरोढुमी -

13शा नारुन्धती गुरुतरामभिमानिनीति ।
पत्युःसमीहितविधानपरापि साध्वी कान्तथा परमगादतिलजितेत ॥⁶²² — [22].

गौडक्रीडालतासिस्तुलितखसव (ब)लःकोशलःकोशलानां
नश्यत्कस्मी (श्मी)रवीरःशिथिलितमिथिलः कालवन्मालवानां ।
सीद[त्सा]वद्यचेदिः कुरुतरुषु मरुत्संज्वरो गूर्जराणां
तस्मात्तस्यां स जज्ञे नृपकुल -

14तिलकः श्रीयशोवर्मराजः ॥⁶²³[23].
स दाता राधेयः स च शुचिवचाःपांडुतनयः स शूरः पार्थोपि ग्रथितमहिमानःकिमपि ते ।

व्यतोताः किं ब्रू(ब्रू)मो यदि पुन[रि] सुः स्वचरिते[ह्री]यानी (म्बी) कुर्युर्वदनमवलो[क्यै]नमधुना ॥⁶²⁴ -[21].

वस्तवातरि तत्रभूभृति नृणांत्रैशाय शस्त्रग्रहः
कामं दातरि सिंहकेलिसुमनस्तस्यायं कल्पद्रुमाः [l*]
वित्तेशः पर -

15.म (मन)र्थवृधिविधुरखान्ती विलासी सं चे -
दास्ये तस्य सतीन्दुरुत्पलवनप्रीत्यै दृशामुत्सवे ॥⁶²⁵ -[25].

यस्योद्योगे व(ब)लानां प्र[स]रति रजसि व्याप्त[भे]दी[न्तराले]
स्वः सिन्धुर्व्व(र्व्व)न्नरोधाः पिहितरुचिरभूङ्गानुरादर्शरम्यः ।
स[म्य]ग्देवेन्द्रदन्ती मुदमधित वियत्साभ्रम्मालोच इन्साः⁶²⁶
सौत्कण्ठास्तस्युरासीनयनदशशती कूणितावृत्तशत्रोः॥⁶²⁷ – [26].
अन्धोन्याव (ब) -

16.इकोपद्विपकलहमिलइन्तदण्डाभिघातः
मोबज्बा (व्जा) लाकलापप्रतभुजि व्याघनध्यानभीमे ।
पीतामची (क्क्षी) वरक्षःप्रमदक[[लकल]]⁶²⁸ ड्डादरौ[द्रप्रहासे]
धीरं भो[तेव लक्ष्मीः समरशि] रसि यं सं[भ्रमा]दालि[लिङ्ग] ॥ -[27]
उत्तुङ्गाञ्चनशैलसबिभचलमत्तहिपेन्द्रस्थित
क्रुध्यहुर्द्वरधन्विमामणगणप्रारब्ध (ब्ध) रक्षाक्रियं ।
विख्यातचितिपालमौ-

17लिरचनाविन्यस्तपादाम्बु (म्बु) जं
संख्येसंख्यव (ब)लं व्यजेष्ट गतभीर्यवेदिराजं हठात् ॥⁶²⁹ [28].

लक्ष्मच्छायाकलुषवपुषः कान्तिमहू[र]मि[न्दो]र[न्या?]यत्त[स्फुरि]तविधुरा[सु]न्दरं चारवि[न्दात् ]।
य[स्या?]———– [चाईवृत्तेः१] संम्भ्रान्ताभिः कथमपि मुखं वीक्ष्य वैरि-प्रियाभिः ॥⁶³⁰ – [29].

गङ्गानिर्ज्झरघर्घरध्वनिभयभ्भ्राम्यत्तुरङ्गव्रजाः
सद्यः सप्तविवु (बु) इकेस-

18रिरवत्रस्यत्करीन्द्राकुलाः ।
यत्सैन्यैः प्रतिकल्पपादपमुमालूनप्रसूनोच्चयाः
प्रालेयाचलमेखलाः कथमपि [क्रा]न्ताःश[नैर्द्दिग्जये] ॥⁶³¹ –[30].

उञ्च[प्रा]कारभि[त्तिस्थि]त[स]मद[शिखिक्रूर?] - - [निना१]द -

- [य] - – नथ[रथ] तुरगप्राप्तवेगान्तरायः ।
  यम्मिन्मध्यन्दिने ‌स्यात्तरणिरनुदिनं नीलकण्ठाधिवासं
  जग्राह क्रीडयाभ्यस्तिलकमिव भुव

19. किञ्च कासंजराद्रिं ॥⁶³²[31].

रावा (बा)त्यादविलुप्तसत्य[समये]रा पा[य]पीडाविधेः ।
अश्रान्तार्थिवि[तीर्ण] पूर्णविभवैस्त[थेप्सिता]कांञ्चि[भि] -
[दूरोत्कर्षकथाक्कतोच्च ?]पुलकैर्यः साधुभि[:] स्तूयते ॥⁶³³– [32].

[नि]न्दामुपै[मि] पुरुषान्तरसङ्गमेन [शान्ति] जातु सततभ्रमचक्रमेण ।
यस्यातिपौरुषनिरस्तमनुष्यभावे लोके [स[सु]]⁶³⁴

**20. ** [द्रगत] कीर्त्तिरनिन्दितैव ॥⁶³⁵[33].
एकैवोवाहलोकेस्मिन्पुत्रजन्मोन्नतं शिरः । कच्छुका येन धीरेण देवकीव मधुद्विषा ॥⁶¹⁴.") [34].
शौ[र्यौ]दार्यनयादिनिर्म्म[लगु]णप्रामाभिरा[मं यशो?]
[यस्यत ?]शेष[विशुद्ध] ना[थति]लक[ङ्गा]य[न्ति सि][स्त्रि]यः ।
[तस्य स्तोत्रम] मित्रमर्द्दन[र]वे[:]स्पष्टप्रकाशीकृत -
त्रैलोक्यस्य सहससंख्यमहसो दीपप्रदानोपमं ॥⁶³⁶– [35],
क्रोधोद्वृत्तान्तकम्नुकुटिल -
21. पटुरल(ण)च्चण्डकोदण्डयष्टि
ज्याघातस्फारमोरध्यमिचकितमनःसंभ्रमभ्रान्तदक्षु
स्पष्टं नष्टेषु दूरं क्वचिदपि रिपुषु क्षवते[जो]म्बु (म्बु) राधे-

- र्य[स्यौाज] न व्य]रंसीब्रुवन?] [वि]जयि[नबण्डदो]र्द्यण्डक[एड?]: ॥⁶³⁷ –[36].
  [यो] लक्षव[र्म]नृप[ते]: शरदिन्दुकान्तमाख्यातुमिच्छति यथः[प्रस[रं]]⁶³⁸वचोभिः ।
  दीपप्रभापरिचयेन विमुग्धवु[बु] चिर्मध्यन्दिने दिवसनाथमुदीचतेसो ॥⁶³⁹ – [37]

22. यत्राक्रामदवक्रमानसव्ध[व्ध]लिब्याजप्रयोगापत -
पृथ्वीलंघनलब्ध[ब्ध]लाघवमघच्छेदी पदं वामनः ।
लोकालोकशिरः शतप्रतिहतज्योतिर्विवस्वात्र य
सस्य क्रामति तबिशाकर[महा?] श्रीव्य[विं] यशः ॥⁶⁴⁰– [38].
[धी]रो दिग्विजयेषु केलिसरसी[न्ती]व्रप्रता[पं द]ध -
विशेषद्विषदव्यथोभयतटीविन्यस्त सेनाभः ।
मज्जन्मत्तकरीन्दुपंकिलजलां श्रीलक्षवर्मा -

23. भिध -
श्चक्रे शक्रसमः कलिन्दतनयां जङ्कोःसुतां च क्रमात् ॥ - [39].
आस्थानेषु महीभुजां मुनिजनस्थाने सतां सङ्गमे
ग्रामे पामरमण्डलीषु वणिजां वीथीपथे चत्वरे ।
[अ] ध्वन्यध्व[गसं] कथासु [निलये]र[खो]लसां विस्मया -

न्नित्यं [तद्गु] णकीर्त्तनैकमुखराःसर्व्वत्रसर्वे जनाः॥ —[40]

यस्यान [ने] शरदखण्डशशिप्रसन्ने कोपं व्यनक्ति हृदयस्थमरिप्रियाणां।
**24.**सिंदूरभूषणविवर्जितमास्यपद्ममुत्सृष्टहारवलयं कुचमण्डलं च ⁵⁵³⁷⁴॥—[41]
तेनैतच्चारुचामीकरकलसलसद्योम धाम व्यधायि
भ्राजिष्णु प्रांशुवंशध्वजपट[पढलां]दोलितां[भोज]वृन्दं।
दैत्यारतिस्तुषारक्षितिधरशिखरस्पर्द्धि वर्हिष्णुरागा
दृष्टे यात्रासु यत्र तृ(त्रि)दिववसतयोविस्मयन्ते समेताः56⁶⁴¹॥—[42]
कैलाशा(सा) द्भोटनाथः सुहृदिति च ततः कीरराजः प्रपेदे द्भो

**25.**साहिस्तस्मादवाप’ द्विपतुरगव(ब) लेनानु हेरम्व(म्ब) पालः।
तत्सूनोर्दवपालात्तमथ यहृ हयप [ते]: प्राप्य निन्ये प्रतिष्ठां
वैकुण्ठं कुण्ठितारिः क्षिति[धरति]लकः श्रीयशोवर्मराजः॥ —[43]
त्रीधङ्गःख स्वभुजप्रसाधितमहोनिर्व्याजराज्यस्थितिस्तस्मादास महोदधेरिवविधुः सूनुर्जनानन्दक्वृत्।
युद्धे नश्यदरातिवर्ग्गसुभटप्रस्तयमानस्तुतिर्नित्यं नम्ब(म्ब) म्व्र (म्र)मही होपमौलिगलितस्रक्पूजितांघ्रिदहयः⁵⁸⁶⁴²॥— [44]

**26.**आकालञ्चरमा च मालवनदोतो दीतीरस्थिते⁵⁹⁶⁴³ may have boen struck outsions. I would suggest reading ०स्थिताह्राखतः")भाख स्वतः कालिन्दि न्दीसरितस्तटादित इतोप्या चेदिदेशाव[धेः।)
[आ तस्मादपि] विस्मयैकनिल[या]हो द्गोपाभिधानाहि द्गिरेयः र्यःशास्ति क्षि[ति]मायतोर्जितभुजव्यापारलीलाजि र्जि[तां] ॥—[45]
यक्या स्त्यागविक्रमविवेककलाविलासप्रन्ना ज्ञाप्रतापविभवप्रभवश्चशरित्रात्‌ \।

चक्रेकृतो

27. सुमनमां मनसामकस्मादस्मादकालकलिकालविरामशंकां^(60⁶⁴⁴)॥—[46
शब्दा(ब्दा)नुशाश(स)नविदा पितृमान्व्यधत्त देहे द्देनमाधवकविः म सइमां प्रशस्तिं।
यस्यामलं [कवि]यशः क्व कृतिनः कथासु रोमाञ्चकश्च ञ्चकजुषः परिकीर्त्तयन्ति॥—[47]
संस्कुतभाषाविदुषा जय[गु?]ण[पुत्रे])ण कौतुका \ल्लिखि)ता।
रुचिराक्षरा प्रशस्तिःकरणिकजहेन गौडेन[॥⁶¹⁵⁰²—[48]
पाताद्भू—

**28.**मिपतिः पृथ्वीं तयोधर्म्म[:]61प्रवर्हतां।नन्दन्तु गोद्विजन्मान[:]प्रजा प्राप्नोतु निर्वृतिम्‌^(62⁵⁸⁹"))॥—[49]
सम्ब म्वत्सरदशश्ते शतेषु एकादशाधिकेषु सम्ब म्वत्‌ १०११ उत्कीर्ण्णाचेयं रू[पका]र. . . . . . . . . . . .^(63⁶⁴⁵)।
. . . . . . . . . श्री \विनायक[?⁶⁴⁶⁴⁶]पालदेवे” पालदेवे^(65⁶⁴⁷)पालयति[वसु]धां वसुधान धि[ध?]ग[ता]
निर्द्दग्ध[वि!][वै?]रि [भि।] [ब [भः] नमो भगवते वासुदेवाय ॥ ॥नमः सवित्रे॥

Om !

Adoration to the holy Vasudeva!

(Verse 1.) May that Vaikuṇṭha protect you, who, frightening the whole world with his roaring, as boar and as man-lion, slew the three chief Asuras, Kapila and the rest, (who were) terrible in the world, (and who) possessed one body which by the boon of Brahman enjoyed freedom from fear (and) could be destroyed (only) by (Vaikuṇṭha) having assumed those forms !

(2.) May the three strides of the god Hari, (made) when he was cheating Bali, (and) at once praised by the astounded gods and demons, protect the three worlds ! Even ‘now that one father of the three worlds, Hara, bears on his head the holy water which, respectfully then offered by Brahman, fell on (Hari’s) lotus-foot.

(3.) May that god protect you, on whose famous breast, broad like the wall of the Añjana mountain, (and) covered with drops of water so that it appeared like the star-covered sky, (and) marked with scars by the swords of the Daityas, fell, withdrawn from all (other) inhabitants of heaven, many glances of Lakshmî, agitated with confusion at the proximity of the Mandara mountain !

(4.) Deep like the oceans, pleasing like the moon, radiant with the brilliancy of the sun, firm like the Creator, great like the noblest of mountains, munificent like the trees of paradise,—tell me truly, if anywhere there has been another lord, charming ; with a multitude of spotless excellencies unchangeable to the end of the world, equal to Yaśovarman.!⁶⁶⁶⁴⁸

(5.) From Nature unmanifested (and) changeless there procceded here the Great One; from that was born Self-consciousness, which engendered the group of the organs (upagraha); from that in due order the Subtile Elements took their origin, and from them the Gross Elements; from them afterwards proceeded the World.⁶⁷⁶⁴⁹

(6.) Then, when the whole world had come to an end, there was first here by his own greatness the mighty Creator, the first sage of all kinds of knowledge, the divine witness on high, skilful in creating the three worlds, that ruler over all who dwells on the filaments of the opening lotus.

(7.) From that Creator of the universe, that ancient béing, that sage who is the abode of sacred knowledge, sprang those early sages of holy conduct, MarÎchi and the rest. Atri, one of them, begat the sage Chandrâtreya, who by his ceaseless austerities acquired fierce might, (and) who was a flame of unfeigned intensely radiant knowledge.

(8.) The family proceeding from him, who caused the welfare of the worlds (and) was acquainted with every science (and) a receptacle of sacred lore that came, to him of its own accord, is a fit object of laudation; (a family) where neither prowess has caused depression nor flattery elation, in which there has not been a particle even of

feebleness, and where the attainment of the objects desired has not tended to the destruction (of the possessor).
(V. 9.)How shall we praise the princes of spotless fame of that (family), whose thoughts were nobly directed towards the protection of people in distress, the possessors of every blessing who, full of energy, inasmuch as they practised the conduct of the golden age, had a meritorious existence, (and) who had the strength,to destroy as well as to protect the whole earth?

(10.) Among them there was the illustrious prince Nannuka, a touchstone to test the worth of the gold of the regal order, who playfully decorated the faces of the women of the quarters with the sandal of his fame; (and) of whom, inasmuch as his enemies without exception bowed down at the progress of his unprecedented valour, princes confounded, through fear, carried the command on their heads, like a garland.

(11.) As he conquered many hosts of enemies (and) was shaped like the god of love, his name, made known by the spread of the Jaudations uttered by groups of delighted panegyrists, at once took its place in the minds of deer-eyed women whose bodies were emaciated (with love of him), while despair unobstructed forcibly took hold on crowds of antagonists.

(12) From him, who in battle defeated the enemies (and) whose speech was like that of Vâkpati, ‘the lord of speech,’ was born the illustrious Vâkpati, whose spotless fame roams about in all the three worlds, together verily with the rays of the sun.

(13.) Whose pleasure-mound (was) that Vindhya, the peaks of which are charming with ihe sweet notes of his excellencies sung by Kirâta women seated on spotless lotuses, (and) on which groups of peacocks are made to dance by the bubbling noise of waterfalls rushing down from its tops.

(14.) As the moon and the Kaustubha (arose) from the ocean of milk, so were born from that home of wonder two sons, Jayaśakti and Vijayaśakti.

(15.) Princes, when they are met together, enraptured praise with shaking of heads the deeds of both of them, by the unmeasured prowess of whom adversaries were destroyed, as woods are burnt by a blazing fire.

(16.) The younger of the two begat a son named Râhila, thinking of whom the enemies enjoy little sleep at night.

(17.) Who never tired, at the sacrifice of battle, where the terribly wielded sword was the ladle, where the oblation cf clarified butter was made with streaming blood, where the twanging of the bow-string was the exclamation vashaṭ, (and) at which exasperated warriors marching in order were the priests, successful with his counsels (as with sacred hymns) sacrificed, like beasts, the adversaries in the fire of enmity, made to blaze up high by the wind of his unappeased anger.

(18.) Then that most excellent of rulers, whose vigour wag aught but slight, begat the illustrious prince Harsha, who was almost like a tree of paradise, the flowers of whose widely expanding fame make the regions fragrant with the scent of their perfume even now.

(19.) In him (were) fortune and eloquence combined, statesmanship ? (and) heroism, vigour radiant with the quality of goodness and complete patience come to him by nature, contentment and a desire for victory, modesty aad self-confidence. Endless as are his excellencics, what is it then that we shall praise of that meritorious store of marvel?

(V. 20.) He who (was) afraid to offend against the law, anxious to worship the feet of (Vishṇu), the enemy of Madhu, unacquainted with wicked utterances, abashed when his own excellencies were being enumerated, void of calumniousspeech, (and) mute by birth to utter untrue words,—what person then was he, that is thus praised as in every respect endowed by nature with famous qualities ?

(21.) He, of beautiful body (and) unblunted intellect, withdue rites marrieda suitable (lady) of equal caste, named Kañchhukâ, sprung from theChâhamânatribe.

(22.) Arundhatî, priding herself to be her superi6r, was nevertheless unable to measure herself with her in devotion to her husband; and it was for this reason that she, althoughgood wife (and) intent to do the behests of hor husband, extremely abashed as it were, became so utterly emaciated.

(23.) She bore to him that frontal ornament of princely families, the illustrious king Yaśovarman, who was a sword to (cut down) the Gauḍas as if they, were pleasure-creepers, equalled the forces of the Khasas, (and) carried off the treasure of the Kośalas; before whom perished the Kaśmiri warriors, who weakened the Mithilas, (and) was as it were a god of death to the Mâlavas; who brought distress on the shameful Chedis, who was to the Kurus what a storm is to trees, (and) a scorching fire to the Gûrjaras.

(24.) If (Karṇa), that munificent son of Râdhâ, and that true-speaking son of Pâṇḍu, and (Arjuna), that heroic son of Pṛithâ,—need we say it? if all those whose greatness is any way famous, who have passed away, were to be here again, they would, blushing at their own conduct, bend down their faces, were they to see him here now.

(25.) While thisprince is protecting the distressed, the carrying of arms (only) tends to fatigue men; while he is granting desires, the trees of paradise (only) furnish beds of flowers for the amorous play of the Siddhas; the lord of riches has his mind bewildered at the growth of (his) real wealth, when he is dallying; while his face is a feast of the eyes, the moon causes delight (only) to groups of lotuses.

(26.) When the dust rose on the expeditions of his forces, the river of heaven had its current diverted midway by the embankments formed in it; the sun, having its lustre covered, was pleasant like a mirror; seeing the sky all over covered with clouds, the elephant of the lord of the gods became delighted, (and) the swans eagerly looked upwards, (and) a thousand eyes of averted enemics became closed.

(27.)Him, (who remained) calm at the head pf battle, where a fire was spreading with the masses of flames issuing forth from the strokes of the big trunks, meeting in fight, of the mutually enraged clephants, (which was) terrible with the deep sounds of the bow-strings, (and) where the laughter of demons, intoxicated with the blood drunk by them, was made awful by their mad confused shouts,—him Fortune, frightened as it were, anxiously embraced.

(28.) Free from fear, he impetuously defeated in battle the Chedi king whose forces were countless, who had put down his lotus-foot on rows of diadems of famous princes, (and) who tried to protect himself by showers of arrows of enraged irresistible archers, standing on mighty infuriated elephants that were marching along like towering Añjana mountains.

(V. 29.) [This verse, of which a portion is more or less, illegible in the original, appears to say that the wives of the enemies considered his face more beautiful even than the moon and the lotus].

(30.) At the conquest of the regions, his soldiers gradually managed to ascend the slopes of the snowy mountain, where plentiful flowers hadbeen gathered by Umâfrom every tree of paradise; where the troops of horses becameunmanageable with fright at the gurgling sound of the torrents of the Ganges, (and) which were crowded with (his) mighty elephants, terrified at the roaring of lions suddenly awakened from their sleep.

(31.) [He easily conquered the Kâlañjaramountain, ‘the dwelling-place ofŚiva, which is so high that it impedes the progress of the sun at mid-day.]

(32.) By people who, since they began to handle, the sword, have never ceased to observe the vow of heroism, by those who from childhood have never broken their plighted faith, by those who, till their hands began to ache, have bestowed ample wealth on suppliants, as well as by those who wish to have their desires fulfilled,—he is praised by (all) good men, enraptured at the tales of his high pre-eminence.

(33.) The people, among whom the notion of his being a human being had been banished by his manliness, certainly did absolve his fame from all blame for going to the sea, afraid as it was of incurring censure by coming in contact with other men, and of never obtaining rest if it were constantly to roam about.⁶⁵⁰

(34.) By (having given birth to) this steadfast (prince), Kañchhukâ alone in this world carried her head erect (with pride) at the birth of a son, just as Devakîdid by (giving birth to) the enemy of Madhu.

(35.) Since the wives of the Siddhas sing his fame, the ornament of all faultless rulers, (which is) charming by reason of (his) heroism, generosity, wisdom, and a multitude of other spotless qualities,— to laud him, that sun in scattering the enemies, is like illumining the thousand-rayed (sun), when it has clearly manifested the three worlds.

(36.) In battle, the impetuous massive arms of that ocean of regal splendour, engaged in conquering the earth, did not cease to itch, even though the enemies,—their sight bewildered, when their minds were frightened by the loud fearful sound of the twanging of the string of his terrible large bow, crooked like the brow of the enraged god of death and emitting a shrill sound,—had clearly disappeared, nobody knew whither.

(37.) Whoever attempts to describe in words the expansion of the fame, pleasing like the autumnal moon, of the prince Lakshavarman, that foolish-minded person looks, because he is familiar with the light of a lamp, up to the lord of the day at midday.

(38.) This bright fame of his, which rivals the great splendour of the moon, proceeds to regions which (even) the sin-destroying Vâmana did not reach, when he rapidly crossed over,the earth on the occasion of cheating the guileless-minded Bali, (and) which the sun (even) does not reach, because its rays are impeded by the hundreds of peaks of the Lokâloka mountains.

(V. 39.) Steadfast (and) possessed of fierce ardour, the illustrious Lakshavarman in his conquests of the regions made, equal to Indra, the daughter of Kalinda and the offspring of Jahnu,one after another, his pleasure-lakes, encamping the forces of his army on either banks unmolested by any adversaries, (and rendering) their waters muddy by the bathing of his furious mighty elephants.

(40.) In the halls of princes, where sages dwell, (and) where good people meet, in the village, in the assemblages of the lowly, among the rows of shops of merchants, (and) where streets cross, where wanderers talk together on the road, (and) in the huts of the dwellers of the forest,—everywhere everybody constantly from astonishment is loud only in praise of his excellencies.

(41.) His face being serene like the full-moon in autumn, the anger dwelling in his heart is manifested (only) by the lotus-faces, deprived of the decoration of red-lead, and by the round breasts, stripped of their pearl-strings, of the wivesof his enemies.

(42.) He erected this charming splendid home of (Vishṇu), the enemy of the Daityas, which rivals the peaks of the mountain of snow; the golden pinnacles of which illumine the sky, (and) on which groups of lotuses are wafted to and fro by multitudes of banners on high poles; at the sight of which the inhabitants of heaven, met together on festivals, filled with increasing delight, are struck with wonder.

(43.) (The image of) Vaikuṇṭha (which) the ornament of princes, the illustrious king Yaśovarman, who crushed his enemies, has set up (here),—the lord of Bhoṭa obtained it from the Kaildâsa, and from him Sâhi, the king of Kîra, received it as a token of friendship; from him afterwards Herambapâla obtained it for a force of elephants and horses, and (Yaśovarman himself) received it from Devapâla, the lord of horses (Hayapati), the son of (Herambapâla).

(44.) As the moon (arose) from the great ocean, so was born to him a son, causing joy to the people, the illustrious Dhaṅga, who by: his arms has firmly established his upright rule over the earth, whose praise is sung by champions before whom the hosts of enemies are perishing in battle, (and) whose two feet are constantly worshipped with garlands, fallen down from the crowns of princes who bow down (before him);

*(45.) who rules the earth, playfully acquired by the action of his long and strong arms, as far as Kâlañjaraand as far as Bhâsvat, situated (?) on the banks of the river of Mâlava; from here to the banks of the river Kâlindi, and from here also to the frontiers of the Chedi country, and even as far as that mountain called Gopa (Gopâdri) which is the unique abode of marvel;

(46.) who, a source of munificence, bravery, discernment, of arts and dalliance, of intelligence, majesty and might, accomplishing his purposes, by means of such conduct, all at once created in the minds of well-disposed people the belief that the Kali-age had, out of season, come to an end.

(47.) The poet Mâdhava, whose father is Dedda, learned in, grammar, has composed this eulogy, he whose spotless fame as a poet wise men, filled with rapture, celebrate in tales.

(V. 48.) The eulogy has beeneagerly written in pleasing letters by the son of Jayaguṇa (?), the writer of legal documents, Jaddha, the Gauḍa, who knows the Sanskrit language.

(49.) May the ruler of the land protect the earth ! May the law of the three Vedas prosper ! May cows and the twice-born rejoice ! May the people obtain happiness !

In ten hundredyears increased by eleven; the year 1011.
Engraved (was) this (eulogy) by the artizan. . . . . . . . . . .
. While the illustrious Vinayaka(?) pâladeva is protecting the earth, the earth is not taken possession of by the enemies, who have been annihilated.

Adoration to the holy Vasudeva ! Adoration to the Sun!

III.

INSCRIPTION FROM A JAINA TEMPLE OF THE YEAR 1011.

This inscription⁶⁵¹is carved on the left door-jamb of the temple of Jinanâtha, at Khajurâho. It consists of 11 lines. The writing covers a space of about 8 +¾^(")broad 8 +¼ " high, and is well preserved. The size of the letters is about½. The characters are Nâgari; in my opinion, not earlier than the thirteenth century. The language is Sanskrit, and the inscription is partly in verse and partly in prose. The verses offend against the metre, and the grammar is faulty; as regards orthography, the dental sibilantis throughout used for the palatal sibilant, andsh is employed instead of khin vaisdésha, vaisâsha for vaisâkha, line 10.
The inscription records a number of gifts made (probably in favour of the temple where the inscription is) by one Pâhilla, whose name is spelt pâhila, and who is described as held in honour by king Dhaṅga (or, possibly, Dhaṅga); and itis dated, in line 1, in the year 1011, and, in lines 10 and 11, on the 7th of the bright half of Vaiśâkha, on Somadina or Monday. Regarding the figures for the year (1011), it must be stated that the artizan, in the place of the cypher, first engraved the figure 1, which he subsequently altered to 0; but the four figures actually are 1011, and cannot possibly be read in any other way. The inscription, then, is dated in the same year as the inscription of Yaśgovarman (No. II, above), and it apparently mentions the same prince Dhaṅga, who is spoken of in that inscription as the ruling prince. Moreover, whatever may have been said to the contrary, the date undoubtedly works out satisfactorily. For, taking the figures 1011 to denote the southern, Vikrama year 1011, expired, the corresponding day is April 2, A.D. 955, which was a Monday, as required.On the other hand, the characters in which the inscription is engraved are far more modern than those of the inscription of Yaśovarman;and taking the date to be correct, and the references in both inscriptions to beto the same Dhaṅga (the only prince of that name known to us), we must of necessity assume that the inscription, as we now have it, has, similarly to the inscription of—

Dhaṅgadeva of the year 1059 (No. IV, below), been re-engraved from a more ancient copy.⁶⁵²

TEXT.⁶⁵³

1. ओं⁶⁵⁴[॥^(x)] संवत्‌ १०११समये॥निजकुलधवलोयंदि-
2 व्यर्मूर्त्तिस्वसी(शी)ल स(श)मदमगुणयुक्तसर्व्व-
3. सत्वा (त्त्वा)नुकंपी[ I^(x)] स्वजनजनिततोषो धांगराजेन
4. मान्य प्रणमति जिननाथोयं ‘भव्यपाहिल’-
5.नामा ।(॥) १ ॥ पाहिलवाटिका १ चंद्ररवाटिका २
6. लघुचंद्रवाटिका ३ सं(शं)करवाटिका ४ पंचादू-
7. तलवाटिका.५ आम्रवाटिका ६ ध(धं?)गवाडी ७ [॥^(x)]
8. पाहिलवंसे(शे) तु क्षये क्षीणे अपरवंसो(शो) यः कोपि,
9. तिष्ठति [।^(x)] तस्य दासस्य दासोयं मम दतिस्तुपाल-
10. येत्‌॥ महाराजगुरुस्री(श्री)वासवचंद्र[:॥^(x)] वैसा(शा)ष(ख)
11. सुदि७ सोमदिने॥

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ!

In the year 1011.

(Line 1.) He who bears the auspicious name Pàhilla, renders illustrious⁶⁵⁵.")his family, possesses a divine body (and) a good disposition, is endowed with the qualities of tranquillity and self-control, (and) takes compassion on all beings, is pleased by good people (and) held in honour by king Dhaṅga, he bows down here to the lord of the Jinas.

(5.) 1, the Pâhilla garden; 2, the Chandra garden; 3, the small Chandra garden ; 4, the Śaṁkara garden; 5, the Pañchâitala⁶⁵⁶garden; 6, the mango garden; 7, the Dhaṅga garden-ground; (these are my gifts).

(8.) Whatever family there is here, when the family of Pâhilla is no more, I am the servant of its servant,—may it guard my gifts!
The Mahârâja-guru (or high-priest, is) the illustrious Vâsavachandra.
On the 7th day of the light half of (the month) Vaiśâkha, on a Monday.

STONE INSCRIPTION OF DHANGADEVA OF THE YEAR 1059; RENEWED BY JAYAVARMADEVA IN THE YEAR 11738.

The stone which bears this inscription was discovered in February 1838 by Captain T. S.Burt, of thé Bengal Engineers, at a temples of Khajurâho, and it is now built into the wall on the right side of the entrance of the temple of Viśvanâtha, at the sameplace.¹ I am now able to publish an improved version of the text, from two excellent impressions taken by Dr. Burgess.

The inscription consists of 34 lines.The writing covers a space of about 5’ 2” broad by 2’ 10” high, and, except that a crack, which runs through the stone from top to bottorthas rendered one or two aksharas illegible, it is well preserved throughout. The size of the letters is from ¾” to 1”. The characters are Nâgarî; they are not formed very carefully, and it is therefore occasionally difficult to distinguish between the signs for dhaand va, those for ta, na and Ja, these for cha and ra, those for yaand sa, and those for rgga and rmma, The language is Sanskrit, and,excepting the introductory blessing, and tho two dates in lines 32-33 and at the end of line 34, the inscriptionis in verse. From a grammatical point of view, I need only state that in line 34 we find the wrong form prollikhat, for prodalikhat, As regards b orthography, is throughoutdenoted by the sign for v; the dental sibilant is 43 times put for the palatal sibilant. (e.g.,in sikhari, line 1, sukla and śisutve, line 3, vaṁsa, lines 7, 21, 27 and 30, &c.) and the palatal sibilant 12 times for the dental sibilant (e.g., in praśaṁśâ, line 8, śaṁkochitâḥ, line 9, śrajaḥ, line 10, &c.) ; for jjv we have jv in ujvala, lines 5, 10, 15, 24, and 31, and for the lingual or palatal nasal the dental nasal in hiranmayaṁ, lino 4, kshunna, line 20, svachchhan=cha, line 16, and in dhyâyan=japan jâhnavî, line 29. Besides, the sign for visarga has been wrongly omitted invarṇṇa svarṇṇa, line 15; and the rules of euphony have been neglected in niḥkriyâya, line 1, and vahiḥkṛta, line 14, and in ripoḥ chchhettâ, line 22.

The inscription may be divided into two parts, the first of which ends with the words prasastiḥ siddhâin line 33, while the second part comprises the remaining portion, to the end. This concluding portion merely records that the (preceding part of the) inscription (which may be supposed to have become damaged or illegible) was caused to be (re-)written in clearletters by the illustrious prince Jayavarmadeva, and that, as we now actually have it on the stone, the inscription was written by the Kâyastha Jayapala, of the Gauḍa country; and the date of this renewal of the inscription is (in line 34) stated to be “the year 1173, the 3rd day of the bright half of (the month) Vaiśâkha, on Śukra or Friday,” a date on which I shal] have to commert below.

¹This inscription was first edited, most carelessly, from impressions taken by Captain Burt, and with an English translation by Mr. J.C. C. Sathorland, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. vol. VII, pp. 159-184 (Conf. also Lassen, Indische Alterthamskunde, vol. IIL, pp. 782-787). Subsequently, the text of the inscription has been re-edited by myself, in the Nachrichten d. Königl. Ges. d, Wissenschaften au Göttingen, 1886, pp. 441-462, from an indifferent rubbing made by or for Sir A. Cunningham, and handed over to me by Mr. Fleet; and a small photolithograph of it was published by Sir A. Cunningham, in the Archaeol. Survey of India, vol. XXI, plate xviii. In his plate it is wrongly described as the ‘Inscription of GazflaGaṇḍa Deva.’ The name Gaṇḍa occurs nowhere in this inscription. In 1887, Mr. Fleet made over to me several very fair rubbings of the inscription, which would have enabled me to correct some of the readings in my previous edition of the text.

The contents of the first part of the inscription (or of the original inscription which was renewed under Jayavarmadeva) may be shortly stated to be as follows :—

After the introductory blessing “Oṁ, adoration to Śiva,” the poet praises Śiva (Rudra, Digambara, Śûladhara, Maheśvara), Bhâratî, the goddess of eloquence, and Gaṇeśa, and expresses his devotion to other great poets (verses 1-6). Verse 7 describes how the mundane egg came into existence. From the two halves of it Brahman made heaven and earth, while from his own mind he created Marîchi and other sages (v. 8).The most distinguished among these was Atri, from whose eye sprang the moon, and whose son was the sage Chandrâtreya, the progenitor of the distinguished race called after him, which will rule the earth as long as: the moon lasts (vv. 9-12). After having expressed his admiration of the former great kings of the Chandrâtreya family (v. 13), the poet goes on to relate how in the course of time there came in this race a prince named Nannuka (v. 14), whose prowess reminded the gods of Arjuna (v. 15). He had a son, Vâkpati(v. 16), whoby his wisdom and valour excelled the mythical kings Pṛthu and Kakutstha (v.17). His son was Vijaya (v. 18), whose fame was sung by semi-diving beings (v.19), and who, after having subdued the neighbouring countries, like Râma, on his warlike expeditions reached even the southernmost point of India (v. 20). He had a son, Râhila (v. 21), who favoured his friends and punished his enemies(vv. 22-23), and whose son, again, was Harsha (v. 24), a king who protected the whole earth and subdued his adversaries (vv. 25-28): Harsha’s wifekañchhukâ (vv. 29-30) bore to him a son, named Yaśovarmadeva (v. 31), who, pious and munificent (vv. 32-33), reduced other kings to the state of dependency (v. 34), filled the whole earth with his renown and with the fame of his excellencies (vv, 35-36), and firmly established his rule (v. 37). He caused a large tank to be dug (v. 38), and erected a magnificent temple for (Vishṇu) Vaikuṇṭha, which, to judge from the wording of verse 39, was near the temple at which the present inscription was put up, and which clearly is the temple the erection of which is recorded in the inscription of Yaśovarman himself (No. II, above). Yaśovarman’s wife, Puppâ (vv. 40-41), bore to him a son, Dhaṅga (v. 42), who is compared with Vishṇu-Kṛshṇa (vv. 43-44). He was so powerful that the rulers of Kośala, Kratha, Siṁhala (Ceylon), and Kuntala humbly listened to his commands (v. 45), and so successful in his wars that the wives of the kings of Kâñchî, Andhra, Râḍhâand Aṅga lingered in his prisons (v. 46). In short, Dhaṅga’s fame spread to the furthermost borders of the inhabited globe, and even beyond (v. 47).

I may state here at once that the list of princes of the Chandrâtreya (or Chandella) family, contained in the preceding, closely agrecs with the list known to us from the inscription of Yaśovarman, the only differences being, that the present inscription calls Vijayaśakti simply Vijaya and omits his elder brother Jayaśakti, and that it tells us the name of Yaśovarman’s queen. A comparison of the two inscriptions clearly shows that the author of the present inscription had the inscription of Yaśovarman before him and, desirous of making the prince Dhaṅga, with whom he is more particularly concerned, appear even more illustrious than Yaśovarman, he does not Hesitate to cover the former with the most fulsome praise which, from an historical point of view, is of no value whatever.

The proper object of the inscription is, to record that Dhaṅga erected a magnificent temple for the god Śambhu (Śiva), with two liṅgas, one of emerald and the other

of stone (vv. 48-51). He also distributed great quantities of gold (v. 52), and established, in connection with the temple, dwellings for pious Braâhmans to whom donations were made of land, grain, money, and cows (vv. 53-54).

The inscription was put up after the death of Dhanṅga; for vorse 55 relates that, when Dhanṅga had ruled the whole earth over which he alone held sway, and had lived rather more than a hundred years, he abandoned the body in the waters of the Ganges and the Yamunaâ, and entered into beatitude, closing the eyes, fixing his thoughts on Rudra and muttering holy prayers.

This eulogy of the prince’ was completed, when tho illustrious priest of the royal household Yasśodhara was directing the administration of justice (v. 656). It was composed by the poet Raâma, the son of Balabhadra, and grand&son of the pocet Nandana who was of the Saâvara (or SŚabara) family and a resident of Tark&ârikaâ (vv. 57-58) writtch ‘by the KAâyastha Yasśahḥpâ4la (v. 59), and engraved by Simṁha (v. 63). The temple erecteal by Dhanṅga for (SŚiva) Pramathandâtha was built by the architect Chhichchha (v. 60). May it last for ever ! (v. 61).

Yaśodhara, who is mentioned in the preceding paragraph, is almost certainly the Bhatlṭṭa Yasśodhara, who figures as donee in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s copper-plate grant of Dhanṅgadeva,²of the (Vikrama) year 1055; and the sume grant also mentions the place Tarkaâérikaâ.

The original inscription, in lines 32-33, ends with the words : “The year 1059 (which as a year of the Vikrama era, corresponds to A.D. 1001-2); at the glorious Kharjaûravaâ-haka, in the realm of the illustrious king Dhanṅgadeva; the euloggy of the glorious divine Marakatésvara (i.e., the emcerald-lord, either SŚiva whose emerald linṅgahas been mentioned before, or the temple dedicated to him) is completed.” The date shows that Dhanṅga died between tho Vikrama years 1055, the date of the Bengal Asiatic Socicty’s copper-plate grant mentioned above, and 1059. Kharjdûravaâhaka clearly is tho older name of Khajuraâho, where the inscription has been found, and where it is still. It is strange that the inscription should contain no allusion whatever to the successor of Dhanṅgadeva.

The date of the renewal of the document, with which the inscription now ends does not work out altogether satisfactorily. As mentioned above, the data for calculation are : the (Vikrama) year 1173, the 3rd day of the bright half of Vaisśdâkha, SŚukra or Friday. Vaisśaâkha sśu-di3 of the northern Vikrama year (beginning with the month Chaitra) 11783, current, corresponds to March 30, A.D. 1115, which was a Tuesday; and the same day of the northern Vikrama year 1173, expired, or the southern Vikrama year (beginning with the month Karttika) 1173, current, corresponds to April 17, A.D. 1116, which was a Monday. In the southern Vikrama year 1173, expired, the third tithi of the bright half of Vaisśdkha, calculated by Prof. Jacobi’s Tables, began 2h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, April 6, A.D. 1117, and ended 2h. 29m. after mean sunrise of Saturday, April 7. I entertain little doubt that Friday, April 6, A.D. 1117, is really the day intended by the inscription, although according to the civil reckoning that day was the 2nd of the bright half of Vaisâdkha, but, in the absence of additional details regarding the date, I am unable to speak more positively in this matter.

² Edited by mo in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 201.

Text.¹⁶⁵⁷

ओं नमः शिवाय ॥ ४

L.1.

विष्टपविकटवटानामजायमानाय वीजभूताय। रुद्राय नमः पालनविलयकृते निःक्रियायापि²⁶⁵⁸॥^(3¹²⁷-)[1].
तूर्ण्णंघूर्ण्णति यत्रगोत्रसि(शि)खरिव्यूहः समूहः पत -

** त्यत्यावर्त्तितमूर्त्तिरार्त्तविरुतं कुर्व्वन्कुप्कुम्भिनाम्‌।**

**सप्तांभोध्यवधिप्रधूतवसुधाव(ब)न्धः कव (ब) [न्धी]क्व कृत -

ख-
2. [र्ग्गा]द्रिः⁶⁵⁹^(4⁶⁵⁹) क्षयकांडतांडवविधिः शैवः शिवायास्तु वः ॥⁵⁶⁶⁰- [2].
कस्त्वंद्वारि दिगंव(ब)रः क्षपणकः कस्मादकस्मादही
वा(बा)ले शूलधरो घिगायुधविधिं व(ब)र्हास्त्वदरर्हाननु।
मां जानीहि महेश्वरंस्पुटमिदं वस्त्रेप्यभावादिति
प्रेयस्या परिहासतो विहसितं शंभोः शुभायास्तु वः॥- [3].
पशुतिवदनच्छद्मनि कृतवसतिः पद्मसद्मनि स -
दा या । जयति विलक्षणरूपा सु(शु)क्लाभा भारतोभ्रमरी॥⁶⁶⁶¹- [4].
3.**

गिरिशशिरसि यच्छन्हस्तमिन्दोः.कलायां सुहुरमलमृणालीग्रासगृन्धुःशिसु(शु)त्वे \।
जयति विधुतमूर्द्योन्नाललीलांवु(बु)जेन स्मितकुपितमृडानीताडितोनागवक्तः ॥⁷⁶⁶² -[५].
निजोपज्ञप्रज्ञाप्रसरपरिविस्फारमुकुरे पदार्थानां सार्थः प्रतिफलति येषामवितथः ।
4.

गिरां ग्रामो येषामधरमधिशेते स्वयमयं नमस्तेभ्यः सङ्गास्तिलकितजगङ्गाःकिमपरम्‌ ॥⁸⁶⁶³-[6).
कल्पादौ किल केवलं खमखिलं ध्वांतावनहंध्रुवं
शून्यं वीक्ष्यसिसृक्षतो जगदभूद्भ[द्रा]दमुद्रोनिलः।
तत्राभूदनलोनलालज्जलमभूहीजादमीघाज्जले
ज्वालामालि हिरन्म(ण्म)यं महदभूदंडं विभोव्र(ब्रा)ह्मणः॥⁹¹³⁹ - [7].
तंदडभांडखंडाभ्यां द्यांभुवं विदधे धिया\।
5.

व्र(ब्र)ह्मा व्रा(ब्रा)ह्मनिधीन्‌ पुत्रान् मरीच्य ि[त्र]मुखान्मुनीन्‌ ॥ ¹⁰-¹⁴⁴.”) [8].
मध्ये तेषां प्रहततमसां मानसानां सुनीनां श्रीमानत्रिः प्रथितंमहिमा नेत्रपात्रेप्रसूतम्‌।
यस्य ज्योतिःपटलजटिलं मंडलं वन्द्यमिन्दोश्चंद्रात्रेयः समजनि मुनिस्तस्य पुत्रः पवित्रः ॥¹¹-⁶⁶⁴ [9].
दूरापास्तसमस्तसंशयविपर्यासप्रकामोज्व(ज्ज्व)लज्ञानालोकविलो -

किताखिलजगत्सर्ग्गापवर्ग्गस्थितेः\।

सर्व्वज्ञप्रतिमस्य त[स्य] कृतिनः कारुण्यपुण्यात्मनः ।¹²⁶⁶⁵

पारं गंतुमनन्तदीपमहसः को वा महिम्नांक्षमः ॥¹³⁶⁶⁶ -[10].

निरंध्री ध्रो[निर[घो]]⁶⁶⁷[धो]निसर्ग्गसरलः सारो[त्तं]राभ्यन्तरो निग्ग्रंथिः पृथुलाग्रभागसुभगः पर्व्वखस्वखर्व्वस्थितिः।
आमलंफलितोप्यसेवितविपत्क्रूरारिदावाग्निना न ग्लानिं गमितस्ततः समभवद्वंशोयमत्यहु द्भुतः ॥ —[11].

7.
आचंद्रां चंद्रात्रेयवंस(श)जाः क्षितिभुजः क्षितिम्‌ । भोच्यन्त्यक्षतदोर्द्दडचंडिमानो त्रितेजसा ॥¹⁵–\। 12],
ये पूर्व्वेत्रपवित्रिक्षितितलाः सत्कर्म्मस[[र्ग्ग]]⁶⁶⁸प्रियाः\।
प्राणप्रार्थनयाप्यखिन्नमनसः⁶⁶⁹प्याप्तसत्यव्रताः\।
निःसिंदूरितदुर्व्विनीतव(ब) लवन्सा(त्सा) मन्तसीमन्तिनी-
सौमान्ताः⁶⁷⁰पृथिवोभुजो विजयिनस्तेभ्योखिलेभ्यो नमः ॥¹⁹⁶⁷¹- [13].

**8.
कालेनेह महरवंशेप्रशंशा (सा)प्रांशुरंशुमान्‌\। मुक्तामणिरिव श्रीमान्नहुकोभूम्महीपतिः ॥²⁰¹⁴⁴.") -[14].
तेन विक्रमधनेन धन्विना क्रामता युधि वधाय विद्विषाम्‌।
धुन्वता धनुरधिज्यमर्ज्जुनं स्मारिता दिवि विमानगामिनः ॥²¹⁶⁷²–[15]. "
तस्मादुदारकीर्त्तेरजनि जनानंदसुंदरः श्रीमान्‌।
तनयो विनयनिधानं वाक्यतिरिव वाक्पतिः क्षितिपः॥²²-¹²⁷- [16].

विद्यावदा - तद्हृदयेन हृदि प्रजानामातंकशंकुमकलंकितविक्रमेण\।
तेनापनीय नयनिर्मललोचनेन शं(सं)कोचिताः पृथुककुस्थ(त्स्थ)कथाथकथाः॥²³-¹¹⁴[17 ].
तस्य क्ष्मातिलकस्य लोकतिलकः पृथ्वीपतेर्भूपतिः\।
स श्रीमान्विजयी जयाय जगतां जज्ञे कृतज्ञः सुतः \।
यस्योदात्तमतेःप्रसूतिसमये धाम्ना महिम्नां निधेः**

10.
सानंदं सुरसंदरीभिरवनौ क्षिप्ताःसलाजाः श्र(स्र) जः॥²⁴⁶⁷³– 18].
किन्नरीभिरधिकंधरं सखीराकलय्य भुजयास्य भूभुजः\।
काकलीकलमगीयत स्फुरत्प्रोथमुत्पुलकमुसुज्व (ज्ज्व)लंयशः ॥²⁵-⁶⁷⁴ [19].
विनयनतसुमित्रापत्यसंवाहितांङ्किः प्रवरहरिचमुभिः क्रान्तपर्यन्तभूमिः।
सुहृदुपकृति -

…………………………………………………………………..

15 Metre, Śloka (Anushṭubh). The editor in Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VIII, gives only part of this verse. and adds the note (p. 177): ‘The rest of this Śloka is wanting.

दक्षी दक्षिणाशां जिगीषुः पुनरधित पयोधेर्व (र्ब)न्धवैधुयमर्यः²⁶ ॥²⁷⁶⁷⁵- [20].

**11.
तस्मान्नृपतिसमुद्रादुदपादि नरेंद्रचंद्रमाः सूनुः\।
स श्रीराहिलनामा विहततमा⁶⁷⁶व॑दिता[भ्यु]दयः॥²⁹⁶⁷⁷-[21].
प्रसन्नेतत्र भूपाले प्रसरच्चित्रभानवः। ना[थ]वन्तोर्थिनां वर[सां³⁰]सरोषे द्विषदालयाः॥³¹¹⁴⁴.")-[29].
कोशपानमसिधा(वा)रयोषितां नाभिभूतजनरत्नसंपदां।

12
पक्षपातमिषुदुष्टभूभृतःप्रापुरस्य न सुहृत्सभासदः॥³²- [23].
तस्मात्तीव्रप्रतापज्वलनकवलितोत्तालभूपालतूला -
[न्मू]लाच्छीलद्रुमाणामनणगुणगणालंकृतेः कीर्त्तिभर्त्तुः।
स श्रीहर्षोरिहर्षज्वरहरणमणिः क्षीणनिःशेषदोषः
सन्तोषाय प्रजानामजनि निजभुजाश्रान्तविभ्रान्तकीर्त्तिः ॥³³-¹⁶¹-24].

13
यं दृष्ट्वैवकृपाणपाणिमकृकतव्यापारभा[र॑ ]युधि
क्रोधाक्रान्तविलोचनौ(नो)त्पलदलभ्रूभंगभीमाननम्‌।
उत्साहो हृदयाद्धनुःकरतला [[ङ्गा]वो]⁶⁷⁸ सुखात्कीर्त्तयो
दिग्भ्यः साध्वसवेपमानवपुषां नष्टाः परेषां क्रमात्‌॥³⁵⁶⁷⁹- [25].
तेनाच्युतेन भीमेन व(ब)लेन कृतवर्म्मणा। समुद्रपरिखा पृथ्वीपुरीसू(शू)रेण रक्षिता ॥³⁶¹⁴⁴.")-[26].

अपक्षधात्रीधररक्षणक्षमःसदैव दोषाकरसंगभंगुरः\।
³⁷⁶⁸⁰वहिःकृतक्रुरभुजंगसंगमस्तिरस्करोति स्मस तूर्ण्णमर्ण्णवम्‌॥³⁸¹⁵⁰- [27].
दूरा[[पा]]⁶⁸¹ ⁶⁸¹स्तप्रवरतुरगैर्दूरमुक्तातपत्रेदूरायातैः सपदि शिरसा [शा ]सनं धारयद्भिः \।
तस्य द्वारि द्विरदमदनिःस्यदपंकां⁶⁸²**

15.कितायां सेधा(वा) हेतोःप्रणतिपरमैराशि(सि)तं भूमिपालैः ॥⁴¹³²²-[ 28].

…………………………………………………………………..

26. ‘Desirous of conquering tho southern region, the lord againbrought the ocean to the wretchod state of captivity ;’ i.e. he built a bridge between the continent and Ceylon, as Rama had done before him. The adjectives of the preceding lines of course refer to the prince as well as to Râma. See my note 116 in Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 42; and for the play on the word सुमित्रor सुमित्रा, e.g., Vâsavadattâ, p. 30.
30. The akshara in brackets, in the original is स; but there appearsto be a mark above it, which may beintended to change it to सा.‘When this prince was pleased, the dwellings of supplicants, who in him had a supporter, were covered with bright splendour ; but when he was angry, fire spread over the habitations of his enemies, who in him found their master.’
32. Metre, Rathoddhatâ.—‘ Swords were protected by scabbards, and courtezans drank from drinking cups, but he did not guard the treasure, consisting in jewels, of the people subdued by him; arrows lost their feathers, and wicked princes felt his partiality, but not his friends and counsellors.’

हृत्तोज्व(ज्ज्व)ला गुणाधारा महार्घा हृदयंगमा। हारावलीव तस्यासीत्कंक्वुकेति प्रियोत्तमा। (॥)⁴²-¹⁴⁴.")[29].
वर्ण्ण [:*] स्वर्ण्णरुचिर्विलोचनयुगं नीलं सचंद्रोपलं⁶⁸³
पाणिः शो[(ण]]⁶⁸⁴मणिद्युतिः संचरणो दन्तच्छदो विद्रुमः\।
सद्यःसु(शु)क्तिविमुक्तमौक्तिकतलस्वच्छ[न्च (ञ्च)चे]तो युतः
16.
स्वोरणंभुवनैकभूषणमभूत्तेनेधमेका सती-⁶⁸⁵ [30].
तस्वास्तस्वस्मरणविहिताघौघविध्वंसनायाः सत्तीर्थायास्विदशसरितः शान्तनोः पुण्यकीर्त्तेः।,
धर्म्माधारः पितरि सुतरां साधुरिद्धप्रभावो भीष्मो प(य)द्वत्समजनिं सुतःश्रीयशोवर्म्मदेवः॥⁴⁶-[31].
तस्य विप्रचरणप्रणामजं५१ शैशवे शिरसिजश्रितं रजः।
17.
अप्यकालपलिताकृतिं दधत्संदधावधिककामनीयकं॥⁴⁷-¹²¹[32].
एकस्मै याचमानाय दिजाय पलदः शिविः। यावदर्थिजबं प्रादात्कोटिं कोटिमसौ नृपः॥⁴⁸-\33).
गंतुं भूमिलितालिकेन सदसि व्यस्तासवे(ने)नासितुं
गंतुं पत्रपुरःसरेण चरणैः स्थातुंच नीचैञ्चिरम्।
18.
वक्तु जीव जयादिशेति नियमं कर्त्तुंविनीतात्मना
तस्मिन्राजति(नि) राजकेन जयिनि त्रासादिदं सि(शि)क्षितं॥[⁴⁹-⁶⁸⁵ [34].
नित्पो (त्यो)दितेदुभुजगाधिपधामनित्यमानंदि कुंदकुसुमं गगनांगणं च।
तेनाद्भुतं इयमिदं यशशा(सा) व्यधायि धा [त्री]तलं शि(सि)तसुधाधवलत्वचित्रम्‌⁵⁰॥⁵¹⁶⁸⁶–[35].
19.
संभवति भुवि मनुष्यः सप्ताकूपरपारदृश्वापि । न पुनरिह तस्य नृपतेगुणसागरपारगः कश्चित्‌ ॥⁵²-¹²⁷- [36].
गांधारीं भजता प्रदृष्टशकुनिस्वानुप्रियां प्रेयसीं
भीष्मद्रोणवचांस्यकर्ण्णसुखदान्याकर्ण्ण्य⁶⁸⁷संमूर्च्छता।
…………………………………………………………………………..
46. Metre, Mandâkrântâ.—‘ The son of Śântanu was the illustrious and learned Bhishma, who was born to him by the holy river-goddess, Gaṅgâ.’—Wilson, Vishṇu Purâṇa, vol. IV, p. 20.
48.Metre, Śloka (Anushṭubh).—‘Śivi gave to one dvija (i.e., a bird), that asked him, a pala (i.e., aportion of his own flesh) ; that prince gave to every supplicant dvija (i.e., twice-born) ten millions of palas (i.e., pieces of gold).’—See M. Williams, Dictionary,s.v. शिवि.
50. The stone originally had सुधाव(?)धवलंत्वचित्रम्‌, but the akshara following upon सुधा has certainly been struck out, and the same appears to be the case with the two signs for anusrâra.—‘ Eternal is (the ocean), the home of the again and again rising moon and of thechief of serpents; pleasing is the (white) jasmine-flower and the court of heaven.
He in a wonderful manner brought about both these things by his fame (which is imperishable and bright); the whole earth is bright with the whiteness of white mortar (filled as it is with has bright fame).’

[नो]⁵⁴धर्म्मप्रभवं विरोधितवता प्राप्यापि वंशक्षयं
[सं]प्राप्ता धृतराष्ट्रता[सु]सुहृदा विद्वेषिणेत्यङ्गुतम्‌॥-⁵⁵-⁶⁸⁸ [37].
20.
कष्टात्षष्टिसहस्रसूनु⁵⁶भिरसूतुत्सृज्य खातःकृत -
स्तत्पौत्रप्रमुखैःपुनस्त्रिभिरसावंभोभिरापूरितः\।
वृत्तान्तं सगरस्य सागरविधावाकर्ण्ण्य तूर्ण्णंसुधीः
स्पर्द्धावानधिकं व्यधत्त्र जलधेर्वै(र्बै)ल्वं तडागार्ण्णवम्॥—[38].
तस्येदं सा(शा)रदेन्दुद्युति[[ख]]⁶⁸⁹रसि(शि)खरक्षुन्न(ण्ण) नक्ष[[त्र^(x)]]⁶⁹⁰चक्रा-
ञ्च [क्रं रक्ष] न्नमुष्मादपथ(न)यतिरथं सारथिः सप्तसप्तेः ।
21.
यत्कुंभः सा (शा) तकुम्भस्तुहिनगिरिसि(शि)रश्चुम्वि(म्बि)वि(बि)म्वा(म्बा)क्कतङ्के
कुर्व्वत्रास्ते समस्तस्तुतमसुररिपोर्व्वेस्म(श्म) वैकुण्ठमूर्त्तेः॥⁵⁹–[39).
महावंस(श)ससुत्पन्नाप्रसन्ना[धारि]तावनी । नर्मादेवाभवद्देवी पुष्पा⁶⁰तस्यमहीपतेः॥⁶¹³¹⁰.")-[40].
सदानसूया विहितागसेप्यसावरुंधतीजीवितमप्युपासिता।
22.
व(ब)भौ मदान्धान्दमयन्त्यनिन्दिता मदालसाभून्न पुनः कथंचन ॥⁶²- [41 \।.
सा देवीनरदेवाद्देवाधिपतेः स(श)चीवसच्चरित्रं (तं)
तस्मादसूत पूतं जयंतमिव [[धं ]]⁶⁹¹गमंगभुवम्‌ ॥⁶⁴¹²⁷- [42].

……………………………………………………………………..
**54.**This is a mere conjecture; the original has तor तं, altered to some akshara or other which is not clear in the impressions; the first akshara, सं, of the following line also is indistinct.—Dhṛitarâshṭra, the nephew of Bhîshma and father of the Kauravas, had for his wife Gândhârî, the sister of Śakuni; Yudhishṭhira, the eldest of the Pâṇḍavas, was the son of Dharma; Droṇa was the teacher of the Kauravas and Pâṇḍavas, und Karṇa an ally of the Kauravas. I therefore should translate the verse, in the first instance, as follows :–’ Having for his beloved Gândhârî,who was fond of the voice of the joyful Śakuni,—stupefied when he heard the speeches, which gave no pleasuro to his ear, of Bhîshma and Droṇa,—not hostile to the son of Dharma, even when he saw his own race destroyed by him,—(the prince) who was (both) a good friend (and) an enemy, came to be Dhṛitârishṭra.’ This wonder is explained when we take the last line to mean, that the prince, surrounded by good friends and free from enemies, firmly established his government ; and then understand the preceding lines to say, that he had for his wife a Gândhâra,princess (?) who was fond of the song of merry birds,—that he was stupefied when he heard the omiuous cries of ravens, which did not please his ears,—and that he did not act contrary to law, even when the existence of his family was at stake.
56. Originally ०सूनि०, altered to सूनु.—Compare Monier Williaws, Dictionary, under सगरand भगीरथ.
59. Metre, Sragdharâ.—If the verse, as given above, is correct,—and I do not see how it could be read differently,—it is badly constructed, mainly, because in the second line we expect the relative यस्मात्, instead of the demonstrative अमुष्मात्‌.The meaning of the verse Itake to be: ‘Heerected this dwelling, praised by all, of Vaikuṇṭha, the enemy of ethe Asuras from which tho charioteer of the sun, to save the wheels, turns awayhis chariot, because with its sharp spires, shining like the autumnal moon, it pierees the Zodiac; and the golden dome of which always causes it to be taken for the sun, kissing with its orb the peaks of the mountain of snow.’—Compare verse 50, below.
**60.**On the best of my impressions this word is quite distinct, and I take it to be the nameof the queen, who in this verse iscompared with the river Narmadâ. Compare Amarakośa, नर्मदा सोमोद्भवा.
**62.**Metre Vaṃśastha.—Indirectly the princess is compared with Anasûyâ, Aruadhatî, Damayantî, and Madâlasâ.Compare the similar verse 26, above.

अशोदानन्द[भाक्व]क्रे पूतनामा रणक्रियां। जातो हणिकुले कं स रिपोः च्छेत्ता⁶⁵नरोत्तमः॥⁶⁶¹⁴⁴ ; and of the next verse.") [43].
23.
तस्मा [त्स⁶⁷- मुत्थि?]तक्रोधान्नृसिंहाश्रखलाविनः । हिरण्यकशिपुप्राण्णणंचक्रेन केनचित्‌ ॥ - [44].
देवालोकय कोशलेश्वरमितस्तूर्ण्णंसमाकर्ण्णता -
मादेशः क्रथमनसिंहलपते लव्धाव(ब) हिः स्थीयताम्‌\।
त्वंवि[श्रा]पय कुंतलेन्द्रवदने दत्तेत्तरीयांचलम्‌।⁶⁸⁶⁹²
तस्यास्थानगतस्य⁶⁹⁶⁹³वेत्रिभिरिति व्यक्तं समुक्तंवचः॥⁷⁰-⁶⁹⁴ [45]
24.
का त्वंकांचीनृपतिवनिता का⁷¹⁶⁹⁵त्वमंध्राधिपस्त्री का त्वं राढापरिवृढवधूः का त्वमंगेद्रपत्नी[I^(x)]
इत्यालापाःसमरजयिनो यशस्यवैरिप्रियाणां कारागारे सजलनयनेंदोवराणां व (ब)भूवुः ॥⁷²-⁶⁹⁶ [46].
का त्वेकस्य किमर्थमत्र भवती प्राप्ता शशांकोज्व(ज्ज्व)ला
25.
सिचाःकोर्त्तिरहंवु(बु)धैकसुहृदःश्रीधंगपृथ्वीपतेः\।
भ्रांत्वाविस्व(श्व)मशेषमागतवती स्फारीभवत्कौतुका
लोकालोकमहामहीध्रसि(शि)खरश्रेणिश्रियं वीक्षितुं ॥⁷³⁶⁹⁷ —\47).
मरकतमय तुंगंलिंगं यदर्ञ्चितमैश्वरंत्रिदशपतिना तस्माद्वध्वं(ब्धं)प्रसाद्य किरीटिना।
तदवनितलं तेनानीतं युधिष्ठिरपूजितं जयति जगति श्रीधंगेनप्रणम्य निवेसि(शि)तं ॥[⁷⁴⁶⁹⁸- [48\।.
26.
वेस्म (श्म) न्थस्म (श्म) मयस्तेन भूपालेन प्रतिष्ठितः। द्वितीयो द्योतते देवः क्लेशपास(शं)हरोहरः॥⁷⁵-[ 49].
तेनायं स(श)रदभ्रसु (शु)भ्रसि(शि)खरः श्रीधंपृथ्वीभुजा
प्राशा(सा)दस्त्रिदशप्रभोर्भगवतः सं(शं)भोः समुत्तंभितः।
यस्याभंकषकालधौतकलसप्रान्तत्सं (त्स्यं)\।
27.मेरोः सृं (शृं)गमतुंगमेव मनुतेचित्रीयमाणोरुणः ॥⁷⁶⁶⁹⁹–[50).
भत्या भवस्य नूनं शिल्पिस(श)रीरेषु कृतसमावेशः \।

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65 Read रिपीह्मेत्ता. ‘Worshipping Vishṇu (the joy of Yaśodâ), the purenamed one engaged in battle; born, an object of joy, in a fierce race, that destroyer of enemies was the bestof men (Krishṇa),—who, worshipping Yaśodâand Nanda, brought about the destruction of (the fiend) Pûtanâ, and who, born in the Vṛishṇi race, annihilated the enemy Kaṁsa.’— Compare, e.g., Vâsavadattâ, p. 12 and p. 150.
67. About the aksharas in these brackets I am very doubtful. In the impressions, the first of them looks somewhat like स्त्री, i.e.,स्त्रीthe second like म, and the third like धि; but the third akshara appears certainly to have been altered, and probably also the first. हिरण्यकशिपुalso means‘ gold and food and clothing; ‘compare, e.g.,Vâsavadattâ, p.11, and Damayantikathâ, p.22.
75. Metre,Śloka(Anushṭubh). प्रतिष्ठित ishere, as elsewhere, used in the sense of प्रतिष्ठापितः

स्वयमेव विश्वकर्म्मातोरणरचनामिमां चक्र ॥⁷⁷-⁷⁰⁰-[51].
जयति विकटो [व]⁷⁸⁷⁰¹टोयं हाटककोटीरनेन तुलयित्वा।
अतुलेन तुलापुरुषाः स(श)तसो(शो) विश्राणितास्तेन॥ —(52]. \।
षट्कर्म्मा[भि]रता⁷⁹⁷⁰² रताः परहिते संसु (शु)ङ्गवंस(श)हया- `
28.
प्रारव्धा(ब्धा)ध्वरषूमधूम्रवपुषोप्येकान्ततोनिर्म्मलाः।
तेनैते धनधान्यधेनुवसुधादानेन संमानिताः
सौधेषु स्फटिकाद्रिकूटविकटेष्वारोपिता व्रा(ब्रा)ह्मणाः॥⁸⁰– [53].
व्र (ब्र)ह्मसु व्र(ब्र)ह्मकल्पेषु येष्वेकत्रनिवासिषु। दक्षिणेन तुषाराद्रिंकल्पप्रामोपरोभवत्‌ ॥⁸¹ —( 54].
रक्षित्वाक्षितिमंवु(बु)रासि(शि)रस(श)नामेतामनन्यायतिं
29.
जीवित्वा स(श)रदां स(श)तं समधिकं श्रीधंगपृथ्वीपतिः।
रुद्रं मुद्रितलोचनः स हृदये ध्यायन्ज(ञ्ज)पन्‌⁷⁰³जाह्नवी -
कालिंद्योः सलिले कलेवरपरित्यागादगान्निर्वृतिं ॥⁸³-⁷⁰⁴ [55]
धर्माधिकारमनुसा (शा)सति सा (शा) स्वतोत्र मित्रेसतां स्पुरितधामनि धर्म्मवु(बु)[द्धौ] ।
श्रीमद्यशोधरपुरोधसि वेधसोव सिद्धिंजगाम जगतीपतिकीर्त्तिरेषा ॥⁸⁴⁷⁰⁵- [56].

**30.
तार्क्कारिकः प्रवरसावरवंस(श)जन्माश्रीदनः कविरभूत्कविचक्रवर्त्ती ।
तस्यात्मजः समजनि श्रुतपारदृश्वा श्रीमांस्तपोधिकव(ब) लोव(ब)लभद्रनामा॥ —[57].
सूनुःसूनृतगोर्गिरींद्रमहिमा भ [द्रस्य] तस्याभवद्भुपालेर्भुवि पूजितांडिरनघः साहित्यरत्नाकरः।
श्रीराम रमणीयशू(सू)क्तिरचनाचातुर्यधुर्यःकृती तेनेयं विहिता प्रशस्तिर[चना] भ[तथा]लये शलिनः ॥⁸⁵–⁷⁰⁶[58].
31.
न संकीर्ण्णावर्ण्णाःक्वचिदिहन सापत्न्यकलुषाः स्थिताः कायस्थेन प्रथितकुलशीलोज्व(ज्ज्व)लधिया ।
यशःपालेनायं विदितपदविद्येन लिखितः प्रशस्तेर्विन्धाश(स): कृतयुगसमाचारश(स)दृशः ॥⁸⁶⁷⁰⁷— [89].
विज्ञानविश्वकर्त्राधर्म्माधारेण सूत्रधारेण।
च्छि(क्वि)च्छा [भि]धेन विदधे प्राशा(सा)दः⁷⁰⁸प्रमथनाथस्य ॥⁸⁸-⁶⁷⁷- [60].

यावत्पृथ्वीसपृथ्वीधरनगरनगा दत्तमुद्रा समुद्रै-
र्यावद्भ्राजिणुरुणद्युतिरयममृतस्यंदनः शीतरस्मि(श्मि): \।**

……………………………………………………………………….

80. Metre, Śârdûlavikriḍita, Thesix occupations of Brâhmans are अध्ययन, अध्यापन, यजन, याजन, दान and प्रतिग्रह, i.e. stndy, teaching, offering snorifices, conducting them for others, giving and accepting gifts.The palaces, high like the peaks of the Knilâsa, which the king erected for certain holy Brâhmans, are the same buildings which elsewhere are called brahmapuri; seeIndian Antigquary, vol. XV, p. 44, note130.
81. Metre, Śloka (Anushṭubh),—North of the Himâlaya is the country of eternal heatitude; hre the Brâhmassselected by the king had found south of the Himâlaya a place where all their wishes were fulfilled. ‘

**यावद्व्र(द्ब्र)ह्मांडभांडस्थितिरियमथवा स्थात्रुतं स्थाणवीयः
प्राशा (सा)दस्तावदेष व्रजतु नरपतेर्द्दत्तकैलासहासः ॥⁸⁹-¹⁶¹-[61].
लिपि[ज्ञा\।नवि[धि^(x)]ज्ञेनप्राज्ञेनगुणसा (शा)लिना।
सिंहेनेयं समुत्कीर्ण्णासङ्कर्ण्णारूपसा(शा)लि[[नो]]⁷⁰⁹॥⁹¹-³²⁵.")-[62].
- संवत(त्‌) १०५९⁹²श्रीखर्ज्ज्र-
38.
रवा [ह]के⁹³ राजश्री[धं]⁹⁴गदेवराज्ये देवश्रीमरकतेश्वरस्य प्रस(श)स्तिः सिचा ॥
उत्खातोशमहीभृतो मसृणितामत्तद्विपतां⁷¹⁰ पदै-
र्हौताःसंगरसंगभं[गु]ररिपुत्रस्वत्प्रियाश्रूत्करैः।
दिग्भित्तीर्व्वयवर्म्मदेवनृपतिः कीर्त्त्यक्षरैर्योलिख -
त्तेनालेखि पुनः प्रशस्तिरमलैरेषाक्षरैःबुभूजा॥⁹⁶–[63].
34.
विद्वद्भिर्ज्जयपालसो (शो) तकिरणोमून्थादराद्वदितो
गौडः प्रोल्लिखदक्षराणि⁷¹¹कुमुदाकाराणि सर्प्पत्करः। ,
कायस्थो जयवर्म्मदेवनृपतेरीशस्य वि (बि) [भ्र ] त्कलाः
साहित्यांवु(बु)धिवं(बं)धुरुहततमोरुन्धव्रनिद्यद्युतिः⁹⁸॥ –[64].

संवत्‌ ११७३वैसा(शा)ख शुदि ३ शुक्रे ॥**

V.
STONE INSCRIPTION OF KOKKALA, OF THE YEAR 1058.

The slab which bears this inscription is said to have been found about fifty yearsago at the temple of Vaidyanâtha, at Khajurâho; and is now built into the side wall of the entrance porch of the temple of Viśvanâtha at the same place. Tho inscription has been mentioned several times in the volumes of the Archaeological Survey of India, and a photo-lithograph of it, which, though useless for editing, shows well the style.

…………………………………………………………………….
92 This figure is quite distinct, and it is neither 1019 nor 1056.
93 Inthe two impressions supplied to me by Dr. Burgess, the two aksharas बा and के are quite distinct, and the consonant of the akshara stunding between tho two is हु; but this ¥ appears to have been preceded by the sign for e(not i) which, sofar as I can make out, has been struck out again.
94 This akshara can only be read घं or बं, and the following akshara is quite clearly ग.
96 Metre, ŚârdûlavikrÎḍita ; and of the noxt verse. ‘The prince Jayavarmadeva who with the letters of his fame inscribed the walls of the regions, the mountain-like great princes of which had been uprooted (by him, and which had been) smoothedby the steps of (his) furious elephants, (and) washed with the streams of the tears of the trembling wives of (his) enemies, perishing when they met (him) in battle,—this princehas written again this enlogy with clear letters’ ;—i.e., the prince Jayavarmadeva caused the inscription, which may be supposed to hate become damaged or illegible, to bere-engraved.

98. In Cunningham’s Archeol, Survey of India, Vol.XXI,p. 68, it is stated that the inscription had originally been written in irregular (Kîrṇa) letters, and that it was ro-written in letters of thekumvda form, or in ‘lotus-like or beautiful characters’, My text and translationof the proceding verseshow that the inscription does not coutain the word Kîrṇaat all; nordoes the present verse say anything about kumuda characters. For the verse simply says, that Jayapâla, the Gauḍa, the Kâyastha of the ruling prince. Jayavammadeva, honoured by the learned, acquainted with the various arts, and familiar with poetry,
&e.,with his hands moving forward wrote these letters, as the moon, reating on the body of Śiva, containig digits, and the friend of the ocean, &e., with her spreading rays, touches the lotus-flowers.

of the letters and the general state of preservation of this record, is given by Sir A.Cunningham in Archaoi. Survey of India, vol. XXI, plate xix.

The inscription consists of 22 lines. The writing covers a space of about 8’ 8”broad by 2’ 2” high. Down to line14, it is on the whole well preserved. From line15 to 21, on thoe proper right side, a large piece of the surfacoe of the stone has gone,causing the completce.loss of about 80 aksharas; and a few aksharas have gone in otherplaces, as will appear from my transécript of the text. T‘he size of the letters is from ¾“ to ^(7/8)". The characters are Naâdgariî. The language is Sanskrit, and, except for the introductory Omṁ namahḥ SŚivaâyaSivdya, the words kimṁ vahunaâin line 8, and the date at the end, the inscription is in, vérse. As regards orthography, 5 b has throughout been denoted by the sign for v; the palatal sibilant has been employed for thoe dental sibilant in vikasśat and bhaâsśvat, line 1, Sśamkalpa, line 8 3, and ajasśramṁ, line 17; and the dental for the palatal sibilant in sayya, line 17, and vahusrutamṁ, line 21; the dental nasalrfor the lingual or palatal nasal in jirna, line 8, idrikshena, line 15, and kanchana, line 19; y for j in sphuryat, line 1, and jatayutam, line 5; the conjunct jv for for jjv‘in milajvdld, line 1, and ujvala, lincs 10 and 22.Besides, a consonant has been doubled before y or r in proddyat, linc 1, rajjyd, line 15, chittra, lines 7 and 9, vichittra, line 17, pattre, linc 16, and yattra, line 21. And regarding the language and style in general, I may add that the inscription is in every way, inferior to the two other large Khajurhho inscriptions, aud that some of its verses do not admit of a proper construction. The inscription does not record the naine of the composer, nor the names of the writer and engraver.
The inscription is dated, in lino 22, on the full-moon day of the month Karttikaof the year 1058 (expressed by decimal figures only), which, as a year of the Vikrama era, corresponds 19 A.D. 1000-1001. And it records, in lines 19-21, the erection of a temple in honour of (Siva) Vaidyanatha and of a set of buildings for pious Brahmans, by oneKokkala or Kokkalla, the younger brother of Sekkala or Sekkalla, both of whom were sons of Jayadeva, the son of Mahata, who again was the son of Yasobala or Atiyasobala, of the Grahapati family. These personages would appear to have becn small chiefs or nobles dwelling at Khajuraho, and all the inscription says about them, is that Kokkala founded a town, and that Yasobala was settled at the townof Padmavati²⁷¹²Other members of the same family or clan are mentioned in the following inscriptions. So much will be clear from a perusal of. this inscription that the Kokkala or Kokkalla, mentioned here, has nothing to do with Kokalla, the Chedi ruler of Tripurt.

Text¹⁷¹³

L1. ॐनमः शिवाय॥ ²⁷¹⁴स्फूर्य(र्ज)त्फा(त्स्फा)रफणाकलापविकश(स)ड्मीमस्फटाभासुरं ।³⁷¹⁵ भाख(स्व)
त्तारतरात्ति(ति)रेकविलसच्चन्दार्हच्चि(चि)ङ्कीकृतं । प्रोद्यल्लोलविलोचनानलमिलब्बा(ज्ज्वा) लावलीपिङ्गक।
वन्दे सुंद–

**2. रवैद्यनाथविधृतं वन्द्य(न्यं) जटामण्डलं ॥ यस्यप्रेतवन⁴निवासभवनं भूतैःप्रभुत्वंभृशं।भूतिर्भूषणमङ्गरागरचना प्रीतिर्युगान्त (न्तं) प्रति ॥(।) कण्ठेतिष्ठति कालकूटमशिवोप्येवं शिवः
3. स्वस्थितं⁵ । सर्वध्या(व्या)वि(धि)हरश्चराचरधरः पायात्स वः शङ्करः ॥ यं वेदान्तविदो वदन्ति मनस [:^(x)] शं(सं)कल्पभूतं शिवं। व्र(ब्र)ह्मैकंपरमक्षरं तभजरं तं(?) चामरं तद्विदः। अन्येतत्सिवमेव⁶वु(बु)द्धममलं त्व-
4. न्ये जिनं वामनं॥ तस्मैसर्व्वमयैक्यकारणपतेः(?) स(श)⁷र्व्वानित्यं भमः॥ ⁸माहेन्द्रोपेन्दरौद्रज्वरविपममहादुष्टकष्टाभिभूताः भूतैःप्रत्यग्रभूतैः प्रतिदिनमुदितैर्यातुंधानैर्गृही-
5. ताः। धृष्टांगुष्ठप्को्प्ररकोष्टप्रकटितपठिमाटा (टो) पकुष्ठप्रदुष्टा दृष्ट्वानश्यन्त्यनिष्टा [:^(x)]⁹स्फुटविकटज- टायू(जू)टमेते त्वदीयं॥¹⁰आसीदप्रतिमाविमानभवनैराभूषिता भूतले लोकानामधिपेन भू-
6. मिपतिना पद्मोत्थवंशेन या ॥(। )केनापीह निव (वे) शिता कृयुगत्रेतांन्तरे श्रुयते सत्छा(च्छा)स्त्रे पठिता पुरा[ण^(x)]पटुभिः पद्मावती प्रोच्यते सौधोत्तुङ्गपतङ्गलंघनपथप्रीत्तुङ्गमालांकुला शुभ्रा-
7. भ्रंकषपाखुरीञ्चशिखरप्राकारचित्रम्व(म्ब)रा ॥(I) प्रालेयाम(च)लशृंगसंन्नि(नि)भशुभप्रासादसद्मावती भव्यापूर्वमभूदपूर्वरचना या नाम पद्नावती ॥ त्वङ्गत्तुङ्गतुरङ्गमोङ्गमक्षु(खु)रक्षोदाद्रजः प्रो

[दं] तंयस्यां जीर्न(र्ण)कठोरवभ्रु(स्त्र?)मकरोत्कूर्मोदराभं, नभः॥(।) मत्तानेककरालकुंभिकरटप्रोत्कृष्टदृह्या[ह्मु]त[ यु] क्तं कर्दममुद्रया क्षितितलं तां व्रु(ब्रु)त किं संस्तुमः॥ किं [व(ब)हु]ना। तस्यां¹¹ ग्रहपतिवंशस्तं- व(ब)क -
— —¹²प्यदूषितो जातः [I^(x)] कोटिगुणोश्रतनमितः प्रथितोतियशोव(ब)लः श्रीमां(मा)न्‌॥¹³ यद्याभवन्निजभुजार्जितचित्रकीर्तिरुत्तंभिता[प्त]कुलमूलतरुप्रकाण्डः[।^(x)] भ्रुभंगकामुककटाक्षशराभिधांतमा [त्त] प्र-
10 — परिपातितशत्रुदण्डः॥ यः शुभ्रविभ्रमशशाङ्ककरप्रतानकान्त्युज्व (ज्ज्व)लोत्पलजलप्रव(ब)लांस्तडागान्॥(।)देवालयानपि हिम(मा)चले(ल)शृङ्गतुङ्गाश्चकरेश[ तक्र ] तुकृती स यशोव(ब)लाख्य -
[: ॥ तस्म]दभूदभिमताखिलव (ब)न्धुवर्गो दुर्गतृ(त्र)वग(र्ग)फलनिर्मललव्ध(ब्ध) सौख्यः ॥(।) सत्कीर्त्ति-कीर्त्तनक[था ]परिगद्यमान[माहात्य]मोदितजनः किल [मा] हृटा [ख्य]:॥ तस्यात्मजः¹⁴स्वजनसर्वजनात्क-
— शङ्कापमानपरिमार्जनसज्जकार्यः ॥(।) ¹⁵मर्यादमुद्दृतगभीरिम[या]व्धि(ब्धि)तुल्यै— ——[र्गु]रुगभीर [रा]शिः श्रीमानभूत्सुकृतकृज्जयदे[वना]मा॥ कान्त्या¹⁶शीतकरात्समी -
[हित^(x)] फलावाप्तौ च कल्पदूमादालोको दिवसाधिपादिव ततो जज्ञेसुतः सेक्कलः[I^(x)] विद्वानप्रतिमप्रतापतरणिःख्यातः सतामग्रणी[:^(x)] सत्यत्यागपराक्रमैकवसतिर्मानी धनैरन्वि[तः॥^(x)]¹⁷
[स^(x)]हीरत्वादलंक्ष्य¹⁸प्रथितपृथुककुप्रा(प्प्रा) न्तविश्रान्तकीर्त्तिः स्त्यागे¹⁹कर्ण्णोपम(मा)नः कटुकपटव- क्षोभाषणे चाप्रग[ल्म][1^(x)] [स)]द्यः सौजन्यजन्यप्रकटित[महिमारा]तिवर्ग्गस्य दुर्ग्गःश्रीमानु -
— [व?]र्ग्गहित — ——[से? ]²⁰कलोभूत्‌॥ ²¹उद्यहोरगभीरराज्ज्यजलधेः पारे समुत्तारि[तमीदृक्षेन(ण)?]महीभुजा निजतनुं [यं प्रा?]प्य पोतं परं । श्रीसेक्कल्लमतुल्ला [ कु]ल्ला-**

…………………………………………………………………………………………………….

Originally वने.
5.These three aksharas and the word शिवःat the end,of the preceding line are quite clear in the impressions, butthey give no sense. One expects something like शिवो यःस्मितः.
These aksharas, too, are quite distinct;I would suggest तं शिवमेव.
This correction is not absolutely necessary,because the word is spelt both शर्वand सर्व; and the verse evidently containsa play on the word सर्व.
8.Metre, Sragdharâ.
9.This sign of visarga is not absolutely necessary.
10.Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita, and of the two next verses.
Metre, Âryâ.
This akshara lookslike मे..
Metre, Vasantatilakâ; and of the next three verses,
This verse contains five Pâdas insteadof four.
The akshara actually given here are quite clear but Iam unable to make out any connected sense.
Metre,Śârdûlavikrîḍita.
The aksharas within these brackets are entirely gone.
Metre, Sragdharâ.
Reade कीर्त्तिस्थागे.
Of this akshara only the upper portion is visible.
Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita.

16 रुचिरं किं तत्रवस्तु स्तुमः॥²²तस्यानुजोपि[सौं]दर्यमर्या [दौ]दार्यकार्यवान्‌। यौवनेप्यार्यचरितः श्रीकोक्कक्केतिविश्रुतः। (॥) यः²³सत्पात्रेददा-

- ~ ~+ ~ ~~“ –~–~- 7 - - – नमत्रंवरवसनशतान्यशस (श)य्यासनानि। च्छ(क्व)त्रोपानद्विचित्रासनभवनमहाधान्यदानान्यजश्रं(स्रं) स श्रीमान्कोङ्कला [ख्यो] भववदिहकुमरः²⁴की -
९. — [न्ध]र्मकर्मा॥ प्रशस्तसम²⁵~ ५, —- VU <“ - ५ -’- > तं महार्हगुरुतोरणं शिखरिशृङ्गतुङ्गालयं। विचित्रमतिभूषणोच्छ्रितलन्महागोपुरं पुरन्दरपुरप्रभं पुस्मचोकरत्कोक्कलः॥ते²⁶ -
नायं तुहिनाचलाम्लमहाकूटाग्र[का?] - «~ oO - - - ~ ~ - ~ - व्धि(ब्धि) गहनोत्तारार्थिना कारितः।यस्यात्युच्छ्रितकंन्च(ञ्च)नाण्डकलस [स्मा] र्त्तण्डचण्डप्रभासंपर्कादभवद्वितानममलं श्रीवैद्यनाथप्र-
भो[:॥^(x)] [य]स्य²⁷द्वा[रे]तिवस्तुाततमिव दिवो द्वारमुग्रा- = - – - ~ — [क्तं] गगन इव समुड्डीय ग[च्छ]द्वि[भाति] \। य[न्म]न्येवैद्यनाथो यदभिनवभवद्राममंस्थापितोतस्तस्यार्थे पुष्पकंतत्प्रहितमिव
>- स्तोरणीभूय भाति॥ यत्र²⁸वेदविदुषां द्विजन्मनां सा - UU ~ ० ~ क्रमं । वहुतकर्मसुरतं व(ब)हुस्रु(श्रु)तंतेन वृन्दमनघं निवेशितं॥²⁹उद्दामात्मविवेकसेकजनितश्रेयोलसत्पल्लवा शख-
~ < < पोषितद्विजगणा सद्वृत्तपुष्पोज्व(ज्ज्व)ला। यस्येलाविपुलालवालवलयात्सत्कीर्त्तिवल्लीमही[भृ ]द्दण्डानधिरुह्यमण्डपमिव व्र(ब्र)ह्माणडमारोहति॥ संवत्‌ १०५८ कार्त्तिक्यां श्रीकोक्कलेन[॥^(x)]

TRANSLATION.

Om!

Adoration to Śiva !

(Line1.) I adore the adorable coil of matted hair carried by the beautiful. Vaidyanâtha, (which is) irradiated by the expanding terrible hoods of a multitude of hissing broad serpents ;³⁰marked with the half-moon which is excessively shining, more brilliantly than the sun; (and) yellowish, when in contact with theline of flames of the fire issuing forth from his tremulous eye.
(2.) May that Śaṁkara who takes away all disease (and) supports the movable and immovable, protect you!—he, whose dwelling-place isthe cemetery, who holds mighty sway over goblins, who applies ashes to his body to decorate it, who delights in the destruction of the world, (and) on whose neck there is a deadly poison,—(but) who, although thus inauspicious, remains the auspicious (Śiva)!
(3.) Adoration be always to that Śarva, who causes all (gods) to be comprehended in (his) one (person) !—he, whom those acquainted with the end of the Veda call Śiva, the desire of the mind, while people of true knowledge call him the one supreme

…………………………………………………………………………..

22 Metre Śloka (Anushṭubh).
23Metre, Śragdharâ.

24 This word, which is quite clear in the original, appearsto be used for कुमारः

25 Metre, Pṛithvî.

26 Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita.

27 Metre, Śragdharâ.

28 Metre, Rathoddhatâ.

29Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita.

30 The original has फणा‘the hood of a serpent,’ but one expects a word meaning ‘a serpent’; compare, e.g. line 1 of the grant of Vâkpatirâja, in Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p.160.

Brahman, the indestructible, ageless, immortal, others the verily auspicious Buddha, (and) others again the spotless Vâmana, the triumphant (Jina). !

(4.) People overcome with severe distress (brought about) by violent fever (sent) by the great Indra (?) or by Vishnṇu, (and) those seized again and again by goblins and by evilspirits that show themselves day hby day, (and) those afflicted with leprosy, which displays its fierce maight by sore thumbs and fore-arms, (all) these are freed from evil when they set eyes on thy clearly shown uncouth twisted tresses of hair.

(5.) There was on the sutrface of the cearth a matchless (ftown), decorated with lofty palaces, which is recorded fto have been founded here between the golden Aand silver ages by some ruler of the earth, a lord of the people, who wasof Brahman’s race, (a town which is) read of in histories (?) (and) called Padmaâvattî by people versed in the Puriiânas.

(6.) This most excellent (town) named Padmiâvatiî, built in an unprecedented manner, was crowded with lofty rows of streets of palaces, in which tall horses were curvetting: with its shining white high-topped walls, which grazed the clouds, it irradiated the sky; (and) it was full of bright palatial dwellipngs that resembled the peaks of the snowy mountain.

(7.)Tell us, need we praise that (town) in which the dust raised up by the pounding of the hoofs of galloping tall horses made the sky, covered (as it were) with “an old worn-out cloth, look like the belly of a tortoise, while the ground in a wonderful manner was furnished with a coating of mud by the rain emitted from the checks of many infuriated formidable celephants ? What need we say more ?

(8.)In that (dtown) there was born. . . . . of (?) the Grahapati family . . . . .undefiled, the famous illustrious Atiyasśobala, bowed down to by pceople who excelled by first-rate qualities; who by his own arm acquired wondrous fame ; supported, like excellent trees, the families of friends and dependants; (and) threw down the forces of enemices . . . . . . by striking with arrows which wore the glances fond of his knitted brows (?).

Hewho built tanks full of water, in which the lotuses shone with the loveliness of the spreading rays of the bright-lustred moon, and temples high like the peaks of the Himfâlaya, he, successful like Indra, was called Yaśobala.

(11.)From him was born (ason) named Maâhatṭa, who honoured the whole body of relatives, who, by (attaining) the difficult-to-be-obtainced fruit of the three objects of life⁷¹⁶,in a blameless manner secured for himself happiness, (and) who indeed delighted the people by his high-mindedness which was proclaimed by tales in praise of his good fame.

(12.)His son was the illustrious Jayadeva, a performer of good deeds, whose actions were able to remove . . . . fear and dishonour from his own and from all people. . . . . .(?).

(13.) From him, who by his loveliness wasthe moon, and, as regards the attainment of the objects of men’s desires, a tree of paradise, there was born, as the light proceeds from the lord of the day, a son (named) Sekkala, who was learned, a sun of unparalleled majesty, famous, foremost among the good, the sole habitation of truth, liberality, and bravery, self-confident, (and) endowed with wealth.

On account of his manliness not to be insulted with fame which spread tothe ends of the broad regions, in munificence like Karṇa, and not conversant with hurtful or deceitful speech, the illustrious Sekkala at once showed his greatness both by his benevolence and in battle, was difficult of approach for the host of enemies, and. . . . . . . (?).

[The next versealso refers to Sekkala (whose name is spelt here-Sekkalla), who appears to be described as a boat for crossing the ocean ofroyal government. But the verse is incomplete, and I am unable to derive from the words actually remaining any connected meaning.]

(16.) His younger brother, too, endowed with beauty, propriety of conduct, generosity,and activity, and already in youth of noble conduct, is famous as the illustrious Kokkalla.

He who on worthy recipients incessantly bestowed . . . . . . . . . food, hundreds of excellent dresses, horses, couches, and seats, dwelling-places accompanied by umbrellas and shoes, aud great donations of grain, that was here the illustrious Kokkala, a youth (?). . . ..engaged in works of piety.

Kokkala caused to be built a wonderful town which,. . . . . .furnished with big archways of great value, (and) with dwellings high like mountain-peaks, (and) with highly decorated lofty shining great gates, resembled the city of Indra.

(19.) Desirous of crossing the deep ocean . . . . . , he caused to be erected this (temple, high like ?) the spotless great peaks of the mountain of snow, the lofty golden dome of which, becauseit is in contact with the fierce splendour of the sun, became aspotless canopy for the glorious lord Vaidyanâtha.

[The next verse, which is incomplete, appears to describe certain buildings close to the temple, which Kokkala erected for pious Brâhmans].

Here he settled a faultless very learned crowd of twice-born who knew the Vedas. . . . . ..(and) delighted in the six duties (enjoined on Brâhamans).

(21.)The creeper of his good fame, the sprouts of which are shining with prosperity produced by the sprinkling of his boundless discernment, (and) . . . . . . which nourishes (like groups of birds) crowds of twice-born, (and) is beautified, as by flowers, by good conduct, rising above the lines of princes (as above mountains), ascends from the wide round basin of the earth up into the universe, as if it were an arbour.
The year 1058, on the full-moon day of Karttika. By the illustrious Kokkala.

THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM IMAGES IN THE JAINA TEMPLES.

VI.

This incomplete inscription is in a single line, 5^(¼”)long. The size of the letters isabout ^(5/8”).The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. The inscription contains merely the words: “The Sreshṭhin, the illustrious Pâṇidhara, in the Grahapati family.”

The Grahapati family, mentioned here and in the two following inscriptions, is also mentioned in line 8 of the preceding inscription of Kokkala, No. V.

Text.

¹⁷¹⁷ [ग्र*]हपत्यन्वये श्रेष्ठिश्रीपाणिधर [॥*]

VII

This is another inscription ina single line, 2’ lotg.n The size of the letto ers is about 3’.½".The characters are Na âgari, and the language is Sanskr ṛit. The inscriptioncontains the words: “Om ! In the Grahapati family, the Sreshthin PAnidhara;Śreshthin Pâṇdharahig s sons, the Sreshthin ŚreshthinTrivikrama, and ÂAlhan ṇa, (and) Lakshmi îdhara;” and the date “the year 1208 5 (which, as a year of the Vikrama era, corresponds to A.D. 11 47-48), the 5th day of the dark half of (the month) Ma âgha.”

Text.

ओं²⁷¹⁸ ॥ प्रग्रहपत्यन्वये श्रेष्ठिपाणिधरस्तस्य सुत श्रेष्ठिति(ति)(त्रि)विक्रम तथा आल्हण। लक्ष्मीधर॥ संवत्‌ १२०५। माघ वदि५॥

VIII. .

** **This inscription³⁷¹⁹is on the base of a Jaina imagoe and is in a single line, divided into two parts by a boss: the first part is 1’ 7¼” and the second 1’ 5½” long. The size of the, letters is about 3/8”. The characters areNaágari, and the language is Sanskrit.

The inscription is dated in the year 1215 (which, as a year of tho Vikrama era, corresponds to A.D. 1157-58), on the 5th day of the bright half of (the month) Ma âgha, in the prosperous reign of victory of the illustrious Madanavarmadeva. And it records that the statue on which the inscription is, was caused to be set up by the Sa ádhu 88110, Sâlhethe son of Paâhilla, who was the son of the SreshthinŚreshthin Dedu,ûof the Grahapati family; and adds that the sons of Saâlhe, Mahaâganṇa, Mahiîchandra, Sirichandra, Jinachandra, Udayachandra, and the rest, always bow down to Sambhavana âtha. The name of the artizan was Ra âmadeva. The name Pa âhilla we have met before, in inscription No. III.

TEXT.

ओ^(4⁷²⁰)॥ संवत्‌ १२१५ माघ सुदि ५ श्रोमस्मदनवर्म्मप्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्ये श्रीमन्मदनवर्म्मदेवप्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्ये॥ ग्रहपतिवंमे से(शे) श्रेष्ठिदेदू श्रष्ठिदेदू तत्पुपाहिल्लः।श्रेष्ठिढेदूतत्पुत्रपाहिम्मः। पाहिल्लां म्मांगरुहसाधुसाल्हे [ते]भेदं (यं) प्रतिमा कारितीति ॥ ॥ तत्पुत्राः महागण। महीचंद्र। सि[रि] चंद्र। जिनचंद्र।उदयचंद्रप्रद्धति⁵⁷²¹। भृति। संभवनाथंप्रणंमति⁶⁷²² नित्यं॥ मंग[लं] महाश्री[:*] ॥ रूपकाररामदेव[:*]॥

XX.—THE TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE VAILLABHATTASVAMIN TEMPLE

AT GWALIOR.

Bx E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; BANGALORE.

The two subjoined inscriptions¹⁷²³are engraved on a small monolittic temple, which is situated on a turn of the road leading up to the Gwalior Fort.The temple was described by General Cunningham, according to whom it is now called the Chaturbhuja Temple.²⁷²⁴Thefirst inscription, which is engraved over the front door of the temple, seems to have hitherto remained unnoticed.A rough transcript and translation of the second inscription, which is found inside the temple on the left wall³⁷²⁵was published by Dr. Râjendralâla Mitra.⁴⁷²⁶ My transcripts of the two inscriptions were made from mechanical copies taken during a visit to Gwalior in 1885.
The first inscription consists of 27 Sanskrit verses and must have been composed by an ingenious paṇḍit, who was well versed in alaṁkâra, His extravagant hyperboles will appear startling and amusing even to one accustomed to the usual kâvya style. We learn from the inscription that the Vishṇu temple containing it was built by a certain Alla, the son of Vâïllabhaṭṭa and grandson of Nâgarâbhaṭṭa, and that it was consecrated in the year982 (in words). Nâgarabhaṭṭa belonged to the Varjâra family and had, immigrated from Ânandapura in Lâṭamaṇḍala, i.e. Vaḍnagar in Gujarât. Vâïllabhaṭṭa had been chief of the boundaries (maryâdâ-dhurya) or margrave in the service of (king) Râmadeva (verse7). Alla succeeded his father in office (v. 11), and ’ was appointed to the guardianship of Gopâdri, i.e. of the Gwalior Fort, by (king) Śrîmad-Âdivarâha (v. 22).
The second inscription is written in incorrect Sanskrit prose and dated in the year 983 (in words and figures), at Śrî-Gopagiri (i.e. the Gwalior Fort) and during the reign of the parameśvara Bhojadeva. Alla is here directly called the guardian of the fort (koṭṭapâla) of Gopagiri. The inscription records four donations to two temples, which had been built by Alla, the son of Vâïllabhaṭṭa, The donee of the first grant was the Navadurgâ Temple situated beyond the Vṛiśchikâlâ river; this is probably another name of the river Subanrikh5⁷²⁷ (Suvarṇarekhâ ?) at Gwalior. The two donees of the three remaining grants were the same Navadurgâ Temple and “the Vishṇu temple called Vâïllabhaṭṭa-svâmin, which Alla had likewise caused to be built on the descent of the road of the illustrious Bhojadeva.” By this we have to understand the temple, at which both inscriptions are found. It had evidently received its name in commemoration of Vâïllabhaṭṭa, the father of its founder. The four donations were made by the inhabitants of ‘the place” (sthâna), i.e. the ancient town of Gwalior, which lies on the eastern side of tho fort. They consisted of a piece of land for a flower-garden, two fields, a monthly supply of lamp-oil to be made by the guild of oil-millers, and a monthly supply of flower-garlands to be made by the guild of the gardeners,

who dwelt on the top of the Gwalior Fort (Śrî-Gopagiri-talopari). The inscription mentions several other localities, which I am unable to identify, viz. Chûḍâpallikâ, Jayapurâka, Śrî-Sarveśvarapura, Śrîvatsasvâmipura, Chachchikâhaṭṭikâ and Nimbâdityahaṭṭikâ. It deserves to be noted, that at the time of the inscription the measure of length was “royal yards” (pârameśvarîya-hasta) and that of capacity“droṇas according to the measure of Gwalior ” (Gopagirîya-mâpyena).
The first inspription mentions two kings, viz. Râmadeva, the contemporary of Vâïllabhaṭṭa, and Śrîmad-Âdivarâha, the contemporary of Alla. At the time of the second inscription the ruler of Gwalior was the parameśvara Bhojadeva.Another inscription of a parameśvara Bhojadeva was discoveredby General Cunningham at Deogarh.Its date, Saṁvat 919 and Śaka 784, led General Cunningham to suppose that the date of the second Gwalior inscription, Saṁvat 933, has to be referred to the Vikrama era, Referring the date of an inscription at Peheva, Saṁvat276, to the era of Śrîharsha, General Cunningham further identified the parameśvara Bhojadeva of the Deogarh inscription and of the second Gwalior inscription with the parameśvara Bhojadeva, the son of the parameśvara Râmabhadradeva.⁷This supposition is corroborated by the first Gwalior inscription, as theRâmadevawhom it mentions as a contemporary of Vâïllabhaṭṭa, seems to be identical with the Râmabhadradeva of the Peheva inscription. Śrîmad-Âdivarâha in the first Gwalior inscription I take to, be a biruda of Bhojadeva himself. Thus we have the following names and dates:—

1. Parameśvara Râmabhadradeva (Peheva inscription) or Râmadeva (Gwalior inscription No. 1).
2. His son, parameśvara Bhojadeva (Deogarh, Gwalior No. 2, and Peheva) orŚrîmad-Âdivarâha (Gwalior No. 1). Dates: A.D. 862 (Deogarh), 875 (Gwalior No. 1), 876 (Gwalior No. 2), and 882 (Peheva).

As lately shown by Mr. Fleet, tho mahârâja Bhojadeva, son of the mahârâja Râmabhadradeva, who is mentioned in two copper-plate grants from Mahodaya, is distinct from the above-mentioned parameśvara Bhojadeva.^(8)Another identification of General Cunningham’s is also uncertain, as Kalhaṇa’s Râjataraṁgiṇi(V. 151) does not seem to mention a king Bhoja, but a king of the Bhojas (Bhojâdhirâja), as a contemporary of Śaṁkaravarman of Kaśmîr.^(9)

^(————————————————————————–)
^(6) Ibid. vol. X, p. 101.

^(7) Jour. As. Soc, Beng. vol. XXXIII, p. 229; Cunningham’s Archaeol. Survey of India, vol. II, p. 224; vol. 1X, pp. 84 and 102. The inscription reads: paramabhat {araka-maharajdhiraja-paramesvara-Sri-Ramabhadra-deva-padanudhyata-paramabhataraka-maharadhiraja-paramesvara-sri-Bhojadeva-padanam-abhipravardhamana-kalyana-vijaya-rjye-samvatsara-Satadvaye shatsaplatyadhike vaisakhamasa-Suklapaksha-saptamyamsamvat 276 vaisakha Sudi 7.The apparent breaks in the facsimile (Jowr. As. Suc. Beng. vol. XXXII) arive from the overlapping parts not having been properly pasted together.

8 Ind. Ant. vol. XV, p.110. From Professor Kielhorn’s introduction to the Siyadoni, inscription (infra) it appears that the paramesvara Bhojadeva of the Deogarh, Gwalior, and Peheva inscriptions was a kingof Mahodaya or Kanyakubja the Qannaujof Firdausi?, and the modern Kanauj; and that ,his successor, the paramesvara Mahendrapala-deva was ruling in A.D. 903. Among the coins which are mentioned in the Styadoni inscription, is the Srimad-adivaraha-dramma. This coin was évidently named after Srimad-Adivarah a, the biruda of Bhojadeva. General Cunningham, in Aroh. Survey of India, vol. I, p. 329, identifies it with a base silver coin, which beara on the obverse a representation of the boar incarnation ard on the reverse tho legend Srimad-Adivardha , The ovin is engraved in Marsden’s Numismata Orientalia, pl. liii, No. mccxix. It is frequently met with ia Northern India :—Conf. Cunningham’s Arch, Surrey of India, vol, VI, p. 137, apd loc.cit.

^(9) The rending adopted by Mr. Fleet, भृत्वैभूते यक्कियकान्वये, is confirmed by my Kasmir MS. The DeccanCollege MS. reads: भृ-भूते यक्किकयान्वये

FIRST INSCRIPTION

TEXT.

(L. 1.) ओं[॥^(x)] कालिन्द्याः किंजलौघो घनतिमिरनिभो जाह्नवीस्प्रर्द्वया नः प्रोद्यातः किन्न⁷²⁸भूयो गगनतलगतिं विन्ध्यसानुर्व्विहन्तुं।चिक्रंसोर्यस्य दृष्ट्वाचरणमति⁷²⁹चिरं सप्तयो नैव पूष्णोजग्मुः क्षोभादिवोश्चैर्व्रभसि स मधुजिष्ठन्तु वः कल्मषाणि ॥ [१^(x)] अतिललितलाटमण्डलतिलकानन्दपुरनिर्ग्गतो गुणवान्‌। वर्ज्जारान्वयनागरभट्टकुमारोभवद्येन॥ [२^(x)] वादल्लभट्टनामा तनयोजनि जनितजनचमत्कारो⁷³⁰। न युधिष्टिरोप्यकार्षीद्यः सहनकुलेनसत्प्रीतिं॥ [३^(x)] `

(2.) परिभाषादि⁷³¹ज्ञानं वैयाकरणस्य यस्य परमासीत्‌। कर्मोपधाविकारौ न कदाचिद्वाचकौ⁷³²भूतौ॥ [४^(x)] सुशुभ्रतां व्याप्तदिगन्तरत्दमासाद्य दुग्धाव्धिरगाधताञ्च।जिगं⁷³³ सयोर्ध्वञ्चयशःपयोधिमाहास्त यस्यातितरां तरङ्गैः॥ [५^(x)] धनदीपि न प्रमत्तो ध्वस्तसमस्तसविषोपि न विरूपः। रत्नाकरोपि न जडो यो नाशोकोपि रागिष्ठः। [६^(x)] श्रीरामदेवकार्ये मर्यादाधुर्यतामलङ्घयता। येन विशुद्धंयुद्धेनिजकुलवत्प्रकटितं नाम ॥ [७^(x)] किम्वहुना यस्यगुणाः कथयितुमपि नैव यान्ति मादृक्षैः।

(3.) मानाधिकमम्वुयतो घटकोव्धावपि न गृह्नाति⁷³⁴॥ [८^(x)] लक्षींसुरारिर्न्नगजाञ्चशभुः शचीं यथेन्द्रोथतथा सुशीलां। कुलोङ्गतां कासरकीयविष्णोस्मुतां स कान्तां समवायजज्जां॥ [९^(x)]व्यपगतमदमोहजालसङ्गः कृतचरितैकरतः प्रसन्नमूर्त्तिः। परिहृतखलसङ्गमः सुतोल्लःसकलकलाकुशलो बभूव ताभ्यां ॥ [१०^(x)] न पितुर्धुरोधिकारी पुत्रोभुक्तश्चिदप्यमून्शब्दन्‌¹⁷। श्रोतुमशहोनोहे धूस्तेन न विषयलुब्धेन ॥ [११^(x)] दुग्धाब्धेरिव मूर्त्तिर्यस्य सदा दानवारिपरिपूता। कमलालिङ्गितवपुषः प्रजापतेरिव तनुर्यस्य ॥ [१२^(x)]

(4.) हर इववृषविहितात्थोदोषासङ्गं न भानुरिव मेने। मधुरिपुरिव यस्मंततमाक्रान्तविपक्षसङ्गातः॥ [१३^(x)] यस्य परार्थासक्तासततं परिदृश्यते मतिर्नूनं। निर्ल्लोभत्वं तस्य हि जातं खलु यत्तदाश्चर्यं॥[१४^(x)] सन्त्थक्तपरकलत्रोधर्म्मैकरतोपि सर्व्वदावश्यं। निजवनितापरितुष्टोप्यभिलषितसुहृज्जनप्रमदः॥ [१५^(x)] अवलोक्यवक्षकमलं यस्य शशी स्वोदयेपि मलविकलं। कर्त्तुमनीशः किञ्चित्प्रतिक्षणं क्षीयतेद्यापि ॥ [१६^(x)] अकरोद्यश्चविकल्पंव्याख्यानविधौनदानविषयेषु।

(5.) संग्रामस्य न योभूत्पराङ्मुखः परकलत्रस्य॥ [१७^(x)] स्थैर्यंवचसि न रोषे स्पृष्टो विजयैर्न्न जातु कलिकलुषैः। यस्याभवदालस्यं पापेषु न राजकार्येषु ॥ [१८^(x)] धर्म्मार्ज्जने च लोभो न कदाचित्परधनेषु विविधेषु। यस्य त्वविवेकित्वं मित्रेषु न वुद्धिविभवेषु॥ [१९^(x)] दारिद्रं हरतार्थिनो रिपुजनाल्लर्क्ष्मामनो योषितः⁷³⁵रूपं पञ्चशरादगाधपयसो गाम्भीर्यमंभोनिधेः। चित्रंयेन विचारचारूमनसामाचारमातन्वता सव्वत्त्रैव जनापवादरहितं चौर्यं प्रकाशीकृतं ॥ [२०^(x)]

(6.) कुर्व्वीतयदि विधाता कर्ण्णानामपि सहस्रमहिपस्व। श्रुत्वाथ तद्गुणौधान्वदनशतैः शक्नुयाद्वक्तुं॥ [२१^(x)] श्रीमदादिवराहेण त्रैलोक्यं विजिगीषुणा। तद्गुवुणान्यः परिज्ञाय कृतो गोपाद्रिपालने॥ [२२^(x)]कन्हुकदुहिता वव्वा येष्टतरामाप सोमटां तनयां। भट्टसुतान्यागोग्गापरा महादेवजा गौरो ॥[२३^(x)] गोवर्द्धनजा सिल्लानश्नकतनयेसटा च येनोढा [;।^(x) ] वव्वादीनां स्वस्य च पुन्यस्य⁷³⁶विहश्ये महता ॥ [२४^(x) ] सिद्धेर्व्वर्त्मसमं भवाव्धितरणे य -

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1 7 Read ०मृङ्गष्टान्‌.

(7.)द्यानपात्रं महद्वीजंधर्म्मतरोरनन्तफलदं स्थानं श्रियः साश्वतःं⁷³⁷। टङ्कोत्कीर्ण्णयशोनिधानमिव यन्नामाक्षरैरङ्गितं तेनाकारिविकारशून्यमनसाविष्णोरिदं मन्दिरं॥ [२५^(x)] दधति जलमगाधं सागरा यावदुच्चैर्गिरिरयमपि वोढा यावदभ्रंकषस्य। शिरसि शिखरराशेः स्थेयसीश्लाघारूपास्थगयतु भुवि कीर्त्तीरोदसी तावदेषा॥ [२६^(x)]॥ नवसु शतेष्वब्दानांद्वा⁷³⁸चिन्मं⁷³⁸ त्संयुतेषुवैशाखे। रम्येस्मिन्नेकशिले विष्णुर्भक्त्याप्रतिष्ठितो भवने॥ [२७^(x)]॥

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ. (Verse 1.) May that Vishṇu destroy your sins, having seen whose foot, when he was going to stride (the three worlds), the horses of the sun did not pacethe lofty sky for along time, as they seemed to be afraid, that, vying with theGaṅgâ, theflood of the waters of the Yamunâ, which resembles dense darkness, or that the ridgeof theVindhya (mountain) had risen again, in order to obstruct their path in the heavenly sphere!
(Vv. 2 & 3.) There was a virtuous youth, Nâgarabhaṭṭa of the Varjâra family, who had come from Ânandapura, the ornament of the lovely Lâṭamaṇḍala. He begat a son, Vâïllabhaṭṭa by name, who excited the admiration of the people, as he was constant in battle (yudhishṭhira), but did not conclude a true friendship with low people (nakula), (while Yudhishṭhira was a true friend of his younger brother Nakula).
(4.) As a grammarian hepossessed an intimate knowledge of the explanatory rules, &c.; but the results of deeds in former births (karman) or of tricks (upadhâ) never gave him trouble.²²
(5.) The milk-ocean, which has a deep-white colour, which fills all quarters and which is unfathomable, loudly challenged with its waves the high sea of his fame, trying (in vain) to equal (itsheight).
(6.) He was liberal (or Kuvera), but not inattentive (or not Varuṇa);²³a de- stroyer of all snakes (or Garuḍa), but not ugly (or bird-shaped); a mine of jewels (or the ocean), but not stupid (orcold); and without sorrow (or an aśoka tree), but not impassioned (or red).
(7.) While, in the service of the illustrious Râmadeva, he never transgressed his duty of chief of the boundaries, he, like his ancestors, proclaimed his spotless name in battles ( for which he had to transgress the boundaries of the realm).
(8.) Why say more ?.His virtues cannot even be told by people like myself; for even from the occan a pot cannot receive more water than its measure.
(9.) As Vishṇu (look) Lakshmî, as Śiva (took) the mountain-daughter and as Indra (took) Śachî, thus he took for his wife the virtuous and noble Jajjâ, the daughter of Kâsarakîya-Vishṇu.
(10.) These two had a son (called) Alla, to whom the net of conceit and delusion had ceased to be attached, whose only aim was, that his deeds might be (worthy of)
…………………………………………………….
23 Pakshe, the two words karman and upadhâhave to be taken in their grammatical meaning, “ passive voice’ and “penultimate letter.” I do not know to which paribhâshâthe author alludes.

23 Professor Kielhorn has favoured me with the following explanation of the words dhanadopi na pramatto : “Iwould compare Vâsavadattâ, p. 111: dhanadenâpi prachetasâ. At least na pramatta isthe same asprachetas, and Ishould almost think, that the anthor of the inscription remembered the quotation from Vâsavadattâ:—Dhanada (Kuvera) is not prachetas (Varuṇa), hence pramatta ; Vâillabhaṭṭa is not pramatta, hence prachetas (attentive).”

the Kṛita (age) ; who possessed a gracious appearance, who avoided the intercourse with the wicked and who was skilled in all arts.
(11.) He (continued) to bear the burden (of his father’s office), not because he was desirous of worldly (power), (but) because he could not bear to hear it said, that a son had never becn up to his father’s affairs.
(12.) As the milk-occan by the rutting-juice (of elephants), he-was continually purified by the water (poured out) at donations, and as Prajâpati-by the lotus (that rose from Vishṇu’s navel), he was embraced by the goddess of prosperity.
(13.) He constantly took care of meritorious gifts, as Śiva of his bull; he avoided the touch of sin, as the sun the touch of the evening; and he stepped on the crowd of his enemies, as Vishṇu on the flapping wings of his bird (Garuḍa).
(14.) It is indeed wonderful that he has remained free from covetousness, although’ his mind is always observed to be attached to the highest truth (or apparently : to the property of others).
(15.) Although he avoided the wives of others, took delight only in virtue and was satisfied with his ownwives, he constantly and by all means desired the pleasure (or apparently : the wives) of his friends.
(16.) Having perceived the lotus-face of this man, the moon is even now waning a little in every moment, because even ‘at her riseshe is unable to free (herself) from spoṭs (while he is spotless).
(17.) He gave alternatives, when he had to furnish a commentary, but made no distinction between the recipients of his gifts, and turned away from another’s wife, but not from battle.
(18.) He stuck to his word, but not to anger, was covered with (the fame of) victories, but not in the slightest with the sins of the Kali (age), and was slow (when he was afraid) to sin, but not in the affairs of the king.
(19.) He was desirous of acquiring spiritual merit, but never of another’s property of any kind, and made no distinction between his friends, but knew how to judge the degree of intelligence (of others).
(20.) Curiously enough, he who led the conduct of those whose minds appear refined to mental observation, openly carricd on robbery of all kinds, without meeting the blame of the world; for he robbed the beggar of his poverty, the enemy of his prosperity, woman of her heart, Cupid of his beauty, and the unfathomable ocean of its depth.
(21.) Even if the Creator had bestowed a thousand ears on the king of serpents, would then the latter be able to hear the floods of virtues of that man and to enumerate them with his hundreds of mouths ?
(22.) Having observed his virtues, the illustrious Âdivarâha and who wished to conquer the three worlds, appointedshim to the guardianship of Gopâdri.
(Vv. 23 to 25.) This great and passionless man, who had married Vavvâ, the daughter of Kanhuka and mother of (his) favourite daughterSomaṭâ, further Goggâ, the daughter of Bhaṭṭa, then Gaurî, the daughter of Mahâdeva, Sillâ, the daughter of Govardhana, and Îsaṭâ, the daughter of Nannaka, built, for the increase of the spiritual merit of Vavvâ, &c., and of himself, this temple of Vishṇu, which is an even path to beatitude, a great ship for crossing the ocean of existences, the seed of the tree

INSCRIPTIONS OF VAILLABHATTASVAMIN TEMPLE AT GWALIOR.

of spiritual merit, which bears endless fruit²⁴, the permanent abode of the goddess of prosperity and, so to say, a receptacle of (his) fame, cutby the chisel, and marked with the syllables of (his) name.
(26.) As long as the oceanswill contain unfathomable water and as long as this lofty mountain will bear on its head a mass of peaks, which touch the clouds, so long may this beautiful temple²⁵ stand on earth and cover the two worlds (with its fame).
(27.) In the year ninehundred and thirty-two, in Vaiśâkha, (a statue of) Vishṇu was reverently placed in this lovely temple, which consists of a single piece of rock.

                     SECOND INSCRIPTION.

TEXT.

(L.1.) ओंनमो विष्णवे॥ सम्बत्सरशतेषुनवसु त्त्रयस्त्रिङ्श⁷³⁹दधिकेषु माघशुक्लद्वितीयायां सं ९३३ माघशुदि २ अद्येहश्रीगोपगिरौस्वामिनि।
(2) परमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवे तदधिकृत⁷⁴⁰कोट्टपाल अल्लेवलाधिकृत⁷⁴¹तत्तके स्थानाधिकृत श्रेष्ठिवव्वियाक (।)इच्छुवाक (।) सार्थवाहप्रमुख सव्विया -
(3)कानां वारे। समस्तस्थानेन वाइल्लभट्श्सुट्टसुताल्लकारित वृश्चिकालानदीपरकूले रुद्ररुद्राणीपूर्ण्णशादिनवदुर्ग्गायतना-
(4)यस्वभुज्यमावूडा⁷⁴²पल्लिकाग्रामप्रतिवह्वभूमिखण्डंदैर्घ्येणपारमेश्वरीयहस्तशतद्वयं सप्तत्यधिकं हस्त२७० विस्त⁷⁴³रेण

(5) हस्तशतमेकं सप्ताशीत्यधिकं इस्त १८७ पुष्पवाटिकार्थंपुन्येहनि⁷⁴⁴प्रदत्तं [॥^(x)] तथाऽनेनैव स्थानेनास्मिन्नेव सम्वत्सरे
(6.)फाल्गुनवहुलपक्षप्रतिपदि श्रीभोजदेवप्रतीस्थवतारे अल्लेनैवकारितवाइल्लभट्ट[ स्वाम्यभिधानविष्णा]यतनाय तथो -
(7.)परिलिखितनवदुर्ग्गायतनाय च पूजासंस्कारार्थंस्वभुज्यमानजयपुराकग्रामे व्याघ्रकेण्डिकाभिधानहारमुला\वापे[⁷⁷⁴⁵ ]
(8.)सङ्कडाकसुतदल्लकवाहिक्षेत्त्रंतथास्यैव क्षेत्त्रस्योत्तरतः क्षत्त्रियदेववर्म्मसुतमेन्माकवाहितक्षेत्त्रं च ययोर्ग्गो⁷⁴⁶पगिरीयमा -
(9.)प्येनावापो यवानां द्रोण एकादश [।^(x)] तयोर्द्वयोरपि क्षेत्त्रयोराघाटाः पूर्व्वेणनडडाकवाहितक्षेत्त्रंदक्षिणेन पाहाटः
(10.) पश्चिमेन दल्लकवाहितकक्षेत्त्रेपाहाटः ततो मेम्माकवाहितक्षेत्रे उत्तराभिमुखवाहकः क्षेत्रं प्ररिधेष्ट्यगतः उत्तरेण वर्त्म
(11.) लघुपाहाटिका च [।^(x)] एवं चतुराघाटविशुद्धक्षेत्रद्वयं पुण्येहनिप्रदत्तं॥तयास्मिन्नेव
सम्वत्सरं फाल्गुनवहुलपक्षनवम्यां
……………………………………………………………
24The senserequires anantaphaladam to be taken with dharmataroḥ, although it is grammatically connected with bîjam.
25 Kîrti seems to have the same technical meaning asKîrtana, ‘temple ;’ see Indian Antiquary, vol, XII, pp. 229and 289.

(12.) उपरिलिखितदेवकुलाभ्यां द्वाभ्यामपि दीपतैलार्थं श्रीसर्व्वेश्वरपुरनिवासितैलिकमहत्तक भोशाकसुतसर्व्वस्वाक (।) तथा माधव -
(13.) सुतज्याशक्तितथा शिवधरिसुतसाहुल्लतथा सङ्गाकसुतग्गोक। तथा श्रोवत्सस्वामिपुरतिवासितैलिकमह-
(14.) त्तककुण्डाकसुतसिंघाक तथा वल्लूकमुतखोहडाक। तथा चञ्चिकाहट्टिकानिंवादित्थहट्टिकयोर्न्निवासितैलिकम -
(15.) हत्तकदेउवाकसुतजज्जटतथा तथा देहूकसुतजम्वेक तथा रुद्रटसुतजम्वहरि। एवमादि -
(16.) समस्ततैलिकश्रेण्या प्रतिकोल्हुकं मासि मासि शुक्लनवम्यां शुक्लनवम्यां तैलपलिका पलिका दातव्येत्यक्षयनी -
(17.) मिका प्रदत्ता॥ तथाद्यैवामूभ्यामेव देवकुलाभ्यां श्रेगोपगिरितलोपरिनिवासिमाजिकमहर गाहुल्लसुतटिक्कूक
(18.) तथादेहूकसुतजासेक तथा बहुलाकसुतसिहू⁹⁷⁴⁷क तथा जम्वाकसुतसहडाक तथा दन्तिसुतदुर्ग्गधरि तथा नशुमाकवा⁷⁴⁸-
(19.) उमाकतथा वेउवाकसुतवाय[टा]कादिसमस्तमालिकणश्रेण्यापूजार्थं यथाकालोपयिक⁷⁴⁹हट्टपुष्यैर्म्मा -
(20.) लाः प (ा)ञ्चांशत्‌ पञ्चाशत् माला५० प्रतिदिनं दातव्येत्य⁷⁵⁰क्षयनीमिका प्रदत्ता [॥^(x)] एतदुपरिलिखितं उपरिलिखि -
(21.) तस्थानादिभिः स्वभुक्त्याआचन्द्रार्कक्षितिकालं प्रदत्तं [॥^(x)] परिपन्थना केरपि न कर्त्तव्या॥यतस्खदत्तां परदत्ताम्वायो
(22.) हरेत वसुन्धरां [।^(x)] स विष्ठायां कृमिर्भूत्वा पितृभिस्मह मोदते¹⁴॥ बहुभिव्वसुधा भुक्ताराजभिस्मगरादिभिः। यस्य यस्य।
(23.) यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥ *॥¹⁵⁷⁵¹

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ. Adoration to Vishṇu! In the year nine hundred and thirty-three, on the second day of the bright (half) of Mâgha,—Saṁ[ vat] 933, Mâgha śudi2—to-day, here at Śrî-Gopagiri, while the parameśvara Śrî-Bhojadeva was the ruler, while the guardian of the fort (koṭṭapâla) Alla commanded this (Gopagiri), while Tattaka commanded the army (and) while the merchant Vavviyâka, the trader Ichchhuvâéka, and the other (members) of the board (? vâra) of the Savviyâkas were administering the city, the whole town gave to the temple of the nine Durgâs, viz. of Rudra, Rudrâṇî, Pûrṇâśâ, &c., which Alla, the son of Vâillabhaṭṭa, had caused to be built on the further bank of the‘ Vṛiśchikâlâriver, a piece of land belonging to the village of Chûḍâpallikâ, which was its (viz,the town’s) property, two hundred and seventy royal hastas—hasta 270—in length (and) one hundred and eighty-seven hastas—hasta 187—in breadth, for a flower-garden, on an auspicious day.
…………………………………………………………
9हू might be alsoread instead of द
14 Read पच्यते.

PALÆOGRAPHIC ALPHA BET OF THE SIVASKANDAVARMAN GRANT.

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(Ll. 5—-11.) And this same town gave in this same year, on the first day of the dark half of Phâlguna, to the Vishṇu temple called Vâïllabhaṭṭa-svâmin, which Alla had likewise caused to be built on the descent of the road of Śrî-Bhojadeva, and to the above mentioned temple of the nine Durgâs, for the performance of worship, the field cultivated¹⁶by Dallaka, the son of Saṅgaḍaka, in the chief grain-land (?mûlâvâpa) of the common¹⁷called Vyâghrakeṇḍikâ, in the villageof Jayapurâka, which was its (viz. the town’s) property, and on the north of this same field, the field cultivated by Memmâka, the son of the Kshatriya Devavarman¹⁸the seed required for which two (fields) is eleven droṇas of barley according to the measure of Gopagiri;¹⁹—the boundaries of these two fields are: on the east, the field cultivated by Naüḍâka; on the south, a piece of rock²⁰ ;on the west, near the field of Dallaka, a piece of rock, and near the field of Memmâka, a water-channel,²¹which leads to the north and runs round the ficld; on the north, a road and a small piece of rock ;—the two fields, thus defined by their four boundaries, on an auspicious day.
(11—17.) And in this same year, on the ninth day of the dark half of Phâlguna, (the town) gave to the two above-mentioned temples a perpetual endowment²²to the effect that, in order (to provide) oil for the lamps, the chiefs of the oil-millers, who dwell in Śrî-Sarveśvarapura, (viz.) Sarvasvâka, the son of Bhochchâka, Jyâśakti, the son of Mâdhava, Sâhulla, the son of Śivadhari, and Gaggîka, the son of Saṅgâka; the chiefs of the oil-millers, who dwell in Śrîvatsasvâmipura, (viz.) Siṅghâka, the son of Kuṇḍâka, and Khohaḍâka, the son of Vallüka; the chiefs of the oil-millers, who dwell in Chachchikâhaṭṭikâ and Nimbâdityahaṭṭikâ, (viz.) Jajjaṭa, the son of Detivika, Goggdka, the son of Vachchhilléka, Jambeka, the son of Deddika, and Jambahari, the son of Rudrata, and the other (members) of the whole guild of oil-millers should give one palikd of oil per oil-mill²³on the ninth day of the bright (half) of every month.
(17—20.) And on this same day, (the town) gave to these same two temples a perpetual endowment to the effect, that the chiefs²⁴of the gardeners, who dwell on the top of Śrî-Gopagiri, (viz.) Ṭikkûka, the son of Gâhulla, Jâseka, the son of Deddûka, Siddhûka, the son of Vahulâka, Sahaḍâka, the son of Jambâka, Durgadhari, the son of Dantin, Vâümâka, (the son of) Nannumâka, and Vâyaṭâka, the son of Veüvâka, and the other (members) of the whole guild of gardeners should daily give,

^(16)The participle vahita is derived from Hindi bahnd, “to plough”
¹⁷ Har, “a village-common, the cultivated space immediately round a village."’—Bate’s Hindee Dictionary.
^(18) To judge from their names, tho trader Ichehhuavaka (1. 2) and the oil-miller Jyusakti (1. 13) also belonged to the Kahatriya caste. The law-books permit a Kahatriya, and oven a Brahmana, to adopt the livelihood of a Vaidya, if they are unable to gain their subsistence by fulfilling the duties of their own castus; see tho passages on the so called addharma or Apatkalpa, i.ethe rules for times of distress : Gautama, VII ; Manu, X, 81 f.; Yajiavalkya, III35 ff.
^(19) Compare Khetaka-manena vrihi-dvi-pithaka-vapam Kotilaka-kshetram, “ the field of Kotilaka, the seedrequired for which is two pithakas of paddy according to the measure of Khetaka ” (Ind. Ant., vol. XV, p. 340, line 46), and bhumir yatra vdu….sardha-sdrdha-sapta, “ piece of land, the seed required for which is seven and a half dronas” (ibid, vol. XVI, p. 208).
20 Pdhdje is perhaps a Sanskritised form of Hindi pakdd, “ mountain, bill, rock” (Platts).
^(21)Vahaka seems to be connected with Hindi baha, “a water-channel ;"—see Grierson’s Bihar Peasant Life, p. 211.
^(22)With akshayanimika(linos 16 and 20) compare akhayaniviin the Nasik, Kanheriaud Junnar Inscriptions in Dr. Burgens’s Archaol. Sur. Westn. Ind., vols. IV and V.
²³ Kolhuka is the same as Hindi kolhu, “an oil-mill ;"—see Grierson, u. s. p. 46.
^(24) With mallika-mahara compare tailika-mahattaka(lines 12, 13and 14) and mahar, “a chief” (Bate).

for (the requirements of) worship, fifty garlands—mâlâ50— of such market flowers as are available at the particular season.
(20—23.) These aboveementioned gifts were made by the above mentioned town, &o., from their property for as long a time as the moon, the sun and the earth exist. Nobody shall cause obstruction (to the present owners). For (Vyâsa has said) : [Here follow two of the usual minatoryverses].

XXI.—SIYADONI STONE INSCRIPTION.
By PROFESSORF. KIELIIORN, Ph.D., C.I.E.; GöTTINGEN.

In the Journal, Beng. As. Soc., vol. XXXI, pp. 6-7, Dr. F. E. Hall had occasion to mention “a huge inscriptiop,” existing in some part of the State of Gwâlior, a transcript of which, by a native, had been made over to him by Colonel (now General Sir) Alexander Cunningham. From the apparently very imperfect copy supplied to him, Dr. Hall was able to report that the inscription in the opening lines mentioned a king Mahendrapâla. Near where he is spoken of, was the date 960. Next came Bhoja, and then Mahendrapâla again, with the date 964, Further on Kshitipâla was mentioned; and, after him, Devapâla, the date 1005 being closeby. These dates, according to Dr. Hall, were not sufficiently particularized for one to certify their era by calculation. Besides, the kings of the record were stated by Dr. Tall to have beon memorialized as having granted land and other things, by way of local donaries, in ten several years, ranging from 960 to 1025. According to Sir A. Cunningham,¹⁷⁵²’ the actual site of the inscription was then unknown ; and it has remained so for twenty-five years afterwards.^(2⁷⁵³ has been referred to by Dr. Hornle, in the Centenary Review, Beng. As, Soc., part Il, p. 208; and by Mr. Fleet, in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 108, note 18, andvol. XVI, p. 178, who has pointed out the desirability of rediscovering aud publishing the inscription."))
In 1887, Dr. Burgess, when in the Lalitpur district of the North-Western Provinces, learnt that there was a large inscription at ‘Sîroṇ Khurd,’ about ten miles WNW. of the town of Lalitpur, Long. 78° 23’ E., Lat. 24° 50’ N. (Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet 70, NW.) And tho inscription was found on the east, of the village at which it had been reported to be,—and which in the inscription itself is called Sîyaḍoṇî,—on the bank of tho Kherâr stream, in the precincts of o Jaina temple of Śântinâtha, where it had been recently set up by a Bania. It turned out to be the huge inscription mentioned by Dr. Hall; and I now edit it from impressions supplied to me by Dr. Burgess.
The inscription consists of forty-six lines; and the writing covers a space of about 5’ 2½” broad by 3’ 4” high. Of the first two and the last two lines large portions of the writing have either gone altogether or become illegible, by the flaking off of the edges of the stone; and from the same cause some aksharas have become illegible in lines 39-44. But the preservation of lines 8-38, is perfect almost throughout, so “that here the actual reading of the stone hardly admits of any doubt whatever. The size of the letters is about ½. The characters are Nâgarî of about the eleventh century; down

to line 89, they are regularly and beautifully formed and skilfully engraved. The execution of lines 40-46 is some what inferior to the rest, and the difference in appearance is rendered more marked by the imperfect state of preservation of these concluding lines. The language of the inscription must be described as Sanskrit. Unless there was a date in any part of the concluding lines which is now illegible, the inscription itself is not dated; but it contains ten dates, some of which’ are historically important, while one is sufficiently particularized to ascertain from it the era employed, by calculation, as will be shown below.
The inscription consists of two parts, The first and by far the larger portion extends to about the middle of line 39; it is in prose, and records a large number of donations made at different times, from the (Vikrama) year 960 down to the. (Vikrama) year 1025, and nearly every one of them by private individuals, in favour of various Brhamanical deities, at Sîyaḍoṇî. The second part, which is almost entirely in verse, comprises the remaining portion up to the end, and records the erection of a temple of
Murâri (Vishṇu).

THEFIRST PART

To treat fully of the language of the first part, would require almost a separate treatise. The author or authors, though intending to write Sanskṛit, had a very meagreknowledge of the grammar of that language; they were evidently influenced by, and have freely employed words, phrases, and constructions of, their vernacular.
As regards orthography, bhas throughout been denoted by the sign for v; and the dental sibilant has often been employed for the palatal.³⁷⁵⁴The sign of the jihvâmûlîya occurs twenty-two times, almost exclusively in the phrases यङ्कश्चित्and यङ्कोपि. The sign of the upadhmânîya has becn correctly employed six times (e.g., in स्माभि–पर०, line 5, and भित्त–पश्चिमेन, line 13); but it has also been wrongly inserted three times (in धूर्मट–परि ०, line 18,line 28, and ° निष्कलङ्क–परि ०, line 29), and probably erroneously omitted twice (inºभित्ति–पश्चिमेन, line 25, and otf रेभि प्रदत्ता, linc 35). Of individual words, the numera तिhas throughout been spelt तृ(in तृभाग,Gut, lines 24, 29, 30, and तृभुवन ०, lines 25 and 27); संमार्जन throughout सन्मार्जन⁴⁷⁵⁵ (e.g., in lines 3, 6, 8, etc.) ; कालीन throughout कालिन (e.g., in lincs 3, 6, 20, etc.); and similarly we have भोगाधिना in line 38, for भोगाधीना, In line 8, we twice have अश्विन for आश्विन; throughout, frequently, अवासनिका, apparently for आवासनिका (e.g., in lines 7, 8, etc.) ; and similarly a short vowel has been employed instead of a long one, and vice versâ, occasionally in other words. For वष्टीwe have wet षष्टीtwice in linc 17, and perhaps also in some of the compound numerals; for ताम्बूलिक (line 15), ताम्बोलिक in lines 25 and 26; for वैखानर, वैखान्दरin line 12. Through the influence of the vernacular, we havo वणिक throughout for वणिज्‌; भीती in line 24 for भित्ति (lines 18 and 26) ; सिरिधर in line 39 for श्रीधर (linc 37); कल्लपाल and कलपाल in lines. 9 and 19, for कल्पपाल ;etc.

The rules of saṁdhihave been persistently neglected ; and as a specimen of an extraordinary saṁdhi I may point out सुतारेभि], for ०सुतारेभि[:], for, i.e,° **सुताएभिः,**i.e,° सुताः एभिः, in line 85.

As regards the treatment of nouns in general, case-terminations have often been altogether omitted; sometimes wrong cases have beenemployed, masculine words treated as if they were neuter, and masculine or neuter forms of adjectives and pronouns used with reference to feminine nouns, etc. Thus, to give a few examples, instead of the wellknown phrase परिपन्थनांकरोति, we read fifteen times परिपन्थनाकरोति (e.g., in lines 8, 9, 16) ; and similarly ०विधारणा करोति, lines 13and 20; परिपन्थनावाधा करोति, line 17; परिपन्थनाखश्राकरोति, lines 6 and 15; and खश्रावाधा ददाति, line 39. In line 3we find प्रतिष्ठापित, qualifying नारायणभट्टारकस्य, which is separated from it by other inflected words ; in line 4 वावण (for वावणो) गोंदासुत: ; in linc 39 सिरिधर (for श्रीधरस्य) महादित्यसुतस्य; in line16 अवलिप्त (for अवलिप्ती) उवटकसहितौ^(5⁷⁵⁶.)The words अधिकार, आघाट, पाद, भाग, हस्त are used as neuters in lines 34; 7, 12, 13, etc.; 6; 24, 29, 30; 26. In line 9 we have the Nominative स च स च for the Instrumental तेनतेन ; in line 34 the Accusative ° समेतां for the Nominative ०समेता; in lines 32, 33, 38, 14, 22, अस्य and अमीषाम्‌ for the feminine forms अस्याः and अमूषाम्‌ or आसाम्‌. The final visarga of certain case-terminations has complctely disappeared, e.g, in „° पातकै, lines 6, 15, 16, ctc., and in “हेतो, lines 20, 25, 31^(6⁷⁵⁷.)
An extraordinary construction of the cardinal numerals, which I have already pointed out in other inscriptions, is illustrated by युगैकं, line 20, सहस्रैकं, line 28, पादैकं and द्रन्मैकं, line 37, वीथीद्दौ, line 16, and गृहद्दौ‘two houses,’ line 24. And, speaking of numerals, attention may be drawn here to the three different expressions मञ्चमहापातकैin line 6, महापञ्चपातके in lines 15, 16, 18, and महापातकपञ्चकैor कैin lines 10, 27, 30; and to the strange संवत्सरसतेषु नवसत (i.e.,नवशत, for नवसु); meant to denote ‘nine hundred years,’ in lines 2, 5, 8, and 11.
The number of finite verhal forms employed is, as might have been expected in a record of the Middle Ages, small; and among them, I need point out only लिप्यति, used in a passive sense, in lines G, 10, 15, etc. Among the verbal derivatives, there occur thewrong Gerunds लक्ष्य, line 6; उपर्ज्जयित्वा, line 17, क्रयित्वाline 25 (for क्रीत्वा, lines 9, 10, 19), एकमतीभूत्वा, lines 29, 80, and 33, and लिखाप्य, line 38; with the last of which may be compared the primary nouns पूजापन in lines 11 and 87, and मोचापन in line 38. And anomalously used is the Gerund मिलित्वा in the phrase समस्तलोकानां मिलित्वाin line 26, apparently meaning before all the people assembled.
Of frequent occurrence is सत्क, which thirteen times may be considered a secondary suffix conveying a possessive sense or expressing the meaning of a Genitive case; e.g., in सोयडोणिसत्कमणपिकायां, line 6, वामनसत्कवीथी, line 12, चाण्डूसत्कावासनिका, line 32, and विग्रहपालकसत्कद्रन्म, line 9=(विग्रहपालीयद्रन्म, line24); while twice it is, exceptionally, like an independent word, construed with a preceding Genitive,inयस्य यस्यसत्कमद्यभाण्डं, line 9, and समस्तकल्लपालानां सत्कहट्टनामुपरि, line19.
Under the head of compounds, I may point out the violation of an elementary rule of grammar, in महद्धर्म्महेतोःline 8,महद्धर्म्मार्थहेतो, line 20, महन्तधर्म्मार्थहेतो०7 ° हेतोः in line 25 and 28, महान्तधर्म्मार्थहेतोand हेतो in lines 11, 29, 31, and 33; the use of phrases like fea दिनं प्रति, line 6, for प्रतिदिनं (actually used in lines 6, 10, and 28), and मासान्मासं, line 20, or मासान्मासंप्रति, lines 29 and 37, instead of प्रतिमासं (line 45); and the employment of the Nominative cases in passages such as सूत्रधारजेजपस्तथा विसिपाकस्तथा भलुपाकस्तथा

जोगूकद्रकादीनां, line 29 (and similarly in lines 7, 19, 20, 27, and 81), where; in proper
Sanskṛit, the formation of a Dvandva compound would have been resorted to.
Moreover, the first part of the inscription contains a considerable number of words which either do not occur in Sanskṛit literature at all,which the dictionary furnishes no appropriate meaning; and some of which undoubtedly were taken from the vernacular. These words I give in the following alphabetical, list, in which I also include some words which appear to be proper names of places or localities, but about the actual meaning of which I cannot be certain :—

** अक्षयनीमी** in linc 6, and अक्षयनीमिका in lines 7, 9, 21, etc..=अक्षयनीवि ‘a perpetual endowment.’

** अपसरक** in अपसरकसहित in lines 7,17, 24, and अपसरकप्राङ्गणसहित, lines 32 and 33, said of houses, etc.; compare the Hindî ओस्मरा‘a porch, portico, peristyle, vestibule,’ Maâṭhîओसरी.

** अवासनिका** in lines 7, 8, etc., apparently for आवासनिका, derived from आवास ‘dwelling, residence.

** आहाड**in समस्तआहाडसम्बदसिलाकूटानां in line 80; perhaps a place where stone-cutters work, a quarry (?).

** उवटक** in line 25, and in उवटकसहित, lines 12, 13, 16, etc., said of houses, etc.; compare the Marâṭhîओटाthe little wall or raised edge which runs along the brink of the raisod mass on which the house stands,’ and ओटी, ‘a veranda, porch, vestibule.’

** कंसारक** in कंसारकवीथी, linc 16 ; compare the Hindîकसार and the Marâṭhî कांसार orकासार ‘a brazier,’ (कांस्यकार).

** कंदासघूट** in line 15.

** कन्दुक** three times in linc 10 ; compare the Hindî कान्दू‘a certain tribe whose occupation it is to fry corn, prepare sweetmeats, etc., & sugar-boiler.’

** क्वतोपसन्रा**, qualifying वीथी, in lines 27, 85, and 38.

** कौप्तिक** in lino 2; and in lines 19 and 30, both times compounded with a proper
name; denoting perhaps an office.

** खश्राinपरिपन्थनाखश्रा**, lines 6, 10, 15, and खश्रावाधा, line 39; compare the Hindî खसर
‘damages, loss, injury, fraud.’

** ग्रहपतिक** in line 15, probably for गृहपति.

** घ्राणक**in line 28, and घाणक in line 31; compare the Marâṭhî घाणा‘ an oil-mill.’

** चूंआ** or चूंआंin चूआंवीथी and चुंआवीधी, lines 13and 14,

** छाया** in स्वकीयस्वकीयच्छाया, lines 7 and 88,

** क्वेण्डिका**in lines 8, 21, and 24.

** जगति** in line 85, for जगती, probably a kind of building; see Indian Antiquary, vol.
XIV, p. 161, note 27.

** ताली** in-line 9, and तालि in line 20, perhaps aparticular measure of spirituous liquor.

** तिणरा**10 तिखरावीथी, line 35.

** द्वारीष्ठ** in स्वकीयावासनिकाद्वारोष्ठ, line 14, द्वारोष्ठनिष्कासप्रवेसक, line 32, and निष्कासप्रवेसद्वारोष्ठकं, line 38; compare द्वारकोष्ठक ‘a gate-chamber,’ in the Index of the Divyâvadâna.

** नेमक** in नेमकवणिक, lines $, 11, 16, etc., and नेमकजातिवणिक, line 87; perhaps equiva. lent to the Hindî and Marâṭhî निमक‘salt.’

पञ्चकुल in lines 2, 18, 29, 30, 36; an office, apparently similar to the Marâṭhî पंचor
पंचाईतःCompare Ind. Ant., vol. XI, p. 221, 1. 21, and p. 242, 1. 9; also vol. XII, p. 195, note.
पश्चिक in कल्लपालमहत्तकपञ्चश्चिक, line 19.
पालिका in,line 26, and पलिका in lines 28 and 31; probably = पालि=प्रस्थ.
प्रसन्नदेवियारक in line 12.
भरण in भरणं भरणं प्रति, line 80 ; perhaps ‘a load’ (of stores).
मण्डपिका in lines 6, 19, 29, 80, 45; evidently some public or official building of the town. Compare Ind. Ant., vol. XIV, p. 10, second col., line 5; and Journ. Beng. As. Soc., vol. XXX, p. 332, last line.
महर in ताम्बोलिकमहर, line 26; compare महत्तकin कल्लपालमहत्तक, line 19; and the Hindiमहर ‘a chief.” Compare Dr. Hultzsch, ante, p. 161, note 24.
मुद्रयित्वा in line 6.
सुलाइतण in line 11.
युग or युगा in युगेका देया, line 0, युगैकंयुगैकं प्रति, line 20, and समस्तयुगानामुपरि, line 21.
रसोके in line 24.
वंसोपक in line 10, and विसोवक in linc 26; perhaps ‘the twentieth part of’ or a name of a particular coin. We may compare विशोपका, which several times occurs in a copperplate inscription of the Lucknow Musoum.
धारणा in lines 18 and 20; equivalent to परिपन्थना or विघ्न.
वषयण in line 38, compounded with a proper name, and denoting perhaps a trade.
सिलाकूट in linc 30, = शिलाकुट्टin verse 101 of the Sasbahûinscription, Ind. Ant., vol. XV, p. 40, 40stone-cutter.’
स्वोलीपात or स्वोलिकापात in lines 12,16, 21, 28, ०(०., and in अवासनिकास्वोलीपात and
अवासनिकास्वोलिकापात in lines 18, 22, and 8; and ओलीपात in lines 35 and 88.
हट्ट ‘a market’ in चतुर्हट्ट, line 15, चतुष्कहट, line 35, दोसिहट्ट, lines 12, 16, 20, 21, 29,
प्रसन्नहट्ट, line 18, and महत्तकहट्ट, lines 45 and 46; (also in हट्टरथ्या, lines 12,14, ete.)
As regards the contents, the first part of the inscription is divided, by means of ornamental full-stops, into twenty-seven scctions; and it records as many donations, made at different times, and almost all of them by traders and artizans, for providing the usual materials of worship of Vishṇu and other deities, at the town of Sîyaḍoṇî. The inscription, in fact, is a collective public copy of a series of deeds; and the occasional remarks that a certain portion was written by the karaṇika, or writer of legal documents, Sarvahari, the son of Bhochuka (line 4), another by Rachchhâka, the son of Sarvahari (line 34), another by Svâmikumâra, another son of Sarvahari (line 36), and another again by the karaṇika Dhîravarman, the son of Svâmikumâra (line 39), were copicd with the rest from the original deeds, and must not be taken to refer to the inscription itself. There are some, I believe, minor points in several of the deeds here presented to us, which, owing at least in part tothe ungrammatical state of the language and to the employment of obscure expressions, I do not fully understand. But the general import of tho various donations is clear enough, and may be seen from the following statement, from which I omit, as of no interest, all reference to the boundaries of buildings which in the original are given with scrupulous care.Any

remarks of historical importance or of more general interestwhich may be incidentally furnished by these deeds,—considering the great length of the inscription, they are disappointingly few,—will be treated of below.

Abstract of the contents of the first part of the inscription (lines 1—39).

1.[Lines 1—4]: Saṁvat 960, Śrâvaṇa (in words and figures). The wholetown gave a field measuring 200 by 225 hastasto Śri-Nârâyana-bhaṭṭâraka, set up by the merchant Chaṇḍuka, the son of Sangata, in the southern part of the town.
2.[4—7]: Saṁvat 964, Mârgaśira va.di. 3 (in words and figures). The Mahâsâmantâdhipati Undabhata assigned an endowment, securing tho daily payment of a quarter of a pañchiyakadramma and of one’ yugâ(?) to Śrî-Vishṇu-bhaṭṭâraka, set up by Chaṇḍuka.
3. [7—8]: The same date. The merchants Chaṇḍuka, Sivasa, and Mahapa, sons of Sángata, gave an avasanika(or residence) comprising four houses to Śrî-Vishṇu-bhaṭṭâraka, setup by Chaṇḍuka, the son of Saṅgaṭa.
4.[8—10]: Saṁvat 965, Âśvina śu.di. 1 (in words and figures), The merchant Nâgâka, son of Chaṇḍû, made an endowment acquired of certain potters, to the effect that the distillers of spirituous liquor, on every cask of liquor, weré to give liquor worth half a vigrahapâladramma (?) to the god (Vishṇu).
5. [10]: The merchant Nâgâka, son of Châṇḍû, assigned (an endowment securing) the daily payment by ccrtain sugar-boilers of a varâhakayaviṁsopaka (?).
6. (11—13]: Saṁvat 967, Phâlguna va.di. 15 (in words tnd figures). The merchant Vâsudeva gave (an avâsanikâ?) in the Dosihaṭṭa to Śrî-Vishṇubhaṭṭâraka, set up by Vàsudeva near (?) the Sri-Vishṇubhaṭṭâraka set up by Chaṇḍûka; and a house of his own, to the (same) god, (for the worship of the sacred fire).
7. [13—15]: The merchant Chaṇḍûka gave a vîthî(or shop) in the Prasannahaṭṭa; and the same Chaṇḍûka, son of Sâṅgaṭa, gave four hereditary vîthîs of his own to Śrî-Vishṇubhaṭṭâraka.
8.[15—16]: The seller of betel Keśava, son of Vaṭeśvara, gave a hereditary vîthî of his own in the Chaturhaṭṭa to Śrî-Vishṇubhaṭṭâraka, set up by Chaṇḍû.
9.[16—17]: The merchant Nâgâka, son of Chindu, gave two vîthîs, acquired in the Dosihatta, to Sri-Vishṇu-bhaṭṭâraka.
10.[17—18]: The merchant Sîlûka, son of Mahapâ, gave a vîthî acquired by him to Śrî-Nârâyana-bhaṭṭâraka.
11.[18—20]: Saṁvat 969, Mâgha śu.di5 (inwords and figures). The merchant Nâgâka, son of Châṇḍû, gave a capital of 1,350 śrîmadâdivarâhadrammas, invested with the distillers of spirituous liquor, who were to pay every month half a vigrahatuṅgîyadramma on every cask of liquor (?) to Śrî-Vishṇubhaṭṭâraka.
12.(20—21]: The merchant Nâgâka, son of Châṇḍû, gave an endowment realizing a payment of two kapardakas on cortain yugâsin the Dosihatta (?).
13.[21—22]: Nâgâka gave a vîthî acquired in the Dosihaṭṭa to Śrî-Nârâyaṇa-bhaṭṭâraka.
14.(22—23]: Nâgâka, son of Châṇḍû, gave three vîthîs of his own to Śrî-Nârâyaṇa-bhaṭṭâraka.

15.[23—24]: The merchant Bhâïla, son of Govinda, gave a hereditary vîthî(realizing one-third of a vigrahapâlîyadramma ?) to Śrî-Vâmanasvâmideva.
16. [24—25]: Nâgîka gave two houses to Tribhuvanasvâmideva.
17. [25—26]: The seller of betel Dhamâkagave an uvaṭaka bought by him to Śrî-Umâmaheśvara.
18, [26—27]: Saṁvat 994, Vaiśâkha vadi. 5saṁkrântau. The sellers of betel, Savara, son of Keśava, and Mâdhava, son of Ichchû, gave an endowment realizing the payment of a vigrahadrammavisovaka on every pâlikâof leaves to the god (Vishṇu), set up by Chaṇḍûka.
19. [27]: Sâvasa gave a vîthîto Tribhuvanasvâmideva.
20. [27—28]: Nâgâka gave a palikâof oil from every oil-mill of the oil-makers (?).
21. [28—29]: Saṁvat 1005, Mâgha śu.di. 5 (in words and figures). The Mahâjans in the Dosihaṭṭa assigned a monthly payment of one-third of a dramma to Śrî-Bhâïlasvâmideva, set up by-the merchant Vikrama.
22. [29—80]: The Sûtradhâra Jejapa, Visiâka, Bhaluâka, and other stone- cutters, assigned a payment of one-third of a vigrahapâladramma on every bharaṇa to Śrî-Vishṇu-bhaṭṭâraka.
23. [80—31]: Saṁvat 1008, Mâgha śu.di. 11 (in figures, only). Keśava, Durgâditya, and other oil-makers, gave a palikâof oil from every oil-mill to Śrî-Chakra- svâmideva, set up by Purandara in the temple of Vishṇu erected by Chaṇḍû.
24.[81—33]: The merchants Mahâditya and Nohala, sons of Pappâ, gave an avâsanikâ, comprising three houses, to Śrî-Chakrasvâmideva, set up by Pappâka, the son of Dedaḍâ.
25. [88—84]: Saṁvat 991, Mâgha śu.udi. 10 (in figures). Nâgâka, son of Châṇḍû, Dodaika, Vâli, and Rudâka, sons of Jâjû, and Chhitarâka,‘son of Sâvâ, gave an avâsanikâwith the houses and vîthîs belonging to it to the god (Vishṇu).
26. [84—36]: Dedaika, Vâlîka and Rudâka, sons of Jâjû, gave a vîthîin the Chatushkahaṭṭa to Śrî-Vishṇu-bhaṭṭâraka, set up by Chaṇḍû.
27. [36—89]: Saṁvat 1025, Mâgha va.di. 9 (im figures). The merchant Śrîdhara, son of Mahâditya, assigned a quarter of a Śrîmadâdivarâhadramma, paid as the rent of a vîthî(?) to Śrî-Vishṇu-bhaṭṭâraka, set up by Mahâditya in the temple of Vishṇu crected by Châṇḍu.
From the above abstract it will appear that most of the donations recorded here were made in favour of the god Vishṇu, under the names of Vishṇu-bhaṭṭâraka, Nârâyana-bhaṭṭâraka, Vâmanasvâmideva, and Ohakrasvâmideva. The same divinity I understand to be denoted by the name Tribhuvanasvâmideva. But besides him, we find among the donees also Umamahesgvara, clearly a form of the god Śiva, and Bhâïlasvâmideva, a namo which in a fragmentary inscription from Bhilsa, mentioned by Dr. Hall in the Journ. Beng. As. Soc., vol. XXXI, p. 112, is distinctly given as a designation of Ravi, ‘ the Sun.’’
In connection with the objects of donation, attention may be drawn to the various names of coins mentioned in the inscription, which are as follows: Dramma, line 29;

^(7)Compare also Ind. Ant,, vol. XVI, p, 202.—Vishnu bears the name Vaillabhattasvamin in the Gwalior inscription, edited by Dr. Hultzsch, ante, p.154.—In the present inscription, I would draw attention to the name Śrî –A[mba]luhidevi,
which ocenrs in line 35, and which may denote a divinity. [Possibly the god Bhâilasvamin was named after the merchant Bhaila (line 23), who wight have been the father of the merchant Vikrama (lino 29), who founded the temple. —E.H.)

Pañchiyaka-dramma, lines 6 and 37; Vigrahapâla-dramma, line 30; Vigrakupâlîya-dramma, line 24; Vigrahapâlasatka-dramma, line 9; and Vigrahatuṅgîya-dramma, line 90; Śrîmadâdivarâha, line 19, and Śrîmadâdivarâha-drayma, line 37; Varâhakaya-viṁsopaka (?), line 10, and Vigraha-dramma-visovaka, line 26; and Kapardaka, linc 20; to which may be added here at once, from the second part of the inscription, Kâkiṇî and Varâṭakâ, in line 45.
Among the donors, the only personage of importance is Undabhata, who is described here (in line 5) as mahâprâlihâra, samadhigatâseshamahâśabda, and Mahâsâmaniâhipati, and who clearly is the MahâsâmantâhipatiUndabhaṭa, mentioned, with the date 960, in two short inscriptions at Terahi, a village about twenty-seven miles NW. of Sîyaḍoṇî. I have shown elsewhere^(8)that the date of the Terahi inscriptions must be referrod to the Vikrama era, and this alone would prove that the date assigned toUndabhata’s donation in the present inscription, the year 964, and together with it all the other dates, aro recorded in the same era. But cven irrespectively of the Terahi inscriptions, the date of the donation No. 18, in which the 5th of the dark half of the month Vaiśâkha of the year 994 is coupled with a saṁkrânti or entrance of the sun into a sign of the zodiac, contains sufficient data to enable us to prove that the era which we are here concerned with is the Vikrama era, that the years mentioned are southern Vikrama years, and that the arrangement of the lunar fortnights follewed was the amânta or southern arrangement. For, taking the figures 994 to denote the southern, Vikrama year 994 expired, the 6th of the dark half of Vaiśâkha, by the amânta scheme of the lunar fortnights, corresponds to Sunday, 22nd April, A.D. 938, when the 5th of thé of the dark half ended about 17h. 45m. after mean sunrise, and whea, about 14h. Giz. after mean sunrise, the sun did enter into the zodiacal sign of Vṛisha, exactly as required by the details of the date.⁹’Accordingly, the donations spoken of in the inscription were made between A.D. 903-4 and 968-9.
From the introductory remarks to the donations Nos. 11, 21, 23, and 27 (lines 18, 29, 80, and 36) we learn that the town of Sîyaḍoṇî, in the year 969= A.D. 912-13, was held by (or, as the inscription expresses it, was in the enjoyment of) the Mahârâjâdhirâja, the illustrious Dhurbhaṭa; and in the years 1005=A.D. 948-49, 1008= A.D. 951-52, and 1025=A.D. 968-69, by the MahârâjâdhirâjaNishkalaṅka. A third personage, described, so far as one can sec, as samadhigatâśeshamahâśabda and Mahâsâmantâdhipati, who appears to have held a position similar to that of Dhûrdbhaṭa and Nishkalaṅka, was mentioned, with the date 960=A.D. 903-4, in line 2, but his name is

^(8) Ind, Ant., vol. XVI, p. 201.
^(9) The possible equivalents for Vaisikha vs. di. 5would be~
(1) for the Northern Vikrama year 994 current
a. by the purnirnantascheme, Wednesday, 16th March, A.D. 936 ;
b. by the amantascheme, Thursday, 14th April, A.D. 936;
and samkrantistovk place on 22nd March and 22nd April;
(2) for tho Northern Vikrama year 994 expired, or the southern current year—
a. by the purnimanta scheme, Tuesday, 4th April, A.D. 937;
b. by tho amanta scheme, Wedpesday, 3rd May, A.1). 937 ;
and samkrantis took place on 22nd April aud 23nd May;
(3) for the Southern Vikrama year 994 expired—
a. by the purnimantascheme, Saturday, 24th March, A.D. 938 ;
b. by the amanta scheme, Sunday, 22nd April, A.D, 938 ;
and samhkrantis took place on 22nd March and 22nd April,

bhaya or Nirbhayanarendra, and that Râjaśekhara in some passages of his plays now illegible. Under these nobles, the affairs of the town would seem to have been managed by an assembly of five called pañchakula, and by a committee of two, appointed from time to time by the town. The Mahârâjâdhirâjasthemselveswere subordinate to, and derived their authority from, the paramount lords of the country, of whom the inscription mentions :—
Inline 1, with the date 96(0=A.D. 903-4, the [ Paṛamabhaṭṭâraka] Mahârajâdhirâjas, and Parameśvara, the illustrious Mahendrapâladeva¹⁰[meditating, in all probability, on the fect of the Paramabhaṭṭâraka, Mahârâjadhirâjas, and Parameśvara, the illustrious Bhojadeva];
In line 4, with the date 964=A.D. 907-8, again, the same P. M. and P. the illustrious Mahendrapâladeva, meditating on the fect of the P. M. and P. the illustrious Bhojadeva; and
In line 28, with the date ‘1005=A.D. 948-49, the P. M. and P. the illustrious Devapâla, meditating on the feet of the P. M and P. the illustrious Kshitipâladeva.
We are nowhere in the inscription distinctly told what was the name of the country over which these particular sovercigns held sway, or of their capital; but as the inscription, in line 40, speaks of a ruler of Mahodayâ who granted a town to certain Brâhmaṇs descendants of whom lived at Sîyaḍoṇî, we shall not be wrong in assuming that Bhojadeva, Mahendrapâladeva, Kshitipâladeva and Devapâla were kings of Mahodayâ, better known as Kanyakubjâ (or Kanauj).
The main importance of our inscription then linesin this, that it furnishes, together with certain dates, the names of two pairs of kings of Kanyakubjâ,—

Bhoja; succeeded by
Mahendrapâla, who was ruling in A.D. 903-4 and 907-8 ; and
Kshitipâla; succeeded by
Devapâla, who was ruling in A.D. 948-49.

Of theso, I do not hesitate to identify Bhoja with the Bhojadeva of the Deogaḍi, Gwâlior, and Peheva inscription¹¹of A.D, 862, 876, and 882.
As regards Kshitipâla, there is nothing in our inscription to show that he was the immediate successor of Mahendrapâla; but I shall try to prove that such was the caseand that Kshitipâla, in fact, was the son of Mahendrapâla.
In an article on the date of the poet Râjaśekhara¹²Mr, Fleet has put together cortain facts concerning that poet which had been already drawn attention to by Professor Pischel¹³and which amount to this, that one or more of the poect’s plays were acted, at Mahodayâor Kanyakubjâ, before a king Mahîpâla, a son of a king Nir-

¹⁰ In the original, the first syllable is illegible, but there cannot be the slightest doubt about the correctedof the above name ; nor is it, in my opinion, at all doubtful that the name of the sovereign on whose feet Mahendrapâla was meditating, was Bhojadeva. And these two sovereignare clearly the same Bhojadeva and Mahendrapala who are mentioned in the second deed, in line 4; so that the inscription speaks of only ove Bhojadeva, and of only oneMahendrapaladeva.
¹¹ See Archaeol. Survey of India, vol. X, p. 101; Tv. Hultzsch, ante, p. 165; and Mr. Fleet in Ind. Ant, vol. XV.p. 109. I may draw attention hore to the somewhat unusual phrase mahi-pravardhamana-kalydna-vijayarajye, which the Siyadoniinscription has in common with, at any rate, the Deogadh inscription, and with the Asni inscription which will be mentioned below.
¹² SeeInd. Ant., vol. XVI, pp. 176-178,
¹³ See Guttingische Gelchrte Anzcigen, 1893, p. 1221.

describes himself as the guru or upâdhyâya of this same Nirbhaya, while elsewhere he either calls himself the guru of Mahendrapâla, or describes Mahendrapâla as his śishya, Mr. Fleet passes over Professor Aufrecht’s identification of Nirbhaya with Mahendrapâla,^(14)the correctness of which would appear to be almost selfevident; but in identifying the poet’s Mahîpâla with the king Mahîpâla of theAsnî inscription¹⁵of the (Vikrama) year 974, he has been the first. to prove that Rajaśekhara lived in the beginning of the tenth century A.D. What was wanted to remove all possible doubt as to the correctness of Mr. Fleet’s identification, was an epigraphical record in which Mahîpâla is connected with Mahodayâ, and which furnishes the name of Mahîpâla’s father, Mahendrapâla ; and this want is supplied, I believe, by the present inscription, the probable importance of which Mr. Fleet has not failed to notice.
The names Mahîpâla and Kshitipâla being synonymous, I now identify the Kshitipâla of the present inscription with the Mahîpâla of the Asni inscription, whom from that very inscription we know to have ruled in A.D. 917-18; and I consider our Mahendrapâla, for whom we have the dates A.D, 953-4 and 907-8, to be Râjaśekhara’sMahendrapâla, alias Nirbhayanarendra, the father of Mahîpâla (our Kshitipâla). I also, of course, accept Mr.Fleet’s statement that the Mahishapâla,^(16)who in the Asnî inscription is described as the predecessor of Mahîpâla, must be identical with Nirbhayanarendra (or, I may add, Mahendrapâla); and I am, I believe, able to show that Kshitipâla or Mahîpâla,—just as his father had three names,— in all probability also wasknown by a third namewhich is preserved to us in the Khajuraho inscription of theChandella Yaśovarman of the (Vikrama) year 1011,=A.D. 954-55. From that inscription we learn that Yaśovarman (alias Lakshavarman) had reccived a certain image of Vaikuṇṭha from Devapâla, who must have been a well-known royal personage, the son of Herambapâla, the image having previously been received by Herambapâla from Sahi, the king of Kira. The reign of Yaśovarman having closed (probably shortly) before A.D, 954, the Devapâla spoken of in his inscription can be no other than our Devapâla of Mahodayâ, for whom we have the date A.D. 948-49, and his father Herambapala therefore in all likelihood is no other than Kshitipâla, alias Mahîpâla.
To sum up, the names of the four sovereigns of Mahodayâ or Kanyakubjâ, presented to us in our inscription, together with their known dates, would be as follows :—

(1) Bhoja, A.D. 862, 876, and 882.
(2) Mahendrapâla, or Nirbhayanarendra, or Mahishapâla, A.D. 903and
907; pupil of the poet Rajaśekhara.
(3) His son Kshitipâla, or Mahîpâla, or Herambapâla, A.D. 917; patron
of Rajaśekhara; contemporaneous with Sâhi, the king of Kîra, and (as
I have tried to show ant, p. 121), with the Chandella Harshadeva, the
father of Yaśovarman.

^(14) See Gôttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1883, p. 1221.
^(15)First edited by Mr. Fleet in Ind. Ant., vol, XVI, pp. 173-175.
^(16) Igive this name on Mr. Fleet’s authority. The published photolithograph would rather have indveed we to conjecture Mahendrapala (probably for Mabindrapala, if not actually Mahendrapala).

(4) His son Devapâla, A.D. 948; contemporaneous with the Chandella Yaśovarman (alias Lakshavarman). Whether Devapâla is identical with Vijayapâla, who in an inscription from Alwâr, of the Vikrama year 1016=A.D. 959-60, is described as the successor of Kshitipâla, I am unable to determine (see Proceedings, As. Soc. Beng., 1879, p. 162).

I abstain for the present from any speculations on the possible predecessors or successors of these kings, but, in conclusion, I must point out that our Devapâla can have nothing to do with the Devapâla in Dr. Hornle’s list in the Centenary Review, Beng. As. Soc., part I], p. 208, or in the lists of Sir A. Cunningham in Archæological Survey of India, vol. XV, p. 149, and elsewhere.

THESECONDPART.

On the second part of the inscription (lines 39-46), which, as Ihave stated above, is almost entirely in verse, I need only add a few words here. The language here, too, is Sanskṛit, and it is generally more correct than in the preceding portion, but by no means freefrom mistakes. Thus, we find in line 42 the Ablative हिरण्यजीवात्, used instead of the Genitive; in line48 प्रविवेस(for प्रविवेश) used in a causal sense; in line 42 the barbarous कारापयोमास; in line 39, for the sake of the metre, वमंथुfor वमथु; in line 42 the crude form ग्रावाणfor ग्रावन्; in lines 39 and 40 offences against the metre; etc.
As regards the contents, after the words ‘oṁ, oṁ, adoration to Gaṇapati,’ and two verses invoking the blessings of Gaṇanâtha and Trivikrama (Vishṇu), we are told that acertain prince at Mahodayâ, which is compared with Indra’s town Amarâvatî, once gave the town Râyakka to some Brâhmaṇs, who after it were called Râyakkabhaṭṭas. One of their descendants, named Vaśishṭha, happened to come on matters of business ‘here’, to Sîyaḍonî, where he dwelt near the Râja of the place whose name apparently was Harirâja. And Vaśishṭha’s son, Dâmodara, founded here a temple of Murâri (Vishṇu), furnished it with an image of the god, provided it with a garden, and probably endowed it with funds for the worship of the deity. The concluding line would appear to say that the father of Dâmodara died in battle.
[This temple of Vishṇu has since been identified by Dr. A. Führer with a large ruined shrine at the neighbouring village of Satgatto, to the NE. of Sîroṇ. Near the ruined temple is a large baoii or well, still in fair preservation, and the village abounds in finestatucs of Vishṇu,—some of which have been transferred to the Lucknow Museum.—J. B.]
I have stated before that the concluding lines of the inscription are more or less damaged, and there are some passages in them which, in consequence, I fail to understand properly; but the above gives correctly the general sense of the original, and I have omitted nothing which would be of any importance to the historian.
The town Râyakka, mentioned in the above, I am unable to identify. With the term Râyakkabhaṭṭa we may compare Râyakavâla, the designation of a Brâhmaṇcaste, in line 27 of the inscription of Bhîmadeva II. published in Ind. Ant., vol. XI, p. 71.

TEXT⁷⁵⁸

** 1. ओं**⁷⁵⁹ओंममो भग[व]ते वासुदेवाय ….¹⁹⁷⁶⁰[या?] ………………………………………²⁰⁷⁶¹
धिरा[ज?] — — — ………..^(21⁷⁶²) [देवपा?] …………²²⁷⁶³[]⁷⁶³हाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर\।[श्री]— [ हेन्द्र]पालदेवपादा[नां]²³म[हीप्र] -
** 2. वर्द्धमानकल्याणविजय— [ज्ये?][सं] —— [रस] तेषु²⁴नवसत षष्ट्यधिकेषु श्राव……….²⁵⁷⁶⁴सम्वत्‌ ९६० श्राव[ण]………²⁶⁷⁶⁵गताशेषमहा[श]व्दम[हा]सामन्ताधिपति [श्रीमदु]— [ न्द्र? ]…..²⁷⁷⁶⁶ [भु]ज्यमानस्त[त्पादाधिष्ठित] [व?]….²⁸ञ्च[कु?]….²⁹⁷⁶⁷[]⁷⁶⁷ [कौ]प्तिके श्रीपश्च[स्था?]….³⁰⁷⁶⁸[क?] द्वाविंसतिकच्छितराकयोर्व्वारे [सतीदृसे] का [ले वर्त्तमाने वार?]प्रमु [ख?] -
3. सकलस्थानेन संसारस्यानित्यत्वं वुध्वा**⁷⁶⁹** पुण्ययशोभिह[द]ये स्वकीयतलसीमाप्रतिव[दक्षेत्रं?] [पूर्व्वपश्चि]मतो इस्तदिसतमात्रंदक्षिणोत्तरतो वा सपाददस्तद्विसत[मात्र]ञ्चवणिकचण्डुकेन⁷⁷⁰सङ्गटसुतेनप्रतिष्ठापित⁷⁷¹पत्तनस्य दक्षिणदिग्विभागे पश्चिमाभिमुखश्रीनारायणभट्टारकस्याव[लेपनस] न्मा [र्ज्जना] ङ्ग[राग] धूपप्रदीपनैवेद्याद्यर्थं निवेदितं धर्म्मायमत्वा आचन्द्रार्क्कक्षित्युदधिसमकालिनं यावन्न कैञ्चि[त्परिपन्यना कर्त्त?][व्या] इ[ति]
4. सकलस्थानानुमतेन वा[र]स्वहस्तायेति॥ क्व ॥ मतं केसिआवारु च्छितरावारु साक्षिणौ श्रुते⁷⁷²लिखितसाक्षिवी[ठु] राच्छडपुत्रस्तथा वावण गोंदासुतः॥ लिखितं स्थानानुमतेन करणिकसर्व्वहरिणा भोचुकपुत्रेणेति॥ परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपर-मेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराज⁷⁷³परमेश्वरश्रीमहेन्द्रपालदेवपा-दानां महीप्रवर्द्धमानकल्यण⁷⁷⁴विजयराज्ये सम्वत्सरस-
5. तेषुनवसत [षx**]ष्ट्यधिकेषु चतुरन्वितेषु मार्ग्गसिरमासवहुलपक्षतृतीयायां सम्वत्‌ ९६४ मार्ग्ग वदि ३ अद्येहसीयोडोणिसमावासितमहाप्रातिहार समधिगतासेषमहाशब्द-महासामन्ताधिपतिश्रीउन्दभटः॥ समस्तराजपुरुषान्वोधयति विदितमस्तु भगवतां⁷⁷⁵अस्मिन्‌ पत्तने नेमकवणिकचण्डुकप्रतिष्ठापितविष्णुभट्टारकस्यास्माभि परलोकनिस्रेयसार्थ⁷⁷⁶[]⁷⁷⁶पुण्मयसोभिवृहयेयौवनधनजीवितानि नलिनीदलगतज-
6. ललवतरलतराणि लक्ष्य अक्षयनीमीयं निवेदिता॥ सीयडोणिसत्कमण्डपिकायां प्रतिदिनं पञ्चियकद्रम्मसत्कपादमेकं दातव्यं तथा दिनं प्रति मुद्रयित्वा युगैका देया॥ देवस्यावलेपनसन्मार्ज्जनाङ्गरागधपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थमाचन्द्रार्क्कक्षित्यदधिसमकालिनं यावत्पालनीयं कस्मिंञ्चित्काले यः कोपि पुरुषः परिपन्थनाखश्राकरोति उत्पादयति⁷⁷⁷स पञ्चमहापातकैलिप्यति स्वहस्तोयंश्रीउन्दभटस्य ॥ क्व॥
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23 I have littledoubt that thepreceding passage originally was:–घिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीमहेन्द्रपालदेवपादानां as below, line 4.
24 I.e., विजयराज्येसंवत्सरशतेषु.-Forthe following नवसत (i.e. नवशत, 900,) onewould of course expect to read नवसु ‘nine,’ but, the dates below are given in the same way.With regard to षष्यधिकेषु, it isdifficult to say whether the actual reading of the stone, here and below, is षष्ट्य० or षष्ठ्या.
28 Here also about 5 aksharas are gone. The following aksharas श्च[कु?] are the remainder ०0 प्रञ्चकलं.

वहुलूरुद्रगणयोर्व्वारेवारप्रमुखस्थानेन निवेदिता अक्षयनीमिका ॥॥ अस्मिनेव⁷⁷⁸काले तथा चण्डुकेन सङ्गटसुतेन प्रतिष्ठापितपश्चिमाभिमुखश्रीविष्णिुभट्टारकस्य समर्प्पिता वणिकचण्डुकस्तथा सावसस्तथा माहपा[⁷⁷⁹दिभि?]स्माङ्गटसुतैः स्वकीयस्वकीयच्छाया [आ]त्मीयअवासनिका उत्तराभिमुखा अस्याभ्यन्तरे उत्तराभिमुखगृहाणि चत्वारि अपसरकसहितानि अवलिप्तसिलाच्छ[त्रा]नि अवासनिकाय[श्वा]घाटानि लिख्यन्ते [पूर्व्वे])ण र -
थ्यादक्षिणेन चण्डुकीयावासनिकास्वोलिकापात॑ पश्चिमेनसीशकीयदेवसत्कअवासनिका उत्तरेण च्छेण्डिका मर्यादाएवं चतुराघाटचिङ्कोपलक्षिता महद्वर्म्महेतोरवलेपनसम्मार्ज्जनधूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थंप्रदत्ता यः कश्चित्परिपन्थना करोति स चमहानरकं व्रजति ॥ मतं चण्डूसावसमा⁷⁸⁰हपानां साङ्गटसुतानामिति ॥ ॥तथा सम्वत्सरसतेषु नवसत पश्चषष्यधिकेषु अश्विनमासे प्रतिपदायां सम्वत्९६५ अश्वि[नसु]दि१
वणिकनागाकेन चण्डूसुतेनापरिमितमूल्येन क्रीत्वाकुम्भकारदैवैकअइचागा\।न्दू\।कलिआकादीनां अक्षयनीमिका देवस्य समर्प्पिता॥ क्व॥ तथा समस्तकल्लपालानां मध्ये यस्य यस्य सत्कमद्यभाण्ड निपद्यते विक्रयं याति स⁷⁸¹च स चाचन्द्रार्क्कं यावद्विग्रहपालसत्कद्रर्म्मार्द्विका⁷⁸²ताली दातव्या ॥ यष्व⁷⁸³श्चित्परिपन्थना करोति स नरकं व्रजति स्थानीयभूमौ ये भूये भूता⁷⁸⁴ये भविष्यन्ति कुम्भकारष्वलपालाश्च⁷⁸⁵तैरक्षयनीमिका पालनी -
या॥ ॥ तथा वारप्रमुखस्थानसम्वद्वकन्दुकानां पार्श्वात्‌ कन्दुक[ना]इलभोइलतिकूदेगू[प]- स[नू]कादीनां पार्श्वात्‌ वणिकनागाकेन चाण्डूसुतेन सम्मार्ज्जनविलेपनधूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थं अपरिमितमुख्येन क्रीत्वा कन्दुकानां प्रतिवराहकयविंसोपकैकं प्रतिदिनं वि १ ग्राह्यमाचन्द्रार्क्कं यावङ्गोक्तव्यं यङ्कश्चित्परिपन्थनाखश्रामुत्पादयति स च महापातकपश्चकैर्ल्लिप्यति ॥ स्वहस्तोय ४४४४⁴⁸मिति॥
तथा सम्वत्सरसतेषु नव[स]त सप्त[ष^(x)]ष्ट्यधिकेषु फाल्गुनमास⁷⁸⁶अमावास्यां सम्वत्‌ ९६७ फाल्गुन वदि १५ सीयडोण्यां वारप्रमुखस्थाने अइवुआनर⁷⁸⁷सिंघयोर्व्वारे यथा नेमकवणिकचाण्डूकेनप्रतिष्ठापितश्रीविष्णुभट्टारकपश्चिमाभिमुखमुलाइतणदक्षिणदिग्विभागे नेमकवणिकवासुदेवेनप्रतिष्ठाप्य श्रीविष्णुभट्टारकं उत्तराभिमुखं महान्तधर्म्मार्थहेतोः पूजापनसम्मार्ज्जनधूपप्रदीपार्थं
दोसिहट्टेपूर्व्वाभिमुखावलिप्ताछन्नाउवटकसहिता देवस्य समर्प्पिता॥ शस्याश्चघाटानि लिख्यन्ते पूर्व्वेणहट्टरप्या⁷⁸⁸दक्षिणेन वामनसत्कवीथीपश्चिमेन स्वोलिकार्पतमुत्तरेण⁷⁸⁹श्रीविष्णुभट्टारकवीथी मर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटविशुद्धाप्रदत्ता॥ तथा वैस्वान्दर⁷⁹⁰पूजनार्थं वासुदे[वे^(x)]न स्वकीयगृहंपूर्व्वाभिमुखं उवटकसहितं प्रदत्तंअस्याघाटानि पूर्व्वेण प्रसन्नदेवियारकमर्यादा दक्षिणेन
वासुदेवग्टहभित्ति पश्चिमेन रथ्याउत्तरेण श्रीप्रसन्नवीथीमर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटविशद्धंदेवस्य प्रदत्तं यङ्कश्चिद्वरणविधारणविधारणा⁷⁹¹करोति स च नरकं व्रजति न संशयः⁷⁹²॥ तथा वणिकचण्डू-
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48Thesesignsappear to have been put in to fill up the line.[Or they are meant for an actualr epresentation of the signmanual; compareIndian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p.198 f.—E.H.]

कीयोपार्ज्जना प्रसन्नहट्टेउत्तराभिमुखा वीथीअवलिप्ता उवटकसहिता अस्याश्चाघाटानि पूर्व्वेणसुभादित्यस⁷⁹³वीथीदक्षिणेन भट्टदेवप्रसादसत्कावासनिकास्वोलीपातं पश्चिमेन चूंआं-
14. वीथी उत्तरेण हट्टरथ्यामर्यादा॥ क्व॥ तथा अपरं चाण्डूकेन साङ्गटसुतेन पितृपितामहोपार्ज्जितं स्वकीयंदक्षिणाभिमुखं वीथीचतुष्टयं [अमीषामाघा[टा^(x)]नि]⁷⁹⁴लिख्यन्ते पूर्व्वेण चूंआवीथी दक्षिणेन हट्टरप्यापश्चिमेन स्वकीयवाससनिकाहारोष्ठमर्यादा उत्तरेण स्वकीयावासनिका मर्यादाएवं चतुराघाटचिह्नोपलक्षिता⁷⁹⁵ मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययरेभिवृर्द्वये⁷⁹⁶ परमभक्त्याश्रीविष्णुभट्टारकस्य सा -
15. सनत्वेप्रदत्तंयङ्कश्चित्परिपथ्यनाखश्राकरोति स च महापञ्चपातकैल्लिप्यति⁷⁹⁷नरकं व्रजति॥॥ तथा [ग्र]हपतिकताम्बुलिककेशवेन वटेश्वरसुतेन पितृपितामहोपार्ज्जितदक्षिणा भिमुखस्वकीयवीथी चतुर्हट्टे अस्याश्चाघाटानि लिख्यन्तेपूर्व्वेण कसारकवीथीदक्षिणेन हट्टरष्य पश्चिमेन केसवस्यव वीथी उत्तरेण कंदासघूटमर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटविशद्ध⁷⁹⁸चण्डूप्रतिष्ठापितपश्चि[मा]भि-
16. [सु]खश्रीविष्णुभट्टारकस्य प्रदत्ता आचन्द्रार्क्कं यावत्पालनीया यङ्कश्चित्परिपन्थना करोति स च महापञ्चपातकैल्लिप्यति⁷⁹⁹॥ वीथीइयं सांप्रतं पूर्व्वाभिमुखा वर्त्तते॥ स्वहस्तोयं केशवस्य॥॥ तथा नेमकवणिकनागाकेन चाण्डूसुतेन दोसिहट्टेउपार्ज्जनां कृत्वावीथीद्वौ२ पूर्व्वाभिमुखौ अवलिप्त⁸⁰⁰उवटकसहितौ अनयोराघाटा लिख्यन्ते पूर्व्वेण हट्टरष्यादक्षिणेन वासुदेववीथीपश्चिमेन स्वोली[पा]-
17. [तं] उत्तरेणरामेवीथीमर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटचिह्नोपलक्षिता श्रीविष्णुभट्टा[र^(x)]कस्य प्रदत्ता मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययसोभिवृद्धयेयङ्कश्चित्परिपन्थनावाधा करोति स च षष्ठीवर्षसहश्राणि षष्ठी⁸⁰¹वर्षसतानि च विष्ठायां जायते कृमिः॥॥ तथा नेमकवणिकसीलूकेन महपासुतेन उपर्ज्जयित्वा⁸⁰²वीथीदक्षिणाभिमुखापसरकसहितावलिप्ताच्छवन्ना⁸⁰³अस्याश्चाघाटानि लिख्यन्ते पूर्व्वेणसावसवीथीदक्षिणे-
18. न हट्टरष्या पश्चिमेन श्रीशिवभट्टारकवीथीमर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटविशुद्धं⁷⁹⁸श्रीनारायणभट्टारकस्यधूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थंप्रदत्ता यङ्कश्चित्परिन्थना करोति स च नरकं व्रजति महापञ्चपातकैल्लिप्यति⁷⁹⁷॥॥ तथासम्वत्सरनवसतेषु एकोनसप्तत्यधिकेषु माघमासे पञ्चम्यां⁸⁰⁴सम्वत्‌ ९६९ माघ शुदि ५ अद्येह श्रीमत्सीयडोण्यां महाराजाधिराजश्रीधू[र्भ]ट परिभुज्यमाने⁸⁰⁵, to agree with परिभुज्यमाने.")तत्पादाधिष्ठितलोधुआकादिपञ्चकुलं
19. मण्डपिकायां कौप्तिकरस्थाकः स्थानारोपितअवुआनरसिंघयोर्व्वारे सतीदृसे [ने]मकवणिकनागाकेन चाण्डूसुतेन समस्तकल्लपालानां पार्श्वात्‌ अपरिमितमूल्येन क्रीत्वा कल्लपालमहत्तकपञ्चिकः सांतडस्तथा राहडस्तथा कुण्डाकस्तथा ललाकस्तथा जसकरकादीनां समस्तकल्लपालानां सत्कहट्टानामुपरि दत्तश्रीमदादी[⁸⁰⁶वरा] हपञ्चसदधिकानि सतानि त्रयोदशाङ्केवराहद्र १३५० अ-
20. तीर्थेसुराभाण्डं प्रति मासान्मासंविग्रहतुङ्गीयद्रन्मार्द्धंदातव्यं तालिं प्रति वि १० आचन्द्रार्क्कक्षितिकालिनं धूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थं श्रीविष्णुभट्टारकस्य प्रदत्तंयङ्कश्चिद्वरणविधारणा करोति स च नरकं व्रजति ॥॥ तथा नेमकवणिकनागाकेन चाण्डूसुतेन मातंगानां पार्श्वादुपार्ज्जि⁸⁰⁷तमह [द्व]र्न्मार्थहेतो⁸⁰⁸दोसिहट्टेयुगैकं युगैकंप्रति कपर्दकद्वयंद्वयं क २दातव्यं मातङ्गकोवेजोहटाकस्तथा देरुलाकस्तथा रउआक-

स्तथा संकराकस्तथां येम्वराकस्तथा हेम्व[टा]कादीनां⁸⁰⁹दोसिहट्टेसमस्तयुगानामुपरि अक्षयनीमिका प्रदत्ता यङ्कोपिपरिपन्थना करोति स च नरकं व्रजति॥तथा नागाकेन दोसिहट्टे उपार्ज्जिता⁸¹⁰पूर्व्वाभिमुखा वीथीअवलिप्ता उवटकसहितास्याश्चाघाटानि पूर्व्वेण हट्टरथ्यादक्षिणेन भट्टजेहरिवीथीपश्चिमेन स्वोलोपातं उत्तरेण च्छेडिका मर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटविसुहाश्रीनारायणभट्टारकस्य स-
मर्प्पिता यङ्कोपिपरिपन्थना करोति स च नरकं व्रजति ॥॥ तथा नागाकेनचाण्डूसुतेनात्मीयदक्षिणाभिमुखवीथीत्रयं उवटकसहितं अमीषां⁸¹¹अघाटानि लिख्यन्ते पूर्व्वेण शिवभट्टारकवीथीदक्षिणेन हट्टरथ्यापश्चिमेन श्रीमाकीयदेववीथी उत्तरेण नागासत्कअवामनिकास्वोलीपातं एवं चतुराघाटचिह्नोपलक्षिता विलेपनसन्मार्ज्जनधूपप्रदीपनैषेद्यार्थं श्रीनारायणभट्टारकस्य समर्प्पिता
यङ्कश्चित्परिपरिपन्थना⁸¹²करोति स च न[र^(x)]कं व्रजति ॥॥ तथा स्थानानुमतेन वारपपद्मयोर्व्वारं नेमकवणिकभाइलेन गोविन्दसुतेन श्रीवामनस्वामिदेवपश्चिमाभिसुखस्य पितृपितामहोपार्ज्जित⁸¹³उत्तराभिमुखा वीथी अवलिप्ता उवटकमहिता अस्याश्चाघाटानि ल्लिख्यन्ते⁸¹⁴पूर्व्वेणसीगासत्कदेववीथीदक्षिणेन खोलीपातं पश्चिमेन पुन⁸¹⁵सीगासत्कदेववीथी उत्तरेण हट्टरथ्यामर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटचिह्नोप-
लक्षिता धूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थं प्रदत्ताचन्द्रार्क्ककालिनं यावत्‌ रसीके विग्रहपालीयद्रम्मतृभागं⁸¹⁶तृ१ देवस्य दातव्यं यङ्कोपि परिपन्थना करोति स च नरकं व्रजति ॥ ॥ तथा नागाकीयउपार्ज्जना पूर्व्वाभिमुखौ गृहद्वौअवलिप्तौअपसरकसहितौ अस्याश्चाघाटानि⁸¹⁷पूर्व्वेणाकासभोगप्राङ्गणं दक्षिणेनवामनगृहभीती पश्चिमेन स्वोलीपातं उत्तरेण च्छेण्डिका मर्यादा एवं चतुराघाट-
चिह्नोपलक्षिता सन्मार्ज्जनविलेपनगन्धधूपप्रदीपार्थंप्रदत्तं तृभुवनस्वामिदेवस्य⁸¹⁸यङ्कश्चित्परिपन्थना करोति स च नरकं व्रजति॥॥ तथा नागाकीयडपार्जनायां उत्तराभिमुख⁸¹⁹उवटकं व्रा[ह्म]णताम्वोलिकधमाकेन क्रयित्वा महन्तधर्म्मार्थहेतो⁸²⁰श्रीउमामहेस्वरस्य प्रदत्तं अस्याघाटानि पूर्व्वेण सिवभट्टारकवीथीदक्षिणेन स्वगृहभित्ति⁸²¹पश्चिमेन सिवभट्टारकवीथीउ-
त्तरेण हट्टरथ्या मर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटविशुद्धं य-परिपन्थना करोति स नरकं व्रजति॥ सम्वत्‌ ९९४ वैसाखवदि ५ सक्रांतौ⁸²²चण्डूकीयदेवस्य इहनिवासी ताम्वोलिकमहर सवर केसवासुतस्तथा माधव इच्छ्रसुत⁸²³समस्तलोकानां मिलित्वा अक्षयनीमिका प्रदत्ता पर्ण्णापालिकां प्रति विग्रहद्रन्मविसोवकं विसोवकं प्रदत्तं वि १आचन्द्रार्क्ककालिनं भोक्तव्यमिति⁸²⁴॥ स्वहस्तंसवरमाधवयोः ॥॥
[त]थासावसकीय दक्षिणाभिमुखा वीथीअवलीप्ता⁸²⁵उवटकसहिता कृतोपसन्नाअस्याघाटानि⁸²⁶पूर्व्वेण सीगाकीयदेववीथी दक्षिणेन हट्टरथ्यापश्चिमेन सीलूवीथी⁸²⁷उत्तरेण स्वोलीपातं एवं चतुराघाटविशुद्धंविलेपनसन्मार्ज्जनधूपदीपनैवेद्यार्थं तृभुवन⁸²⁸स्वामिदेवस्य प्रदत्ता यङ्कोपि परिपन्थना करोति स महापातकपञ्चक⁸²⁹ैलिप्यति ॥ ॥ तथा नागाकीयडपर्ज्जना⁸³⁰[]⁸³⁰ तैलिकवीठुतथा नारायणस्तथा ना-

गदेवस्तथा महसोणः समस्ततैलिकानां घ्राणकं घ्राणकं प्रतिदिन⁸³¹ महन्तधर्म्मार्थहेतोः तैलपलिका प्रदत्ता ॥ <MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1699721964Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥ परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीक्षितिपालदेवपादानुध्यात<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699722054Screenshot(44"/>.png) प⁸³²रमभट्टार- [क^(x)]महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीदेवपालपादानां महीप्रवर्तमानकस्याणपविजयराज्ये सम्वत्सराणां सहस्रैकं पचोत्तरं माघमासशुक्लपक्षपञ्चम्यां सम्वत् १००५ माघ शुदि ५ अद्येह

29.श्रीमत्सीयडोणिपत्तने ‘महाराजाधिराजश्रीनिष्कलङ्क<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699722054Screenshot(44"/>.png)प⁸³³रिभुज्य[मा^(x)]ने भण्डपिकायां सोहपादिपञ्चकुलं स्थानानुमतेन पादूदेदेकयोर्व्वारेसतीदृसे काले वर्तमाने दोसिदह समस्तमहाजनेन एकमतीभूत्वा महान्तधर्म्मार्थहेतोर्व्वणिकविक्रमेन⁸³⁴प्रतिष्ठापितवीभादूलस्वामिदेवस्य प्रदत्तं मासान्मासं प्रति द्रन्मस्य तृभागं⁸¹⁶ तृ १ देयमिति ॥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699721964Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥ तथा सूत्रधारजेजपस्तथा विसिआकस्तथा भलुआकस्तथा जो [गू] -

30.[क] द्रकादीनां समस्तआहाडसम्वहसिलाकूटानां⁸³⁵एकमतीभूत्वा श्रीविष्णुभट्टांरकस्य भरणं भरणं प्रति विग्रहपालंद्रन्मस्य तृभागं तृ१ अच⁸³⁶न्द्राक्ककालिनं यावमोक्तव्यं यत्कञ्चित्परिपन्थना करोति स च महापातकपञ्चकैर्भिप्यति ॥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699721964Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥ तथा सम्वत् १००८ माघ शुदि ११ अद्येह सीयडोणिपत्तने महाराजा- धिराजश्रीनिष्कलङ्गस्तत्पादाधिष्ठितपुरंदरादिपञ्चकुलं मण्डपिकायां कौप्तिकमाधवः स्थानाधिष्ठित- तुण्डिप्रद्युअयोर्व्वारे

इहाधिष्ठाने चण्डूप्रतिष्ठापितश्रीविष्णुभट्टारकायतने पुरन्दरेण प्रतिष्ठापितपश्चिमाभिमुख श्रीचक्रस्वामिदेवस्य दीपतैलार्थेइह निवासी तैलिकानां केसवस्तथा दुर्ग्गादित्यस्तथा के[ सु ]लाक उजोणेक तुण्डिआकादीनां⁸³⁷महान्तधम्मार्थहेतो⁸³⁸घा⁸³⁸णकघाणकं प्रति तैलपलिका प्रदत्ता यन्कश्चित्परिपन्थना करोति स च नरकं व्रजति ॥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699721964Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥ तथा पूर्व्वसूचित नेमकवणिकपप्पाकेन देदडासुतेन यत्प्रतिष्ठापित श्री[च] -

क्रस्वामिदेव [स्य] वणिकमहादित्यनोहलाभ्यां पप्पासुताभ्यां [आत्मीया] वासनिका उत्तराभिमुखास्याभ्यन्तरे उत्तराभि⁸³⁹मुखानि गृहाणि त्रीणि ३अपसरकप्राङ्गणसहितावलिप्तानि अस्याघाटानि⁸⁴⁰पूर्व्वेण रथ्या दक्षिणेन खोलोपातं पश्चिमेन चाण्डूसत्कावासनिका उत्तरेण हारोष्ठनिष्कासप्र[वे]सक मर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटचिह्नोपलक्षिता विलेपनसन्मार्जनधूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थं प्रदत्तं यङ्कश्चित्परिपन्थना करोति स च नरकं [व्र] -

जति ॥ स्वहस्तोयं महादित्यमोहलयोः ॥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699721964Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥ तथा पूर्व्वसूचित स [म्वत् ] ९९१ माघ शुदि१० नगाकःवाण्डू⁸⁴¹सुतस्तथा [दे^(x)]दैकस्तथा वालिस्तथा रुदाक जाजूसुतास्तथा छितराकःसावासुत एकमतीभूत्वा स्वकीयस्वकीयच्छाया महान्तधर्म्मार्थहेतो<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699722328Screenshot(44"/>.png)पूर्व्वाभिमुखा अवासनिका अपसरकप्राङ्गणसहिता अस्याघाटानि⁸⁴²पूर्व्वेण निष्कासप्रवेसहारोष्ठकं दक्षिणेन विषयणकहपसत्कावासनिका पश्चिमेन कविलासत्क[अवा]-

सनिका उत्तरेण सावससत्कअवासनिका मर्यादा एवं चतुरा [ घा] टविशुद्धा अस्याभ्यन्तरे समस्तगृहसमेतं समस्तवीथीसमेतां च देवस्य प्रदत्ता यक्कोपि वि[[घ्नं?]]⁸⁴³.")करोति स चालीयपुरुषचयं नरकं नयति यक्कोपि वीथीषु प्रवसति स च गोष्ठिभावितं भाटकं ददाति दायादस्या [धि] कारं नास्ति स्वहस्तोयं नागादेदैवालीरुदाकादीनां मतं लिखितं सर्व्वह [रि^(x])पुत्रेण रच्छाकेन ॥<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699721964Screenshot(43"/>.png) ॥ तथा देदैकस्तथा वालीकस्त[था]

तथा⁸⁴⁴रुदाक जाजूसुतारेभि⁸⁴⁵प्र[ दत्ता] चण्डूप्रतिष्ठापितपश्चिमाभिमुखश्रीविष्णुभट्टारकस्य चतुष्कहटे⁸⁴⁶[]⁸⁴⁶पश्चिमाभिमुखा वीथी अवलिप्ता उवटकसहिता अतोपसन्ना अस्याघाटानि शिस्यन्ते¹³⁸⁴⁷पूर्व्वेण [ओ] लीपातं दक्षिणेन श्रीघ्र [म्व] लोहीदेविजगति<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699808242Screenshot(44"/>.png) पश्चिमेन हट्टरप्या उत्तरेण तिखरावीथी मर्यदा⁸⁴⁸एवं चतुराघाटविसुद्धा विलेपनसन्मर्ज्जन⁸⁴⁹ धूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थं प्रदत्ता [यङ्क] -

श्चित्परिपन्धना करोति स च नरकं घोरं व्रजति पितृपितामहैस्सह ॥ स्वहस्तोयं देदैवालीरुदाकादीनां सम्मतं लिखितं स्वाभिकुमारेण सर्व्वहरिसुतेनेति ॥<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699808134Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥’ सम्वत् १०२५ माघ वदि ९ अद्येह सीयडोणिपत्तने महाराजाधिराजश्रीनिष्कलङ्कपरिभुज्यमाने तत्पादाधिष्ठितकेशवराजादिपञ्चकुलं स्थानानुमतेन पाधदेदेकयोर्व्वारे सतीदृसे काले इहाधिष्ठाने द
[ क्षि ]णेदिग्विभागे चाण्डुप्रतिष्ठापितपश्चिमाभिमुखश्रीविष्णुभट्टारकस्यायतने नेमकजाति-वणिकमहादित्येन पेपेसुतेन प्रतिष्ठापितपूर्व्वाभिमुखश्रीविष्णुभट्टारकस्य वणिकश्रीधरेण महादित्यसुतेन विलेपनसन्मार्ज्जनपूजापनधूपप्रदीपनैवेद्यार्थं श्रीमदादी⁸⁵⁰वराहद्रम्मस्य पादैकं प्रदत्तं एतदर्थे मासान्मासं प्रति दीयमानं पञ्चियकद्रम्मैकं सास -

[नं] लिखितं अङ्के पं द्र १ एतदर्थे [सा] च वीथी [नागासत्का] दक्षिणाभिमुखा उवटकसहिता कृतोपसन्नाभोगाधिना तिष्ठति अस्याघाटानि⁸⁵¹लिख्यते पूर्व्वेण श्रीशिवभट्टारकवीथी दक्षिणेन हट्टरप्यापश्चिमेन सोल्लुकवीथी उत्तरेण ओलीपातं मर्यादा एवं चतुराघाटविशुद्धाअस्या वीथ्यामोचापनकाले अपरवीथी अनुरुपा⁸⁵²सासने लिखाप्य मोक्तव्या आचन्द्रार्क्क -

क्षितिकालिनं यावङ्मो[क्तव्यं] यक्कश्चि[त्खश्रावाधा ? ][ददाति] स च महान्तं नरकं व्रजति मतं सिरिधर महादित्यमुतस्य लिखितं करणिकधीरवर्म्मणा⁸⁵³स्वामिकुमारसुतेनेति ॥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699808134Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥ ओं⁷⁵⁹ओंनमो, गणपतये। घंतु⁵⁸⁹.")वो गणनाथस्य हस्ताक्षेपवमंथवः। विधंरेणुं क्षितेः क्षिप्रं विन्दुभिर्जलदा इव ॥ योसौ³⁷⁸[च] काम धात्रीं गिरिकुहरसरित्सागरानूपरम्यां पादेनैकेन कृत्स्त्रां वलिच्छलनव⁸⁵⁴

[शा^(x)]न्मूर्त्ति[मास्था ] य [अ] स्वां । स्वर्ग्ग [[म्वभ्राम?]]⁸⁵⁵साकं पवनप[भ]गणैर्भा[नुचन्द्र]ग्रहाय्यैः सोव्यात्रिविक्रमो व[[स्तृ]]⁸⁵⁶तयपदपथो यस्य देवैर्न्न लब्धः⁸⁵⁷॥ महोदयामरावत्यां⁸⁵⁸; and of the next verse.— Originally ०मरावरावत्यां.")मनुष्येन्द्रेण धीमता। रायक्कंनाम नगरं ब्राह्म⁸⁵⁹णेभ्योदर्दे किल ॥ रायकभट्टा इति ते ख्यातिं प्राप्ता महीतले । दातारः शत्रुजेतारो विद्वांसो सुबहु⁸⁶⁰श्रुताः॥ तेषां⁶³⁵प्र

तीतकुलसंततिसुप्रसूतिश्चारित्र [ चा ] रधनधैर्ययुतो व [शि]ष्ठः। शिष्टप्रहर्षजनकः स कलौ [[वभूव]]⁸⁶¹सद्भावभावपरिभावितचित्तवृत्तिः॥शुभ्रा⁸⁶²स्ततु[ल्यैर्भ] वनैर्व्विरा [जि] तात्कैलासश्रृङ्गादिव गुह्यकाधिपः। द्रव्यङ्गृही [त्वा] किल मातृयानकात्केनापि कार्येण चरन्निहागतः॥तेना⁸⁶³ [स्मि] अगरीन्द्रकंदरमुखे दृष्टो नृपः शिंहव⁸⁶⁴[च्छी]मद्राजकुले[भ] -

42.दर्प्पशमनप्रो[द्रु]तगुंजारवः। मत्वा कौतुकपूरितान्तरगतो राज्ञः समोपेवस[च्छी] मन्त हरिराजमाहवह[रे]रासाद्यपूजामनु॥ तस्यात्मजः⁸⁶⁵ख्यातगुणोपपन्नोदामोदरो नाम [ज]गप्रसिद्धः सोसारतां वीक्ष्यहिरण्यजीवात्कारापयामास गृहं मुरारेः॥ ग्रावाणपुंजैरिव सिहकोस्मिन्सोपानमाहत्य ग[तोन्त] -

रिक्षम्। शृङ्गं हिमाद्रेरिव वानरेण [आ?]नीय [मु]क्तं [ल?]वणाब्धिबंधात्⁸⁶⁶॥ ये[नाभू]न्निजवादु-³⁷पंजरवृह⁸⁶⁷पंजरवृहङ्गुस्यातमा रोदसी दृप्तप्रोहतदैत्याकटुकठिनच्छेदोहम[च्छो] णितैः। आता[य]स्य वसुंधरा करवरैर्दौता पवित्रीकृता तस्यार्च्चांप्रविवेस³⁸लक्षणवतीं त्रैविक्रमीयां शुभाम् ॥ ³⁹मोरानीपार्ज्जुनांम्बैर्ग्गनप[रि]चि-

तैस्तालमालामधूकै[र्न्ना] रङ्ग्याराजजंव्वा⁸⁶⁸फलभरनमितैर्द्दाडि[मीमातुलुंगेः]। [जातीने?]-वालजालेर्व्विकसितसुमनोमल्लिकामंजरीभिः पुष्पै[र्व्व] न्यप्रधानैः सम[श?] नरुचिरैराजितंवृक्षषण्डैः॥
प[त्तना[त्पूर्व्वमारामं]]⁵⁸⁹.")मंदाकि[ न्या] दिगुत्तर [म्।] ददौ स नित्यपू[जार्थ] न्तस्मै सत्कारसिद्धये ॥ विप्रकीयगृहपश्चिम[भा[गा?]]⁸⁶⁹

द्देवभूमिनिल[यात्पु]रतश्च। दक्षिणेन वणिजो⁸⁷⁰निजरथ्याउ[त्तरे]ण [पश्चात्] ॥[त]स्य …….. प्रतिमासं⁸⁷¹——— [लो] हवानाम्। दोष — —[मं]डपिकायामध्यर्द्ध[का]किणीं—[दिने दिने] ॥…….[[हारिकां प्रति]]⁸⁷² वराटकै[कां] १ — — —देव्याः———णर [थ्या] …..कगृहं⁸⁷³१ वसन्तमह [त्त ] कहट्टे [व] -
णि[ग]…..^(.)महत्तकहट्टे⁸⁷⁴…..पुर[तो⁸⁷⁵] र[थ्या] च्छि…….॥⁸⁷⁶— [[जा]]³⁷⁴पूरि-[रयशः] पताका—— —[रणमुखे त्रि]दिवं प्रयातः। [तस्या]त्मजेनवरविप्रनतांडियुम्मो दामोदरेण — — ——॥<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699811879Screenshot(43"/>.png)॥

XXII. - A STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KUDARKOT (GAVIDHUMAT).

BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E.; GOTTINGEN.

The stone which bears this inscription is said to have been found, in 1875, in the ruins of the Fort of Kudarkot, in the Itâwâ District of the North-Western Provinces, 24 miles north-east of Itawa town ; and it is now in the Lucknow Museum.

The inscription contains 16 lines. The writing covers a space of about 2’ 4” broad by 1’ 4” high, and is well preserved almost throughout. The size of the letters is between ½" and 5/8". The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets, and they are in every respect very similar to those of the Bodh-Gayà inscription of Malânâman of the ( Gupta) year 269, = A.D. 588-89, & photo-lithograph of which has been published in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 358. As regards individual letters, it may be noted that r, as the first part of a conjunct, while it is ten times denoted by the superscript.

sign, is fourteen times formed on the line, with the following consonant (or consonants) below it; e.g., in arthinah, line 8, sarvveshám, line 9, niryayuh, line 10, Kuladipakirtti, line 14, Vahurúpaśarmmâ, line 15, &c. The language is Sanskrit, and excepting the introductory om namaḥ, and the names in lines 13-15, the inscription is in verse. In respect of orthography, I’need only note that b is throughout written by the sign for v; that t, in conjunction with a following r, is doubled, except where it is preceded by 8, e.g., in puttram ttrayi-, line 9, and chittram ttraividya-, line 11; that the guttural nasal has been employed instead of the anusvára, in sinha, line 1; and that the rule of samdhi has not been observed in -samvidhi, line 12.

The inscription records (v. 15) the erection of a building for Brâhmans familiar with the three Vedas, by a personage named Harivarman, and surnamed the illustrious Mamma (vv. 4 and 18), the son of Haridatta (v. 2); and it gives (ll. 13-15) the names of six Brâhmans who appear to have been the first occupants. Harivar- man, we learn from vv. 13 and 14, had a son named Takshadatta who was killed in battle, and in memory of whom the building would seem to have been erected.

The inscription is not dated; but judging from the style of the characters, and from the fact that Haridatta, the father of Harivarman, (in v. 2) is said to have been raised to eminence by the illustrious Harsha, whom I take to have been the wellknown ruler of Kanauj,⁸⁷⁷it may be assigned with some certainty to about the latter half of the seventh century A.D.

The most interesting piece of information, furnished by this inscription, is contain ed in verse 15, from which it appears that the place where the inscription originally was put up, and which now bears the name of Kudârkot, at the time when the inscription was composed, was called Gavîdhumat. This name has hitherto been met with only in Patañjali’s Mahábháshya,⁸⁷⁸in a passage which says that ‘Sâmkâsya is four yojanas distant from Gavidhumat.’ Sâmkâsya has by Sir A. Cunningham been identified with the modern Sankisa, a village in the Farukhâbâd District of the North-Western Provinces, situated 36 miles north by west from Kudârkot, 11 miles south-south-east from Aligañj in the Âzamnagar Pargana of the Itâwâ district and 40 miles north-north- east from Itâwâ, in lat. 27° 191/2 ′ N., long. 79° 20′ E. Kudârkot (Kuṭṭårkot ?) itself is a village and ruins in the Bidhunâ or Bidhaunâ tahsîl in lat. 26° 49 N., long. 79° 271/2’ E.

TEXT.⁸⁷⁹

```
         **ओं[^894]नमः ॥**
```

** ‘सब्रिहित⁸⁸⁰नीलकण्ठा नितम्ब (म्ब) तटशोभिनी ससिङ्हगुहा⁸⁸¹ ।
जयति प्रालेयाचलभूरिव दुर्ग्गासदा सुमुखा ॥ –v. 1.**

** आसीच्छी⁸⁵⁸.")हरिष्टत्ताख्यः**

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698295804Screenshot(32"/>.png)

2. स्थातो हरिरिवापरः ।

** श्रीहर्षेण समुत्कर्षं नीतोपि विकृतो न यः ॥ – 2.

अविच⁵⁴³लितरत्नसंचयमक्षोभितभूभृदभृदवधृतभुजङ्⁸⁸²गं।
पुरुषोत्तमस्य विसदृशमासी-
3.
लक्ष्यार्ज्जनं⁸⁸³ यस्य ॥ −3.
तस्वा⁶³⁵भवत्सुतनयो हरिवन्मनांमा श्रीमन्म इत्यपरनामकृतप्रतीतिः ।
यस्मिनवाविव तपत्यखिलखव (ब)न्धुस्त्रीवत्कपङ्कजवनानि विकासमीयुः ॥ −4.
4. यस्या⁸⁸⁴.")द्यापि हतारातिमन्दिरोद्यानपादपान् ।
दावव्याजेन दहति प्रकामं कोपपावकः ॥ - 5.
[]⁸⁸⁵ विशाल⁸⁸⁵वक्षःफलकाभिलक्ष्यप्ररूढखङ्गव्रणसन्निवेशाः**

** अनेकसंय-

    हिजयाङ्कसंख्या निखातरेखा इव यस्य रेजुः॥ 6.

सरागयापि⁵⁸⁹.") यस्यासीहयं द्रष्टुं न पारितं ।
यत्पृष्ठमरिवाहिन्या यच्च वक्षःपरस्त्रिया ॥ - 7.
प्रजापतिं⁸⁸⁵ निर्म्मित -

    सप्तसागरक्षमाधरं यो लघयन्मिसृक्षया ।

महादानम्वु (म्बु) निधीनकल्पयत्सुराधिवासानचलांश्चकोटिशः ॥ –8.
महान्तः⁵⁸⁹ ;and of the next four verses.") कर्कशात्मानो व (ब) इमूला अपि क्षितौ ।
सावज्ञ -
7. माज्ञयायेन नतिं नीता महीभृतः ॥ –9.
स्वप्रासादमहाभारगुरुभूततनोरिव ।
यः कूपखननव्याजैस्सिरा भूमेरमोचयत् ॥ - 10.
मार्गणाभिमुखा लुब्धा(ब्धा) स्समेताः
फलकाङ्क्षया ।
विमुखा येन रिपवः कृता न पुनरर्थिनः ॥ −11.
लोके प्रथयतापूर्व्वं, व्यवहारेषु कौशलं ।
येनार्थित्वमगत्वैव जिताः प्रत्यर्थिनः सदाः⁸⁸⁶॥ - 12.
जनयामास
9. यः पुत्रं अयीरक्षणदीक्षितं ।
श्रीतक्षदत्तनामानं नमितारिशिरोधरं ॥ - 13.
सर्व्वेषा⁸⁶³मभयप्रदेन सहजास्सन्तस्तथानेकशोयुद्देनेन यशोर्थिना तृणमिव त्यक्ता

          वयं केव[\[ लं\]][^1045]।

इत्युक्तेःपरिवृहमन्यव व प्राप्यवसानान्तरं लब्धा(ब्धा) अव्रणरन्धनिर्ग्गमपथा यस्वासवो निर्ययुः ॥ -14.**

रम्ये⁸⁸⁷ गवीधुमति संततवेदविद्याव्याख्यान -

                        घोषव (ब) धिरीकृतदिमुखेस्मिन् ।

उच्चैरचीकरटुरुस्थिरचारुचित्रं त्रैविद्यमन्दिरमुदारमिदं स साधुः ॥ – 15.
यावद्गुणारश्शशिकरा इव तस्य लोकमानादयन्ति

इतसान्द्रतमस्समूहाः ।

एतहि(हि) जातिभवनं भुवनाभिराममव्याहतादिकृतसम्विधि⁸⁸⁸तावदास्तां ॥ – 16.
भद्रेणैते⁵⁴³ रचिता वामनतनयेन सुचरितश्लोकाः ।

ऐशानिनापि लिखिता[:^(x)] सूत्रधृतादेवदेवेन ॥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699363957Screenshot(42"/>.png)॥ —17.

व (ब) ह्वृचचरणे साङ्गत्यसगोत्रस्सूर्यदत्तपुत्रोमहासेनदत्तः ।
अध्वर्युचरणे वत्ससगोत्रः

              गोवत्ससोमपुत्रोजातवेदसोमः ।

छन्दोगचरणे कुहलसगोत्रःकुलदीपकीत्तिपुत्रःवैश्वानरकीत्तिः ।
व (ब) ह्वृचचरणे वासिष्ठसगोत्रःउदैत[ध]रपुत्रः

श्रीचन्द्रधरः ।

अध्वर्युचरणे औपमन्यवसगोत्रोवसुस्वामिपुत्रः व (ब) हुरूपशर्म्मा।
छन्दोग⁸⁸⁹चरणे गालवसगोत्रोधृतिगुप्तस्वामिपुत्रः⁸⁹⁰…..

एतै⁶¹⁴.")(तै) महत्तमै [:^(x)] श्रीमत्रैविद्याज्ञानुपालनेः[।^(x])
कारितं धाम धर्मस्यै[:^(x]) श्रीमम्मस्य स[माज्ञ?]या⁸⁹¹ ॥ <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699364112Screenshot(42"/>.png)॥⁸⁹²– 18.

TRANSLATION.

Om ! Adoration !

( Verse 1. ) Ever triumphant is the handsome-faced Durga, who, approached by the blue-necked (Śiva), shining with her broad hips, (and) accompanied by the lion and by Kârttikeya⁸⁹³, is like the range of the snowy mountain, which is frequented by peacocks, beautified by broad ridges, ( and ) full of caves of lions !

(2.) There was (a personage) named the illustrious Haridatta, famous like a second Hari, who, although raised to eminence by the illustrious Harsha, was not (thereby) changed for the worse.

(3.) His acquisition of fortune, at which no hoard of precious stones was disturbed, no prince agitated, (and) no notice taken (?) of dissolute people, was different from the acquisition of fortune by Vishnu.⁸⁹⁴

(4.) He had an excellent son, named Harivarman, widely known, by his other name, as the illustrigus Mamma, at (the sight of) whom the faces of all women of his kin became radiant (with joy), just as the groups of lotuses expand before the shining sun.

(5.) The fire of his anger even now, in the guise of a forest conflagration, fiercely
burns the trees in the gardens of the habitations of the enemies slain (by him).

6.) On his expanded broad breast shone, clearly visible, multitudes of healed-up sword-wounds, like numbers engraven (there) to mark his victories in many battles.

(7.) The army of the enemy and the wives of others, however anxious they might be, two things of his they never were able to see, the one-his, back, the others-his breast.

(8.) In his desire of creating, putting into the shade the Creator who had made seven oceans and seven mountains, he built tanks large as seas and habitations of the gods immoveable like mountains, by billions.

(9.) Disdainfully by his command he bent low great hard-hearted rulers⁸⁹⁵, though they had struck root in the soil.

(10.) Pretending to dig wells, he opened the veins of the earth, the body of which had as it were become heavy with the great weight of the edifices (erected) by him.

(11.) He turned back the enemies who, facing his arrows, eager in their desire for gain, encountered him, but not the suppliants who, intending to beg, approached him, anxious to secure his benefactions.

(12.) Making known the world over his unprecedented skill in contests, he, without becoming a plaintiff, always defeated his opponents.

(13 and 14.) He begat a son devoted to the preservation of the three Vedas, named the illustrious Takshadatta, who bent down the necks of his enemies;whose vital spirits,— highly enraged as it were because they alonc, though they were his own, should so often, when he was seeking glory in battle, be renounced by him like worthless straw, (by him) who to all (others) granted safety,— when they found an opportunity of leaving him, departed, using as their way of exit the open wounds (inflicted) by the weapons (of adversaries)⁸⁹⁶.

(15.) In this pleasant Gavîdhumat, where the quarters of the heavens aredeafened by the noise of the constant explanation of vedic lore, that good man⁸⁹⁷caused to be erected this noble, wide, firm, charming, and wonderful home for Brâhmans familiar with the three Vedas.

(16.) As long as his excellent qualities, like the rays of the moon dispelling the mass of intense darkness, delight the world, so long may this abode of the twice-born, pleasing the world, last, without disturbance of the arrangements first made for it !

(17.) These verses on noble conduct were composed by Bhadra, the son of Vâmana ; written were they by the artizan⁸⁹⁸Devadeva, the son of Îśâna.

(L. 13.) Mahasenadatta, the son of Suryadatta, of the gotra of Sâmkritya, belonging to the Bahvricha-school.

Jatavedasoma, the son of Govatsasoma, of the gotra of Vatsa, belonging to the
Adhvaryu-school.

Vaiśvânarakîrti, the son of Kuladipakîrti, of the gotra of Kuhala⁸⁹⁹,belonging to
the Chhandoga-school.

Śrichandradhara, the son of Udaitadhara (?), of the gotra of Vâsishtha, belongingto the Bahvricha-school.

Bahurûpaśarman, the son of Vasusvâmin, of the gotra of Aupamanyava, belonging to the Adhvaryu-school.
………(?)⁹⁰⁰,the son of Dhritiguptasvâmin, of the gotra of Gâlava, belonging to theChhandoga-school.

(V. 18.) By these distinguished (men), who keep the commands of the holy threeVedas (and) abide in the law, (this) home was caused to be established at the command (?) of the illustrious Mamma⁹⁰¹.

XXIII.—THE PEHEVA INSCRIPTION FROM THE TEMPLE OF GARÎBNÂTH.

BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The subjoined edition of the inscription from the temple of Garibnâth at Pehoa or Pehevâ in the Karnal District has been prepared according to an excellent paper impression by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, furnished to me by the editor.⁹⁰²

The inscription is incised on a stone slab, measuring twenty-seven inches by sixteen, and contains seventeen lines, the last of which is much shorter than the others. The technical execution is good and the preservation fair. Though the first signs of lines 8-17 have suffered more or less, and though there are several deep holes and numerous slight abrasions in the middle, the whole of the text can be restored with perfect certainty, except three or four letters in line 7, and two very important words in line 8, the letters of which are only very slightly damaged. The want of success in the latter case may, however, be my fault. The characters of the inscription show the type of the ordinary northern Nâgari alphabet of the ninth century. The language is rather incorrect Sanskrit prose which clearly shows the influence of the vernacular of the day. The mistakes have been discussed in detail in the notes to the translation. As regards the spelling, no distinction is made between ba and va, and the latter sign, as in most inscriptions from Northern India, does duty for both. There are also a few other peculiarities, such as the constant spelling samvatsara instead of samvatsara which may be explained by the ordinary mode of pronunciation.

The object of the inscription is to record the fact that certain pious horse-dealers who met at the horse-fair held at Pehoa-Pṛithûdaka on the fourteenth day of the half month preceding the bright half of Vaisakha, agreed to impose upon themselves and upon their customers certain taxes or tithes, the proceeds of which were to be distributed among some temples, priests and sanctuaries, in proportions duly specified. The names of these worthies are given at great length in lines 2-8. They were thirty-three or thirty-four in number and belonged to the towns or villages of Chaṭavârshikå

Utpalika, Chikkariselavaṇapura, Valadevapura, Śârańkadika, Siharudukkaka, or possibly Siharuddhakkaka, Traighâṭaka, Ghamghaka and Asvala-Uhovaka. It is expressly stated in line 8 that these places lay in “various countries,” and this circumstance makes their identification very difficult. I can only offer a conjecture with respect to a single place, Śârańkadika, which possibly may be the Shârakpur of the Imperial Gazetteer, the chief town of a tahşil in the Lahore District. The names of the traders seem to be throughout Hindu, though some are very quaint Desi words.In the notes to the translation I have tried to identify the more important ones with those in Mr. E. G. Crawford’s list from Ahmadâbâd and Kathiâvâḍ, Indian Antiquary, vol. VII, pp. 165 ff. I may add that there are among them some Brâhmanical names such as Vâmuka, and that the first man is called the son of Bhatta Viruka. The sale of horses is forbidden to Brâhmaṇs ;-see Manu, x, 89, and the parallel passages quoted in the synopsis attached to my translation. Here we have a proof that the prohibition was neglected before the Muhammadan times, just as is now sometimes the case.

The tax or tithe imposed was (1) two dharmas, to be deducted from the sum received by the dealer for each animal sold in Pṛithûdaka to the king and to any subject, or sold in Traighaṭaka and the other places where the dealers traded, to the king; (2) one dharma to be paid by the buyer of each animal in addition to the price stipulated. As far as is known at present, the word dharma is not used as the name of a coin or numerical quantity. It must, therefore, be understood to mean a religious gift, the amount of which was settled by custom. Self-imposed taxes for religious or charitable purposes are by no means uncommon in modern India. The cotton merchants at Dhollera used to, and perhaps still, pay a few annas on every bale of cotton passing through their hands, and the sum thus collected formed, and perhaps still forms, the Dharmtalao fund, which was originally intended to supply water to travellers coming to Dhollera through the sandy Bhâl country; see also the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. IV, p. 208. When I was Educational Inspector of Gujarât, a certain portion of this fund was spent on vernacular education. A similar dharm fund used to exist at Bharoch, where the Vakhâriâs or wholesale dealers in cotton, likewise, taxed themselves and their customers for charitable and religious purposes. There can be no doubt that the case mentioned in our inscription was exactly analogous. The customer paid a small sum, which was called a dharma, probably a few annas, in addition to the stipulated price, and the dealer contributed double the amount from his gains. The money thus collected was given as akshayanîvî (1. 12). If this term were taken in its usual sense, it would mean that the money was to be invested and its interest alone to be spent. That seems, however, not to be the case. For (1) the document contains no clause referring to an investment; (2) it gives rules for the distribution of the money collected; and (3) it clearly indicates that the tax is to belevied not once, but constantly on all sales. Hence the term akshayaníví can only mean that this tax itself was to be a perpetual endowment for the donees mentioned.

The donees were (1) the temple built by the illustrious Guhâditya (probably a royal personage) at Kanauj; (2) the temple built by Kadambaditya at Gotirtha in Kanauj; (3) the temple of Vishnu Garuḍâsana built by the Brâhman Bhuvaka in Bhojapura near Kanauj; (4) the temple of Vishnu in the Yajñavarâha or boar-in- carnation built by Bhûvaka in Pehoa-Prithudaka; (5) the pújaka or temple priest

of the latter deity; and (6) the sthána or sanctuary of Prithûdaka-Pehoa. The allotment of the shares is as follows:—

No. 1 receives 7/24 of the tax paid by the merchants; Nos. 2 and 3 each a like amount of the same tax; No. 4, 1/24 of the tax paid by the merchants and 6/12 of the tax paid by the customers; No. 5,1/24of the tax paid by the merchants and 2/12 of the tax paid by the customers; and No.6,1/24 of the former tax and 4/12of the latter.

The management of the charity was entrusted, as was always done and still is customary in India, to Goshthikas, i.e., members of a committee or Pañch, who had also to look to the collection of the money (svataḥ paralaścha nirvváhaḥ karttavyaḥ). If my restoration and translation of the word deśí (l.8) is correct, the donors had a foreman or head, who granted the charter in their name, “to the sacred place of Prithûdaka— Pehoa.” This latter expression probably refers to the fact that the document was to be incised in Prithûdaka, and that the Goshthikas were selected from the most respectable inhabitants of the place or even’ were the men who managed its other religious and charitable endowments.

The date of the inscription, Samvat 276, refers, as Sir A. Cunningham has first shown (Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. XXIII, pp. 233ff.), to the Sriharsha era, and corresponds to 882-83 A.D. The king who then ruled over Prithûdaka-Pehoa very probably is the same independent sovereign Bhoja, whose name occurs in the Deogarh inscription, dated Samvat 919, and Sakakâlâbda 781 or, according to Sir A. Cunningham’s calculation,²⁹⁰³A.D. 862, and in a Gwalior inscription of A.D. 876. He may also be, as Sir.A. Cunningham thinks, the superior king (adhirája) Bhoja, who is mentioned in the Rájataranginí, v, 156, Calcutta edition (151, Troyer), in the account of Śankaravarman’s reign. The verse, however, docs not necessarily imply, as Sir A. Cunningham asserts, that Bhoja was Sańkaravarman’s contempor- ary. It admits moreover of the interpretation that he somewhat preceded the latter. The versesays:

हृतंभोजाधिराजेन स साम्राज्यमदापयत् ।
प्रतीहारतया भृत्यीभूते यक्कियकान्वये ॥

“He caused the universal sovereignty, which had been taken away by the superior king Bhoja, to be given to the scion of the Thakkiyaka⁹⁰⁴race who had become his servant by (accepting) the office of a chamberlain.”

The real meaning of the verse is very doubtful. But it is evident that Bhoja need not have been alive when the event alluded to occurred.

Other attempted identifications of this Bhoja with homonymous kings have been shown by Mr. Fleet to be untenable. (Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, pp. 110 ff.)

TEXT.

L.1.ओ⁹⁰⁵परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीरामभद्रदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिरा-जपरमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवपादानामभिप्रवर्हमानक

ल्याणविजयराज्ये सम्वत्सरशतद्वये षट्सप्तत्यधिके वैशाखमासशक्लपक्षसप्तम्यां सम्वत् २७६ वशाख शुदि ७ अस्यां सम्वत्सरमासदिवसपूर्व्वा⁹⁰⁶ –

यां तिथाविहश्रीपृथूदकाधिष्ठाने पिशाचीचतुर्दश्यां घोटकयाभायां समायात चूटवार्षिकेत्य भट्टवीरुकसुत वन्द तथा राज्यवल तथा वमुक [[र]ाणुकसुत]⁹⁰⁷राज्यसीह उत्प -

लिकेत्य भल्लुकसुत माङ्गक चिण्हमत⁷⁹⁰⁸ चोणराक तथा चिक्करिसेलवणपुरीय दडसुत कल्लुक एतत्सुत जयराक विष्णुसुत आदित्यराक रज्जुकसुत चिण्ह तथा रङ्गक कल्लुक

सुत वामुक वलदेवपुरीय, खन्भटसुत होहमृगाङ्कसुत विड्डक देशवसुत धणुक खङ्गकसुत [व]ामुक मणिक्कसुत उण्हरि शारङ्कदिकेत्य नारसुत लोहट⁹⁰⁹

तथा शङ्कर वमुकसुत ईश्वरादित्य सीहरुदुक्ककेत्य उनकसुत वच्छक जयधराकसुत रणिक [सूर[सुत]]⁹¹⁰प्रगद वैघाटकीय धारटसुत चन्द [ए] क[ग]ोरकसुत सव्व

देवशर्मासुत फम्फ वग्गुकसुत कम्मिक घंघकेत्य लल्लिकसुत स्वामिराक सिं[घु ] कसुत सी- दामोदरसुत पोन्भहल्लुकसुत दव्वु- - -कशिलि⁹¹¹ [म]ाणसुत खब्जि अ-

[श्व]लउहोवकेत्य उसूहसुत वह एवमेतत्प्रमुखनानादेशागतभटा-कव्युवहरक[दे]शी श्रीपृथूदकीय [स्थानस्य] पत्रं⁹¹²प्रयच्छति यथास्माभिः

[श्री] कन्यकुले श्रीगुहादित्यकारितदेवाय तथा तत्रैव गोतीर्थे कदम्वादित्यका[रित, देवाय च तथा श्रीकन्यकुला[सन्न] श्रीभोजपुरे⁹¹³गंगातीरे नागर -
[भ]ट्टप्रभाकरसुतभूवककारित [ग]रुडासनदेवाय तथा श्रीपृथूदके प्राचीसरस्वतीसविधौ भूवकेनैव [का]रित यज्ञवराहाय च पृथूदके घोटक⁹¹³-

[घोटिकाबे]ग[स]ररूपादिविक्रय[स्य] राजकीयोपक्रये ठक्कुर जनपदा[द्यु] पक्रये⁹¹⁴च तथा नेघाटकादिस्थानेषु केवलं राजकीय एवोपक्रये रूपं प्र

[ति धमहेतो]र्यञ्चमध्यमस्माभिरक्षयनीव्यां प्रदत्तं तच्चतुर्व्विन्शतिभिर्भागेः⁹¹⁵परिकथ्य भागासप्त श्रीगुहादित्यकारितदेवाय त [था भा] गास्मत

[कदम्बा]दित्यकारितदेवाय⁹¹⁶तथा भागाः सप्त भूवककारितगरुडासनाय तथा [भा]गेकः पृथूदके भूवक[कारि]तयज्ञवराहाय तथा भागेकस्तत्पूजकाय

[य तथा भा] गैकः⁹¹⁷पृथूदकस्थानात् तथा घोटकसंग्राहकैर्घोटकं प्रति प्रदत्तकस्य कस्पित- भागानां हादशानां मध्यात्पृथदक प्राचीसरस्वती-

[ सन्निधौ] भूवककारितयज्ञवराय⁹¹⁸[भा]गाः[षट् त]था तत्पूज[क]ाय च भागद्वयं तथा श्रीपथूद-
कीयस्थानस्य भागाश्चत्वारोस्माभिः प्रदिपादितास्तद -
[नुमान्धंघोटक] विक्रेतृभि[:] क्रेतृभिश्चा[चन्द्रा] र्क्क [का]लं [याव[त्]]⁹¹⁹यथोद्दिष्टस्थित्या गोष्ठिकैः सज्मिः स्वतः परतश्च निर्व्वाहः कर्त्तव्यः॥ एते च भागा यथोद्दिष्ट
[ स्थित्या गोष्ठिकैः कल्प] यितव्याः॥⁹²⁰

TRANSLATION.

Om! During the increasing, auspicious and victorious reign of the feet of his majesty, the supreme sovereign, superior king of great kings (and) supreme lord, the illustrious Bhoja who meditates on the feet of his majesty, the supreme sovereign, superior king of great kings (and) supreme lord, the illustrious Râmabhadra, in the year two hundred exceeded by seventy-six, on the seventh (lunar day) of the bright half of the month of Vaisakha, (in figures) Saṁvat 276 Vaisakha śudi 7-on this lunar day specified as above by the year, month and (civil) day (mentioned)⁹²¹met⁹²²here in the famous town⁹²³ of Prithudaka at the horse-fair⁹²⁴on the Pisachichaturdasi⁹²⁵ of the female goblin,’ probably was the name of the fourteenth lunar day of the dark half of Vaisakha or of Chaitra. For it must have fallen somewhat earlier than the bright half of Vaisakha and may have belonged to that month or to Chaitra accordingly as the reckoning was amânta or pûrnimanta.I have not found the term in the dictionaries nor in the works on vrata at my disposal.")[]⁹²⁵ of the female goblin,’ probably was the name of the fourteenth lunar day of the dark half of Vaisakha or of Chaitra. For it must have fallen somewhat earlier than the bright half of Vaisakha and may have belonged to that month or to Chaitra accordingly as the reckoning was amânta or pûrnimanta.I have not found the term in the dictionaries nor in the works on vrata at my disposal.")the (following) inhabitants of Chûṭavârshika⁹²⁶,Bhaṭṭa Viruka’s sons Vanda and Râjyavala⁹²⁷and Valluka, likewise Rânuka’s son Rajyasiha; the (following) inhabitants of Utpalika, Bhalluka’s son Mangaka, Chinha’s son Chonarâka⁹²⁸;likewise the*(following)* inhabitants of Chikkarisclavaṇapura, Dada’s son Kalluka⁹²⁹,his son Jayaraka⁹³⁰, Vishnu’s son Adityarâka⁹³¹,Rajjuka’s sons Chinha and Rangaka, Kalluka’s son Vâmuka⁹³²;the (following) inhabitants of Valadevapura (Baladeva-

pura),Khambhata’s son Hoddha, Mriganka’s son Viddaka, Kesava’s son Dhanuka⁹³³, Khangaka’s son Vâmuka, Manikka’s son Uehari⁹³⁴; the (following) inhabitants of Sarańkadika⁹³⁵, Nara’s sons Lohata⁹³⁶ (or Lahata) and Sankara, Valluka’s son Îśvarâditya; the (following) inhabitants of Siharudukkaka,Ullaka’s son Vachchhaka, Jayadharaka’s son Ranika, Sûra’s son Pragada; the (following) inhabitants of Traighataka, Dharata’s son Chanda, Ekagoraka’s son Savva, Devasarman’s son Phampha, Vagguka’s son Kammika; the (following) inhabitants of Ghamghaka, Lallika’s son Svâmirâka, Simghuka’s son Si[ha], Dâmodara’s son Pombha⁹³⁷, Halluka’s son Davvu, Kasili, Mâna’s⁹³⁸ son Khajji; the (following) inhabitant of Asvala-Uhovaka, Usûha’s son Vaddha. The foreman of the . . . . dealers⁹³⁹,come from various countries, chief among whom are those mentioned above, grants to the sacred place⁹⁴⁰ of famous Prithûdaka a charter to the following (effect): To the (temple of the) god⁹⁴¹built by the illustrious Guhâditya in famous Kanyakubja, and to (the temple of) the god built by Kadam bâditya even there in the Gotfrtha, and to the (temple of the) god riding on Garuda built by Bhuvaka, the son of the Någara⁹⁴²Bhaṭṭa Prabhakara on the bank of the Ganges in famous Bhojapura near famous Kanyakubja, and to the (temple of the) sacrificial boar⁹⁴³built by the same Bhûvaka in famous Prithûdaka near the Eastern Sarasvati, we have given on the sale of horses,mares, mules and other animals⁹⁴⁴—in’ Prithûdaka’ in the case of a purchase by the king as well as in the case of a purchase by the Thakkuras,⁹⁴⁵the provincials and so forth, and in Traighâtaka and other sacred places in the case of a purchase by the king alone-for the sake of spiritual merit two dharmas⁹⁴⁶for

cach animal, as a perpetual endowment⁹⁴⁷;and dividing that into twenty-four shares, we have assigned seven shares to the (temple of the) god built by the illustrious Guhaditya, and seven shares to the (temple of the) god built by Kadambâditya, and seven sharcs to (the temple of) him who rides on Garuda, and one share⁹⁴⁸ to the (temple of thè) sacrificial boar built by Bhuvaka in Prithûdaka, and one share to the temple priest of the latter, and one share to the sacred place of Prithudaka⁹⁴⁹; moreover we have assigned out of the twelve shares into which the one dharma given for each horse by the purchasers of horses has been divided, [six] shares to (the temple of) the sacrificial boar built by Bhûvaka in Prithudaka near the Eastern Sarasvatî and to the temple priest of the latter two shares, and to the sacred place in famous Prithûdaka four shares. This [should be agreed to] by the sellers and buyers of horses, (and) the virtuous Goshthikas⁹⁵⁰ should thus manage on their own part and on behalf of others, according to the rule laid down above, as long as sun and moon exist. Moreover these shares should be divided [by the Goshthikas] according to [the rule] laid down above.

XXIV. —THE KANGRA JVALAMUKHI PRASASTI.

BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The subjoined edition of the Jvâlâmukhi Praśasti has been prepared according to three paper-impressions furnished to me by Dr. Burgess. The inscription was described by Sir A. Cunningham in his Archeological Survey Reports, vol. V., pp. 167-168. He has fixed its age and extracted from it the best part of the historical information which it conveys. It is incised on a stone slab, measuring 2′ 4″ by 1′ 6″, which is preserved in the porch of the temple of Bhavânî in Bhawan, a suburb of Kot Kângrâ.

It is written in two different alphabets,— the maṅgala, and the first verse, which fill the first two lines and the beginning of the third, being in modern Śâradâ characters while the remainder is in common Devanagarî. The technical execution is not good. Some letters are imperfectly formed and the clerical mistakes, which are partly corrected, are very numerous. The latter may, however, in part be due to the carelessness of the writer of the copy from which the mason worked. As regards the preservation of the document, it must be noted that the left halves of lines 7-14 have been seriously damaged, and that further on, too, single letters have been effaced. The language is

Sanskrit and, towards the end, not free from grammatical mistakes. With respect to the orthography, it may be stated that in the group nt the nasal is almost invariably expressed by an anusvára and n.

The inscription consists of two entirely distinct parts. Lines 1-14 contain, besides a double Maṅgala, nine very artificial verses in honour of Bhavânî-Jvâlâmukhi. Verse 10 informs us that this Stotra was composed by an ascetic of the Vedânta school called Raghavachaitanya. A poet of this name is repeatedly and reverentially quoted in Sarngadhara’s Paddhati (see Professor Aufrecht’s Oxford Catalogue, p. 124B, and Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XXVIII, p. 76). If, as seems not improbable, the two persons are identical, the Stotra must have been composed before A.D. 1363, the date of the Paddhati, and be at least about 80-100 years older than the inscription. In the second part, lines 15-24, one Krishṇabhaṭṭa informs us (verse 12) that he copied the above Stotra, and tells us regarding himself that he was ‘a brother to the wives of others,’ learned in all Śástras, a poet, a devotee of Harihara,and originally an inhabitant of Kâsî or Benares. His grandfather, he says (verse 11), who was also called Krishnabhatta, belonged to the Drâvida subdivision of the Brahmans and to the Âtreya gotra, was able to explain the six Darśanas and had performed one or several Soma sacrifices. His father Vâgîśvara, he adds (ibidem), thoroughly knew the Mimâmsá, the Smritis, and the science of the sacrifice, and had composed works of his own. Next follows (verses 13-14) the information regarding the ruler of the country, which has already been discussed by Sir A. Cunningham. He was Samsárachandra, son of Karma-chandra and grandson of Meghachandra, “who after conquering all his foes presents the earth to those knowing the meaning of the Vedas and of the Sástras.” The latter words show that Krishnabhatta had received or hoped to receive Dakshiṇâ from the prince.

If I am right in reading (verse 13) pañchamábdábhishiktaḥ and in translating it by “who was anointed in the fifth year (of the Lokakâla),” it appears that Samsâra- chandra mounted the throne in the year 1430 A.D., which corresponds to the year 4505 of the Saptarshi era; for Sir A. Cunningham (loc. cit.) has satisfactorily proved that this king belongs to the fifteenth century, “because he is the fourth after Rûpa-[chandra], the contemporary of Firoz Tugblak in A.D. 1360, and the sixth before Dharma[chandra], the contemporary of Akbar in A.D. 1560.” The following verse (15) praises Saṁsârachandra’s minister, the chamberlain (pratíhára) Raņî, i.e., probably Ranasimha, who was the son of the chamberlain Vira, i.e., Virasimha. Verse 16 is in honour of the Muhammadan overlord Sahi Mahammad, who must be identified, as Sir A. Cunningham has shown, with Muhammad Saiyid, Emperor of Dehli from A.D. 1433 to 1446. Verse 17 gives us the name of the mason Sûgîka who incised the inscription out of devotion towards, i.e., while in the service of, the Kamboja Delha. The concluding mangala in prose is addressed to Jvâlâmukhi, by one Sûryadhvaja, the pupil of the illustrious Karmadhvaja. This person probably was an ascetic connected with the temple or the worship of Bhavânî-Jvâlâmukhi. The whole second part of the inscription is no doubt the composition of Krishnabhatta, who, though a poet and learned in all Sástras, was unable to write correct Sanskrit. The date of the inscription, of course, lies between A.D. 1433 and 1446.

TRANSCRIPT.

L.1. ओ॥ ओं स्वस्ति॥<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699639125Screenshot(45"/>.png) ॥ ओं नमो ज्वालामुख्यै ॥
पायाज्ज्वालामुखी व<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699638943Screenshot(45"/>.png)प्रणतसुरवरस्फारकोटीरकोटी-
कोटीव्याटीकमानधुमणिसममणिश्रे-
2. णिभावेणिभाता ॥
कल्पान्तक्षोभजृंभाभररभससमारंभसंरंभभीम-
ज्वालामालाकरालाननलघुकवलीभूतभूतप्र-
3. पंक्षा[ ॥ ] १ [[ ॥ ]]⁹⁵¹
अव्यात् ज्वालामुखी वस्समरसमरसीभावसंभावनो [ द्य ]-
ङ्गीर्वाणव्यस्रवाणप्रहसितदितिभूगर्वसर्वं कषौजा ।
शौर्याहंभावसंभावितम-
4. हिषगलामग्नखङ्गाग्रधारो-

** ङ्गच्छद्रक्तप्रणाली—ित - रयहतिछिद्रितोर्ध्वाण्डखण्डा॥ २ ॥⁹⁵²
[पंचा] स्योदंचनप्रांचितचरणसरोजा सरोजासनादि-
[स्थ] त्यासु त्यागशूरासुरग
5. मरमदत्योमदत्यां च जन्या ।
जन्या जन्यप्रपंचा [प्र]भवभयरुजाहारिणी हारिणी सा
वद्यावद्यानवद्यां धिय[मिय]मुदय[स्थे]म्निवज्ज्रेश्वरी वः ॥ ३ ॥⁹⁵³
साकसाक-
6. सकंसाशमनशमनताशाविभाताविभाता
दिव्यादिव्यापदूनाविषमविषमयत्केशभीमाशभीमा॥
वामावामावताद्वोयतिनि यतिनिरी-
7. क्षासमक्षा
जालंजालंधरं श्रीचयनचयनयोगश्रितोमाश्रितोमा ॥ ४ ॥⁹⁵⁴
देवी ज्वालामुखी वश्चिरमशुभमलं खंडिषीष्टैधिषीष्ट
स्थामैतस्याः प्रसादात्कि-
8. मपि तनु मह[श्चे] तसा [ सं ] गसीष्ट ॥
विद्या [वि]द्यो[ति]षीष्ट प्र[कृ] तिमनुविदे-यिषीष्ट प्रसर्त्ति-
र्धीःसंबोभूयिषीष्ट प्रचुरपरिमला -ोन्प्रकोकूयिषीष्ट ॥ ५ ॥⁹⁵⁵
दुर्गा-**

9. दुर्गार्त्तिवोव्यादलिकुलतरलां[वै]जयं[न्तीं]जयंन्ती-
मालामालालयंन्तो[क]लित[क]लिमलाविश्रुताशाश्रुताशा ॥
दुर्गादुगार्त्तिवोव्यादलिकुलतरलां वैज-

L.10 यंन्तीं[ज]यन्ती-.
मालामाला[लयं]न्तीकलित [कलिमला] विश्रुताशा[श्रु] ताशा॥६॥⁹⁵⁶
साव्याङ्गां सर्वदावः कलितहरिपदादेवविद्याससोमा
साव्याङ्गां सर्वदावः

11. कलितहरिपदा[दे]ववि[द्या] रसोमा ।
सा॒[व्याङ्गां]सर्वदा[व]ःकलितहरि[प]दादे[व]विद्यारसोमा
साव्याङ्गां सर्वदावः कलितहरिपदादेवविद्यारसो-

12. मा [॥] ७ [॥ ]
एघंती स्निह्यमानां विनु — नु ——[म]तिं [या] — —ो सर्व —ानो—
रुद्यंन्तोवो विबाध[त्पषति] प—ि—या पाषयंन्ती सुखानि ॥
पुंसः सेव्या विनत्या विजयति सुदुता क-

13. ल्मषं त[क्ष्णु]वाना
शर्मेशौ —ासुकर्मेफलमुप[चिनु]ते— —लोकस्य सारं ॥८॥⁹⁵⁷
—गीसीष्ट—ि —े ष्टं सकलकलिकलां कंसिषोष्टाशिशीष्ट
श्रेयस्त्रासीष्ट

14. दासोष्ट च निरतिशयां —ं त—िं —ो—िषीष्ट ॥
—ासोष्टा—ार— क्रा——सढन—रा गाहिषीटा—िषोष्ट
स्थासोष्टास्थांधृषीष्टाहितकृति निकृषीष्टाद्य कात्यायनी

15. ते ॥९॥
श्रीमद्राघ[व] चैतन्यमुनिना ब्रह्मवा[दि]ना ।
[स्तव ] रत्नावली सेयं [ज्वा] लामुख्यैसमर्पिता ॥१०॥³⁸⁴
विद्वानात्रेयगोत्रःकलिमलदलनेद्राविडःकृ-

16. ष्णाभट्टे-
ष्षड्दर्शिन्याःप्रवक्ता नृपति[सुत] नुतः सोमसंस्थाभिषिक्तः ॥
तस्माद्वागीश्वराख्यः समजनि सुधियामग्रणीर्ग्रंथकर्त्ता
मीमांसा -

17. पारदृश्यास्मृति ——[नि]पु[णो] यज्ञविद्याप्रवीणः ॥ [११ ॥]
तत्सूनुः कृष्णभट्टः परनरवनितासोदरः सर्वविद्या-
पारीणः काव्यकर्त्ता हरिहरचरणांभीजभृंगोतिवेलं ।

18. काशीवासी समेत्यालिखदिद[मुरुभिर्लि—ि—िस्तोत्ररत्नं
ज्वालामुख्या महिन्त्रःकलयत तदिदं भुक्तिमुक्तिप्रधानं ॥ [ १२ ॥ ]
वंशे जैवातृकस्याभवदवनिपतिमे-

19. घचंद्रस्ततोभू-
द्राजा श्रीकर्मचंद्रो गुणगणनिलयः सत्कुमुद्दत्सुधांशुः ॥

**__________________________

⁹Metre of verses11-13, Sragdhara. Read कृणभट्टष्षड्दर्शन्याः; ०मुत०is doubtful.**

तस्मात्सारचंद्रः सन्मजनि नृपतिः पंचमा[ब्दा] भिषिलः
शत्रून्सर्वान्विजि-

L.20. त्वा वितरति वसुधां वेदशास्त्रार्थविह्यः॥ [१३ ॥]¹⁰⁹⁵⁸

** कीर्त्तिर्यस्य तुषारहारविशदा लोकत्रयं गाहते
प्रालेयाद्रिमिषेण पंनगपतिव्याजेन चंद्रकूवात ।
**

** 21. यन्मुर्त्तिय सतामभीष्टफलदश्चिन्ता[म]णिः शोभते
सोयं भूपतिशेखरो विजयते संसारचंद्रो नृपः ॥ [१४]¹¹⁹⁵⁹
वीरप्रतीहासुते वदान्धे महीपते वोढरि रा-**

** 22.
ज्यभारं ॥
रणीप्रवीहारजितारिवर्गे भवत्प्रशस्तिः परिरक्षति क्षितिं ॥ [१५ ॥]¹²⁹⁶⁰
ब्रह्मांडोक्तगुहांन्तरेदृढतरं निर्माय कूर्मासनं
क्षीरांभोनिधियो -**

** 23. गपट्टकलिताप्युवा तमःकुंन्तलान् ॥
कालं वस्तु विजित्य पश्यति परं ज्योतिः प्रतापाभिधं
श्रीमत्साहिमहंमदस्य जयतात्कीर्त्तिः परा योगिनी । [१६ ॥] ^(13⁸⁶³)
24. श्रीमद्गणपतिशुक्लप्रीत्या कांबोजदेल्हस्य \।
भक्त्या लेखितमतत्स्तोत्रं सूगीकसूत्रधाराञ्च ॥ [ १७ ॥ ]¹⁴⁹⁶¹
श्रीमत्कर्मध्वजशिष्यसूर्यध्वजस्य ज्वालामुख्यै नमः [ ॥ ]**

TRANSLATION. ¹⁵⁹⁶²

Verse 10. By the famous ascetic Rághavachaitanya, a Vedantist, has this string of jewel-likepraise been offered to Jválámukhi.

(There was) a learned Drávida of the Atreya gotra, Krishnabhatta, a destroyer of the impurity of the Kali age, a teacher of the six Darśanas, who was honoured by the sons of kings and who had bathed on (the completion of) Soma sacrifices. From him was born a leader of wise men, called Vágiśvara, a composer of works, who had completely mastered the Mîmámsả, was clever in (the exposition of) the Smritis *…..*and was learned in sacrificial lore.
His son Krishnabhatta, a brother to the wives of others, a master of all sciences, a composer of poetry, a bee on the lotus of the feet of Harihara ( filled ) with excessive (devotion), an inhabitant of Kasi, came and copied with broad ….. most excellent hymn on the greatness of Jvålâmukhî; take notice of this (poem that is) most important for (the attainment of ) enjoyments and liberation.¹⁶⁹⁶³ with excessive ( devotion), ’ is not idiomatic.")

In the race of the (lord of this country) to whom long life may be granted arose king Meghachandra. From him sprang the illustrious king Karmachandra,the abode of a multitude of virtues, a moon for (that) assemblage of lotuses, virtuous men. From him was born king Samsârachandra, anointed in the fifth year (of the Lokakála); after conquering all his enemies, he presents the earth to those who know the meaning of the Vedas and of the Sástras⁹⁶⁴ assemblage of lotuses, virtuous men,’ is most objectionable. For the poet really means to say that the king causes good men to prosper, just as the moon causes the lotus flowers to open, and he ought to have said satkumuchchandraḥ, or satkumudachandraḥ. The affix vat which makes the simile to halt, has probably been added only because the poet did not know how to satisfy the requirements of the metre.The same causehas also induced him to use the incorrect form vijitna.").

Victorious is that best among princes, king Samsarachandra, whose fame, resplendent like snow or a string of pearls, pervades the three worlds in the guise of the snowy mountains, of the lord of snakes, and of the moon,—he whose form shines as the Chintámanithat grants the desired rewards to the virtuous.
While the chamberlain (pratíhára) Raņi who has conquered hosts of foes, the noble son of the chamberlain (pratíhára) Vira, carries the burden of the government, thy fame, O king, protects the earth.
Victorious be the fame of the illustrious Sâhi Mahammada, that most excellent sorceress who sees the supreme light called majesty, after having most firmly fixed the tortoise-seat in the cave called Brahman’s egg, after having shorn the locks of darkness, even using the milk-ocean during her devotions as the knee-cloth, and after having conquered the dark matter.
Through pure fondness for divineGanapati, out of devotion for the Kâmboja Delha, this hymn has been caused to be written by the mason Sügika.¹⁸⁹⁶⁵

Of Sûryadhvaja, the pupil of famous Karmadhvaja, adoration to Jvâlâmukhi!

XXV.-TWO CHANDELLA INSCRIPTIONS.

BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.

MAU STONE INSCRIPTION OF MADANAVARMADEVA.

THE stone which bears this inscription was discovered in 1813 by Lieutenant William Price, at the foot of a rocky hill in the vicinity of the town of Mau, in the Jhansi District of the North-Western Provinces, where “the natives were accustomed to sharpen their knives and talwars upon it.” Lieutenant Price presented it to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and it is now in the India Museum at Calcutta. He published a transcript and translation⁹⁶⁶of the inscription in the Asiatic Researches, vol. XII, pages 357-374.

The inscription, so far as I can judge from the impression, consists of 29 lines. The writing covers a space of about 4’ 01/2" broad by 3’ 1" high, and a considerable portion of it is greatly damaged. Thus, the last line is almost completely effaced, and portions of about half the number of lines are either gone altogether or have become illegible, as will be seen from my transcript of the text. Fortunately, however, the names of the royal personages mentioned in the inscription are all well preserved, so that in all probability little of historical importance has been lost. The size of the letters is about 7/8". The characters are Nâgariof about the twelfth century, similar in style to those of the inscriptions from Ajaygadh and Mahoba, of which photo-lithographs are given in Cunningham’s Archeological Survey of India, vol. XXI, plates xv and xxi-xxiii; and all that need be said about them here, is that in this particular alphabet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the signs for g, n and m. The language is Sanskrit, and, so far as the inscription is legiblė, it is in verse throughout. The names of the composer and of the engraver may have been given in the concluding lines, but they are no longer legible. As regards orthography, b is denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in Kanyakubjam, line3, abdher, line 14, abbhramlihair and abbhrabhránti, line 18, babhúruḥ (?) and bibhrad, line 21, and bbhûyasî,line25; the dental n is used instead of the anusvára in subhránsu, line 10, vansa, lines 11 (twice), 19 (?) and 23, mimânsaka, line 11, and yajñânsa, line 19; and ujvala occurs for ujjvala, in lines 13 and 15 (but not in line 16).

The inscription, in its present state, contains no date, but as it clearly is of the time of the (Chandella) king Madanavarman,²⁹⁶⁷ it must be referred to about the middle of the twelfth century A. D. Its proper object is to record the erection of a temple of Vishnu, the building of a tank near the village of Deddu, and the execution of some other work of piety, by one of the king’s ministers whose name appears to have been Gadadhara (verses 46-48); and by way of introduction the inscription (in verses 3-16) gives a list of the (Chandella) kings from Dhanga to Madanavarman, and (in verses 17-15) an account of the family of the ministers of these kings, to which Gadâdhara belonged.

The line of kings here presented to us, together with few remarks of historical importance, is as follows:-

(1.) Dhanga,³⁹⁶⁸defeated the king of Kanyakubja (v. 8).
(2.) His son Gaṇḍadeva (v. 4).
(3.) His son Vidyadharadeva (v. 5).
(4.) His son Vijayapâla (v. 6).
(5.) His son Kirtivarmadeva (vv. 7-8).
(6.) His son Sallakshaṇavarmadeva (vv. 9-10); evidently carried on a war in the country of Antarvedi (vv. 38-39).
(7.) his son Jayavarmadeva (v. 11); succeeded by
(8.) Prithvivarman, the younger brother of (6) Sallakshanavarman,(vv. 12-13).
(9.) His son Madanavarman defeated the kings of Chedi and Mâlava, and made the king of Kasi keep on friendly terms (vv. 14-16).

As regards the line of ministers, it suffices here to state that in the family of Gautama Akshapâda, the reputed founder of the Nyâya system of philosophy, there was born Prabhasa, the prime minister of the kings Dhanga and Ganda ( vv. 18-22 ). His son was Sivanága, the minister of Vidyadhara ( vv. 23-24 ) ; and from him sprang Mahipala, the minister of Vijayapala (vv. 25-26). Mahipala had two sons, Ananta and Yogesvara, of whom Ananta was minister under Kirtivarman and Sallakshana-varman (vv. 27-39). Ananta had two wives and several sons, of whom one, probably Gadadhara, was appointed Pratihára by Jayavarman (v. 40), and prime minister by Prithvivarman (v. 41), a post which he continued to hold under Madanavarman (v. 42).In this account of the ministers all the names of the kings are repeated.in the same order in which they are given in the earlier part of the inscription.

Of the localities mentioned in the inscription the country of Antarvedi (in verse 38) is the Doab or district between the Gangâ and Yamunâ rivers; and the village of Deddu (in verse 47 ) must have been near where the inscription bas been found. Prabhâsa, mentioned by way of comparison in verse 20, is a famous place of pilgrimage on the west coast, at Verâwal Paṭṭan in Kâṭhiâwâḍ.

**TEXT.**¹⁹⁶⁹

L.1.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699783339Screenshothh.png"/>²⁹⁷⁰

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श्रीव त्सा ङ्कं दधदपि वपुर्द्दिव्यमव्यक्त एव ।

मायाजालैर्यमितभुवनोऽप्येकहतुर्व्विमुक्ते -

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699783762Screenshotgg.png"/>^(3⁹⁷¹—[1].)

^( <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699784030Screenshothhh.png"/>4⁹⁷²)
2.
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699784219hj.png"/>पत्रावली[नां]
[भं] गिःप्रोद्य[स्त]ल [क्ष्मी]कुचकल[श]तटाद्वक्षसि श्रीधरस्य ।
संक्रान्ता पातु युष्मानतिविशदलिपिर्हर्शनीया शिलाभे
विन्यस्ता मन्मथेनोन्मदसुरतविधि[व्यक्ति] केव प्र[श]स्तिः ॥⁵³⁷⁸-[2].

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699785511Screenshot(50"/>.png)[ना]मा नरेन्द्रः [।]

3.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699785375Screenshotd.png"/> [नि]खिल[नृपं] यः कान्यकुजं नरेन्द्रं समर[भु] वि विजित्य प्राप साम्राज्यमुचैः ॥⁶³⁸⁵- [3].
दर्प्पकण्डू[ग्र] दोर्द्दण्डद्दिषत्खण्डनपण्डितः ।

गण्ड⁹⁷³देवो ऽभवत्तमाञ्चतुर [न्ता] वनीश्वरः ॥⁸⁹⁷⁴.") -[4].
तस्मादशेषनरपतिमौलिषु विश्रा[न्त]कान्तपदकमलः ।
श्रीविद्याधरदेवः ………..[वा] सवो जज्ञे ॥⁹⁵⁴³ - [5].
अजनि विजयपा-

L.4 [ल]ःस्फारकीर्त्त्या विशालः[शुभ] चरितपवित्रस्तस्य राज्ञःसुपुत्रः।
क्षपितनिखिलदुष्टः प्रीणिताशेषशिष्टः कृतकलि [युगभङ्गः ?] क्षीणि—— U—— U¯ :॥¹⁰³⁸⁵[6]
भुवनत्रयगोतपुण्यकीर्त्तिस्तनयो ऽस्याजनि कीर्त्तिवर्म्मदेवः ।
[कलि][कल्मषं विहंतं?]- धर्म्म इ[वात्र?] योऽवतीर्ण्णः॥¹¹⁹⁷⁵- [7].

** जिर्ग्ये**

5. येनारिवर्ग्गः[कि]ल सममरि[भि]ःषड्भिरेवान्तरङ्गैः
सार्द्धंधर्म्मेण नीतान्यनुदिनमधिकं¹²³⁸⁵ वृद्धिमङ्गानि सप्त
उच्छिन्नः कण्टकौघो जगति कलिमल[ाधीनवे ?] रेण साकं
[स्वाज्ञा] सञ्चारिता चाजलधिपरिसरं [स्फार] कीर्त्त्यासहैव ॥¹³⁵⁸⁴- [8].
[स्व] विक्रमभरप्रोन्निद्रितारिः सदा
श्री—

6. [स]ल्लक्षणवर्म्मदेवनृपतिस्तस्यात्मजो ऽ[भू] त्प्रभुः [1]
धौरेयः श्रुतशालिनाङ्गुणवतां व (ब)न्धुः कलानां निधिः
सद्दृत्तस्य च सद्म कल्पविटपी निः[शेषपुष्ट्य]र्थिनां ॥¹⁴⁹⁷⁶- [9].
ये[ना]च्छिद्यारिलक्ष्मीमखिलकु[लज]ने यच्छतोच्चैर्न्निर[स्ता]
[सा] कष्टा दुःख[वृत्ति]
राज्ञां सेवागतानां क—

7. न[क] मणिमयोद्मासिनेपथ्यसाम्या -
दन्येषां चाश्रितानां सदसि किमपि नाभूद्दिशेषोपलन्भः॥¹⁵³⁷⁸– [10].
[औदार्य] सत्यनयशौर्यनिवासभूमिस्तस्थाजनिष्ट तनयो जयवर्म्मदेवः ।
यस्य प्रतापतपनाभ्युदयेन भूपा दीपा इव [क्षत?] :- न हेजुः ॥¹⁶³⁷⁴—[11].
श्रीसल्लक्षणवर्म्मक्षोणीनाथस्य सोदरोव -

8. रजः ।
अथ पृथ्वीवर्म्मनृपः कुलराज्यधुरान्दधौ धुर्यः ॥¹⁷⁶¹¹– [12].
अशिष्टेषु द्वेषो भृशमभिरतिः पात्रनिवहे
जिघृक्षा न्याय्ये ऽर्थे विधिवदथ तीर्थे वितरणं ।
परा [रक्षा भूतेष्व]पि च विनयादानपरता
** वितेने येनेत्यं कृतचरितमुचैरिह कला ॥¹⁸⁹⁷⁷– [13].**

** अजनिमदनवर्म्मभूमिपालस्त्रिभुवनविश्रुतविक्रमोऽथ तस्मात् ।**

9. भुजव (ब) लमवलोक्य यस्य [मे]ने ऽद्भुतव (ब) लभीमकथा जनैरमिथ्या ॥¹⁹⁹⁷⁸[14].
द्राग्विद्रात्येव चैद्यः समरभरजितो यस्य नाम्नापि नित्यं
कालं सौहार्द्दवृत्त्या गमयति सततं त्रसतः काशिराजः ।
येनौदत्यं दधानः स च सपदि समुन्मूलितो मालवेश -
स्तन्वन्तो यत्र भक्तिं परमवनिभुजः स्वास्थ्यमन्ये च भेजुः ॥²⁰⁹⁷⁹ – [15].

L. 10. कृष्टायां वेगवलात्तुरगखुरपुटैर्व्वैरिकण्ठावमुतोः
सिक्तायां रक्ततोयैः समरभुवि भृशं तेन शुभ्रान्शु⁹⁸⁰गौरं।
मुक्तावीजं यदुक्तंरिपुकरिशिरसां कीर्त्तिवबोततो ऽ [भू]-
तत्त्यागान्भःप्रसेकात्कमलभवसभामण्डपं व्यानशे सा ॥ –[16].
अथ नृपतीनामेषां ये राज्यधुरन्धरा महामात्याः ।
अभव -
11. न्विशुद्दचरितास्तदन्शः⁹⁸¹कीर्त्त्यतेऽधुना वन्द्यः॥ ²³⁵⁴⁴[17] .
सूनुर्व्विश्वसृजः समस्तभुवनैर्यो माननीयोऽङ्गिरा -
स्तदन्शे⁹⁸²भगवानजायत मुनिर्व्विद्यानिधिर्ग्गौतमः ।
द्राग्मीमान्सकरूपिणा⁹⁸³प्रकटिते भालेक्षणेशम्भुना
रोषाहादविधौ निजे पदतले येनाक्षिसंदर्शितं. ॥ ²⁶⁹⁸⁴- [18].
न्यायदर्शनविकासनद -
12. क्षःसोऽक्षपाद इह कस्य न वन्द्यः ।
प्रत्यतिष्ठिपदपास्य कुतर्क्कानीश्वरस्य महिमातिशयं यः ॥²⁷⁹⁸⁵– [19].
तस्योदग्रतपःप्रभाववसतेर्ग्गोत्रे विवृद्देक्रमा -
** त्पु [ण्यै] कायतनं गुणौघसदनं जज्ञे प्रभासः सुधीः ।
अत्युद्दामसरस्वतीविलसितेनोद्भासितं सादराः
प्राभासं कृतिनः सुतीर्थमिव यं द्रष्टं ययुः श्रेयसे ॥²⁸⁹⁸⁶- [20].**

13. सर्व्वोपधाशुद्दिमतान्धुरीणो धङ्गेन गण्डेन⁹⁸⁷च भूभृता यः ।
नयप्रयोगे गहने सुदक्षः परीश्यचक्रे ऽखिलमन्तिमुख्यः ॥³⁰⁶⁰⁹ – [21].
सुदृढतरवु ( ब )द्दमूलःसमेधितस्तवयाम्बु (म्बु) सेकेन ।
राज्यतरुरभवदनयोस्त्रिवर्ग्गफलदः सदा नृपयोः ॥³¹⁶¹¹-[22].
वु(बु) द्द्याश्रुतेन व (ब) हुना धिषणायमानश्चन्द्रातपोज्य (ज्ज्च)लयशोभृतदिग्वितानः ।
आजौविपक्षनिवहेरवि-

14. षह्यधामा तस्मादजायत कृती शिवनागनामा ॥³²³⁷⁴ - [23].
अभिष्टोतुं शक्यं कथमिव गुणास्तस्य सुमते -
र्य एकः सङ्घृत्तः सचिवपद[मास्थाय] न चिरं ।
क्रमाद्राज्यं विद्याधरनरपतेर्न्नित्यकरदी -
कृताशेषोर्व्वोशं व्यधित भुवि सर्व्वातिशयितं ॥³³⁶⁰²- [24] .
विशुद्दाद्दुग्धाब्धेर्व्विधुरिव जगन्नेत्रसुभगो
महीपालस्तस्मादभवद -

15 भिरामोज्य(ज्ज्घ) लगुणः ।

** गिरं सत्येन खां मतिमखिलकायैः[सु] फलितै-**

र्यइष्टापूर्त्ताभ्यां त्रियमपि कृतार्थत्वमनयत् ॥ – [25].
अविकलङ्गुरुकार्यधुराभरं विजयपालनराधिपतेर्हधत्।
स निरवद्यनयान्वितविक्रमः सुसचिवेषु बभूव निदर्शनम्॥⁹⁸⁸–[26].
सच्चैकधाम सन्नोगनित्योङ्गासिवपुः छ–

L.16. ती।

जगन्नरक्षमो जन्मे ऽनन्तो ऽनन्तगुणस्ततः॥⁹⁸⁹ ; and of the next verse. “)– [27].
अभूद्भूरिगुणाधारो यस्य योगेश्वरोऽनुजः।
स रामस्येव सौमित्रि …… धन[व्रत]: ॥–[28].
अत्युच्चैरुदितोदितं कुलमिदं व्रा(ब्रा)ह्मण्यमत्युज्ज्वलं
वेदस्याध्ययनं श्रुतं च विमलं श्रीः शिष्टसाधा[र]णी।
शौर्यंदुर्व्विषहं रणेषु सततं सर्व्वत्र वाक्सूनृता
ऽन–

17. न्तस्यास्य महात्मनः शुभमतेः किं किं न लोकोत्तरम्॥–⁹⁹⁰[29].
मन्त्री मन्त्राधिकारे सुमहति हृदयं गूढवित्रन्कृत्ये
नित्यं हस्त्य[श्वनेता?] रिपुषु [पुर?] व (ब)लाध्यक्ष एकखगोप्ता।
निर्ज्जेता शात्रवा[णाम ०००० [श]: सर्व्ववीरैक[धु]र्यः
कार्ये कस्मिन्न सोभूदभिमतसचिवः कीर्त्तिवच्छेखरस्य॥⁹⁹¹– [30].
युक्तश्चेत्स–

18. चिवीगुणैरभिजनप्रज्ञा[शुचि]त्वादिभि–
र्नेता स्थान त[दा] स्फुटं नृपतिना काचिद्दुरापोन्नतिः।
तस्मिन्नेतृवरे ऽनुशासति [धरां य]त्कीर्त्तिवन्मप्रभुः
कीर्त्यास[च्च]रितैः श्रिया च जितवान्धर्मात्म[जं नाद्भुतं[?]॥]⁹⁹²– [31].
– ––[ध्वर] वह्निधूमनिवहैरत्यर्थमभ्रंलिहै–
रभ्रभ्रान्तिभृतामशेषशिखिनां नृत्त–

19. क्रियाहेतुभिः।
– – –तलो – [पि?] म[घ]वा यज्ञान्य⁹⁹³– –[न्त्रते]
धर्म्मस्तस्य गुणोत्तरे हि गणयत्य[ल्पं न दो१]षं महान्॥ – [32].
आ[स]व नाम महार्हव्वंन्शजा⁹⁹⁴पुण्यचरितमहनीया।
अनसूया ऽत्रिमुनेरिव………………….. ॥–[⁹⁹⁵33].
द्वितीयापि च तस्याभूङ्गार्या सत्कुलसम्भवा।
क्षमाशीलार्ज–

20. ………………………………..॥⁹⁹⁶. “)–[34]
…………………………[न] मनचं।
वत्सं नाम सुधर्म्माधिष्ठितम[भ्यु]न्नतं सुनेत्रमिव॥–[⁹⁹⁷35].

– –: स्वच्छ [म] तिर्विशुद्धचरितः सौजन्धरत्नाकरो
वि[ष्णुर्दोष]हरश्चशौर्यगरिमव्रा(ब्रा)ह्मण्य––<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1699438295Screenshot2023-11-08154058.png”/>।
–––<MISSING_FIG href="#"/><MISSING_FIG href="#"/>– [गदा] धरो गुणनिधिः साधुप्रियो वामनः
प्र-

L.21 द्युन्नश्च[बभूवु ? ]:—।<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699438503Screenshot2023-11-08154446.png"/> ॥—⁹⁹⁸[36].
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699438563Screenshot2023-11-08154548.png"/>[वि?]भुनातिगुणानुरा[गा]त्सल्लक्षक्षितिभुजा च परीक्ष्य [सम्यक्?]।
सर्वेऽ[मुनान्ध ?] <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699438687Screenshot2023-11-08154735.png"/>रं नियुक्ताः कार्येषु सुज्ञचिशूरजनोचितेषु॥–[⁹⁹⁹37].
अथ सल्लक्षणवर्त्म[प्रभु?] ……………पुनः।
अन्तर्वेदीविषये……

22. ……………॥—¹⁰⁰⁰[38].
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699438846Screenshot2023-11-08155033.png"/>
शौर्योद्रेकविनिर्ज्जिता निजविभोः पादावनम्नीकृताः ।
कृत्वा कण्टकशोधनं जनपदे ऽपास्य प्रजानां भयं
ताभ्यः संविदधे च वृष्टिरसमा कोशस्य दण्डस्य च ॥—[¹⁰⁰¹39].
हित्वा देहन्तिदश<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/>— भानुकन्याजला[न्तः]:
न्नाघो ऽनन्ते<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/>

23.
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/>[पर ] मं व्र(ब्र) असायुज्यमाप्ते।
शास्तारीणामिति स जयवर्न्मावनीन्द्रेण यत्ना-
दात्मसत्तौप्रथितमहिमा प्रातिहार्येनियुक्तः॥–¹⁰⁰²[40].
मौलः सद्दन्शजन्मा¹⁰⁰³शचिरमलमतिः शास्त्रविद्दृष्टकर्मा
वाग्मी दक्षः प्रगल्भः करितुरगरथारोहविज्ञः कृता[स्त्र]:।
[मन्त्रेगूढो?]ऽनुरागप्रभृतिगुणयुतश्चे–

24.
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/>— [नुभाव्यः]
श्रीपृथ्वीवर्मनाम्ना तदनु नृपतिना मन्तिमुख्यञ्च चक्रे॥—¹⁰⁰⁴[41].
सर्वैरङ्गैः समृद्धं व्यधित निपुणधीस्तस्य राज्ञोऽथ राज्यं
साचि[व्यं बिभ्र]दुच्चैस्तदनु च मदनक्षोणिपालस्य सोऽयं।
षाड्गुण्यादिप्रयोगैः [स]मयसमुचितैः प्रह्वभावं नरेन्द्रा-
न्नीत्वा सर्व्वान्क्रमेण व्यतनुत वसुधैश्वर्यमेकात[पत्रम्]॥—[42].

**25.— — —<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/> —क्षमोऽपि विविधैर्युक्तो गुणौघैरपि
श्रीमान्नोद्दतिमान्गदाधर इति ब्रू(ब्रू) ते जनोऽयं [स्वयं?]।
गाम्भीर्येण पयोनिधिं<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/>———<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/>—— [प्यसौ]
वु[बु] द्वाराधःकृतवान्गुरुं<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699439030Screenshot2023-11-08154019.png"/>—[केनो]न्नतिर्ब्भूयसी॥—¹⁰⁰⁵[43].
कलत्रंसन्तत्ये श्रुतमपि सदाचा[रवि]धये
म [हीभू]त्यै वेदा वसु सकललोको[पकृतये?]। **

L.26.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699528646Screenshot2023-11-09164520.png"/> [ग्रव] णमनसस्तस्य चरितैः
कलिस्तं प्रत्यस्तंगत इव स मेने खलु जनैः॥—¹⁰⁰⁶[44].
युत्नाःश्रीधरविद्याधराद[यो] यङ्गुणैर्गज्जयिनः।
तस्याभूव [न्म] ततो धुरि स्थितः सर्व्वपुत्रवतां॥–[¹⁰⁰⁷45].
इष्टापूर्त्तप्रचुर[सु]कृतारम्भनित्यादृतेन
प्रासादोऽयं <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699528796Screenshot2023-11-09164925.png"/>युतस्तेन निर्माप्यते स्म।

प्रत्य<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699528858Screenshot2023-11-09165043.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699528906Screenshot2023-11-09165132.png"/>यणो ऽस्मि-
न्देवः सो ऽयं वसु हि महतां पुण्यकर्मोपयोगि ॥–¹⁰⁰⁸[46].
किञ्चात्यर्थेविशुद्धै[र्व्व]सुभिरतिमहान्कारितस्तेन यत्ना-
[हे]द्दुग्रामस्य सीम्निप्रचुरपृथुशिला(ब)न्धरम्य[स्तडा]गः।
कूलेऽभेद्य [न्तदन्यो]पलमयरचना<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699529145Screenshot2023-11-09165530.png"/>
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699529187Screenshot2023-11-09165559.png"/>॥—⁵⁸⁴[47]

28.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699529275Screenshot2023-11-09165720.png"/>णप्रदेशे।
घटिताश्मकदग्व(ग्ब)केन व (ब) वो<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699529353Screenshot2023-11-09165851.png"/>[र]णःकारित इ[न्दु]गौरनीरः ॥–¹⁰⁰⁹[48]
[के] डीना[¹⁰¹⁰म]……………..ग्रामस[न्नि]धाने [च]।
कतिना जनोपक्कतये ………..[सज्जला वापी] ॥—¹⁰¹¹[49]

29……………………………………..

**TRANSLATION.¹⁰¹² **

(Verse 1 ) .— [May Vishṇu guard you, who,] though possessed of a divine body which is marked by the Śrivatsa¹⁰¹³, or is vet wholly unperceived; [who], though the one cause of final liberation, holds the world fast in the snares of illusion; [and who … ……..]!

(2)— May the undulating lines of paint……….. protect you,which,from the round breasts of the impassioned Lakshmi transferred unto the rock-like chest of Śridhara, are like a beautiful eulogy, set down by the god of love in clear characters, & record of ecstatic amorous dalliance !

(Verse 3).—……….. a king¹⁰¹⁴ family. “) named who, having defeated on the battle-field the king of Kanyakubja [who had subdued ?] all princes, obtained exalted sovereignty.

(4).—From him sprang Gaṇḍadeva, a ruler of the earth in the four quarters, expert in annihilating enemies whose massive arms were terrible through the itching of pride. .,

(5).—From him was born, [like?] Indra………the illustrious Vidyâdharadeva, whose beautiful lotus-feet took rest on the diadems of all kings without exception.

(6).— As the good son of that king was born Vijayapâla, eminent by widespread fame (and) purifying by virtuous conduct; who exterminated all the wicked (and) gladdened all good men; who put an end to the Kali age,…… the earth…….

(7).— As his son was born Kîrtivarmadeva, whose pure fame was sung in the three worlds; who, as it were, was Virtue, descended here……to destroy the sin of theKali age (?)….

(8).— Who indeed vanquished the host of enemies, together with all the six internal enemies¹⁰¹⁵; who day by day rendered more prosperous the seven constituent parts of the kingdom¹⁰¹⁶, together with virtue; who extirpated the multitude of thorns in the world, together with the strife induced by the impurity of the Kali age; and who made his command reach the borders of the sea, together verily with his widespread fame.

(9).—His son was the lord,the illustrious king Sallakshanavarmadeva,who always kept the enemies awake by the weight of his prowess;….. a leader of those versed in sacred lore, a kinsman of the virtuous, a store of arts, an abode of good conduct, and a tree of paradise to all suppliants for support.

(10).— Who, by taking away the riches of enemies and bestowing them on all (his) people of good family, far removed that wretched misery,…… and whose……. to fortune; (and) in (whose) assembly there was not perceived any difference whatever between the kings doing homage to him and his other dependants, from the similarity of their garments, glittering with quantities of gold and jewels.

(11).— As his son was born Jayavarmadeva, a dwelling—place of generosity, truth, policy, and heroism; by the rising sun of whose majesty princes, like lamps……..were deprived of their lustre.

(12).—Then the king Prithvivarman,the co-uterine younger brother of the illus trious king Sallakshaṇavarman, bore, equal to the task, the burden of the hereditary government.

(13).— Who, hating the ill-behaved (and) greatly delighting in worthy people, desirous of taking lawful wealth (and) then exponding it according to prescript on sacred objects, carefully protecting all beings and wholly intent on securing propriety of conduct, thus practised here—a noble art—the conduct of the golden age.

(14):—From him was then born the protector of the earth Madanavarman, whose

valour is famous in the three worlds; having witnessed the strength of whose arm people have credited as true the tale of Bhima’s marvellous strength¹⁰¹⁷.

(Verse 15).— Before whose name even, ever quickly flees the Chedi king, vanquished in fierce fight; (and) through dread of whom the king of Kâsi always passes his time in friendly behaviour; by whom morcover that ruler of Mâlava, full of arrogance, was quickly exterminated, while other monarchis, paying homage to him, have enjoyed supreme comfort.

(16).— From the seed, consisting in the pearls bright like the white-fayed (moon) from the heads of the elephants of his focs, which he ropeatedly sowed on the field of battle, ploughed by the hoofs of impetuously charging horses (and) irrigated by the streams of ‘blood gushing forth from the throats of enemies, there has grown up the creeping plant of (his) fame; that, sprinkled by him with the water (poured out) at donations, has overspread the bower which is the assembly-house¹⁰¹⁸of (Brahman), sprung from the lotus.

(17).— Now then will be detailed the venerable lineage of the great ministers of pure conduct, who bore the burden of the government of these kings.

(18).—The son of the creator of the universe, to be honoured by all the worlds, (was) Angiras: in his lineage was born the holy sage Gautama, a store of knowledge; who in the course of disputation, when Sambhu disguised as a Mîmâmsaka showed the eye. on his forehead, enraged, at once displayed an eye in the sole of his foot¹⁰¹⁹.

(19).—That Akshapâda,—for whom in this world is he not an object of veneration, he who, able to expand the Nyâya doctrine, confuted false reasoning and then estab, lished the supreme greatness of the Lord ?

(20).— In the thriving family of that abode of the might of fierce penance therc was born in the course of time the wise Prabhâsa, the one resting-place of religious merit, the seat of a crowd of excellencies; whom, graced as he was by the brilliant play of overpowering eloquence, virtuous men respectfully went to see, as (people visit) the holy place Prābhāsa¹⁰²⁰,for their welfare.

(21).— A leader of those who are free from all deceit, (and) highly expert in the abstruse conduct of politics, he, having been (duly) tried, was appointed chief of all the ministers by Dhanga and king Gaṇḍa.

(22).—(And) the trce of government which had struck very firm roots, when it was made to grow by being sprinkled with the water of his policy, always bore to those two kings the fruit of the three objects of life¹⁰²¹.

(23).— From him was born the virtuous Śivanâga, in understanding and wide sacred knowledge like Dhishana¹⁰²²;who filled the extent of the regions with his fame, bright like the moon-light, (and) whose might could not be endured by the hosts of enemies in battle.

(24).— How is it at all possible (duly) to applaud the excellencies of that wise one, who, as soon as he had assumed the post of minister, alone, hy his excellent conduct, gradually made the government of the king Vidyâdhara one to which all

the rulers of the earth were rendered for ever tributary, so that it surpassed all others on earth ?

(Verse 25). —As the moon, grateful to the eyes of mankind, (arose) from the pure sea of milk, so sprang from him Mahīpâla, with pleasing brilliant qualities; who fulfilled the purport of his word by truth, that of his understanding by actions which bore good fruit, and that of his wealth by pious and beneficial deeds.

(26).—Sustaining, to its full extent, the weighty burden of the important affairs of the king Vijayapâla, he, in whom valour was united with a blameless policy, became the standard of comparison among good ministers.

(27).— From him was born, able to bear the weight of the world (and) endowed with endless excellencies, the wise Ananta, the one home of goodness, whose body always was resplendent from virtuous enjoyment.

(28).—Whose younger brother was Yogeśvara, the seat of numerous excellencies, as (Lakshmaṇa,) the son of Sumitrâ, was of Râma. devoted

(29).— (Birth in) this most noble family which hatl risen higher and higher, Brâhmaņical rank most illustrious, study of the Vedas,spotless sacred knowledge, wealth shared with the learned, heroism always difficult to be withstood in battles, (and) everywhere pleasing but sincere speech,—what is there in which this noble-minded virtuously inclined Ananta did not surpass the world?

(30).—(Being the king’s) councillor in the very high office of counselling, (the very)’ heart (of the king) in secret confidential matters, constantly [a leader of horses and] elephants among enemies, a superintendent of the forces of the town (?),an unrivalled protector of property,a vanquisher of adversaries,………..the sole chief of all heroes, —in what affair was he not the approved minister of the king Kîrtivarman?

(31).—When a king has for his guide a minister of noble birth, endowed with understanding, uprightness and similar qualities, then there is clearly nothing so high that it would be difficult for him to attain to. No wonder, then, that the lord Kîrtivarman by his fame and good acts and prosperity surpassed the son of Dharma¹⁰²³” (even), when that best of guides was governing the carth.

(32).—By the volumes of smoke of the sacrificial fires which touched the clouds (and) caused all peacocks, by whom they were mistaken for clouds, to dance,……Maghavan………a share of the sacrifice……..¹⁰²⁴

(33).— [His wife was a lady] named Âsarvà, born in an illustrious family, venerable for her virtuous conduct, as Anasûyâ (was) of the sage Atri, (34). And he had also another wife, sprung from a noble race, [who by] patience, good character, uprightness….

(35).—[She bore to him ?]……..a faultless [son], named Vatsa, like the elevated Sunetra¹⁰²⁵," seated in the assembly of the gods (?).

(36)……… of clear understanding (and) pure conduct, a mine of benevolence, and Vishnu, removing faults,…… bravery, dignity, piety,……… Gadâdhara, a store of excellencies, Vâmana, fond of the good, and Pradyumna were [his other sons (?)]……

(Verse 37).—……..through (his) liking for distinguished qualities, having been properly tried, all were appointed by the king Sallakshaṇavarman……….. in offices suitable to wise, upright, and valiant men.

(38).—Then [the lord] Sallakshaṇavarman…………. again, in the country of Antarvedi ………..

(39).—…….. utterly defeated by the excess of his heroism, were made to prostrate themselves at the feet of his master; having cleared the country of thorns (and) dissipated the fears of the subjects,he¹⁰²⁶in an unparalleled manner increased their treasure and power.

(40).—When the venerable Ananta, having abandoned his body in the waters of [the river of] the gods and of the daughter of the Sun¹⁰²⁷, had attained ……….to supreme union with Brahman,he, considered the chastiser of the enemies (and) famous for his greatness, was cagerly appointed by the king Jayavarman, near his own person, in the office of Pratihára.

(41).—And (being) a hereditary servant, born in a noble lineage, upright, of clear intellect, versed in sciences, tried by practice, eloquent, clever, resolute, expert in mounting elephants, horses and chariots, skilled in archery, [secret in council,] endowed with affection and other excellent qualities, (and)……… he subsequently was appointed chief of the ministers by the illustrious king Pṛithvīvarman.

(42). Then sustaining the high office of minister, possessed of keen intelligence, he made the government of that king prosper in all its constituent parts, and so he did afterwards that of the king Madana.Having gradually reduced all princes to the state of dependency by applying the six expedients¹⁰²⁸and so forth, each in due season, he made (the king’s) sovereignty over the earth characterized by a single umbrella.

(43).—……….able,……endowed with manifold multitudes of excellencies,illustrious, not haughty, spoken of by people as Gadādhara¹⁰²⁹ incarnate(?), . by his depth the ocean, by his understanding surpassing the preceptor [of the gods (?)],— who [is there that has attained to] greater elevation?

(44).—He has his wife for the procreation of children and his sacred knowledge for the practice of good conduct; the Vedas serve him for the welfare of the earth, and his wealth he has for the benefit of all people. Inclined as his mind is to…….. people in consequence of his conduct indeed believe that with him the Kali age has come to an end (?)

(45).—Since he has got for his sons Śridhara, Vidyâdhara, and the rest, who by their excellent qualities surpass all people, he takes the lead of all family men.

(46).—Always anxious to engage in pious and beneficial acts and other good deeds, ho caused this edifice to be erected, endowed with ……in it there is here the god [Nárâyaṇa (?)]; for the wealth of the great is employed in acts of piety.

(47).—Moreover, with his exceedingly pure wealth, he caused carefully to be built on the boundary of the village of Deddu, a tank, charming with its masonry of many

broad stones; (and) on the banks, not liable to be broken, with a mass of other stones,

(Verse 48).—……..a collection of hewn stones, by in the place, he caused to be made, built with collection of hewn stones………….the water of which is pale like the moon.

(49).—Kendi by name (?) …………. and in the proximity of the village by wise one for the benefit of the people…….a tank of good water.

II.

BATESVAR STONE INSCRIPTION OF PARAMARDIDEVA;
OF THE VIKRAMA YEAR 2252.

The stone which bears this inscription¹⁰³⁰is said to have been found¹⁰³¹ in an ancient mound at Baṭeśvar, a town in the Agra District of the North-Western Provinces, on the right bank of the Jumna, 35 miles south-east of Agra¹⁰³²;and it is now in the Lucknow Museum. The stone is broken right through from top to bottom; but, the break being fairly clean, the aksharas, which in consequence are gone, are few, and can, with one or two exceptions, be readily supplied. Besides this, the upper proper left corner of the stone is broken away, causing the nearly complete loss of 23 aksharas at the end. of the first, and of eight aksharas at the end of the second line.

The inscription consists of 24 lines. The writing covers a space of about 2’ broad by 1’ 8" high, and, with the exceptions already noted, it is fairly well preserved, so that everything of importance may be read with certainty. But the engraving being rather shallow and the surface of the stone somewhat worn, it is occasionally difficult, and in several places impossible, to trace the superscript letters in the impressions. The size of the letters is between " and “.The characters are Nâgarî, resembling those of the Mahoba inscriptions, of which photo-lithographs are given in Cunningham’s Archæological Survey of India,vol. XXI, plates xxii and xxiii.The language is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the introductory om om namo bhagavate Vásudeváya and the concluding érir-astu, the inscription is in verse throughout.It was composed by Devadhara, a son of Gadâdhara, who was minister of peace and war of Paramardideva and a son of Lakshmidhara, of the Gauḍa lincage; written by Dharmadhara, a younger brother of Devadhara; and engraved by Mahârâja (?), the son of Somarâja (verses 30-32).As regards orthography, bis denoted by the sign for v everywhere except in udbabhúvur, line 10, babhúva, lines 13, 14, 16, 20 and 22, and bibhartti, line 24; the dental sibilaṇt is fifteen times used for the palatal sibilant (e.g., in Saureś, line 1, vindsa, line 6, &c.), and the palatal for the dental in saro, line 11, áśíd, line 14, and sachiveshu, line 21; before sibilants and the dental n is employed instead of anusvára, in the interior of simple words in vanśas, line 2, payánsi, line 9, hanso-vatansitaº, line 11, hansas, lịne 14, pumánsam, line 21, (but not in avataṁsaḥ, line 2), and, exceptionally, at the end

of a word in niramkuśan-şañchaº, line 9, adhikan-harinᵒ, line 10, and vidyávalán-sa, line 22. Besides, ujjvala is, as usual, spelt ujvala in lines 14 and 18.In respect of lexicography, it may be noted that the word vibhaṅgi apparently is used in the sense of bhaṅgi, in line 12.

The proper object of the inscription is, to record (in verses 25-29) that Sallakshaṇa, the minister of the king Paramardideva,built a temple of Vishṇu,and a temple of Śiva at which the inscription was put up; and that this second temple was completed by Purushottama,the son of Sallakshaṇa and his successor in the office of minister, after the death of his father. And by way of introduction the inscription (in verses 3-13) gives the genealogy of the king,and (in verses 14-24) that of his ministers. All we learn regarding the former is, that from Atri’s eye sprang the moon, and from the moon the Chāndrâtreya princes; that one of them was Madanavarman, whose son was Yaśovarman, whose son again was the ruling prince Paramardideva. The lineage of the ministers, on the other hand,is as follows:in the gotra of Vasishṭha there was Lakshmīdhara; his son was Vatsarâja,and his son again Lâhaḍa; Lâhaḍa had for his wife Prabhā, who bore to him Sallakshaṇa, whose son was Purushottama. Of these, Lâhada was chief minister of Madanavarman, while Sallakshaṇa and Purushottama held the same position under Paramardideva. It may be noted that in the account of the ministers the name of the prince Yaśovarman is omitted.

The inscription is dated (in verse 34), in words only, in the Vikrama year counted by the wings (2), the faces of Śiva (5), and the Âdityas (12), i.e., in the Vikrama year 1252, on the 5th lunar day of the bright half of Aévina, on a Sunday. The possible” European equivalents for Vikrama 1252, Âśvina śukla 5, would be:—

for the northern current year,—Wednesday, 21st September, A.D. 1194;
for the northern expired or southern current year, Sundays—10th September,
A.D. 1195, when the fifth tithi of the bright half ended 14 hours 14 minutes after mean sunrise ;

for the southern expirod year,—Saturday, 28th September, A.D. 1196.

The true date accordingly is Sunday, 10th September, A.D. 1195, and the Vikrama year mentioned in the inscription must be taken to be the northern expired, or, possibly, the southern current year.

TEXT.¹⁰³³

L.1.ओं⁶⁵⁴ ओंनमो भगवते वासुदेवाय॥
जयन्ति वा (बा) हवःसौ(शी)रेवतुर्वर्गफलद्रुमाः।
निर्भरत्रीपरीरभपर्याप्तपुलका <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699671454Screenshot2023-11-11082640.png"/><MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699671534Screenshot2023-11-11082843.png"/>॥—¹⁰³⁴. “)[1].
<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1699709139Screenshot2023-11-11185511.png"/>

```
                       टि।  
```

इति च्छलात्स्सृष्टपयोधिपुवीपयोधरः पातु रथाङ्गपाणिः ॥—¹⁰³⁵[2].
अत्रेरजायत विलोचनपुण्डरीकाहेवो गिरीन्द्र[तन*]यादयितावतंसः।
वन्श¹⁰³⁶स्ततोयसु<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699671935Screenshot2023-11-11083521.png"/>

L.3 मुक्ताफ[ले]रिव यशोभिरथोभिः¹⁰³⁷ ॥’ – [3].
अस्मिनुहामदोई खलहितारातिमकलाः ।
जधिर चारुचारिता[बान्द्रा ]वेयमहीभुजः ॥’ -[4].
तेष्याविरास विलसत्करवालदण्डद -

भोलिनिईलितमानवगोनमः ।
उद्दामदपरिपुराजवलाभिघातस्थातोद्यमो मदनवप्रमहीमहेन्द्र[:] ॥ -[5].
सौधे सोच्छ्वसितं स्थितं सकरुणं लीलाशको व्याहतो
दृष्टी

5. बाष्पजलौघरुद्रनयनं क्रीडाकुरङ्गीशियः ॥
वासायस्थ यियासुना वनभुवं कान्ताज [ने *]न दिवां
प्रत्याहत्तिनि[राथ] मानसतया विचित्र वाचेष्टितं¹⁰³⁸ ॥ - [6].
सिन्दूरिताहितमतङ्ग

6. अकुन्भ[पृष्ठे] येनाहितोलिमलिनः करवालदः ।
युवेरिभिर्निजविनास (श) विसर्पि¹⁰³⁹[भैध्य चा]“लोकि केतुरिव [नू*] समसूर्यसङ्गी¹⁰³⁷ ॥” -[ 7 ] .
अजायत यशोवर्मा ततचन्द्र इवांवुधेः¹⁰⁴⁰" ।

7.योभवज्जगदानन्दी म[हेल]रशिरोमणिः¹⁰⁴¹ .") ॥"- [8].
कुन्देन्दुकान्या विजगहिसारियदीयकीर्त्वा धवलीकृतेषु ।
केशेषु जा[ता व]त निर्जराणामभूतपूर्व्वा पलितस्व शङ्खा¹⁰⁴² ॥"—[8].
आसीत्ततो न

8. बनरेन्द्रमौलिरत्नप्रभापाटलपादपीठः ।
अखबगप्रतिपचिसार्थ[दी]ईपमी परमईिदेवः ॥ -[10].
परस्परविरोधस्य [त]स्य राज्ये कथैव का ।
सङ्गतं श्रीसरस्वत्योरपि येन प्रवर्त्तितं¹⁰⁴¹ .") ॥"- [11].

9. प्रचलति ककुभा[[]याय यस्मिन्हरिसुरतधरापरागपु[[]: ।
कवलितरविरमि (श्मि) तीव्रतायादिव पिवति का प[या]न्सि¹⁰⁴³" तोयरासे¹⁰⁴⁴ (शे): ॥"- [12].
यत्प्रतापदहने निरंकुमन्मन्चरत्यपि¹⁰⁴⁵ “

10. सपनसम्नसु।

[उ[द्]]¹⁰⁴⁶भूवुरधिक[न्ह]रिमणिस्या(श्यामकोमलतृणानि सर्व्वतः¹⁰⁴⁷॥- [13].
अवास्ति लोकत्रितयप्रतीतं वसिष्ठगो[त्रं*] सुकृतैकपात्रं ।
यस्मिन्रजायन्त विसु(शु) वद्वृत्ता विप्राः पयो -

**L. 11. धाविव मौतिकौघाः ॥—[¹⁰⁴⁸14] .
तेषु क्रमादखिलसा (शा)स्लम (स) रोविहारिहन्सोवतन्सितभिवापतिपादपङ्गः।¹⁰⁴⁹— [15].
लक्ष्मीधरः स्फुरित[भास्व] दसी (शी) तरस्मि (श्मि) सब्र(ब्र) प्रचारिगुणमौलिकलिंधुरासीत् ॥⁶³⁵ **

12. यदध्वरोज्ञासितास (श) धूमलेखाः स्फु[टा]नेकविभक्तिभरणः।
दिगङ्गनापीनपयोधरेषु विलास[[वे]]¹⁰⁵⁰ वित्रियमाश्रय [न्त ॥[] —]¹⁰⁴⁸[16].
[अ] लभत जनिममात्सञ्चरित्रेकपावं विनयसदनमे-

**13. कं वत्सराजो डिजेन्द्रः।
जलधिरिव [गभीर]: शेलवडेयसारी सुररिपुरिव लक्ष्मीसंत्रयो यो ब[भू]व ॥¹⁰⁵¹—[17].
निम्मलगुणगणव [ तब मि*] वोदयमोदिनोम्बु (म्बु ) जस्येव।
शक्लडिजपरिभोग्या **

**14. बभूव यस्यामला लक्ष्मीः॥—[¹⁰⁵²18].
आशी (सी) दशेषअतिसिंधुहन्मस्तस्यात्मजो” लाइडनामधेयः।
पु[पोष] यो निम्मलवाग्विलास रे[मे] [च*] यः सज्जनमानसेषु ॥—¹⁰⁵³ [10]. **
मंत्रिणां धुरि कलोग्ख (ज्व) ल-

15. कायंयत्रकार मदनचितिपालः।
विष्टपत्रितयमे[व?] जिगीषुः पंचवाण इव सी (शी) तमयूखं॥—[¹⁰⁵⁴20].
कुटुम्ब (म्ब) कुमुदप्रौढप्रमोदने प[टी*]यसी।
तस्यासीरिजराजस्य प्रभा हृदयव-

16. ज्ञभा॥—¹⁰⁵⁵[21].
ततो बभूव हिजरा [इ]मचः सलक्षणबारुचरित्रपालम्।
अ[भू]चि[ने]वः परमर्हिदेवः चोषीश्वरो येन विनिम्मलेन॥—¹⁰⁵⁶[22].
राज्य—[रम]शेषमेव भुजयोर्विन्धस्य यस्य स्वयं
वीर-

17. श्रीपरमहिभूपरिसृढः प्रौढप्रमो[दो]दयः।
त्रस्यद्दा(डा)लकुरुंगसा(शा) वकटुशामुद्दामकामस्पृशां
पत्र(त्त्र)न्यासकलाविलासर[सि]क[स्व]\न्तोभवसंततम् [॥—[¹⁰⁵⁷. “)23].
लक्ष्मी केलिनिकेतन-

18.स्व भजतो मित्रोदयस्प्रेरतां
दूराधःकृतकंटकस्य गुणिनो लोकेकतापच्छिदः।
अम्भोजस्य च तस्य च त्रिभुवने साधर्म्यमत्युज्व(ज्ज्व) लं
वैधर्म्यं तु पराङ्मुखः स न कदाप्यासीहिजाधी-

L.19. रे ॥—[24].
[प्रा]सादी वैष्णवस्तेन निर्म्मितोन्तर्व्वहन्हरिम्।
मूर्ध्ना स्पृस(श)ति यो नित्यंपदमस्यैव मध्यमम्॥—¹⁰⁵⁸. “)[25].
अकारय[च्च] स्फटिकावदातमसाविदन्म[न्दि]रमिन्दुमौलेः।
न जातु यस्मिन्निवसन्स दे-

20. वः कैलासवासाय चकार चेतः॥—[¹⁰⁵⁹26].
बीताम्व (ब) रं यस्य यमो बभूव सुदर्शनं यस्य वपुर्विजज्ञे।
गुणोत्करी यस्य च नंदकोभूदासीत्स[त]स्मात्पुरुषोत्तमाख्यः ॥— [27].
त्रिभुवनमहनीयञ्च-

21. त्तवृत्तंशिशुमपि यं परमर्हिपार्थिवेन्द्रः।
अनयत श(स) चिवेषु मुख्यभावं जगति गुणा हि पुमान्ममर्धयन्ति¹⁰⁶⁰॥—¹⁰⁶¹[28].
अनेनाचारसु (शु)चिना व्र(ब्र)ह्मलोके [वह*]रिण[:]।
कीर्त्तनं जनकस्येदमसिहंसिहिमापि-

22.
तम् ॥¹⁰⁶². “)— [29].
[गौ] डान्वयेकतिलकस्य गदाधराख्यो लक्ष्मीधरस्य तनयः कविचक्रवर्ती।
विद्यावतान्स¹⁰⁶³परमः परमर्हिदेवसंधानविग्र[ह]महासचिवो बभूव ॥—¹⁰⁶⁴[30].
तस्यात्मजो देवधरः कवी-

23. न्द्रः प्रस (श)स्तिमेतामतुलाश्चकार।
अस्यानुजोधर्मधरश्च धीरः कुतूहलाहा(हा)लकविर्ल्ल्लिलेख॥ —¹⁰⁶⁵[31].
उच्चकार चमत्कारकारकः सर्व्वशिल्पिनाम्।
….[धी]रो महाराजः सोमराजाङ्गभूरिमाम्॥—¹⁰⁶⁶. “)[32].
शं-

24. भुश्चविष्णुश्चबिभर्त्ति यावज्जटाकलापं च भु[जान्त]रं च।
पा[थो]धिजं धाम च कौस्तुभञ्च स्थिरास्तु कीर्त्तिश्चकृतिश्चतावत्॥—¹⁰⁶⁵[33].
पक्ष[त्त्रा]क्षमुखादित्यसंख्ये विक्रमव[त्स]रे।
आश्विनशुक्लपञ्चम्यां वासरे वासरेशितुः॥[—[34].]¹⁴⁴. “)
वीरस्तु [॥*]

TRANSLATION.

**Om! Om ! Adoration to the holy Vásudeva ! **

(Verse 1).— Victorious are the arms of Śauri¹⁰⁶⁷,the trees which yield the four objects of life¹⁰⁶⁸, s every hair on which [becomes] erect (with pleasure) at the close embrace of Lakshmī.

(2).— May he who holds the discus in his hand¹⁰⁶⁹, protect [you], he who under the pretence of ………………….. touched the breasts of the daughter of the ocean !

(Verse 3).—From the eye—lotus of Atri was born the god¹⁰⁷⁰ (who is) the ornament of the beloved husband of the daughter of the lord of mountains. From him [spiang] this race [which]……has shone with its bright fame, as if (decorated) with pearls.

(4).—In it there were born, of pleasing conduct, the [Chândrâtreya] princes, who by their powerful massive arms have crushed the hosts of enemies.

(5).—Among them appeared the lord of the earth Madanavarman, who with his flashing sword scattered (his) adversaries (and) whose vigour became known by his onslaught on hostile kings, elated with pride; (resembling) the great Indra ‘who cut off the wings of the mountains with his thunderbolt (and) whose might became famous by his killing (the demon) Vala.

(6).—The wives of his enemies,—standing sighing in their palaces, addressing in pitiful terms their favourite parrots, looking, their sight dimmed by streams of tears, at the young ones of their pet antelopes, what did they not do when, afraid of him, they were about to depart for the forest, (and) when their minds had no hope ever to return?

(7).— In battle his sword, applied by him to the broad frontal globes, covered with red lead, of the elephants of adversaries, (and) darkened by the bees¹⁰⁷¹ (which stuck to it), was by his enemies seen moving rapidly to their own destruction, like Rāhu¹⁰⁷²,coming in contact with the new(ly risen) sun.

(8).— As the moon, the crest-jewel of Maheśvara, (arose) from the ocean, so was born from him Yaśpvarman, who was an ornament of great rulers, causing oy to the people.

(9).— Whose fame, spreading in the three worlds with the loveliness of the jasmine and the moon, made the hair (of men) appear white, and thus caused the unprecedented. notion that people, before they had attained to old age, had, alas! turned grey.

(10).— From him has sprung Paramardideva whose foot-stool is pale-red with the lustre of the crest-jewels of kings bowing down (before him,and) who crushes the pride in their arms of crowds of antagonists, filled with no mean conceit.

(11.)— How could one even mention mutual conflict in the reign of this (king), who has brought about the union of both fortune and eloquence (in his own person) ?

(12).— When he marched out to conquer the regions, the clouds of dust raised by the hoofs of his horses, suffering from intense heat as it were because they had devoured the rays of the sun, swallowed the water of the sea.

(13).— Although the fire of his prowess spreads, unchecked, over the habitations of his rivals, there have yet on all sides sprung up in abundance tender blades of grass dark-green like emeralds.-

(14).— Now there is, well known in the three worlds, the family of Vasishṭha, the unique receptacle of good acts, in which were born sages of pure conduct, as heaps of pearls (are found) in the occan.

(15).— Among these, there was in the course of time Lakshmidhara, a swan sporting in the lake of all sciences, who ornamented the lotus-feet of the husband of Śivâ; an ocean of the pearls of good qualities rivalling the brilliantly shining sun.

(16).—The lines of smoke of whose bright sacrificial fires, with their numerous clearly visible undulating lines, assumed the beautiful appearance of braids of hair (put) playfully on the big breasts of the women of the quarters.

(Verse 17).— From him took his origin the chief of the twice—born Vatsarâja, an unique receptacle of good conduct, a home of propriety; who was deep like the ocean, reputed for his firmness like a mountain, and, like the enemy of Mura,” the resort of fortune.

(18).— Endowed as he was with a crowd of spotless excelencies and delighted at the elevation of friends, his righteous wealth became an object of enjoyment for pure twice-born people, just as the faultless beauty of the lotus, which has many clean fibres and blooms at the rising of the sun, is enjoyed by white birds.

(19). He had a son, named Lâhaḍa, a swan in the sea of sacred lore, who nurtured the play of graceful utterance and dwelt, as in lakes, in the minds of good men.

(20).— Him, whose person was beautified by (his acquaintance with) the arts, the king Madana placed at the head of his counsellors, just as the god of love does the cool-rayed (moon), when about to subdue the three worlds.

(21).—That king of the twice-born had (for his wife), dear to his heart, Prabha, (a lady) dexterous in bringing into full bloom the family-lotus.

(22).—From her sprang the king of the twice-born” in human form, Sallakshaṇa, a receptacle of pleasing conduct; through whom, free from stains, Paramardideva has become a lord of the earth with three eyes.

(23).— Having placed on whose arms the whole [burden] of government, the illustrious lord of the earth, the brave Paramardin, a cause of excessive joy to those whose eyes are like the eyes of frightened young deer and who were filled with boundless love, always let his mind delight in the playful art of ornamenting (their bodies).

(24).— Being the abode of the play of fortune, smiling with joy at the elevation of friends, having laid seditious people quite low, being endowed with excellent qualities (and) the one remover of the distress of the people, it was quite clear in the three worlds that he shared the properties of the day-lotus, which is the abode of the play of Lakshmî, blooms at the rising of the sun, is quite free from thorns, has many fibres (and) cools in an unsurpassed manner the heat of people; but he differed (from the day-lotus) in this that he was never averse from the supreme lord of the twice-born.

(25). He erected a temple of Vishnu, containing (an image of) Hari, which with its top always touches his own middle stride.

(26).—And he also caused this crystal-white habitation of the moon-crested (Śiva) to be built, residing in which the god has never turned his thoughts to dwelling on Kailasa.

(27).—From him sprang (a son), named Purushottama,” whose fame has taken possession of the sky, whose appearance is recognized to be beautiful, and whose crowd of excellencies causes rejoicing;

______________________________

i.e., Vishnu, the husband of Lakshmi, the goddess of fortuno.

i.e., the moon; and, accordingly, his master Paramardidera becomes the lord with three eyes,

i.e., Śiva, on earth, Sallakabapa being the third eye of the king.

i.e., Śiva, in the case of Sallakshans; and the moon, ip the case of the day—lotus.

i.e., the sky

Purushottama is one of the names of Vishṇu; and some of the terms of the original verse are so chosen as to be applicable also to that deity; for sudarfans and nandaka are the names of Vishnu— Krishna’s disons and sword, aud pîtâm— tara would denote his yellow garment, Vishnu himself being called Pitambara, ‘dressed in yellow clothes.”

(Verse 28).—whom, old in conduct that deserves to be glorified in the three worlds, though still a youth, the king Paramardin has appointed to be chief of his ministers.; for that which makes a man valued in the world, is his qualities.

(29).— He, pure in his conduct, has completed this praiseworthy work of his parent who roams about in Brahman’s world¹⁰⁷³,which had been left incomplete.—

(30).— Ľakshmidhara, the unique ornament of the Gauḍa family, had a son named Gadâdhara, a supreme chief of poets; who, first among the learned, was the great minister of peace and war of Paramardideva.

(31).— His son, the chief of poets, Devadhara, has composed this unequalled eulogy; and his younger brother, the steadfast Dharmadhara, the young poet, has eagerly written it.

(32).—……… son of Somarâja, the steadfast Mahârâja (?), who rouses the admiration of all artizans, has engraved it.—

(33).— As long as Śambhu wears his tresses of matted hair and the light which has risen from the ocean¹⁰⁷⁴,and Vishṇu his breast (?) and the Kaustubha jewel, so long may the fame (of the founders) and (their) work endure!

(34).— In the year of Vikrama, counted by the wings (2), the faces¹⁰⁷⁵ of the three-eyed (Śiva) (5), and the Âdityas (12), on the fifth (lunar day) of the bright half of Âśvina, on the day of the lord of the day¹⁰⁷⁶.

May fortuno attend!

XXVI.—JHANSI STONE INSCRIPTION OF SALLAKSHANASIMHA (?).

**BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN. **

The stone which bears this inscription was found, in July 1887, in the walls of the ruined Fort of Jhânsî, in the North— Western Provinces, and is now in the Lucknow Museum. It measures about 3′ 1″ by 1′ 7″, and contains fragments of 32 lines of writing disposed on the stone as may be seen from the photo-lithograph. The original inscription must have been a very large one; for not only did it contain more than 32 lines, but the actually remaining portions of the lines 21—24 enable us also to infer that each line, in its complete state, held about 90 aksharas, and measured at least 4’ 6” in length. The existing writing is on the whole well preserved. The size of the letters is between 7/8and 1”.The characters are Nâgarīof about the twelfth century. The language is Sanskrit; and, what remains of the inscription, is in verse.The inscription was written and engraved very carefully; and in respect of orthography it is only necessary to state that b is throughout denoted by the sign for v, and that the dental sibilant is occasionally employed for the palatal.

The inscription is in so fragmentary a state that I fail to perceive the object for which it was composed, and am unable to derive from it any connected sense; and, accordingly, I can do little more than point out the proper names which occur in it.

In line 2 the inscription speaks of the river of the gods, the Ganges, as the resting-place of Kanyâkubja; from which I would infer that this record has reference to the

rulers of Kanyākubja themselves, or to certain chiefs who owed allegiance to them. According to line 4, the moon begat a son named Jayanta. Lines 5 and 6 appear to mention two chiefs-Sidhuka and Mâmaka (?)— of whom the elder one became king. Other chiefs, who kept the Bhillas (line 7) in order, are spoken of in the following lines which appear to record the building of a tank, the establishment of a grove-called (line 8) Kanhapādi (?),-and the erection of a temple, and contain the name of the village Dugdhakupya (line 10). In line 15 three chiefs appear to be spoken of, the second of whom is called Lakkhata and the third Rajaḥpâla. Line 18 records that somebody married two wives who somehow or other are brought in connection with the Chaulukya family, and one of whom bore the name Râjaladevi. In line 20 we meet with the prince Kirtivarman who is protected from somebody (the Chedi king Karṇa (?)); and line 21 speaks of three kings, one of whom appears to be again Kīrtivarman. Line 23 mentions the son of the illustrious Satyavatī, who perhaps defeated a certain Gaṇapāla (?), and did something to the rule of Udayâditya, the lord of Avanti. Line 25 perhaps contains the name Nrisimha, and line 26 that of the illustrious Hira or Hirâmsu; and line 27 mentions, in a manner as if he had been living at the time, the illustrious Sallakshaṇasimha, who probably was engaged in fight with the troops of the Yavanas (line 30) or Muhammadans.

Other inscriptions may yet be discovered which will throw light on this one: for the present, I can only say that, of the princes mentioned here, Kīrtivarman probably is the Chandella¹⁰⁷⁷ ‘king of that name, the contemporary of the Chedi king Karṇadeva; and Udayāditya the ruler of Mâlava, who is spoken of in two Chedi inscriptions of the period; but that I see no cogent reason for identifying Sallakshaṇasimha with the Chandella king Sallakshaṇavarman, or for assigning this inscription to the Chandella rulers.

TEXT.

1…¹⁰⁷⁸…………………………………….[[श्यामो]]¹⁰⁷⁹नुगतचुचुकोत्पलदल ‘हेतुं कन्याकुम (म) प्रतिष्ठां सुरसरितमपि प्रीति[मा]

……………………………………….हेतुं¹⁰⁸⁰ कन्याकुब्ज (अ) प्रतिष्ठां सुरसरितमपि प्रीति[मा] ………..

…………………………. छंदः¹⁰⁸¹पारदृशां तताध्वरजुषां विस्रायिनां नित्य[शो ?]…….

……………………………. ‘न¹⁰⁸² जयन्तनामा तेनेन्दुनाजनि ततः प्रयतेन सूनुः॥ …………..

………………….‘शुद्दिर¹⁰⁸³दतुरगक्रीडयाम् जिगीषू यात्राकाले क्वचिदपि वहिबेलतुर्थीर-[से?] ….

……………………………………….[स¹⁰⁸⁴?]धिकमामकाविति ततो ज्येष्ठस्तदासीन्नृपः॥अवेरितो¹⁰⁸⁵जनि सुतःसुकृतोयशो……

7………………………….‘सज्ज¹⁰⁸⁶ [ल]वापिकां व(ब)लवतोर्व्याक्तीरदेशस्थितान्। भिज्ञानुहतरंहसःकरल[ग]त्कोदण्डगर्व्वोइटा[नु]….

…………………(क)¹⁰⁸⁷ अयादि प्रमदवनमपि ख्यातिमत्तत्र चक्रे कामिन्यः वोसिश्चांशे भुवि[अह]रसरिहारिणि क्रीडयन्ति॥ पा……..

………………………(च)¹⁰⁸⁸ कामिन्यो यत्र पात्रैः प्रियतमवदनैश्चारु(भि)स्ताः वपुस्तत्॥ (च)¹⁰⁸⁹ चारु ब्र(वीति) भुवं प्रति तव क्रोधां……….

…………………….. यत्राचिरात्॥ [[स?]]¹⁰⁸⁸ [सृ?]ष्ये[वोत्तर?]दक्षिणंव[न?] भुवोन्ते दुश्चकुप्याह्वयं ग्रामंकोम्बधितस्थिवान्न्स्रपतिः पूर्वन्तद्[१]…………..
“कूटिन¹⁰⁸⁷चन्द्रकान्तैःक्वापि कापीन्द्रनीलैर्हरितकपिशितैःक्वापि सत्पद्म[रागैः]हर्म्यस्वास्योपरिष्टा[द?] ………………
……………………. “विका¹⁰⁸⁸सुविकसत्कान्तिप्ररोहैर्ज्जनः। [कु]प्यार्थी इतचारुलोचनपथोचीच्चप्रम[ज्या]सञ्जातान्धा[लो]……….
[प्या¹⁰³⁷]। दन्तेन्दुद्योतजाते (लै?) बंवलितककुमां चन्द्रसन्दिग्धमुग्धवक्त्रालोच्च लोकःपदमपि चलितुं………
………………..[[वा]]¹⁰⁸⁸स्य राज्ञः॥ “अश्वी(ध्वी) नामत्ति योम्वू(म्बू)न्यनियमुपचितो वङ्किरौर्ध्वः क नष्टःसूर्याः शुष्यन्ति तानि क्व……

………………………ब्धि¹⁰⁸⁸ (श्वि): प्रचुरतभूर्खक्सटीसौ द्वितीयः आपः प्रौढप्रतापोजनि जगति रजःपालनामा [तृ१]………

……………. “यानां¹⁰⁸⁸ पतिताभिरम्य (ज्य) रतलात्स्वर्गौकसां दृष्टिभिः।पौष्पीभिः खलदंश्चिरगरमतं बीरे(श्व?)……..
……………….. “सत्व¹⁰⁸⁸ (ज) स्य राशिः परः। बु(बु)द्धेःस्थानमपि त्रियां जलनिधिः पुण्यस्य धामोदभूसाहस गयः…………
………………… “[द्दू¹⁰⁸⁸] धवलस्य चावनिभुजबौलुक्यगोत्रस्वितेरन्या राजलदेविकेति विधिवह पर्यणैवीश्च……….
……………….. “[तानि¹⁰⁸⁸ सै]न्यान्यलं जित्वा तस्यसुरारिथणे[व] जयिना स्वान्नीदहारि स्वयम्॥ “सौ(शौर्यप्रपंचतनु…….
………………….[[र्ण्ण]]¹⁰⁸⁹महीधरस्य सकलझापालचूडामणेस्तस्माद्रचितकीर्त्तिवनृ[पति] दत्वा(वा) स्वयं शासनम्। क्षि……..

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L. 24. [प्र]क्षितः वृश्चित्वान्॥ रुद्रेरिव¹⁰⁹⁰ कृरिन्द्रसौ(शौ)रिसदृ[शो नौ]र्यो शुभं वुर्ष्णुहस्सोन्व्रखामुदपीतिवि

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—— U[म ? ]दवनिभुवी राजसिंहो नृसिंहः कुर्व्वन्नुग्रासिधाराप्रहतरिपुशिरःकन्दु ………..
…………[शु]प्तुतपक्ष्मणां प्रति मुहुर्विश्रामविश्वासभूः। श्रीहीरांशु[दिवा ?] …………….
………………त्तरः¹⁰⁹¹ श्रीसङ्गण[सिंह] एव जनताभीतीभमेत्ता भृशं ………………….

…………….[..[ण]ी र्व्वाम्मिनामग्र्यः]¹⁰⁸⁷ शखभृतां गुरुर्वि[नयि]नाम………
………………….[[क]ष्टोगमत्क्षत्त्रियः]¹⁰⁹²॥ शौर्यश्रिया¹⁰⁹³ प्र[थि]………………..

………………………….यवनतुरगसैन्यैरि¹⁰⁹⁴……………………

……………………………..श्चकार भुवनमत्श्र………………………
……………………………………मौ रण¹⁰⁹⁵……………….

~~———–~~

XXVII.- A CHANDELLA INSCRIPTION FROM MAHOBA.

BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.

The stone, which bears the subjoined inscription, was discovered by General Cunningham in 1865 at Mahobâ¹⁰⁹⁶.¹ Having been lost sight of for some time¹⁰⁹⁷,it turned up again in the Allâhâbâd Museum, where General Cunningham saw it in 1872¹⁰⁹⁸. His volume published in 1885 contains a facsimile of the inscription¹⁰⁹⁹. In the same year, I took an impression of it at Allâhâbâd, and published a transcript with a short abstract in German after my return to Europe¹¹⁰⁰. The original stone is now preserved in the Lakhnau Museum.

The stone, which bears the inscription, is broken both on the right hand and at the bottom. The preserved part ends with the first syllables of the 29th verse of a genealo- gical account of the Chandella dynasty. Of the preceding 28 verses, not a single one is complete, and one (13) is entirely lost. But even the few existent fragments contain some important data for the history of the Chandellas.

The inscription opens with an invocation of Śiva. Verse 5 ends with the words:-‘From this beloved of the night (i.e., the moon) there sprang a race beloved by all,’ and the next two verses seem to have treated of the kings of the lunar race. Among these there was Nārāyaṇa (v. 8). Only three syllables remain of the next verse.

Verse 10 begins as follows:- Then there was that king, Jejà by name, after whom Jejàbhukti was (named), just as this earth (pr̥ithivi) after Pr̥ithu. His younger brother, called Vijà ……‘The two brothers Jejâ and Vijâ are identical with Jejiàka and Vijjàka, who are mentioned in another fragmentary inscription¹¹⁰¹. Professor Kielhorn has further identified both pairs of names with Jayaśakti and Vijayaśakti¹¹⁰²’ or Vijayā¹¹⁰³, the sons of Vâkpati. According to verse 10 of the present inscription, Jejà (or Jejiàka) gave his name to Jejâbhukti (also called Jejâbhukṭīka¹¹⁰⁴ or Jejakabhukti¹¹⁰⁵), ’the dominion of Jejâ (or Jejâka).’ This old name of Bundelkhand, the country which was ruled over by the Chandellas, is the original of the vernacular form Jajâhûtî or Jajâhoti¹¹⁰⁶,” just as the modern Tirhut is derived from Tirabhukti¹¹⁰⁷.

The purport of the mutilated verses 11 to 16 cannot be ascertained. Verse 17 is almost complete and runs as follows: There appeared a blessing for the earth, called the illustrious Dhaṅga, who caused the destruction of his enemies and who, by the strength of his arms, equalled even the powerful Hamvira, who had proved a heavy burden for the earth.’ Hamvîra or Hambîra is a further corruption of Hammira, the Sanskritized form of which appears on the coins of the Pathân kings of Delhi¹¹⁰⁸ as a contemporary of Samgrâmarâja (A. D. 1003 to 1028), is probably meant for Mahmûd of Ghazna.")." Professor Kielhorn has published three inscriptions of Dhaṇga¹¹⁰⁹," which are dated in Samvat 1011, 1055 and 1059, or A. D. 954, 998 and 1002. The third inscription was composed after Dhanga’s death, which it mentions. Accordingly the Hambira or Amir, who is stated to have been Dhanga’s contemporary, seems to be identical either with Sabuktagin (A. D. 977 to 997) or with his son Mahmud of Ghazna, whose first two expeditions to India fell in A. D. 1000 and 1001. Firishta¹¹¹⁰reports that Jayapâla, the king of Lahore, was, on the occasion of his second defeat by Sabuktagîn, supported with troops and money by the king of Kalañjara. As Kålañjara, after Yasovarman who conquered it¹¹¹¹,seems to have been the capital of the Chandellas¹¹¹², the Chandella kings Dhaṇga, Devavarman, and Madanavarman, bear the title of Kalañjarddhipati or ’lord of Kalafijura.")," it is not improbable that this remark refers to Dhanga, and that Hambira has to be identified with

Sabuktagîn, and not with Maḥmūd of Ghazna. That Dhanga was far from victorious, is indirectly confirmed by the subjoined inscription, which says only that he equalled,’ but not that he conquered, Hambira.

Verse 18 is again mutilated. Verse 19 describes Dhanga’s son and successor Ganda: From him (viz., Dhaṅga) there sprang an ornament of the earth, called the illustrious Gaṇḍa, an unrivalled hero, who bore all the parts of the earth on his on his armas, and the fierce fire of whose wrath ……’ General Cunningham has satisfactorily identified Ganda with Nandâ, king of Kâlañjara, who, according to the Muḥammadan historians, was twice attacked by Maḥmad of Ghazna in A. D. 1021 and 1023¹¹¹³.

Verse 20 is incomplete. Verse 21 gives the name of Gaṇḍa’s son and successor : From him (viz., Gaṇḍa) there sprang that king Vidyâdhara, who gathered the flowers of the fame of his enemies Verse 22 probably refers to the same Vidyâdhara :- Bhojadeva, together with Kalachuri-chandra (i.e., the moon of the Kalachuris), worshipped, full of fear, like a pupil, (this) master of warfare, who had caused the destruction of the king of Kanyakubja, and who was lying on a couch. As the three Chandella kings Ganda, Vidyâdhara, and Vijayapâla must have reigned between Samvat 1055¹¹¹⁴and Samvat 1107, the date of the grant of Devavarman¹¹¹⁵," or A. D. 998 and 1050,- Bhojadeva’ seems to be identical with Bhojadeva of Dhârâ, for whom we have the two dates A. D. 1021 and 1042¹¹¹⁶.‘The moon of the Kalachuris refers to one of the Kalachuri kings of Chedi, perhaps Kokalla II¹¹¹⁷." The king of Kanyâkubja’ cannot be identified at present, as we know nothing of the kings of Kanauj between A. D. 948¹¹¹⁸ and 1097¹¹¹⁹.

Verse 23 contains the name of Vidyadhara’s successor :- There was (a king) called Vijayapâla, whose conquest of the world was stopped (only) by the ocean 25 As we learn from. verse 24, he was a contemporary of Gângeyadeva of Chedi, who was reigning about A.D. 1030¹¹²⁰:- When Gâṅgeyadeva, who had conquered the world, perceived before him (this) terrible one the lotus of his heart closed the knot (i.e., the flower ?) of pride in battle.’

The inscription omits mentioning Devavarman, whose grant is dated in Saṁvat 1107 or A. D. 1050¹¹²¹. Verse 25 mentions the reign of his brother Kîrtivarman, whose inscription is dated in Samvat 1154 or A. D. 1098¹¹²²:- From him (i.e., Vijayapâla) there sprang the illustrious Kirtiva[rman], (who was endowed) with all the virtues of Bharata Verse 26 records that Kirtivarman conquered Lakshmi- karṇa:- Just as Purushottama (Vishṇu), having produced the nectar by churning with the mountain (Mandara) (the rolling (milk) ocean¹¹²³," whose high waves had swal- lowed many mountains, obtained (the goddess) Lakshmi together with the elephants (of the eight regions),-he (viz., Kîrtivarman), having acquired fame by crushing with his strong arm the haughty Lakshmikarṇa, whose armies had destroyed many

princes, obtained splendour in this world together with elephants.’ Lakshmikarṇa is identical with Karna of Chedi¹¹²⁴," whose defeat at the hands of Kirtivarman is related in the prologue of Krishnamiśra’s Prabodhachandrodaya. This drama was acted before Kîrtivarman at the command of his general, a Brâhmaṇa named Gopala, who had just vanquished Karṇa and again placed Kirtivarman on the throne¹¹²⁵. Karna is three times mentioned in the prologue:—

1. In a Sanskṛit verse, the importance of which was first recognized and its bearing explained by General Cunningham¹¹²⁶:He (viz., Gopâla), having overcome the strong Karṇa, caused the rise of the illustrious king Kîrtivarman, just as discrimination, having overcome strong delusion, gives rise to knowledge.

2. A passage in Sanskṛit prose¹¹²⁷" says of Gopala that he ‘strove to re-establish the sway over the earth of the kings of the lunar race, which (sway) had been uprooted by the lord of Chodi, who was as terrible as the fire at the end of the world to the multi- tudo of all princes.’ Here the expression the lord of Chedi’ refers to Karṇa and the kings of the lunar raco’ to the Chandellas.

3. A lengthy Prâkrit passage¹¹²⁸ is as follows:- qõâmerat निर्मष्य मधुमथनेनेव चीरसमुद्रं समासादिता समरविजयलकोः ॥")," which need not be translated in full, says that Gopala, ‘having crushed the ocean-like army of Karṇa, obtained the splendour of victory in battle, just as Madhumathana (Vishnu), having churned the milk-ocean, obtained (the goddess) Lakshmî.

It is a curious coincidence that, in the passage just quoted, the army of Karṇa is compared to the milk-ocean, just as in verse 26 of the subjoined inscription, and Gopala to Madhumathana (Vishṇu), just as there Kirtivarman is compared to Purushottama (Vishnu); and it appears very probable that the composer of the inscription knew the Prabodhachandrodaya and borrowed from it his description of Kîrtivarman’s victory over Karna. The reign of Kirtivarman and, together with it, the date of Kṛishnamiśra, the author of the Prabodhachandrodaya, is limited by A. D. 1050¹¹²¹and A. D. 1116, the date of Jayavarman’s inscription¹¹²⁹.

According to Bilhana’s Vikramânkadevacharita (sarga i, verses 102 f.) Kîrtivarman’s contemporary Karna of Dâhala or Dâhâla (i.e., Chedi) was defeated by the Western Châlukya king Âhavamalla II. (about 1042 to about 1068 A. D.). In another part of his poem (sarga xviii, verse 93), Bilhaṇa calls Karna, whose court he visited, ’the death to the lord of the Kâlañjara mountain’ (Kâlañjaragiripati), i.e., to the Chandella king. This expression, if contrasted with the repeated statement that Kîrtivarman and his general Gopâla completely defeated Karna, illustrates the necessity of hearing the other party before drawing historical conclusions from an Oriental record.

If an inscription of one king asserts that he conquered another, it scarcely proves more than that the two were contemporaries.

The mutilated verses 27 and 28 seem to have continued the description of the reign of Kīrtivarman. Verse 29 begins :— His son, of wonderful …. was ……..The remainder of the inscription is lost.

TEXT.

L.1. ओं ओंनमः शिवाय॥ जयत्यान्नायनिःकंपमहि[मा¹¹³⁰]…..

2.नाः सतां भस्वत्पज्ञवयन्तु मौलिशसिनः श्रेयो मयूखांकुराः॥[२*] एतस्य विश्व¹¹³¹…..

प्रतिकलं स्फारीभवन्मण्डलः। पीयूषैः प्रतिवर्धितैरहरहः स्वैर्बिम्बमाप्यायन्य¹¹³² …

4.वतंसो वंशस्तस्मादजनि रजनीवज्ञभाहिश्वकान्तः॥[५] ततः पप्रथिरे वीराः कलिव्याघ्रा¹¹³³…

कुसमान्याशाखपर्वील्लसत्क्षीराम्भोधिंतरंगरंगणकलाःक्रीड़न्ति यत्कीर्त्तयः॥ [७] आसीन्नारायणस्तेषु [गु¹¹³⁴]……..॥

6.स्य लोकः ॥ [९*] जेजाख्ययाथ नृपतिः स बभूव जेजाभुक्तिः पृथोरिव यतः पृथिवीयमासीत्। वीजात्रयस्तदनुज¹¹³⁵….

भूव॥ [११*] हतरिपुकरिकुम्भमुक्तामुक्ताप्रकरमिषेण चकार लाजदृष्टिम्। असिवलभिगतेव यं विलोक्य स्फुटरणराज⁸⁶¹…..
बभूव निविडं व्योमांगणे संगलन्नङ्गत्तुरङ्ग[पु]ङ्गवखुरतुण्णक्षमीत्थं रजः। क्रुध्यत्सारथयो यथासरलितग्रीवं सुखैर्नामिते[रु¹¹³⁶]….

मलामृतानि वेलापयोनिधितटानि समुल्लसन्ति॥ [१५] सान्द्रैः श्वेतातपत्रैर्व्विकसितकमला सोर्न्मिमालाखवृन्दैरुन्मजीमनक्राध्वजमकरमुखैर्व्विग्वि[तै¹¹³⁷]…….

निर्म्मितवैरिभङ्गः श्रीधङ्गइत्यवनिमङ्गलमाविरासीत्। सारेण यः स्वभुजयोर्भुवनातिभारं हंवीरमप्यतिवलं तुलयांचकार॥ [१७*] सोयं देवसरित्पतिः¹¹³⁸…….

रुहहीपजयोद्यमः समभवद्व्रीडाविलक्षः क्षणम्॥[१८] तस्मादभूभुजष्टताखिलभूमिखण्डःत्रीगण्ड इत्यवनिमण्डनमेकवीरः।यच्चण्डकोपशिखि¹¹³⁹….

12.ल्लवैः¹¹⁴⁰”। तदनु तरलैर्लीलादष्टाधरा मधुपव्रजैर्व्विपिनतरुभिः खैरं भुक्ता हहा यदरिस्त्रियः॥[२०*] तस्मादसौ रिपुयमः कुसुमाहरोभूहिद्याधरो नृपतिरप्र[ति¹¹⁴¹]……..

L.13.विहितकन्याकुलभूपालभङ्गम्। समरगुरुसुपास्त प्रौढभीस्तल्पभाजं सहकलचुरिचंद्र शिजवङ्गीजदेवः॥[२२*] अभवदम्बुधिरतककुमयो विजयपाल¹¹⁴² इ[ति]….."

14.वहमग्रेभीममुत्प्रेक्षमाणः। अवहत जितविश्वःसोपि इत्पुण्डरीकं सुकुलितरणगर्व्वग्रन्थि गायदेवः ॥ [२४] तस्मादभूव भरतस्य गुणेः समः श्रीकीर्त्तिव¹¹⁴³[र्म्म] ………..

ग्रस्तानेकक्षमाभृतमुच्चकैर्व्वललहरिभिर्लक्ष्मीकरणै महावर्णवमुहतम्। अचलमहसा दोर्हण्डेन प्रमय्ययशः सुधां य इह करिभिर्लक्ष्मींलेभेपरः [पुरुषो[त्त]\मः¹¹⁴⁴॥ २६*]

लितमण्डलाग्रकिरणैरायोधनेषु विषचक्राक्षामयमश्च एव विदधे दिव्याङ्गनासंगमः॥ [२७*] संग्रामेषु निशातखङ्गलतिकासाहायकेनामुना ते पृथ्वीपतये¹¹⁴⁵[T]

गाङ्गार्क्षयो¹¹⁴⁶ः॥ [२८*] आसीत्तदीयतनयोद्भुत¹¹⁴⁷………

XXVIII.— THE UDEPUR PRASASTI OF THE KINGS OF MALVA.

BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

When last year the preparation of my notes on the historical portion of Padma- gupta’s Navasáhasánkacharita¹¹⁴⁸(discovered by Professor Zachariae) turned my attention to the history of Mâlvà, I came across some remarks by Dr. F. E. Hall¹¹⁴⁹’ on a “much’ mutilated” inedited inscription which he had seen at Udepur (Gwalior). Though some of Dr. Hall’s statements regarding its contents rather puzzled me, they yet showed very clearly that the document must give a fuller pedigree of the Paramâras of Målva than any other known inscription, and that it must besides contain interesting historical information. Convinced of its value, I asked the Editor kindly to secure a copy for me. He directed Dr. Führer, who was in the Jhansi District, to obtain it, and the latter sent me, in May last, two excellent impressions, one on thick and one on thin paper. It is on these materials that the subjoined edition is based.

The inscription is a fragment, incised on a stone slab about 28 inches by 27, which at present is lying in the court-yard of the great temple of Śiva at Udepur. It contains 24 lines of deeply and well-cut rather ornamental Nâgarî characters, which closely resemble those found in the other Paramâra inscriptions of the eleventh century A.D. To judge from the appearance of the impression, the slab seems to be entire, and the remaining portion of the inscription probably was engraved on a second slab, which perhaps may still be found among the numerous inscribed stones in and about the temple¹¹⁵⁰. The portion now published is on the whole in a fair state of preservation. For, though a good many letters, especially in lines 3, 4, 6, 8, 20, 21, 23 and 24, have suffered severely from rough treatment, it is in the majority of cases possible to recognise their outlines, when one has restored the text conjecturally and knows what they ought to be. The language of the inscription is Sanskṛit, and, with the exception of the

short invocation in line 1, throughout metrical. It shows a few grammatical mistakes such as khaḍgam úrddhikṛitam yenà (line 16) instead of khaḍga úrdhvíkṛito yena and frequent faulty ṣubstitutions of sa for śa. Once in viśrastáṁgo (line 23) śa has been put for sa. Va throughout does duty for ba, as is the case in most medieval inscriptions from Mâlvâ and Gujarât. A mistake in versification occurs in line 1, where the word álavále has been treated like a compound and ála belongs to the first Påda of the verse, while the second begins with vále. No really good poet makes the pause fall in the midḍle of a simple word. There are also other passages which indicate that the author was not a poet of the first rank, but, as the Hindus woulḍ say, a madhyama kavi.

The state of the inscription makes it impossible to arrive at full certainty regarding its object. But it certainly contains a Praśasti. As Praśastis mostly record the erection or restoration of temples, and as the opening verses are addressed to Śiva, Parvati and Ganesa, it may be conjectured that it originally belonged to a Śaiva temple, which was built either by Udayâditya, the last priṇce named in the fragment, or by one of his immediate successors.

However that may be, the value of the Praśasti remains very great, as it is the only document which gives an apparently complete enumeration of the earlier Paramâra rulers of Mâlva. Hitherto three imperfect lists were known, which occur in the Navasáhasánkacharita of Padmagupta¹¹⁵¹."), in the Nâgpur Praśasti¹¹⁵², and in the landgrants of Våkpati and Bhoja¹¹⁵³. A comparison of their contents with those of the document under consideration yields the following results:—

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I. Udepur Prasasti.Paramâra. Upendra. Vairisimha I. Vak pati II. Sindhuraja. II. Navasahasankacharita. III. Nagpur Prašasti. Paramara. Slyaka I. 1 Vakpati I. Vakpati I. Vairisimha II.-Vajrata. Vairisimha. Harsba. Bhoja. Udayaditya. Paramâra. Upendra. Siyaka-Harshax Vaḍajā. VAkpati II.-Utpalaraja. Vairisimha. Styaka. 1 Mužja. Sindhurâja, or Navasahasáňka, or Kumaranâ- rayana. Sindhuraja.⁷IV. Land-grants. 223 Krishna. Bhoja. Udayaditya. Vairisimba. Styaka. 1 Vakpati, or Amoghavar- sha, or Prithivfvallabha, or Brivallabha; A. D. 974-975, and 979. Sindhuraja. Bhoja. A. D. 1021-22. _____________________________________
7This name does not appear in either of the two publishede ditions. I owe it to Mr. J. F. Fleet, who possesses a paper impression of the inscription. Professor Kielhorn will give a new edition of the Prasasti in the Indian Anti. quary.

It appears that the Udepur Praśasti alone presents an unbroken line of kings from Upendra to Udayāditya. Even the Navasáhaáṅkascharita, which is more explicit than the other inscriptions, omits two names after Upendra. It moreover contains (XI, 80) the careless statement, that “other kings” reigned between Upendra and Vâkpati. I. The use of the plural naturally leads to the suggestion, that they were at least three in number. This seems now impossible, as, according to the Udepur Praśasti (verses 8-10), the first four kings after Paramâra followed each other in the direct line of descent.

In considering the other not less interesting historical statements of the Praśasti, it will be advisable to add to them the information contained in the Navasáhasáṅkacharita, iṇ the Jaina Prabandhas and in the other accessible inscriptions.

The legend regarding the origin of the Paramâras given here, is the same as that which the Navasáhasáṅkascharita and the Nâgpur Praśasti tell¹¹⁵⁴. When in ancient times the great BrâhmaṇVasishṭha was living on Mount Âbû, Viśvâmitra forcibly abducted his famous cow. Vasishṭha then created out of the firepit a hero who slew the enemies and brought the animal back. In reward of this deed the sage gave to him the name Paraṁâra, the slayer of the foes, and promised to him that he should become a king. The myth, which figures also in the stories of the bards, probably has arisen on Mount Âbû, where Paraṁâra princes for a long time held the fort of Achalgaḍh while their capital was at Chandrâvati, a few miles south-cast of the mountain. Someśvara’s Praśasti in Tejaḥpâla’s temple¹¹⁵⁵at Dailvâḍa enumerates an older line of Paramâra princes, Dhûmarâja, Dhandhuka, and Dhruvabhaṭa, regarding whom nothing is known, as well as a later series of kings, Râmadeva, Yaśodhavaľa, Dhârâvarsha, Prahlâdana, Somasiṁha, and Kṛishṇarâja, who belonged to the twelth and thirteenth centuries A. D., and were vassals of the Chaulukyas of Aṇhilvâḍ. As the Paramâras of Mâlvâapparently believed in the origin of their heros eponymos from the firepit at Âbû, it seems probable that they came from the north-west and formed a branch of the rulers of Achalgaḍh.

Regarding Upendra, the first historical king of the family, it is said (verse 8) that he gained ’the high honour of kinghood’ or ’the honour of exalted kinghood’ by his bravery. It may, therefore, be inferred that the author of the Praśasti considered him to be the conqueror of Mâlvâand the founder of its Paramâra dynasty. Padmagupta (N. Char. XI, 76-79) is not explicit on this point. He merely names Upendra as the first king. But he agrees with the Udepur Praśasti in praising him for the performance of numerous Vedic sacrifices, on the occasion of which he is said ’to have adorned the earth with golden sacrificial posts.’ Moreover, in the ambiguous verse (XI, 77),¹¹⁵⁶—“Whose fame, that was ever moving on and the cause of Sîtà’s song, crossed the ocean just as Hanumat, who was ever nimbly moving and whose motive (for jumping across the ocean) was to console Sîtà"—he seems to indicate that a poetess Sîtà, whom the Prabandhas¹¹⁵⁷")place in Bhoja’s reign, composed a Praśasti or a Charita in his honour.

This king, no doubt, as Dr. F. E. Hall and Sir A. Cunningham hâve long since assumed, īs identical with the Kṛishṇarâja of the land-grants. The two names are synonyms, and, if the new list is complete, there is no room for a Kṛishṇarāja besides an Upendra.¹¹⁵⁸The fact that in the land-grants Vairisiṁha is said ’to meditate on Kṛishṇa’s feet,’ need not cause any difficulty. The phrase does not necessarily indicate that the two kings immediately followed each other. For, though usually it refers to an immediate predecessor, there yet are cases where it is used with reference to a remoter king. Thus some of the Chaulukya land-grants (Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, pp. 184,194) assert that Durlabha meditated on the feet of Châmuṇḍa, though Vallabha was his immediate predecessor. The time when Kṛishṇa-Upendra ruled, may be ascertained app-roximately by counting backwards from Vâkpati II., who, as will be shown below, died between A. D. 994 and 997, after reigning for about twenty years. About 150 years are required for six generations, and the acquisition of Malvà by these Paramâras may thus be placed shortly after 800 A. D.

The descriptions of the next kings, Vairisiṁha I., Siyaka I., and Vâkpati I., are purely con-ventional. Not a single historical fact is recorded regarding them either in the Udepur Praśasti or in any other document, except that they followed each other in the direct line of succession. Their reigns probably filled the period from about 840 to 920 A. D. With respect to Vâkpati’s successor Vairisiṁha II., the case does not stand much better. But we learn at least through the Udepur Praśasti that “the people called him by another name, Vajraṭasvâmin." This fact may prove to be of importance hereafter.

The next king is called Śri-Harshadeva in the Udepur Praśasti, Sri-Harshadeva or Siyaka in the Navasáhasánkacharita, simply Siyaka in the other epigraphic documents, and Siṁhabhaṭa in Merutuṅga’s Prabandhachintāmani.¹¹⁵⁹ The readingAs. Soc. Beng. vol XXXI, p. 117, note 11") The complete name probably was Harshasiṁha (Hara-khsiṅgh), both parts of which were used as abbreviations instead of the whole. The form Siyaka is a half Prâkṛitic corruption of Siṁhaka. For in modern Gujarâtî and other dialects the termination siṁha becomes in names not only siṅgh or saṅgh, but very commonly sí, which is immediately derived from the Prâkṛit síha. Thus we find Padamsíinstead of Padmasiṃha, Narsí for Narasiṁha, Arsí for Arisiṁha, Amarsí for Amarasiṁha. According to the Navasáhasá-ṅkacharita (XI, 89–90) Siyaka conquered the lord of Raḍâpâțî and a king of the Hûnas. Who these persons were and where their territories lay, cannot as yet be ascertained. With respect to the Hûnas or Hûṇas, it may be noted that those mentioned here and in other medieval inscriptions are not IIuns, but a Kshatriya racc.¹¹⁶⁰For the bards and the Jaina Prabandhas regularly enumerate the Hûṇas among the thirty-six Kshatriyakula, and their matrimonial alliance in the eleventh century with the Kalachuris precludes the possibility of their having been then considered foreigners. It is, however, a different question whence they originally came. Among the Râjputs there are certainly elements of un-Aryan origin. The new inf-ormation, furnished by verse 12 of the Udepur Praśasti, according to which Siyaka II.—Harsha,“equalling the snake-eater (Garuḍa) in flerceness, took in battle the wealth of king

Khoṭṭiga” possesses greater interest. This Khoṭṭiga is no doubt the homonymous Râshṭrakûṭa king of Mânyakheṭa, whose Sásana, published by Mr. Fleet,¹¹⁶¹was issued on the occasion of a solar eclipse on Sunday, the new-moon day of the ṃonth Âśvayuja of Śaka Saṁvat 893, or Sunday, October 22, 971 A.D., when an annular eclipse of the sun took place. Khoṭṭiga died before September 25, 972 A.D., on which day the Kardâplates of his nephew Karkarâja are dated¹¹⁶², when an eclipse of the moon took place. The eolipse is, therefore, that which occurred on September 25,972, the day 2076349 of the Julian period, and consequently a Wednesday. It happened at 14 hours 51 minutes, Green-wich time, or about 8 P.M., Laňkå time, and hence was visible in India.").The latest inscription of his predecessor Kṛishṇarâja was issued in Śaka Saṁvat 878 or A.D. 956-57.¹¹⁶³As the first land-grant of Vâkpati II. is dated in Vikrama Saṁvat 1031 or A.D. 974-75,¹¹⁶⁴there can be no doubt that his father Sîyaka II. and Khoṭṭiga were contemporaries. There is further clear proof that about this time the Paramâras of Mâlvâwere at feud with the Râshṭrakûṭas. For Dhanapâla says in his Páiyalachchhí (verse 276) that he composed his work “when one thousand years of the Vikrama era and twenty-nine besides had passed, when Mannakheḍa or Mânyakheṭa had been plundered in con-sequence of an attack (made) by the lord of Mâlavâ.” As this date, A.D. 972-73, is very close to that of the first grant of Vâkpati II., I have formerly (Páiyalachchhí, p.7) conjectured that it was the latter prince who plundered the capital of the Râshtrakûṭas, and that his opponent was Karkarâja, the donor of the KardâŚâsana. With the new information furnished by the Udepur Praśasti, this becomes doubtful, and it must be conceded that Dhanapâla may allude to Sîyaka’s expedition against Khoṭṭiga. According to the Navasáhasánkacharita the name of Sîyaka’s consort, i.e., of his firstqueen, was Vaḍajâ.

Siyaka’s son Vâkpati II. bore also the secondary names Utpalarâja, Muñja, Amoghavarsha, Pṛithivivallabha, and Śrîvallabha. The three last occur only in his land-grants, while the first is found in the Navasáhasâňkacharita (XI, 92) and in some other literary works. The identity of Vâkpati and Muñja, which was first recognised by Dr. F.E.Hall, is proved, not only by the Nāgpur Praśasti where Muñja appears instead of Vâkpati, but still more clearly by two quotations in Dhanika’s commentary on the Daśarúpa. There the same verse is attributed on p. 184 of Hall’s edition in the Bibliotheca Indica, to “the illustrious king Vākpatirâja,” and on p. 186, to “the illustrious Muñja.”

The Praśasti (verses 13-15) praises Vâkpati for his learning, eloquence and poetical gifts as well as for numerous victories. On the first point his poet-laureate Padmagupta is likewise most emphatic. He says (Nav. Char. I, 6):—

“We worship his majesty king Vâkpati, the only root of (that) creeper of paradise, Sarasvati,—him through whose favour we, too, walk on the path trodden by princes among poets;”¹¹⁶⁵.")and again (Nav. Ohar. XI,

“After Vikramāditya departed, after Sâtavâhana went, divine Sarasvati found rest with this friend of poets."¹¹⁶⁶.")

There is also evidence that this praise was not undeserved. Altogethor irrespective of the somewhat suspicious verses attributed to Muñja-Vâkpati in the Prabandhachintáṁaṇi, in the Bhojaprabandha, and similar works, the anthologies and works on Alamkára quote occasionally compositions of Vākpatirâja the son of Harshadeva,of Muñja or of Utpalarâja, which show that he possessed some talent. He also was a liberal patron of poets, on which point Padmagupta lays particular stress in the verses quoted above. And it agrees with his statement that Dhanaṁjaya, the author of the Daśarúpa, boasts of having belonged to the court of Muñja,¹¹⁶⁷.")as well as that his brother Dhanika, who wrote the Daśarúpávaloka, calls himself the mahásádhyapála of the illustrious great king Utpalarâja.¹¹⁶⁸. Dr. Hall has left out this note in his edition, though he found it in one of his MSS. It is no doubt genuine, because a later Paṇḍit would not have been able to put in the little-known Biruda of Vakpati-Muñja.")Both names refer, as is now plain, to Vâkpati. Further, Halayudha, the commentator of Pingala’s work on metrics, praises Vâkpatirâja as “the tree of paradise that grants the wishes of all applicants,” and Dhanika, who quotes it, makes the note that Muñja is the king referred to.¹¹⁶⁹Halayudha was, therefore, too, one of the protégés of Vākpati II. It is finally not improbable that Dhanapâla, the author of the Paiyalachchhi, likewise enjoyed his favour, though the later Prabandhas make him one of the court-poets of Bhoja.¹¹⁷⁰")The latter statement must be erroneous, as I have shown in the introduction to my edition of the Paiyaluchchhí, p. 10.

As regards Vâkpati’s military exploits, the Udepur Praśasti asserts (verse 14) that he subdued the Karṇāṭas, Lâțas, Keralas, and Cholas, as well as (verse 15) that he vanquished Yuvarâja, slew his generals and raised his sword on high in Tripurî. The last-mentioned foe is, as Dr. F.E.Hall and Sir A. Cunningham have stated,¹¹⁷¹ the Chedi king Yuvarâja II., who ruled during the last quarter of the tenth century A. D. Vâkpati’s success cannot of course have had any lasting effects, as the Haihayas of Chedi continued to flourish for at least two centuries longer. With respect to the victories reported in verse 14, little can be said. Padmagupta does not give any information regarding the wars of his first master, probably because the tragical end of the latter was fresh in men’s memory and he thought it improper to praise for his warlike exploits one who had been taken captive and executed by his foe. Further, as has been shown above, Dhanapâla’s remark about the plundering of Mânyakheţa cannot be referred any longer with full confidence to an expedition of Vâkpati. It is only Merutuṅga who supports a portion of the statements in versc 14. He says¹¹⁷²")that Muñja had conquered the Ohâlukya Tailapa II. sixteen times, before he undertook his last expedition, in which he lost his throne and his life, and that he hence despised him. This statement would agree with the assertion of the Praśasti that Vâkpati had subdued the Karṇâțas; and it is not incredible that he really may have gained some successes over the

southern kingdom: The alleged submission of the Keralas and Cholas, on the other hand, is extremely doubtful. It is difficult to understand how he could have come into contact with the latter two, whose countries lay at such a great distance from Mâlvâ. As regards the Lâṭas or tlie inhabitants of Central Gujarât, a raid on and a success over them is not at all improbable. Northern Gujarāt had been conquered soinewhat earlier by Mûiarâja¹¹⁷³, and Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 181.")and Central Gujarāt had come intothe possession of his opponent Bârapa.¹¹⁷⁴The time was certainly not a quiet one, and it may have been that the king of Mâivāthen attacked his western neighbours, as happened sofrequently during the next following centuries.

As might be expected, the praśastiis silent about Vākpati’s end, just as Padmagupta says nothing about it. According to the account of the Prabandhachintámaṇi(Joc. cit.), the king undertook his last expedition into Tailapa’s country against the advice of his minister Rudrâditya: He was defeated, after crossing the Godâvarî, which formed the northern boundary of Tailapa’s kingdom, and was taken captive. After a protracted captivity he made a futile attempt to escape, in consequence of which he was first treated with great indignity and finally executed.¹¹⁷⁵ say that he was bung on the branch of a tree. The Bombay edition omits the passage.")^(29¹¹⁷⁵ say that he was bung on the branch of a tree. The Bombay edition omits the passage."))The story is embellished with numerous touching incidents and with many verses which the captive king is saidto have composed. Though all these details are probably worthless, it is certainly true that Muñja-Vâkpati was destroyed by Tailapa; for two Châlukya inscriptions hoast of this feat.¹¹⁷⁶It is likewise true that Rudrâditya was Vâkpati’s minister, as he is mentioned in the Śâsana of A. D. 979. The date of his death probably falls between A, D, 994 and 997. For in the colophon of Amitagati’s Subhâshitaratnasaṁdoha, it is stated that the work was composed during the reign of Muñja in Vikrama Saṁvat 1050 or A. D. 993-94,¹¹⁷⁷and Tailapa II. himself died in Śaka Saṁvat 919 or A. D. 997-98. The beginning of Vâkpati’s reign is probably not far distant from A..D, 974, the date of his first land-grant.

Vâkpati II. was succeeded by his younger brother Sindhurâja, who, according to the Navasâhasâṅkacharita, had the Birudas Navasâhasâṅka and Kumâranârayaṇa. The half Prâkṛitic familiar form of his name, used in the Prabandhas, is Sindhula or Sîmdhala. The Udepur Praśasti allots only verse 16 to him, and reports of him the single feat that he conquered a king of the Hûṇas. TheNavasâhasâṅkacharita (X,14-20) mentions the same victory, and in addition others over the prince of the Kosalas as well as the inhabitants of Vâgaḍa and Lâta and the Muralas.¹¹⁷⁸ and p. 46 (626). ।")Successful expeditions against the three first-named countries are not incredible. For there was a southern Kosala kingdom, which included portions of the Central Provinces and Berar and therefore lay not far distant from Mâlvâ.¹¹⁷⁹ Further, there is a district still called Vâgaḍ, which lies close to the north-western frontier of Mâlvâ. It corresponds with

the modern Dungarpur in Râjputânâ,¹¹⁸⁰which even in recent times has been tributary to the Marâţha ruler of Dhâr. It is not at all unlikely that Sindhurâja made attacks on these two neighbouring districts as well as, imitating his father, on Lâţa, just beyond his south-western frontier. But a war with the Muralas, who are the same as the Keralas in Southern India, is not probable, except by assuming that the term has been used inaccurately, with that poetical license of which the Sanskrit writers frequently avail themselves, for the inhabitants of the Dravidian districts in general. If that may be done, the passage probably refers to a continuation of the feud between the kings of Mâlva and the Châlukyas of Kalyânî during the reign of Sindhurâja. It also continued, as we shall see, during the next reign.

A great deal more is told about Sindhurâja in the Navasáhasánkacharita, which describes the manner in which he gained the Nâga princess Śasiprabhâ, after destroying the Asura Vajrânkuśa who resided in Ratnavatî “fifty gavyútis from the Narmada,” and after obtaining his golden lotus.¹¹⁸¹-23 (603), and especially pp. 18 and 22.")The whole story, as it stands, is purely mythological. But it has no doubt a historical basis, and Padmagupta has intentionally, possibly for poetical reasons, distorted the facts. One of the points which I consider as certain, is that the Nâga princess, whom the king is said to have gained and wedded, belonged to the race of the Nâga Kshatriyas, of whose former existence in Rajputânâ and Central India we have documentary evidence.¹¹⁸²The Asura Vajrâńkuśa, whose golden lotus was the bride-price paid by Sindhurâja, is very likely some historical person in disguise, because otherwise the situation of his capital would not be specified in so matter-of-fact a manner. But it is for the present impossible to guess who may be meant, or who the Vidyâdharas were with whom the king was allied. Another certain historical fact, to be learned from the Navasáhasánkacharita, is that Sindhurâja’s chief minister was called Yaśobhaṭa and bore the Biruda Ramângada.¹¹⁸³.")

The poem furnishes also some indications as to Sindhurâja’s relation to his brother Vâkpati and permits us to make a guess as to the duration of his reign. According to the Prabandhas, Sindhurâja was a very unruly character, and was treated by his brother with great severity. Merutunga asserts¹¹⁸⁴")that owing to his misdeeds he was first banished and went to Gujarât, where he settled in the neighbourhood of the town of Kâsahrada, or, according to Mr. K. Forbes,¹¹⁸⁵Kâsindra-Pâlaḍi near Ahmadâbâd. Later he returned to Mâlvā and was at first received well by Muñja-Vâkpati. But, when he again behaved ill, he was deprived of his eyesight and confined in a wooden cage. During his captivity his son Bhoja was born. When Bhoja grew up, Muñja was warned against him by a prophecy and ordered his execution. Just before the order was carried out, Bhoja sent a verse to his uncle, which produced a change in the latter’s disposition. The order was not only revoked, but Bhoja was made Yuvarâja or

heir-apparent. He mounted the throne after Muñja had been killed by Tailapa. Against this the Navasáhasáňkacharita (XI, 98) says that “Vâkpati placed the earth in Sindhurâja’s arms, when he started for Ambikâ’s town.” Strictly interpreted, this sentence would mean that he made his brother Yuvarâja on his death-bed and solemnly appointed him his successor. Considering what we know of Vâkpati’s manner of death, this view is not admissible. But the passage may indicate that Sindhurâja had become Yuvarâja some time before Vâkpati’s fatal expedition. At all events it does not give one the idea that enmity reigned between the two brothers. And there is a further fact which favours the same conclusion. For Padmagupta, who had been first Vâkpati’s poet-laureate, later held the same position in Sindhurâja’s court. He himself says (Nav.Char. I, 7):—¹¹⁸⁶, दिवंयियासुर्सम वाचि सुद्रामदत्त यां वाक्पतिराजदत्तः।तस्यानुणमाकविबान्धवस्यभिनत्ति वां संप्रति सिन्धुराजः॥")

“When his majesty Vâkpati was about to ascend to heaven, he placed a seal on my song; Sindhurâja, the younger brother of that brother of poets, now breaks it.”

Had the brothers been deadly enemies, Padmagupta would certainly have been left in obscurity after his first patron’s death.

As regards the second point, the duration of Sindhurâja’s reign, his various military undertakings, which the Navasáhasánkacharita reports, certainly prove that he must have reigned for at least seven or eight years before the poem was written. As Vâkpati II. died between A. D. 994 and 997, it is not possible to assume that Padmagupta composed it earlier than about the middle of the first decade of the eleventh century. How much longer Sindhurâja may have reigned, cannot be determined at present.

The statements of the Udepur Praśasti regarding Sindhurâja’s son Bhoja are most extravagant. Verse 17 asserts that he ruled the earth from Kailāsa in the Himālayas to Malayagiri in Malabâr and from the mountain where the sun rises to that where it sets, and thus gives a most ridiculous account of the extent of his dominions, which in reality never much exceeded the limits of modern Mâlvâ. Verse 18 names as the kings and nations vanquished by him the lord of Chedi, Indraratha, Toggala (?), Bhima, the king of the Gûrjaras, the lord of Lâța, the Karṇâțas, and the Turushkas. Verse 18 alludes to his extensive knowledge and bestows on him the title Kavirāja, king of poets. Verse 20 informs us that he built numerous temples dedicated to various forms of Śiva and to Vishṇu-Râmeśvara. Verse 21 finally admits that he succumbed to foreign foes, and that at his death his capital Dhârâ was in their possession.

As regards Bhoja’s wars, the first was probably one with the Karṇâțas, i.e., the Châlukya king of Kalyâni. For, in an inscription¹¹⁸⁷of the reign of Jayasiṁha III., dated Śaka Saṁvat 941 or A. D. 1019-20, it is said that this king was “a moon to the lotus which was king Bhoja,” i.e., that he took away Bhoja’s glory just as the moon causes the day-lotuses to close their flowers; and again that he “searched out and beset and pursued and ground down and put to flight the confederacy of Mâlava.” These statements indicate that the king of Mâlvâwas the aggressor, and that his attack was carefully planned. The southern inscription, of course, represents the Chalukya as successful, and the numerous documents from Jayasiṁha’s reign certainly prove that he

cannot have suffered any serious reverse. But it is quite possible that Bhoja gained in the course of his expedition to the south some advantage which might be magnified by the Mālva court-poets into a great victory over the Karṇāṭas.

This war must have taken place between Śaka Samvat 933ar A.D. 1011-12, the latest known date of Jayasimha’s predecessor, and that of the inscription. Besides this encounter of Bhoja with the Cḥālukyas, we hear of a second through Bilhana, who tells us in the Vikramāṅkadevacharita (I, 91-94) that Jayasimha’s successor, Someśvara II., who ruled from about A. 0, 1042-3 to 1068-69, took Dhāra by storm and forced Bhoja to flee. The event is not mentioned in the southern inscriptions, but Bilhana celebrates it as the greatest deed of the father of his hero.

Bhoja’s victory over the Chaulukya Bhima I. (A. D. 1021-22 to 1063-64) is acknowledged by one of the later Prabandhakāras of Gujarht. Merutunga narrates¹¹⁸⁸ that, while Bhima was engaged in the conquest of Sindh, Bhoja sent a certain Digambara Kulachandra with an army against Aṇhilvāḍ. The town was taken. The conqueror sowed cowries at the gate of the palace and returned to Mālvā, taking with him a jayapatira or letter of victory. Hemachandra’s silence regarding this defeat of Bhima does not mean much. For, being a court-poet, he could not speak of reverses which his master’s grandfather had suffered. It may be nevertheless a fact, and that particular one to which the Praśasti alludes. Merutuṅga has several other anecdotes regarding the relations subsisting between Bhoja and Bhima. There is, however, only one among them, and that referring to Bhoja’s end, which deserves any notice. It will be discussed below. Regarding Bhoja’s wars with the kings of Chedi and Lāṭa and the Turushkas, nothing more can be said than that they are not improbable. For the first was also, as we have seen, the foe of Vākpati II. and appears as the chief actor in the story of Bhoja’s end, while the second was the object of the attacks both of Siyaka II, and of Vāakpati II. TheTurushkas are, as always in the inscriptions of this period, the Muhammadans. The expeditions of Mahmud of Ghazni against Somnāth and later against Gwalior may very probably have forced Bhoja to fight against him. But it is very unlikely that the armies of Mālva should have gained a victory over him. I am unable to say who Indraratha and Toggala, the other two foes mentioned, can have been.

The praise of Bhoja’s learning and proficiency in poctry in verse 18 is well deserved. The modern researches in the Indian libraries have brought to light a considerable number of hand-books of, or commentaries on, various Hindu Śāstras, which all bear the name of the Mahārājādhirāja Bhoja and are alleged to have been written by him, no doubt with the help of his Paṇḍits. Besides the well-known Sarasvatikaṇṭhābharaṇa on poetics and the equally famous Rājamārtoṇda on the Yogaśāstra, the Bombay collectionscontain two works on Jyotisha, the Rājamriārtaṇḍa and the Rājamṛigāṅkakarana¹¹⁸⁹and the Samarāgana on architecture.¹¹⁹⁰ In Tanjore there is the Vidvajjanavallabha on Jyotisha. The list in the¹¹⁹¹")Prabhāvakacharita¹¹⁹¹")(written about A.D. 1250) shows that still a good many more works of the same description have to be recovered. A poetical composition by Bhoja, the Śṛiṅgāramañjarikathā, is partly

preserved in a fragment which I found in 1874 in the Bṛihajjñánakosha at Jesalmir.¹¹⁹²A colophon on fol. 149bruns as follows: इति महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवविरचितायां शृंगारमंजरीकथायां पद्मराककथानिका द्वादशी समाप्ता ॥ The work is partly in prose and partly in verse.

Regarding the extensive building operations which Bhoja undertook according to verse 20, I am not able to bring forward any corroboration from other sources. But it is very probable that a prince, so fond of display as he was, adorned his capital and perhaps even foreign sacred places with architectural monuments.

The hints regarding Bhoja’s end in verse 20 of the Udepur Praśasti agree very closely with those given in the Nâgpur Praśasti, and are perfectly reconcilable with Merutuṅga’s story¹¹⁹³according to which he succumbed to a combined attack of Karṇa of Chedi and of Bhima I. of Gujarât, or died, just when this attack took place. Both these kings, no doubt, were his contemporaries¹¹⁹⁴and his neighbours in the east and in the west. Nevertheless an implicit acceptance of the story has its difficulties. For the Chedi inscriptions do not even hint that Karṇa worked the destruction of the most famous monarch of the eleventh century. Nor does Hemachandra, who wrote his Dvyáśraya Kávya about 150 years before Merutuṅga’s times, say that Bhima I. had a share in Bhoja’s reverses, though otherwise he is anxious to place Bhîma’s military exploits in the best possible light. It seems strange that the Chedian court-poets and older Gujarâtî writers should both have forgotten to notice an event which must have reflected so much glory on the ancestors of their patrons. Owing to these considerations I cannot at present give as unqualified an assent to Merutuṅga’s story as I have done on a former occasion.¹¹⁹⁵Neither the date of Bhoja’s accession to the throne, nor that of his defeat and death, can, I fear, be accurately ascertained. All that can be said regarding the former event is that it must have happened between the date of the composition of Padmagupta’s Navas-áhasánkacharita about A. D. 1005, and that of Bhoja’s war with Jayasiṁha III. of Kalyâṇî, which latter occurred, as has been shown, between A. D. 1011-12 and 1018-19. It seems probable, however, that it lay closer to the lower than to the remoter of these two limits. For Padmagupta does not mention Bhoja in his poem. This is a certain sign that Bhoja was not grown up at the time when he wrote. For, if that had been the case, Padmagupta would have felt it his duty to put in a compliment for the heir-apparent, as the court-poets invariably do in similar cases. Bhoja may then have been a boy of ten or twelve or even fourteen years, but he cannot have reached as yet the Indian age of majority, his sixteenth year. If I am right in placing the composition of the Navasáhasáṅkacharita about the year 1005 A. D., the time when Bhoja can have assumed the reins of government must fall about A. D. 1010, or even somewhat later. Further, certain dates during his reign are furnished by his land-grant of Vikrama Saṁvat 1078 or A. D. 1021-22, by the statement of Berûnî, that Bhojadeva ruled over Dhârâ and Mâlvā when he wrote his Indica,¹¹⁹⁶in A. D. 1030, and by the date in the Rájamṛigánkakaraṇa, Śaka Saṁvat

964¹¹⁹⁷or A.D. 1042-43. For the question when Bhoja died, the most important passage is that in Bilhaṇa’s Vikramánkadevacharita, where he says (XVIII, 96):—

“Assuming the voice of the pigeons that nested on the lofty turrets of her gates, Dhârâ cried as it were to him (Bilhaṇa) in pitiful tones: ‘Bhoja (is my) king. He, indeed, is none of the vulgar princes.Woe is to me! Why didst thou not come into his presence?”

I still believe that the verse means that Bilhana might have, but did not visit Bhoja for reasons not stated, and that Bhoja was alive when he reached Central India on his travels. If that is so, the death of Bhoja must fall some time after the year A.D. 1062, the earliest in which the departure of Bilhaṇa from Kaśmir can be placed¹¹⁹⁸. And it agrees with this assumption that Kalhaṇa declares, Rájatarangiṇi, VII, 259 (Calcutta edition):—

सच भोजनरेन्द्रश्चदानोत्कर्षेण विश्वतौ।
सूरी तस्मिन्क्षणे तुल्यं द्वावास्तां कविबान्धवौ ॥

“He (Kshitipati) and king Bhoja, famous for their great liberality (and) sages, were at that moment both equally the friends of poets.”

The expression “at that moment” refers to the time after the coronation of Kalaśa in A.D.1062, which is mentioned in verse 233. In estimating the value of Kallaṇa’s assertion, it must be borne in mind that he wrote nearly one hundred years after the time of Bilhaṇa’s travels and after Bhoja. He is, of course, not a contemporary witness. But as his statement agrees with Bilhaṇa’s, it must be allowed some weight. I do not think that the date Vikrama Saṁvat 1116 and Śaka Saṁvat 981, assigned to Bhoja’s successor Udayāditya in an inscription in the great temple at Udepur, proves anything against this. As Dr. F. E. Hall has stated¹¹⁹⁹, the document is a horribly incorrect scrawl, which, according to lines 13-14, was written by order of one Sâgaravarman in Vikrama Saṁvat 1562, Śaka Saṁvat 1447 (read 1427) or Kali Yuga 4607¹²⁰⁰, and it is absolutely worthless for historical purposes.

Regarding Udayāditya our Praśasti states merely that he was a Paramâra and Bhoja’s successor, and that he freed his country from the enemies who had conquered it. It also implies that he restored a temple or statue of Vishṇu in the boar incarnation. Whether he was related to his predecessor or not, does not appear.

TRANSCRIPT

L. 1. ओं नमः शिवाय ॥
[गंगांबुसंसिक्तभुजंगमालवाले कलेन्दोरमलांकुराभा ।
यन्मूर्ध्नि नम्बेहितकल्पवल्ल्याभातीव भूत्यै स तवास्तु शंभुः ॥ [१]॥]¹²⁰¹
2. सानंदनंदिकरसुंदरसांद्रनांदीनादेन तुंदुरुमनोरमगानमानैः ।
[नृत्यं] व्यवस्यमनि [द्व्यं] सुरवासवेस्या यस्याग्रतो भ-

**[वतु वः स सिवः शिवाय ॥ [२] ॥]¹²⁰²
L.3. मूर्ध्नस्थिता [असरितोन्न] मयेव संभोरर्द्वागमंगघटनाद्वनमाश्रयंती । **

दृष्ट्वात्मनाथवसतां

4 . स[कलांगतुष्टा पुष्टिं नगेंद्रतनया भवतां विदध्यात् ॥ [३] ॥]¹²⁰³

**गणेशो [व]: सु [खाया] स्तु निशातः परशः करे । **

5. यस्वनम्रधनावद्य[कंदोच्छित्त्या इवोद्यतः ॥ [४] ॥]¹²⁰⁴

6. अस्त्युर्व्वीध्रः प्रतीच्यां हिमगिरितनयः सिद्धदंपत्यसिद्धेः
स्थानं च ज्ञानभाजामभिमतफलदोऽस्वर्व्वितःसोऽर्ब्युदास्यः ।

विश्वामित्रो वसिष्ठादहरत व[ल]तो यत्र गां तत्प्रभावाज्जज्ञेवीरोग्निकुंडाद्रिपुवलनिधनं य[सकारेक एव ॥ [५] ॥]¹²⁰⁵

7. मारयित्वा परान्धेनुमानिन्धे स ततो मुनिः ।
मारयित्वा परान्धेनुमानिन्धे , ततो मुनिः।

[उवाच परमारा — — र्थिवेंद्रो भविष्यसि ॥ [६] ॥]¹²⁰⁶
8. तदन्यवायेऽखिलयज्ञसंधतृप्तामरोदाहृतकीर्त्तिरासीत् ।
[उपेन्द्रराजो द्विजवर्ग्गरत्नं सौर्यार्ज्जितीत्तुंगनृपत्व[मा]नः ॥ [७]]¹²⁰⁷॥¹²⁰⁸
9. तत्सुनुरासीदरिराजकुंभिकंठीरवो

वीर्यवतां वरिष्ठः ।
श्रीवैरसिंहश्चतुरर्णवान्तधात्र्यां [जयस्तंभकृतप्रशस्तिः ॥ [८] ॥]¹²⁰⁹
10. तस्माद्बभूव वसुधाधिपमौलिमालारत्नप्रभारुचिररञ्जितपादपीठः ।
श्रीसीयकः करकृपाणजलोर्म्मिमग्नसत्रुव्रजो[विजयिनां धुरि भूमिपालः ॥ [९]]¹²¹⁰॥¹²⁰⁸
11. तस्मादवन्तितरुणीनयनारविन्दभास्वानभूत्करकृपाणमरीचिदीप्रः \।
श्रीवाक्पतिः सतमखानुकृतिस्तुरंगा [गंगासमुद्रसलिलानिपिवन्ति यस्य ॥ [१०] ॥]¹²⁰⁸

L. 12. जातस्तस्माद्वैरिसिंहोन्धनाम्ना लोको ब्रूते [वष्यट] स्वामिनं यं ।
[शत्रोर्व्वर्णंधारयसिर्न्निहृत्यश्रीमद्धारा सूचिता येन राज्ञा॥ [११] ॥]¹²¹¹

13. तस्मादभूदरिनरेस्वरसंघसेवागर्ज्जङ्गजेंद्ररवसुंदरतूर्यनादः ।
श्रीहर्षदेव इति खोट्टिगदेवलक्ष्मीं जग्राह यो युधि नगादसमप्र¹²¹²[तापः॥ [१२]]¹²¹²॥¹²¹¹

14. पुत्रस्तस्य वि[भू]विवाखिलधराभोगो गुणैकास्पदं
सौर्याक्रान्तसमस्तसत्रुविभवाधिव्याद्यवित्तोदयः ।

**15. वक्तृत्वोञ्चकवित्वतर्ककलनप्रज्ञातशा[स्त्रा]गमः
श्रीमद्वाक्यतिराजदेव इति [यः सद्भिःसदा कीर्त्यते ॥ [१३] ॥]¹²¹³ **

16. कर्णाटलाटकेरलचोलशिरोरत्नरागिपदकमलः ।
यच्च प्रणयिगणार्थितदाता कल्पद्रुमप्रख्यः॥ [१४⁵⁴³[]]¹²¹³॥⁵⁴³
युवराजं विजित्याजौ हत्वा तद्वाहिनीपतीन् ।

17. खड्गमूर्द्धीकृतं येन [त्रिपुर्यां विजिगीषुणा॥ [१५]]¹²¹⁴॥¹²¹⁵
तस्यानुजो निर्ज्जितज्ञणराजः श्रीसिंधुराजो विजयार्ज्जितश्रीः।

18. श्रीभोजराजोजनि येन रत्नंनरोत्तमाकम्पकृदद्वितीयं ॥ [१६¹²¹⁵[]]¹²¹³॥¹²¹⁵
आ कैलासाद्मलयगिरितोऽस्तोदयाद्रिहयादा
भुक्ता पृथ्वीपृथुनरपतेस्तुत्यरूपेण येन ।

19. उन्मूल्योर्व्वीभरगुरु[ग]णालीलया चापयज्या
[क्षिप्ता दिक्षु क्षितिरपि परां प्रीतिमापादिता च ॥ [१७]]¹²¹⁶॥¹²¹⁵
साधितं विहितं दत्तं ज्ञातं तद्यन्न केनचित् ।

20. किमन्यत्कविराजस्य [श्रीभोजस्य प्रशस्यते ॥ [१८]]³⁸⁴॥¹²¹⁵
चेदीश्वरेंद्ररथ[तोमा]ल[भीममु]ख्यान्कर्णाटलाटपतिगूर्ज्जरराट्तुरुष्कान् ।

21. यन्नृत्यमात्रविजितानवलो[क्य] मौला दोणां वलानि [कलयंति न [योद्दृ] लो[कान्] ॥ \१९¹²¹⁷[]]³⁸⁴॥¹²¹⁷
केदाररामेस्वरसोमनाथ[सुं]ढीरकालानलरुद्र-

सत्कैः ।

L. 22. सुराश्र[यै]र्व्याप्य च यः समन्ताद्यथार्थसंज्ञां [जगतीं चकार ॥[२०]]¹²¹⁸॥¹²¹⁸
तत्रादित्यप्रतापे गतवति सदनं स्वर्ग्गिणां भर्ग्गभक्ते
23. व्याप्ता धारेव धात्रीरिपुतिमिरभरैर्म्मौललोकस्तदाभूत् ।
विश्वस्तांगो निहत्योद्भटरिपुति[मिरभ]रं खड्गदंडांसुजालैरन्यो भास्वानिवोद्यन्द्युतिमुदितजनात्मोदयादित्यदेवः ॥ [२१¹²¹⁹[]]¹²¹⁹॥¹²¹⁸
24. येन धरणीवराहः परमारेणो[द्वृतो] निरायासा[त्] ।
[तस्यैतस्या भू] मेरुहारो वत [कियन्मात्रः ॥ [२२]]¹²²⁰॥¹²¹⁸
[कुंवान्द्य—] तवाजिव्रजरु-¹²²¹

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ, adoration to Śiva!

(Verse 1.)May that Śambhu tend to thy welfare, on whose head the pure crescent of the moon looks like a sprout of the creeper of paradise that is desired by the worshippers, (standing) in a basin of snakes sprinkled by the water of Gaṅga!¹²²²

(2.) May that Śiva conduce to your happiness, before whom the harlots of the abode of the gods¹²²³needs ever dance to the sound of the loud, beautiful time beating of joyful Nandin’s hands and to the tunes of Tumburu’s soul-enchanting songs!

(3.) May the daughter of the mountain (Párvatí) grant you prosperity,—she who, out of jealousy, as it were, of the aërial river (Gaṅgá) that rests on Śambhu’s head, firmly clings to one half of his body, joining hers (to his), and who feels pleasure in every limb when she sees the subjection of her lord!¹²²⁴

(4.) May Gaṇeśa grant you happiness, in whose hand a sharp axe is raised in order to cut off, as it were, the root of the great sinfulness of his worshippers!

(5.) There is in the west a son of the Himalaya, that lofty mountain, called Arbuda (Ábū), that gives the desired reward to those possessing (true) knowledge, and (is) the place where the conjugal union of the Siddhas is perfect.¹²²⁵ There Viśvâmitra forcibly took from Vaṣishṭha (his) cow. Through his (Vasishṭha’s) power a hero arose from the firepit, who singly worked the destruction of the enemy’s army.

(6.) When he had slain the enemies, he brought back the çow; then that sage spoke: “Thou wilt become a lord of [kings, called] Paramara.”

(V. 7.) In his line there was Upendrarâja, whose fame was proclaimed by the immortals, satisfied by the multitude of all sacrifices,—who was a jewel among the twice-born and gained high honour of kinghood¹²²⁶ by his valour.

(8.) His son was a lion for the elephant-like hostile kings, the best of heroes, the illustrious Vairisiṁha, who composed his own eulogy by (erecting) pillars of victory (everywhere) on the earth that is bounded by the four oceans.

9.) From him sprang the illustrious Siyaka, a prince (standing) in the first rank of conquerors, whose footstool was resplendent and coloured¹²²⁷by the rays of the jewels in the diadems of kings,—(he) the crowd of whose enemies was submerged in the waves of the water of the blade in his hand¹²²⁸.").

(10.) From him sprang the illustrious Vâkpati, a sun for (those) water-lilies, the eyes of the maidens of Avanti, (he who was) resplendent with the rays of the sword in his hand, who resembled Śatamakha (Indra), and whose armies drank the waters of Gangā and of the ocean.¹²²⁹ water-lilios, the eyes of the maidens of A vanti,")

(11.) From him was born Vairisiṁha, whom the people call by another name, the lord Vajrata; by that king famous Dhârâ was indicated, when he slew the crowd of his enemies with the sharp edge (dhárá) of his sword¹²³⁰.

(12.) From him sprang he who is called his glorious majesty Harsha, the sound of whose trumpets was beautiful like the noise of the roaring of mighty elephants in the armies of numerous hostile kings, he who, equalling the snake-eater (Garuḍa) in fierceness, took in battle the wealth of king Khoṭṭiga.¹²³¹

(13.) His son who, (being) the sole abode of good qualities, adorned the whole globe of the earth, the growth of whose riches was proportionate to the deposits of wealth (which he received) from all foes that were conquered by his bravery,¹²³² who, cultivating eloquence, high poetry and the art of reasoning, completely mastered the love of the Śastras, was he who is ever praised by the virtuous as his glorious majesty Vākpati;

(14.) He whose lotus-feet were coloured by the jewels on the heads of the Karnāṭas, Lāṭas, Keralas and Cholas, and who possessed the fame of a tree of paradise, since he granted to a crowd of supplicants whatever they desired;

(15.) Who, conquering Yuvarâja and slaying his generals, as victor, raised on high his sword in Tripuri.

(16.) His younger brother was the illustrious Sindhurâja, who conquered the king of the Hûṅas and who gained glory by his victories. He begat the illustrious Bhojarâja, a jewel without a rival, (a hero) who caused the best men to tremble.

(17.) He, who resembled king Pṛithu, possessed the earth up to Kailāsa, up to the

Malaya hills, and up to the two mountains of the setting and the rising sun; he scattered in (all) directions the weighty crowd of earth-supporters,¹²³³ easily uprooting them with the shaft of his bow, and gave highest joy to the earth.

(V. 18.) He accomplished, ordered, gave and knew what (was) not (in the power) of anybody else; what other praise can be given to illustrious Bhoja, the poet-king?

(19.) Seeing the Karṇāṭas, the lord of Lâta, the king of Gurjara, the Turushkas, chief among whom¹²³⁴ were the lord of Chedi, Indraratha, Toggala(?) and Bhima, conquered by his mercenaries alone, his hereditary warriors¹²³⁵thought only of the strength of their arms, not of the numbers of the fighters.

(20.) He made the world (jagatí) worthy of its names¹²³⁶ by covering it all around with temples, dedicated to Kedâreśvara, Râmeśvara, Somanâtha, Sumḍira (?), Kāla, Anala, and Rudra.

(21.) When that devoteeof Bharga (Śiva) whose brilliancy resembled that of the sun, had gone to the mansion of the gods, the earth, like Dhârâ, was filled with dense darkness, his foes, (and) his hereditary warriors became infirm in body. Then arose¹²³⁷king Udayâditya, another sun, as it were, destroying the dense darkness, the exalted focs, with the rays issuing from his strong sword, (and thus) gladdening the hearts of his people by his splendour.

(22.) Lo! how easy was the rescue of this earth for that Paramâra, by whom the primeval boar was restored without a difficulty.¹²³⁸

(23.)…………………………………………………..

XXIX.—THE NEW INSCRIPTION OF TORAMANA SHAHA.
By G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The present edition of the inscription of Toramâṇa Shâha, or Sháhi, Jaûvla has been prepared according to two paper impressions furnished to me by Dr. Burgess. The inscription, which was found at Kura in the Salt Range and is now in the Lahore Museum, is incised on a sandstone slab, measuring 2’ 4" by 1′ 8″, the lower part of which, about six inches in height, has been left blank. The inscription consisted of thirteen lines of unequal length, the first three of which have been seriously injured at both ends, while the right-hand portion of the twelfth and the thirteenth seem to have been obliterated by the writer of the original and to have been partly re-written. A good many strokes are visible on the injured portions. But I do not dare to propose any restoration.

The characters resemble those found in the older Buddhist nail-headed inscriptions

of the Gupta period, but show certain peculiarities. Very characteristic are the curves attached to the left-hand limbs of ga and śa, the peculiar angular form of the sa, the horizontal stroke of which has been attached to the left-hand limb and forms with it a triangle open at the top just as in the modern handwriting of Rajputânâ. The roundness of va is likewise remarkable. The language is the mixed dialect, incorrect Sanskṛit strongly modified through the influence of the vernacular Prâkṛit, which once used to be called the Gātha dialect on account of its occurrence in the metrical portions of the sacred writings of the Northern Buddhists. In my opinion it has been produced by the efforts of half-educated people to write the sacred language of the Brâhmaṇs. The earliest specimens usually show the greatest number of abnormal forms. Those occurring in this inscription have been discussed in detail in the notes to the translation.

The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a Buddhist monastery by one Roța-Siddhavṛiddhi, the son of Roṭṭa-Jayavriddhi, for the teachers of the Mahiśásaka school.

The donor states (1. 7) that his father was honoured by the lord of Naśchira, either a town or a district, and was the lord or manager of many Viharas (see note 19 to the translation). The inscription was incised during the reign of the king of kings, the great king Toramâṇa Shāha, or Shâhi, Jaūvla, to whom and to whose family the donor wishes to make over a share of the merit gained by his pious gift., The date unfortunately not readable with the exception of the month and of the day, the second tithi of the bright half of Mârgaśiras. This circumstance makes it impossible to accurately fix the age of the inscription. On palæographical grounds it may be assigned to the fourth or the fifth century. I am not able to assert that the Toramâņa of our inscription is identical either with the Toramâṇa of the Erân inscription or with the Toramâṇa of Kaśmir, who is mentioned by Kalhaṇa and who has left behind so many coins inscribed with Gupta characters. The fact that this Toramâṇa bears the title or surname Shâha or Shâhi and receives the epithet Jaūvla which may be a tribal name or a Biruda, is, it seems to me, sufficient to prevent the identification with the other Toramâṇas, who are not characterised in this manner. All I would say regarding him is that he ruled over north-western India, and that he was an independent king. The latter point is indicated by his titlerájá[dhi]rája, ‘king of kings,’ or, more accurately, ‘superior king of kings.’ It is also highly probable that he was not a native Indian. The name Toramâṇa is neither Sanskrit nor Prākṛit, but in all probability a foreign one. Professor J. Karabacek of Vienna informs me that it is Turkish, where töramán, túramán or töremen means ‘a rebel or insurgent’; and he is inclined to connect Jaūvla with jvl, ‘a faleon.’ A Laga-Turman is mentioned by Alberûnî, vol. II, p. 13 (Sachau’s translation), as the last king of the Thibetan (?) or Turk Shāhidynasty of northern India, among whom was Kanik (Kanishka ?).

TRANSCRIPT.

L. 1. - [राजा] - राजमहाराजतोरमाणषा [हि] जक्त- - [[भिवर्धमानराज्ये —-संवत्सरे]’]¹²³⁹

2.- - - - -‘मे मार्गशिरमासशुक्लद्वितीयायाम् चा [न्द्रमग्र] ——- ——–गग¹²⁴⁰

L. 3. - -वर- - शुचिशान्तध्यानाध्ययनमोक्षचित्तानुकूले प्रदि [ष्ट- - - - - - - -[न]- -

4. क्षत्रे भगवतो बुद्धस्य देवातिदेवस्य [सर्वपापपरिक्षीणसर्वपुण्यसमुद्रत [स्य]]¹²⁴¹

5. तीर्णससारार्णवसत्वानां मारयिता[दशबलबलिनचतुवैशारद्यचतस्रप्रतिसं [विदा]]¹²⁴²

6. अष्टादशावेणीकाद्भुतधर्मसमन्वागतस्य सर्वसत्ववत्सलमहाकारुणिकस्य बु¹²⁴³

7. द्धप्रमुखचातुर्दिशे भिक्षुसंघे देयधर्मीय विहारप्रतिष्ठापन नश्वीरपतिप्रशस्ता-
8. दारितनामधेयविशेषवृद्धिः रोट्टजयवृद्धि अनेकविहारस्वामिनो सत्पुत्रेण यदत्र पुष्यं तद्भवतु

9. [मा]तापित्रो आपायकपोषकचित्रस्य जंबुद्वीपस्य दर्शयितारोअग्रेभावप्रध्वशतायास्तु तथा
विहारस्वामिनो

10. रोटसिद्धवृद्धि सर्वेषां भ्रातराणां भगिनीनां पत्नीनां पुत्राणां दुहितृणां महाराजतोरमाण्वाहज ऊवः स-

11. र्वेषां देवीनां राजपुत्राणां राजदुहितानां च सर्वसत्वानां अनुत्तरज्ञानावाप्तये अयं पुन विहारस्यो-¹²⁴⁴

12. पकरण चातुर्दिशे भिक्षुसंघे परिग्रहे आचार्यमहीशा [सकाना¹²⁴⁵ साहकपु] - - - - -तेण [आचा]
13- - - - - – त - - - - - - - - -

TRANSLATION.

In the prosperous reign of the king of kings, the great king Toramâṇa Shâhi Jaû-; in the…… th year, on the second (lunar day) of the bright half of the month of Mârgaśiras. Under the ……. Nakshatra, which is propitious for pure, tranquil meditation, study and reflection on salvation ………. this appropriate and meritorious gift,¹²⁴⁶the erection of a Vihâra for the congregation of the monks of divine Buddha, the god of gods,¹²⁴⁷ freed from all sin and endowed with all holiness,¹²⁴⁸the saviour of beings that have crossed the ocean of births,¹²⁴⁹ who possesses¹²⁵⁰ the power of theten powers,¹²⁵¹. Regarding the ten powers of Buddha see Dharmasahgraha (Anecdota Oronionsia, vol. I, part v ), No. lxxvi, and Professor Max Müller’s notes thereon.")who

has attained the four subjects of confidence,¹⁴the four analytical sciences,¹⁵ the eighteen independent conditions,¹⁶the supernatural condition,¹⁷who cherishes all creatures and is most compassionate,—of which (congregation) Buddha is the chief and which comes from the four quarters of the world,—(has been made) by the virtuous son of Rotta-Jayavṛidḍhi,¹⁸the lord of many Vihâras,¹⁹whose name, praised and honoured by the lord of Naśchira, (indicates d) particularly (great) prosperity.

Whatever merit (there is) in this (act), may it be for the attainment of supreme knowledge by (my) parents, the instructors²⁰ of Jambudvipa that is famous for nurses and nourishers,—(their) sharebeing a preferential .one,—²¹moreover by all the brothers, sisters, wives, sons and daughters of the lord of the Vihāra Rotta-Siddhavṛiddhi,²²by all the queens, princes and princesses²³ of the great king Toramâṇa Shâha Jaûvla 24(and) by all creatures. But this benefaction²⁵by a Vihâra (is) for the congregation of the monks of the four quarters, for the acceptance of the teachers, the Mahîsâsakas.²⁶ By the son of Såddhaka…………

If chatuvaisaradya is the correct reading, the form chatu for chatuḥ or chatur is Prakritic. Regarding the four subjects of confidence, see Dharmasaṁgraha, No. lxxvii. The translation is that of Childers’ Pali Dictionary, sub voce vesdrajja.

15.Chatasrapratisaṁvidâ is a monstrons form for chatushpratisamvid, in which the mutilated inflected form of the nominative has been preserved; compare above tårayitd. Regarding the four analytical sciences, secDharmasuṁgraha,No. li.

Regarding the eighteen independent conditions, see Dharmasaṁgraha, No. lxxix.
I translate adbhutadharma according to its etymological rense. The Dharmasaṁgraha, No. Ixii, and other works know the word as the name of one of the nine kinds of scriptures. It cannot have that meaning in this passage.
I take Roṭṭa, which stands hore before Jayavriddhi and appears below 1. 10 in the form Rota before the name of the donor Siddhavriddhi, to be the name of a caste, clan, or family. The case termination of the preceding ºviſeshavriddhiḥ is, of course, utterly wrong. It ought to be ºvriddheḥ, as the next following word shows. Adârita is the perfect past participle of the causative of adri.

19.The expression anekavihârasvamino, ‘of the lord of many Viharas,’ indicates that Roṭṭa-Jayavriddhi superintended several monasteries. The explanation of vihárasvâmin is given in Beal’s Life of Hiuen-Tsiung, int. p. xxvi. See also Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. III, pp. 263, 272, note 3.

Durśayitdro evidently is to be taken with mâiâpitro and, like the lattor, a genitive of the dual. Its irregular formation from the strong stem has many analogies in the mixed dialect. The meaning of the phrase seems to be that, though India possesses many tender mothers and dutiful fathers, yet all can learn something from the donor’s parents.
The translation of agrebhávapratyamsatâyâs tu by “(their) share being a preferential one” is only according to the general sense. Literally it means “but according to the condition of a preferential share.” Agrebháva stands for agrebhara. Regarding pratyamsa, see the Index to the Divyâvadâna, od. Cowell and Neill.
The uninflected base Rotasiddhavriddhi has to be taken in the senseof a genitive as the preceding viharasvamino indicates. The form bhratarâṇâm is derived from an a-stem bhrâtara, formed according to the analogy of numerous Prakrit forms.
The incorrect form rajaduhitânam, derived from an a-stem duhitâ, is particularly interesting as the correct Sanskrit form duhitrinám occurs in the preceding line 10. It proves the utter loss of all feeling for the rules of the language.
The nominative Toramanashahajaûvlaḥ has to be taken in the sense of a genitive governed by the following genitives.
Upakaraṇa stands for upakaraṇam and, though a neuter, is connected with the masculine of the pronoun ayam. Puna is the ancient Prakrit form for punah.
The fact that the Mahisasakas, one of the subdivisions studying the Hînayâna, weresettled in the Panjâb, is known from Hiuen-Tsiang’s description of the country; see Beal, Si-yu-ki, vol. I, p. 121. The meaning of the last sentence seems to be that all Buddhist monks shall partici-pate in the use of the Vihara, but that it is specially made over to the Mahisasaka teachers. The Mahisasakas formed one of the five branches of the Sarvàstivada or Vaibhashika school.

XXX.—AN UNDATED PRASASTI FROM THE REIGN OF MAHENDRAPALA OF KANAUJ.

BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

A portion of the subjoined inscription was discovered many years ago by Mr. Bowring at Pehoa, together with the grant of the horse-dealers, dated [Sriharsha] Saṁvat 276, in the reign of king Bhoja (ante, p. 184), and was published, together with the latter, by Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XXII, pp. 675 ff. Of late the whole document has been recovered, and the circumstances leading to its recovery are as follows. Dr. Burgess found that the stone slab, on which it is incised, was fixed in the wall of a house, in the bazar, belonging to a Siddh¹²⁵²,close to the jamb of a door, and was used as a seat. As this jamb partly rested on the slab and covered a portion of the inscription, Dr. Burgess got Mr. Rodgers, the Archeological Surveyor in the Panjâb,.to try to prevail on the owner of the building to allow the slab to be removed. The latter, however, was unwilling to allow this, and Mr. Rodgers was then asked to undertake further negotiations and to get the countenance of Mr. Drummond, the Deputy Commissioner of Karnâl, in either purchasing the slab or in exchanging it for another that would do the same service to the owner. Through the kind offices of Mr. Drummond the stone was finally secured and sent to the Lahore Muscum, where Mr. J. L. Kipling, C.I.E., took two excellent paper-impressions, which were forwarded to Dr. Burgess by Mr. Rodgers and made over to me for preparing a new edition of the inscription. The inscription is now complete, while in the copy used by Dr. Rajendralâl about one third of each line-its left-hand portion—was missing.

Judging from the impression, the slab on which the inscription is incised measures 36 inclies by 24. The stone-mason has done his work with great care; for there are very few Indian epigraphical monuments which show an equal amount of neatness and artistic finish in their execution. Owing to the rough treatment which the stone has undergone, a certain number of letters have, however, been either obliterated or become indistinct. Lines 3-7 have lost from four to seven letters at the beginning; in lines 1-6 the letters 17-21 on the left-hand side have been partly rubbed out, and lines 20-21 have lost a piece out of the middle. Moreover, a number of single letters and small groups have been defaced in various places on the right-hand side of the inscription. It is, however, fortunately possible to restore most of the lost signs with some degree of certainty by conjecture.

The characters of the inscription are of the ordinary Nâgarî type, current in Northern and Western India during the ninth and tenth centuries; and they resemble most closely those of the horse-dealers’ grant, mentioned above. The superscribed mátrás show, however, ornamental additions, similar to those used in the Jhâlrâpâṭaṇ Praśasti (Indian Antiquary, vol. V,‘p. 180), and the same ornaments appear occasionally in the tails of some letters (see, e.g., note 10 to the transcript). The language is very good Sanskrit and throughout metrical. As regards the orthography, the constant substitution of va for baand the frequent use of the Jihvâmûlîya and Upadhmáníya deserve to be noted, as well as some rather unusual sandhis,-e.g., in samaniádyatu for samantáddyatu, line 4; saśśrímán for sa śrímán, line 5; nirmánádve for nirmáṇáddve, line 12; satphalánammramúrtiḥ, line 15; and so forth.

The object of the inscription is to record the building, it would seem, of a triple temple of Vishņu, and it contains a so-called Praśasti or eulogy, as is expressly stated in verse 26. It opens with a maṅgala of four verses, verses 1-2 being addressed to Vishṇu, verse 3 to the Kurukshetra, and verse 4 to the sacred stream Sarasvati, which flows near Pṛithudaka-Pehoa. Verse Verse 5 praises the ruling king of the country, Mahendrapâla¹²⁵³.

The next portion of the poem (verses 6-19) gives an account of certain members of the Tomara family (verse 6), the last three of which dedicated the temple mentioned in the inscription. The pedigree of the Tomaras enumerated is as follows:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709655064Screenshot2024-03-05160006.png"/>

Jaula (verses 6-8).
Vajrata, married to Mangaladevi (verses 9-10).

Jajjuka, married to Chandra and to Nâyikâ (verses 11-13).
Gogga Pârnaraja Devaraja
(verse 14). (verses 15-16). (verses 17-19).

Regarding Jâula it is said that he was a rájá, ‘obtained prosperity by looking after the affairs of a king,and built many temples. It appears, therefore, that he was in the civil employ of some king or other, and received, as was often the case with ministers and other high officials, the title of rajá. How many generations intervened between him and Vajrata, the next person mentioned, cannot be made out. But the remark (verse 9) that the family was “the home of joyful, prospering intimates of kings,”indicates that its members continued to hold high places in the service of their sovereigns. The same seems to have been the case with Vajrața, who, it is alleged, “gained a lofty exaltation through most pure business transactions.”Jâula’s title was probably likewise inherited by his descendants, since Gogga is called bhúnáthaḥ, protector of the earth,’which appellation may be considered as a poetical rendering of the moreprosaic rájá. If the general description in verses 11-19 may be trusted, Jajjuka and his three sons entered the military service of their sovereign. For nothing is said of their success in business, but their bravery and their victories over their enemies are highly extolled. Verse 20 states that the three brothers built here,’ i.e., in Pehoa, temples of Vishṇu, and verse21 attributes (that) in the middle’ to Gogga, (that) at the back to Pârnarâja, and (that) in front to Devarâja.’ Nevertheless verse 22, which contains the usual wish for the long duration of the building, speaks only of one single temple (idam ayatanam). The only possible solution of this contradiction seems to be that the structure was a triple temple, containing three statues and three adyta, united under one roof. Temples of this description do occur elsewhere, and we still have a very fine specimen in the famous Vastupâlaviliåra on Mount Girnar¹²⁵⁴.

The next verso (23) gives the name of the architect, Achyuta, son of Râma, who was a native of Kâmboja, or a Kâbuli. Verse 24 enumerates the names of three villages, Yakshapālaka, Gejjara, and Pâțala, which were assigned for the bhoga of the deity,

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.

i.e., for the service of the temple; and verse 25 exhorts future princes to respect this donation. In verse 26 the poet gave his own name which, unfortunately, has not been fully preserved. It began with mu and contained three [syllables¹²⁵⁵. The poet’s father was Bhaṭṭa Râma. The name of the mason (verse 27) who incised the inscription—.alâditya—is likewise mutilated; that of his father Durlabhâditya has been preserved.

Though the inscription is not dated, its age can yet be fixed within very narrow limits. For the paramount sovereign Mahendrapâla, whom it mentions, belonged without doubt to the dynasty of Kanauj, and was the successor of the Bhoja who, according to the Pehoa grant of the horse-dealers, ruled in A.D.882. Professor Kielhorn’s article on the Siyaḍoṇi inscription, ante, p. 171, establishes the following series of sovereigns who ruled at Kanauj during the second half of the ninth century and the first half of the tenth.

Bhoja, A.D.862, 876, and 882.
Mahendrapāla or Mahindrapâla¹²⁵⁶,A.D.903 and 907.
His son Kshitipâla or Mahîpâla, A.D.917.
His son Devapâla, A.D.948.

The identity of our Mahendrapāla with the second sovereign of this list is proved (1) by the fact that the inscription belongs to Pehoa, which, as the grant of the horsedealers shows, Tormed part of the kingdom of Kanauj, and (2) by the close resemblance of the letters of our inscription to those of the grant just mentioned, which makes it impossible to assume that they are separated by a long interval. If this identification is admitted, our Praśasti must have been incised between A.D. 882 and A.D.917.

With respect to the four Tomaras, mentioned in our inscription, I may add that they possibly may have been in the employ of the kings of Kanauj. But, as no direct statement to that effect occurs, it is impossible to be positive. For Prithudaka—Pehoa was a place of so great sanetity, that even pious men from distant countries may have built temples there; and if strangers did so, their inscriptions, as a matter of course, would mention the ruling king of the country. Equally uncertain remains the relation of these Tomaras to the Tomara dynasties which reigned at Delhi and in Central India. But the early occurrence of the name of this race in Northern India still possesses some interest, and may hercafter, when more documents bearing on the history of the Tomaras are found, become of importance. Though the positive historical results, obtained from this Praśasti, are not very important, its complete publication has nevertheless some value, as it shows how entirely unfounded were the curious deductions made from the earlier imperfect edition. Its contents are now perfectly reconcilable with the information furnished by the other contemporaneous documents.

TRANSCRIPT

L. 1. ओंनमो माधवाय ॥
याते यामवतीपतौशि[खरिषु क्षामे]षु सर्वात्मना
ध्वस्ते ध्वान्तरिपौजने विघटिते स्रस्ते च तारागणे ।
भ्रष्टे भूवलये गतेषु च तथा रत्नाकरेष्वेकतामेको यस्स्वपिति प्र-

L.2.[धानपुरुष ≍पायात्स वः शार्ङ्गभृत् ॥ [१ ] ॥]¹²⁵⁷

दृष्टि≍[पायान्निजग]दखिलं शार्ङ्गिणं x कान्तमूर्ते x
कान्ता सद्भ्रूस्फुरितसुभगस्निग्धताराभिरामा ।
3. उद्यत्तीव्रस्मरजलनिधौमज्जतश् श्रीमुखेन्दुस्फारज्योत्स्ना[भव][≍≍[रुच]: स्मेरगण्डस्थलस्य ॥ [२]॥]¹²⁵⁸
क्षेत्रं कुरो[र्विविधपापम]लाभिघातदक्षंक्रियादुदयमस्तसमस्ततापम् ।
अद्ध्यासितं मुनिगणैरुदितात्मवोध[प्रहस्तगाढतिमिरप्रकटप्रमोदैः॥ [३] ॥]¹²⁵⁹
4. पीत— —≍—धौ सुरपथगमने स्यन्दनस्माधु [वर्ग],— — ——तवङ्केप्रलयजलधरस्सम्पतत्सान्द्रधारः ।
5. नानाव्याधिप्रबन्धप्रचुरतरतम ≍पङ्कविद्वंसभानुर्नीरञ्चैतत्समन्ताद्यतु दुरित[≍— — ≍[सा] रस्वतं वः ॥ [४]॥]¹²⁶⁰
यश्शक्तःस्वकुल ≍— ≍— ≍मुद्ध्या
भिन्दान≍ परवलमानसं समन्तात् ।
सश्श्रीमाञ्जयति महेन्द्रपालदेवः
[शान्तारिश् शशधरसुन्दरः शरण्यः ॥ [५] ॥]¹²⁶¹

आसीत्तोमस्तुङ्गवंशति[लकश्चण्डप्र] तापोज्वलो
राजा रंजितसाधुवृत्त[हृदयो दु]र्वृत्तशैलाशनिः ।
नाम्नाजाउल इत्यपूर्वचरितख्यातो दयालंकृति[स्तत्वालोकिविलोकितक्षितिपतिव्यापारलब्धोदयः॥ [६] ॥]¹²⁶²
येन ज्ञातिकुलं क— ≍≍ ≍— नी] तं परां संपदं
छिन्नारातिकरीन्द्रकुम्भशकलैX कृत्वोपहारं भुवः ।
कीर्त्यायस्य च नाकनागनिकरव्यासङ्गतः सङ्गमाद्व्यो[म्नश्च स्फुरदिन्दुसुन्दररुचा स्वस्मिन्धुलीलायितम् ॥ [७] ॥]¹²⁶³
प्रतिदिश-

[ममरा]णांमन्दिराण्युच्छ्रिताग्र–

स्थगितशशधराणि स्फारमारोपितानि।
जगति विततभासा येन दूरं विभान्ति
स्वयशइव निरोद्धुंशङ्कवो दिङ्निखाताः॥[[८॥]]¹²⁶⁴
तत्संतानमहोदधे≍ प्रमुदितप्रोद्यद्भुजङ्गाश्रया–

द्दुर्ल्लङ्घाङ्गनमौक्तिकांशुनिकरस्फारीभवत्सम्दः।
प्रख्यातादजनि स्ववङ्शतिलकः श्रीवज्रटाख्य≍प्रभु≍
प्राप्ताशेषमनोरथश् शुभतरव्यापारतुङ्गोन्नतिः[॥[९॥]]¹¹⁸
तस्य स्फुरदिन्दुरुचिः शौरेरिव जलधिकन्यका जाता [\।]

नाम्नामङ्गलदेवी जाया गिरिजेव गिरिशस्य[॥[१०॥]]¹²⁷
तस्मात्तस्याञ्जज्जुक≍प्रादुरासीदुच्चैश् शान्तस्मत्सु निर्मत्सरेषु।
क्रूर x केतुर्द्दुर्द्दरारातिचक्रे क्रुद्यत्सेनाकुञ्जरङ्घानरौद्रे[॥[११॥]]¹²⁶⁵

तस्यस्फुरन्निशितखड्गनिकृत्तशत्रो–
स्त्रस्तान्धदीननिकरोद्वरणोरुकीर्तेः।
सद्वृत्तरक्तवनितातिलकाङ्गकल्पे
कान्ते बभूवतुरुदारशशाङ्ककान्ते[॥[१२॥]]¹¹⁴
एका चन्द्रेति विख्याता द्वितीया नाद्दंकेति च।

विशिष्टगुणनिर्माणाद्वेएव सदनं श्रियः[॥[१३॥]]¹²⁶⁶
चन्द्रायास्ममजनि गोग्गनामधेयो धीराणां धुरि विनिवेशितो विधात्रा।
भूनाथो द्विषदिभकुम्भभेदनिर्यन्मुक्ताभि[र्महितमहीतल]श् शितासिः[॥[१४॥]]¹²⁶⁷

अ[सू]त [च वि-]चक्षणं क्षतविपक्षपक्षप्रभं
प्रभाकरकरोत्करं स्ववलसैनिकाम्भोरुहाम्।
अधर्मपरिपन्थिनं तदनु पूर्णराजं सुतं
स्ववंशगगनोदरे तुहिन[दीधितिं नायि]का [॥[१५॥]]¹²⁶⁸

करत[ल] स्थगिताधरपल्लवा ≍प्रतनुकान्तिकपोलतलोदरम्।
सिषिचुरसुजलैर्यदरिस्त्रियस्मरलितप्रचुरालकजालकाः[॥[१६॥]]¹²⁶⁹
तस्य भ्राता गुणनिधिरभूत्सोदरोदेवराजः

स्फूर्जत्तेज≍प्रविहतपरस्फारसेनान्धकारः।

L.15 स्थानं क्षान्तेः क्षतकलिमलः क्षिप्तरागादिदोषः
स्निग्धच्छायस्तरुरिवततस्सत्फलानम्म्रमूर्तिः[॥[१७]]⁶⁹⁶
नामापि प्रकटतरं निशंम्ययस्य क्रुद्धस्य भ्रुकुटितरङ्गिताननस्य।
दृप्तानां युधि विकसद्विगाढभासां

16. सस्रंसे करतलतः कृपाणदण्डः। [[१८॥]]¹²⁷⁰

यदास्यसरसीरुहं सरसमर्थिनां पश्यता-
न्नितान्तमगमत्क्षणात्क्षयमुपद्रवो मानसः।
व्यधूर्णत च सम्भ्रमात्प्रतिभटङ्घनद्दन्तिनां
घटा विघटनोन्मुखी

17. समिति यस्य सद्यः पुरः[॥ [१९॥]]¹²⁷¹

इत्युद्दामप्रकटितगुणोद्गाररम्या x क्रमेण
प्राप्तश्रीकाश् शुभतरधियस्माधुरक्तास्त्रयोपि।
विणोस्मौधान्यतुलमहस X कारयामासुरत्न
त्रस्तास्ती[व्राङ्मवजल]निधेर्द्दुर्ग[मा-]न्मन्दवोधैः[॥[२०॥]]¹²⁷²

**18.**गोग्गेन कारितं मध्ये पूर्णराजेन पृष्ठतः।
पुरतो देवराजेन घनान्धतमसछिदे।[[।२१॥]]¹²⁷³
चतुस्समुद्रसीमांकं यावदेतन्महीतलम्।
इदमायतनं तावद्विभातु सदनं श्रियः[॥[२२॥]]¹¹⁵

धन्वन्तरि[प्र]तिनिधिश् श्रुतसारमूर्ति-
19. स्सद्बन्धुरच्युत इति प्रकटाभिधानः।
काम्बोजज≍प्रभुमन X कमलद्विरेफो
रामस्य सूनुरिह कारयिता वभूव॥ [[२३॥]]¹²⁷⁴

यक्षपालकनामैको द्वितीयो गेज्जराभिधः।
पाटला[ख्य]स्तृती[योपि ग्रा-]

20. मो भोगाय कल्पितः[॥[२४॥]]¹²⁷⁵

अत्रार्यैः क्ष्मानाथैः श्रेयोर्थं देहस्य।संसारं दृष्ट्वोचैः कर्तव्या सद्बुद्धिः[॥ [२५॥]]¹²⁷⁶

स्वकुलगगनभ[ानुः] -ि -ा॒रप्रसक्तः
श्रुतविनयविदग्धोभटराम x किलासीत्।
अकृत मधुर [वन्धां सु] - स्तस्य

L.21सूनुस्मरसललितसारांल्लीलयेमां प्रशस्तिम्॥[२६॥]
वभूव सूत्रधारोत्र दुर्लभादित्यसंज्ञितः।
хххх - - \।लादित्येन धीमता॥[॥ २७॥]

TRANSLATION.

Om! Adoration to Mâdhava!

(V. 1.) May that chief male (purusha) Vishṇu protect you; he who, alone (remaining) sleeps, when the regent of the night (the moon) has disappeared, when the mountainshave completely crumbled away, when the foe of darkness (the sun) has been destroyed,when mankind have been annihilated, when the host of stars has tumbled down, whenthe circle of the earth has fallen, and thus the oceans have become one.

(2.) May lovely Vishṇu’s beautiful eye, that is pleasing through the quivering ofthe brow and charming with its resplendent pupil, protect all the three worlds— (the eye)of him who plunges into the ocean of nascent deep love, (of him) whose lustre [is increased by] the great splendour of Lakshmî’s moon-like face, (of him) whose cheek isdimpled with smiles.

(3.) May the field of Kuru grant a happiness, free from all pain, —(that field)which is able to remove the impurity of sins of many kinds, that is inhabited by crowdsof sages, who have destroyed the dense darkness (of ignorance) by gaining the knowledgeof the self (and hence) are filled with deep joy.

(4.) And may that [beautiful] water of Sarasvatî’s (stream) entirely cut your [bondsof] misery— (that water which is) a boat [for crossing the ocean of births], a chariot fortravelling along the road of the gods, a cloud such as appears on the destruction of theworld, shedding copious showers on the fire of . . . . . .the virtuous (and)a sun to destroy the thick mud-like darkness of a concatenation of various diseases^(6).

(5.) Victorious is his glorious majesty Mahendrapâla, who is able [to bless] hisrace with prosperity and destroys the courage of the armies of his foes all around, whoseenemies are subdued, who is beautiful like the moon and grants protection.

(6.) There was a king, Jâula by name, the front ornament of the exalted Tomararace, resplendent with [fiery] bravery, who gladdened the hearts of the virtuous, whowas a thunderbolt for (those) mountains, the wicked, who was famous for his wonderfuldeeds, adorned with compassion, (and) acquainted with truth, who gained prosperityby looking after the affairs of (his) sovereign
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6. I take सुमन्ताद्यतु in the fourth Pâda to stand for समन्तात् and द्यतु, just as निर्माणाद्वेin verse 13 line 12) stands forनिर्माणात् and हे. The words placed between square brackets are, here and in the sequel, translations of my conjecturalrestorations.

(V. 7.) He conducted his relatives to highest prosperity . . . .., presentingas offerings to the earth, pieces cut off from the temples of the mighty elephants of his foes;and his fame, that possessed a splendour fair like the glittering moon, assumed the guiseof the stream of heaven (Gaṅgâ), since it clave to the heavenly elephants and united withthe sky.

(8.) That (man), possessed of far-spreading lustre, built in this world in every regionnumerous palaces of the immortals, that obscure the moon with their lofty tops, (and)they look from afar like posts fixed (by him) at the quarters of the horizon in order to setlimits to his fame.

(9.) From his famous ocean-like race, that is the home of joyful prospering intimatesof princes, that is difficult to overcome, and possesses great riches of numerous resplendent pearls^(1),sprung a lord, called the illustrious Vajraṭa, the front-ornament of hisfamily, who obtained all his wishes and gained a lofty elevation through most purebusiness transactions.

(10.) He wedded a wife, charming like the glittering moon, called Maṅgaladevîjust as Śauri (Vishṇu) (took) the daughter of the ocean (Lakshmî) and Giriśa (Śiva)the daughter of the mountain (Pârvatî).

(11.) He begot by her Jajjuka, who (was) exceedingly peaceful among good menwho are free from envy, (but) a terrible comet for the army of his invincible foes, thatinspired terror through the trumpeting of the angry war elephants.

(12.) He (Jajjuka), who cut down his enemies with his sharp sword and gained widespreading glory by succouring the fearful, the blind and the distressed, had two wives,who were almost the front-ornaments of virtuous, attached women, and lovely like thenoble moon.

(13.) One was famed as Chandrâ and the second as Nâyikâ; being created outof the most excellent virtues, they were both abodes of happiness.

(14.) From Chandrâ was born a prince, called Gogga, whom the creator placed atthe head of firm men, who gladdened the earth with the pearls issuing from the rentsin the temples of the elephants of his foes, who possessed a sharp sword.

(15.) And afterwards Nâyikâ bore a clever son, Pûrņṇarâja, a destroyer of thesplendour of the adherents of his enemics, a conglomerate of the rays of the sun for thoselotuses, the soldiers of his army, a foe of unrighteousness, a moon in the womb of hisrace (that is pure) like the sky.

(16.) The wives of his foes, covering their lips, (red) like young shoots, with theirhands, and straightening their rich curls, moistened their hollow checks, that possessedlittle splendour, with the water of their tears.

(17.) Devarâja, a storeof virtues, was his uterine brother; he who destroyed thedense darkness, the armics of his foes, by a sudden burst of his brilliant courage, (hewho was) the abode of forbearance, destroyed the impurity of the Kali age, cast off loveand the other sinful passions, and resembled a tree, giving agreeable shade and bendingunder good fruit.^(2)

^(_______________________________)

1. In order to make the translation less cumbersome, I have not given the second meanings of प्रमुदितप्रोद्य द्भुजंगाश्रयandदुक्षह. Referred to the ocean, they mean which is the abode of joyful rising snakes and which is difficult to cross.“Regarding the meaning of भुजंग, ‘an intimate of a king’ (not a dissolute intimate of a king), see the smaller St. PetersburgDictionary, sub voce.

**2.**The double meanings of स्निग्धच्छाय and सत्फलागद्यमूर्ति have been intentionally omitted.

(V. 18.) When the proud (foes) whose exceeding brilliancy unfolded itself in thebattle merely heard the most famous name of that (warrior) who angrily furrowed hisface with frowns, then their strong swords fell from their hands.

19.) When suppliants with rapture looked on his lotus face, their mental anxietycompletely vanished in an instant; and the crowd of hostile, trumpeting elephantsalways shook before him in battle, ready to disperse.

(20.) These three (brothers), who thus were lovable on account of the manifestationof extraordinary famous virtues, who gradually gained wealth, who were most pureminded and attached to holy men, caused to be built here temples of Vishṇu, who isendowed with unequalled greatness, because they were afraid of the dreadful ocean ofexistences that is difficult to cross for men of little wisdom.

(21.) (The temple) in the middle has been built by Gogga’s order, (that) at theback by Pûrṇarâja’s, and (that) in front by Devarâja’s, in order to destroy thedense, deep darkness.

(22.) As long as this earth is bounded by the four oceans, so long may this temple beresplendent as a mansion of Śri.

(23.) A man of Kâmboja descent, the son of Râma, whose famous name isAchyuta, was here the overseer (kârayitâ), he who is an image of Dhanvantari, an incarnation of the quintessence of learning, a friend of the virtuous, and a bee on the lotus ofthe heart of his master.

(24.) One village called Yakshapâlaka, a second named Gejjara, and a thirdnamed Pâțala, have been assigned for the enjoyment (of the god)¹²⁷⁷,’ i.c., for the temple-service.”).

(25.) With respect to this (gift), noble protectors of the earth, considering the courseof mundane existence, must show an entirely virtuous disposition¹²⁷⁸for the welfare oftheir bodies.

(26.) There was, indeed, a Bhatta Râma, the sun of his sky-like race, attached to . …, learned and modest; his son, Mu …. . . made in play (as it were) this sweetly composed, graceful eulogy that is full of sentiment.

(27.) Here was a mason named Durlabhâditya. [His son], wise . . . . .âlâditya,[has engraved it.]

XXXI.—BILHARI STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE RULERS OF CHEDI.

BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.L.E; GÖTTINGEN.

The stone which bears this inscription^(1)is said to have been found at Bilhari, theBalihrior Bilheree of the maps, Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet No. 70 S.E., Latitude 23° 48’ North, Longitude 80° 19′ East, described as one of the oldest towns in the JabalpurDistrict of the Central Provinces. In 1861 it was at Jabalpur, where it was reportedto have been carried about 20 years before ; and it is now in the Nâgpur Musceum.

The inscription consists of 33 lines which cover a space of about 6’ 3" broad by 3’high, and are surrounded by a raised edge all the way round. With the exception of oneor two aksharas at the end of the lines, the writing is well preserved up to line 30, andthe reading, in consequence, is so far hardly anywhere in the least doubtful. But inthe last three lines, as will appear from my transcript of the text, altogether between 30and 40 aksharas have become illegible, at the lower proper left corner of the stone andin the first half of the last line. The average size of the letters is ^(3/4"). The characters areNâgarî of about the eleventh century; they were well and carefully written by Nâi,the son of the karaṇika or writer of legal documents Dhîra, and skilfully engraved byNonna, the son of the artisan Saṁgama (verse 86).

The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the introductory oṁ oṁ namaḥ Śivâya, thewords api cha and kiñcha in lines 1 and 19, and short passages in lines 30-33, the inscription is in verse. The verses 1 to 45 were composed by Śrînivâsa, the son ofSthirânanda; the remaining verses, at any rate up to verse 78, by Sajjana, the son ofThîra (verses 77-78). As a piece of poetry, the inscription possesses little merit, and ofits two authors Sajjana is inferior to Śrînivâsa, both as a poet and as regards his knowledge of the language. In respect of orthography, there are few things that need here bedrawn attention to. The letter bis throughout denoted by the sign for v. The sibilantsare generally employed each in its proper place, and we find the dental sibilant used forthe palatal only in visarppat-saurya-, line 14; kîrttis=Saiváâgama-, line 20; and shoḍasikâ,line 31. Instead of anusvára we have the dental nasal in the interior of simple words invanśa, lines 3, 21, and 29; vidhvansa, line 4; uttansa, line 6; mânsa, line 9; tapânsitejáânsi, line 20; hansa, line 28; —and at the end of words before a sibilant, e.g., insansâra, line 24 (twice); evan-sambhavatsu, line 6; iltthan-sadvandi-, line 13, etc. Freequently a final m has been left unchanged before an initial v, e.g., in ºḍamvaram=vaḥ andºtâm-vibhrati, line 3; bhuvam-vilebhe, line 8; yam-víîkshya, line 14, etc.; —and final n hasremained unchanged before j and ś in bhagavân-jyotsnâm, line 16, and guṇân-śakshyati,line 26. The dental nasal has been wrongly changed to the lingual in *dhenur-ṇṇanu,*line 15, and it has been wrongly retained in vairâgyena, line 21. Before r, t has been
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1. The text has been published before, with an abstract of the contents, by Dr. F. E. Hall in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXX, pp. 317-334; and the contents of the inscription, as furnished by Dr. Hall, have been discussed by Sir A.Cunningham, Archæological Survey of India, vol. IX, pp. 80 and 102-105. My own text, which will be found to differin some important particular from Dr. Hall’s, has been prepared from two good impressions, one of which I owe to Dr.Burgess and the other to Mr. Fleet.

frequently doubled, e.g., in śvetâtapattrâyitaṁ, line 1; nettrâd-Attrer-ddharittrî-, line 8;Dattâttreya, line 5, etc.; —and, on the other hand, a single consonant has been employedinstead of a double consonant in ujvalimâ, line 3; ujvalam, lines 28 and 30; ᵒlasadyu° (forºlasad-dyu), line1; âsidvishadº (for âsid-dvishadº) and procḥchhalajvâlâ° (for prochchhalaj-jvâlâº), line 4. Lastly, the syllable ri has been used instead of the vowel ṛi indripta, line 12, and in satyâdritas, line 14. As instances of wrong grammatical forms.I may point out akṛita, used in a passive sense (for akâri) in verse 54, and the masculineºsrakchandanâdîn in verse 62, wrongly employed instead of the neuter ºsrakchandanâdîni.

The inscription may possibly have contained a date at the end of the last line; but,if such was the case, it has become entirely effaced, and is no longer legible. I havealready stated that the inscription has been composed by two different authors; andI have no doubt that, what is now its first portion, from verse 1 to 45, originally was,or formed part of, an independent praśasti, and that this original praśasti was renewedand enlarged by the addition of the verses 46-86 of the present inscription, two or threegenerations after the composition of the first part.

The object of the first part (versces 1-45) is, to record that the queen Nohalâ, thewife of (the Chedi ruler) Keyûravarsha, erected a temple of Śiva at which the inscription may be supposed to have been put up; that she endowed this temple with (therevenues of) the villages Dhaṅgaṭapâṭaka, Poṇḍî, Nâgabala, Khailapâṭaka,Vîḍâ, Sajjâhalî and Goshṭhapâlî; and that she also gave the villages of Nipânîyaand Ambipâṭaka to the sage Îśvaraśiva, a disciple of Śabdaśiva, who again was adisciple of Pavanaśiva (verses 40-45). Nohalâ was a daughter of Avanivarman,a son of Sadhanva and grandson of Siṁhavarman, of the clan of the Chaulukyas (verses 33-37). And her husband Keyûravarsha was a son of the princeMugdhatuṅga (verse 18), who was a son of Kokkalladeva (verse 12), described as adescendant of Arjuna (Kârtavîrya, verse 8), of the tribe of the Haihayas (verse 7),who belonged to the lunar race. Of Kokkalladeva it is recorded (verse 17) that he setup two unprecedented columns of his fame,’ which I understand to mean that he wasallied with, and supported the rule of, Kṛishṇarâja in the south and Bhojadeva inthe north; and Mugdhatuṅga is eulogised as having conquered the lines of country bythe shore of the eastern sea and wrested Pâli from the lord of Kosala.

The second part of the inscription (in versc 46) opens with the statement thatNohalâ’s son by Yuvarâjadeva was Lakshmaṇarâja, —from which it is clear that theprince Keyûravarsha, who is spoken of in the preceding, was surnamed Yuvarâjadeva. Lakshmaṇarâja, called ’the moon of the Chedis’ (verse 56) and ’the powerful Chedilord’ (verse 59), made over the sacred buildings which had been founded by Nohalâ tocertain sages whose spiritual lineage is detailed in verses 48-58. On his warlike expeditions he is said to have reached the shores of the western ocean, where he worshippedŚiva at the famous temple of Someśvaraor Somanâtha in Gujarât; and he also isreported to have defeated the ruler of Kosala, and to have despoiled him of a valuableeffigy of Kâliya which had been obtained from the lord of Oḍra, and which subsequently

was by Lakshmaṇarâja likewise dedicated to Someśvara (verses 59-63). His son wasŚaṁkaragaṇa (verse 64), and the younger brother of this prince was Yuvarâjadeva(verse 67). Nothing of historical importance is recorded of either of these two brothers.

We have then here presented to us the following line of Chedi princes:

(1.) Kokkalladeva; supported Kṛishnarâja in the south and Bhojadeva inthe north.

(2.) His son Mugdhatuṅga; wrested Pâli from the lord of Kosala.

(3.) His son Keyûravarsha-Yuvarâjadeva; married Nohalâ, the daughterof the Chaulukya Avanivarman.

(4.) Their son Lakshmaṇarâja; defeated the king of Kosala and worshippedSomeśvara in Gujarât.

(5.) His son Śaṁkaragaṇa.

(6.). His younger brother Yuvarâjadeva.

Reserving a full account of the history of the Chedi rulers for a future occasion, Iwill only state here that I agree with Sir A. Cunningham in assigning the Kokkalladeva of this inscription to the end of the ninth century A. D., and in distinguishinghim from Kokalladeva, the son of Yuvarâjadeva and father of Gâṅgeyadeva, of otherChedi inscriptions, who must have lived about 100 years later. For there can beno doubt that the Kṛshṇarâja and Bhojadeva, who are spoken of as his contemporaries, are the Râshṭrakûṭa Kṛshṇa II., whom we know to have married a daughterof Kokkalla,and who reigned from about A. D. 875 to about A. D. 911, and Bhojadevaof Kanauj, for whomwe have the dates A. D. 862, 876, and 882, and who had ceasedto reign in A. D. 903. And considering this point to be certain, I feel no hesitationin assigning our inscription to about the end of the 10th or the beginning of the11th century A. D., —a period to which it may be assigned also on palæographicalgrounds.

There are still one or two points in our inscription which may here be drawn attention to. The account of the sages who are mentioned in connection with the princeLakshmaṇarâja opens by glorifying a place Kadambaguhâ (verse 48), and mentions aprince, named Avanti, who apparently made over to one of the sages a town whichwas perhaps called Mattamayûra. These (and one or two other) names occur alsoin an inscription at Ranod, which has been edited in the Jour. *As. Soc. Beng.*vol. XVI, p. 1080, but which must remain useless for the elucidation of the presentinscription until it has been edited properly. Besides, we find towards the end of ourinscription, between verses 83 and 84, the names of the towns Tripurî, Saubhâgyapura, Lavaṇanagara, Durlabhapura, and Vimânapura (?), the inhabitants of whichwould seem to have had to contribute towards the support of the temple founded byNohalâ. Of these towns, which no doubt all belonged to the Chedi kingdom, Tripurîhas been identified with the village of Tewar near Jabalpur, and Saubhâgyapura probablyis the town of Sohâgpur in the Hoshangâbâd District; the others I am unable to identify. And lastly, it may be pointed out that verse 85 contains a curious reference to thepoet Râjaśekhara, whom in my account of the Sîyaḍoṇî inscription I have shown tohave flourished at the beginning of the tenth century A. D. The manner in which

his name is mentioned here¹²⁷⁹,shows that he must have been a poet of great repute aboutthe commencement of the eleventh century.

In conclusion, it may be stated that, of the villages which are said to have beengranted by the queen Nohalâ, Poṇḍî has by Sir A. Cunningham¹²⁸⁰ been identified withthe village of Poṇḍi which still exists 4 miles to the north-west of Bilhari, and that,according to the same authority, Khailapâṭaka most probably is now represented byKhailwâra, 6 miles east-north-east of Bilhari.

TEXT.¹²⁸¹

ओं⁷⁵⁹ [॥^(×)] ओं नमः शिवाय॥

पायाद्दः स समस्तमंगलनिधिः शम्भोर्ज्जटाजूटको

य[स्मिं]ल्लोललसद्यु(ह्यु) मण्डलगणन्मन्दाकिनीवारिभिः।

गाढग्रन्थिनिपीडितोरगपतिप्रस्फारफुल्लत्फणा¹²⁸²-

भीमव्यावृतवक्रमारुतधृतैः श्वेतातपचायितं॥¹²⁸³ – [1] .

अपि च॥

अव्याहश्चन्द्रचूडस्य लोचनार्च्चिअतः शिखा [*]
मित्रमेष स्मरस्येति दग्धुंविधुमिवोहता॥¹²⁸⁴.")– [2].
यं खेलाय षडाननः शिशुतया कृत्वा ग्रन्थंमार्गति

ग्रंथो यश्चदुरोदरैः पुरभिदो देव्या समं दीव्यतः॥ (1)

केलीकोपकथासु येन तनुते हेतिक्रियां पार्व्वती

पायाद्वःस जटावनैककुसुमं शार्व्वः सुधादीधितिः॥¹²⁸³ −[3].

दिक्षुप्रेंणाभियोगप्रवलितवलनाविभ्रमाकाण्डचण्डै-

र्दोर्दण्डानां प्रकामप्रथिमभिरनिलैर्दूरसुत्सारितासु।

किंच प्रस्फारचारीनमदवनिवशाह्योम्नियाते महत्ता-

मव्यादव्याहतेच्छं त्रिपुरविजयिनस्ताण्डवाडम्व(म्ब)रम्वः¹²⁸⁵॥¹⁶¹–[4].

वन्शेत्र¹²⁸⁶सोमसंभूतौ वाचंनिक्षिपता मया [।^(×)]
हन्त हस्तैरुपक्रान्ता मोहेन वियतो मितिः॥¹⁴⁴.")–[5].
वाचामुज्व(ज्ज्व)लिमापि नास्ति यदि मे तत्कीर्त्त्यमानोच्यते-

रस्मादेव महीयसः शशभृतो वंशात्ससम्पत्स्यते [।]

यद्वापश्य निसर्ग्गकालिमभुवोप्याशेभदानच्छटाः

क्षीरोदन्वति किलसङ्गतिभृतस्तच्छायताम्विभ्रति¹²⁸⁷॥¹²⁸³–[6].

BILHARI CHEDI INSCRIPTION.

नेत्त्रादत्त्रेर्हरित्त्रीधवलनसुहृदां च्धाम धाम्नामुदंच-

ल्लोकालोकं यदा-

L.4 प प्रभवमतलिनध्वान्तविध्वन्महेतुः

सोयं सोमाभिधानस्तिलकयति कला मौलिमस्यैव शम्भो-
रस्मादेव प्रवृत्तः किमपरमयमप्यन्वयो हैहयानां॥ - [7] .
अस्मिंश्चवन्द्यतमताङ्गमिते वु(बु)धादैराद्यैर्नृपैर्नृपतिरर्ज्जुन इत्युदारः।
आसीद्वि(द्वि) षद्विपिनकर्त्तनकीर्त्तनीयकीर्त्तिच्छटाच्छुरितदीर्घदिगन्तरालः॥– [8].
यद्वक्षस्तटताडनातितरलत्रुट्यत्म्प्रविप्रोच्छल-

ज्वा(ज्ज्वा)लामालिक-

5.रालितेन करिणादेवाधिपःक्वाम्यगात्।

लीलोल्लालित[श]र्व्वपर्व्वतपतेस्तस्यापि लङ्कापते-

र्यद्वैरव्यवमायिनोयदभवत्ख्यातिप्रमाणं हि तत्॥- [9].

दत्तात्रेय इति प्रकामकमलालीलायितानाम्पदं

यो देवस्य सुतप्रतिश्रुतिवचःप्रीत्या यमन्वग्रहीत्।

के वा तद्गुणवर्ण्णने वयमहोकिं फल्गुभिर्जल्पितै-

र्म्मन्ये सापि च वाग्वपुर्भगवती तत्त्रस्फुटं मुह्यति॥ - [10].

अथ ततस्ततसत्पुरुषव्रतव्रततिपर्व्वततः कति ना-

भवन्।

तरुणतारकराजपराजयव्यमनि(न)कीर्त्तिभुवः पतयो भुवः॥– [11].
तेष्वेवन्सम्भवत्सुक्रममनु मनुजाश्चर्यतामादधानो

धन्यानामेकसीमा समुपनतमहीमण्डलाखण्डलाभः।

जातः कोक्कल्लदेवोदलदहितलतादाहदावायमानो

मानोत्तन्सस्य यस्य त्त्रिभुवनवलयव्यापनोभूत्प्रतापः॥ - [12].

भुवनविजयहेतोर्मुक्तमर्यादयादस्मदनलडितलोलैर्यहलैस्मम्वलङ्गिः ³⁰।
अतलिनतरभारम्भ्रश्यदुर्व्वी-

7. विषीदत्फणफलककलापो भोगिभर्त्ता व(ब)भूव॥— [13].

श्यामाशङ्किभिराकुलैर्व्विजघटेचक्राह्वयानान्द्वयै-

रम्भोदागमविभ्रमेण विदधे लास्योत्सवः केकिभिः।

भग्नालोकमकाण्ड एव च दृशामान्ध्येनलेभेपदं

यत्सेनारजसि क्रमादवनितस्तारापथे लुप्य(व्य?) ति॥ - [14].

वेलावनप्रणयिसैन्यभरे च यत्र मज्जड्मिराकुलकुलाद्रिनिभैरिभेन्द्रैः।
संम्भ्रान्तमन्दरगिरेस्मयस्य तस्य कालाह(ह) होः स्मरणमाप निधिर्ज्जलानां॥ - [15].

[यत]-

30. Readर्यहलैवलङ्गिः.

**L.8 **

अवैन्ध्यन्तटमाददाने दाने द्व सेनागजभञ्जनेन।
अमञ्जुशिञ्जानशकुन्तचक्रञ्चक्रन्द दुःखादिव वृक्षजालं॥—[16].
जित्वा कृत्स्नांयेन पृथ्वीमपूर्वङ्कीर्त्तिस्तम्भद्वन्दुमारोप्यते स्म।
कौम्भोङ्गव्यान्दिश्यसौ कृष्णराजः कौवेर्याञ्चश्रीनिधिर्भोजदेवः॥–[17].
व(ब)भूव तस्मादथमुग्धतुङ्गस्तुङ्गस्त्रिलोक्यामपरो न यस्मात्।
दिशञ्चयः किञ्च विजेतुकामः कामस्तशत्त्रुर्न्नभुवम्विलेभे ॥–[18].
शय्या संग्रामलक्ष्म्याःपरव(ब) लपरिघः पल्लवः कोपवल्याः

प्रेयो दर्प्पस्य मित्त्रंसुचरितंसलि-

लस्येन्द्रनीलप्रणालः।

शाखा शौर्यद्रुमस्य प्रसरणसरणिश्शाश्वती साहसाना-

मासीद्यस्यासिरेव प्रधनपरिकरारम्भिणः प्रीतिपात्त्रं॥-[19].

वल्गद्वेतालवर्ग्गं त्त्रुटितनिजशिरोधारिधावत्कव(ब)न्ध -

ण्डात्कुर्व्वण्डाकिडिम्वं(म्बं) मुखवि(बि)लविलसत्सम्मुखोल्कामुखील्कं।

मान्मग्रासाभिलाषस्वनदशिवशिवाभैरवारावरौद्रं

रौद्रं यो धामवि(बि) भ्रत्प्रतिसमरमिति द्वेषिचक्रञ्चकार॥ -[20].

उपविपिनभुवी निधेर्ज्जलानामधिवसता कटकेन यस्य यातुः।

अव-

चयविचलद्वधूकराग्रद्विगुणितविद्रुमपल्लवा व(ब)भूवुः॥- [21].

10.

इहविहितविलासा वीचयीवारिराशेरिह स वस (ह?)ति वायुः केरलीकेलिकारः।
इह हरति भुजङ्गस्सौरभंभूरुहाणामिति मलयसमीपे यद्विचाराः प्रचेरुः॥– [22].
विजित्य पूर्व्वाम्वु(म्बु)धिकूलयालीः पालीस्समादाय च कोसलेन्द्रात्।
निरन्तरोद्वासितवैरिधामा धामाधिकः खङ्गपतिर्य आसीत्॥ - [23].

क्रीडाशैलततीमनोथकरः कर्णाटकान्ताकुच -

काश्मी-

रीविहितस्मरव्यतिकरस्तस्मात्कलिङ्गाङ्गना-

11. सहानव्यसनी स नीतिनयनः केयूरवर्षोभवत्॥- [24].

आशापालपराजयाय जानितत्त्रैलोक्यशङ्कापदं

सैन्यैर्यस्य युगान्तकेलिकलनैर्द्दत्तप्रयाणैरपि।

न प्रोद्भूतिमवाप पांशुपटलं भूयोगृहीतद्विष-

द्व(द्व)न्दीवृन्दवहद्विलोचनपयःपूरप्लुतायां भुवि॥ - [25].

यस्मंयति प्रकटपाटितकुभिकुम्भिकुम्भमुक्ताफलप्रचयवाहमुवाहदेवः।
भूयोनिपीतदृढपीडनवेगवान्तविद्वेषिकीर्त्तिकणकीर्ण्णमिवासिदण्डं॥– [26].
आ कैलासाद-

L.12

नलसलसत्पार्व्वतीकेलिव(ब)न्धो-

रा च प्राचश्शिखरिवरती भास्वदुड्भासभूमेः।

आरात्सेतोस्तदनु पयसामा प्रतीचोपि पत्यु-

र्यसेनानामहितनिहितानन्ततापः प्रतापः॥ -[27].

प्रेंखल्क्षिप्रखु[र] प्रघातविगलत्कीलाललोलोल्लम-

हेतालीकरयन्त्रपीडनवशभ्रश्यत्कपालास्थिभिः।

यस्तस्तार सविस्तरं रणभुवः कोपोत्कटाभिर्द्र(द्र) व -

ह्रिप्तद्वेषिशिरोभिरम्व (म्ब) रचरीनेत्रत्रिभागार्च्चितैः॥ - [28].

देवो रुद्रावतारस्त्रिभुवनभवनोत्तम्भनोदेव एव

त्यागी देवः प्रमाद्यन्नृपति-

13.

नियमेननैगडन्दाम देवः।

**इत्थन्मद्वन्दिवृन्दैरविरलविलसच्चाटुवादं वदद्भि-

र्यस्थास्थानस्थितानामसममसुहृदां विव्यथे चित्तवृत्तिः॥ ॥ - [29].**

भरद्वाजो नाम च्युतकलुषदोषस्समभ[व]-

द्य ए[क] स्मर्व्वेषामुपशमधनानामधिपतिः।

तदीयात्तेजस्तः कृतकलशवासाद्यदभव-

त्स वै भारद्वाजस्त्रिभुवनचमत्कारिचरितः॥ – [30].

त्त्रैलोक्यावधि यस्य कीर्त्तिलडितं लक्ष्मोश्चवाञ्छावधि-

र्यत्कोपः प्रलयोपपन्नमहिमा शापेन चापेन च।

व[र्ण्ण्य] म्वानयविक्र-

14.

मैकजलधेः किन्तस्य यस्याभव-

ल्लीलाखर्व्वित[श] र्व्वगर्व्वगरिमा शिष्यस्सुभद्रापतिः ॥—[31].

कोदण्डताण्डवनपण्डितवा(बा) हुदण्डमुद्दण्डकाण्डभरखण्डितपाण्डुसैन्यम्।

यम्वीक्ष्यविक्षतविपक्षपराजयाशस्सत्याद्रि (दृ) तस्म तपसोपि सुतश्चचाल॥- [32]

अथाक्षेपात्तेन द्रुपदविपदर्थोद्वतधिया

यदात्तं शापाम्भस्तरलितकराव(ब) द्वचुलुकम्।

पुमानासीत्तस्मिन्विजय इव साक्षादनु च तं

कुलं चौलुक्यानामनणगुणसीम प्रववृते॥- [33].

विभवति च वि[स][ र्प्प(च्छौ)]र्यसौन्दर्यव -

**L.15 **

** र्यक्षितिधरपरिपाटीसूत्रितेतत्रगोत्रे
रचितचटुलचापाकृष्टिकृष्टाहितश्रीरभवदवनिवर्म्माविश्वविख्यातकर्म्मा॥- [34].
पितामहो यत्खलु सिंहवर्मा पिता च यद्वीरवरस्मधन्वः।
जगत्यतीवातिशयोमुनैव महानुभावत्वमतोपि यत्तु॥- [35].स्मुत
यस्य त्यागस्मकलजनतापास्तदारिद्य्रमुद्रो**

वेलाव (ब) न्धुक्षितिधरदरीचारितारिः प्रतापः।

ईष्टे स्पष्टन्म यदि गणनान्तद्गुणानाम्विधातु-

ग्वाचान्धेनुर्ण्ण(र्न्न)नु भगवती भारती यस्य वश्या॥ - [36].

रुद्राणीमिव भूभृतां परिवृढो

16.

लक्ष्मीमिवाम्भोनिधिः

कालिन्दीमिव भास्करस्म भगवान्ज्यो(ञ्ज्यो) त्स्नामिवात्रेस्मुतः।

वैदेहीमिव जानकः क्रतुविधिः श्रीनोहलेत्यद्भुतं

कन्या नाम ललाम तान्मसुषुवे सामन्तचिन्तामणिः॥ ॥ - [37].

भर्तुः पुलीमतनयेव मरुद्गणानां च्छा(छा) येव दष्टतमसो महसाञ्चपत्युः।
देवस्य सा रतिरिवेक्षुशरासनस्य केयूरवर्षनृपतेर्द्दयिता व(ब)भूव॥ – [38].
देव्या तया मदजलच्छटयेव दन्तीवा(बा)लप्रवा(बा)ललतयेव तटः पयोधेः ।
पुष्पश्रियेव च तरुस्तडितेव मेघः शोभां स

17.

कामपि व(ब)भार नरेन्द्रचन्द्रः॥ - [39].

निर्म्मापितन्मुक्वतसङ्गतयेतयेदमभ्रङ्कषाग्रशिखरस्खलितोणरश्मि।
देवस्य मन्दिरमुमाप्रणयैकव(ब)न्धो [:*] स्थानाकृति स्वयशसामिव चक्रवालम्॥ - [40].
आकाशयानक्रमखेदितानामकोधिनाथस्य तुरङ्गमाणाम् ।
फेनाम्वु(म्बु)भिर्न्नित्यनिषिच्यमाना मन्ये समुहान्ति न यत्पताकाः॥– [41].
विटङ्कभागेषु वृ(बृ)हत्सु यस्य वर्षासु तुङ्गामलसारकस्य।
आश्लेषवत्यो नवमेघमालाः पारावतालीतुलनाम्वहन्ति ॥- [42].
आसीन्माधुम[ते] -

18.

यः पवनशिवस्तमनु जयति शब्द(ब्द)शिवः।

ईश्वरशिवः पुनाति च तस्यान्तेवासितान्मुकृती ॥- [43].
तस्मै तपोनिधानाय निपानीयाम्वि(म्बि) पाटकौ।
दत्तौ विद्याधनत्वेन ग्रामावग्राम्यया तया॥- [44].
धङ्गटपाटकपोण्डीनागव(ब)ला[:^(x)]खैलपाटको वीडा।
सज्जाहली च दत्ताः स्मरारये गोष्ठपाली च॥ - [45].

ख्यातः श्रीयुवराजदेवनृपतेस्तस्यामभूद्भूपतिः
श्रीमल्लक्ष्मणराजऊर्ज्जितमहा भास्वानिवाभ्युन्नतः।
‘भूभृत्तुङ्गशिरोभिर ङ्घ्रिरुचयो यत्सेविताः श्री[श्रि] - [ताः]
L.19 कामं यः कमनीयसुन्दरगुणैर्न्नव्यैर्ज्जिगायस्मरम्॥¹²⁸⁸—[46].

यस्याहवे दृढनिपीडितखङ्गकोटिनिर्द्दारितारिकरिकुम्भसमुद्भवेन।
वीरश्रियःक्षितितले विततञ्चतुष्कं मुक्तादलेन ननु कीर्त्तिवधूश्चकार॥—[47].

किञ्च॥

सा कदम्व(म्ब) गुहा मान्या यत्त्रासीत्सिद्घसन्ततिः।
तस्याः पुनरभूहन्द्योरुद्रशम्भुर्म्मुनीश्वरः॥—[48].
तत्र प्रभावमहनीयतमस्य तस्य शिष्योभवज्जगति मत्तमयूरनाथः।
निःशेषकल्मषमषीमपहृत्य येन सङ्ग्रामित[म्पु?]रमहो नृपतेरवन्तेः॥—[49].
20. तस्मादभूद्भुवनमण्डनतामवाप्तो भूपालमौलिमणिकान्तिभिरर्च्चितांघ्रिः।
श्रीधर्म्मशम्भुरुचितामलकान्तकीर्त्तिस्मै(श्शै)वागमाम्बु(म्बु)निधिपारमितस्तपोभिः॥—[50].
अस्मात्सदाशिवः शिष्यस्तपोराशिरभून्नृपैः।
यत्पादयहयम्वन्द्यमर्च्चितं शेखरांशभिः॥¹⁴⁴.")—[51].

अस्मादभून्साधुमतेयनामाशिष्यः सुधामा फलमूलवृत्तिः।
तपान्सितेजान्सि¹²⁸⁹च यत्रवासमनन्यसंक्रान्तिगुणेन चक्रुः॥¹¹⁹—[52].
अस्माच्चूडाशिवः शिष्योवन्दनीयतमोभवत्।
21. कर्म्मजालमलं येन नीतमस्तं मुमुक्षुणा॥¹⁴⁴.")—[53].
अथ सकलगुणानामाकरस्तस्य शिष्यो हृदयशिवसमाजो यद्यशोद्यापि वर्ण्ण्यं।
नृपमुकुटनिविष्टैर्यस्य माणिक्यचक्रैरकृत चरणमूलं कान्तमेकान्तवन्द्यम्॥¹²⁹⁰—[54].

विद्यानां निलयेन येन सुधिया सत्यव्रतेनाधिकं
श्रीमन्माधुमतेयवन्द्यवितता¹²⁹¹कीर्त्तिचिरं वर्षिता।
किञ्जस्माक्षमयाम्वु(म्बु)दः समतया मर्यादयान्भोनिधि-
वैराग्येन(ण) जितः स्मरः स भगवान्कस्यास्पदं न [स्तु]तेः॥¹²⁰—[55].

22. किं स्तूयतेसौ मुनिपुङ्गवोथवा श्रीचेदिचन्द्रो नृपतिः कृतादरः।
सद्वृत्तदूतमहितैरुपायनैःप्रदर्श्यभक्तिम्विधिनानिनाय¹²⁹²यम्॥¹⁵⁰—[56].

श्रीमल्लक्ष्मणराजोपि तस्मै सुतपसे स्वयम्।
मठं श्रीवैद्यनाथस्य भक्तियुक्तः समार्प्पयत्॥¹⁴⁴; and of the next verse.")—[57]

स्वीकृत्यापि मुनिर्भूदो मठं श्रीनौहलेवरम्।
अघोरशिवशिष्यस्य साधुष्ठ वृ[त्त]ह्य स्यदत्तवान्॥–[58].

अथ स विहितकृत्यस्श्चेदिनाथः समर्थः करितुरगसमग्रः शक्तसामन्तपत्तिः।
L.23 दिशमतिशयरम्यां सम्प्रतस्थेप्रतीचीमहितजनितभीतिर्दुर्न्निवारप्रचारः॥–[59].

ममरकृतविकारान्विक्रमेण प्रहृत्य प्रणतनृपतिदत्तोपायनैर्वर्हिताज्ञः।
हृदयनिहितवित्तैरर्थिनां पूरिताशो जलनिधिजलखेलं सैन्यचक्रं चकार॥–[60].

निमज्ज्ययो रत्ननिधौश्रीमान्सोमेश्वरं शनैः।
अभ्यर्च्चाकाञ्चनैः पद्मैर[था]न्यत्तु न्यवेदयत्॥–[61].
जित्वा कोसलनाथमो[ङ्ग]नृपतेराप्तस्तु यः कालियो
रत्नस्वर्ण्णमयः स येन वि[हि]तस्मोमेश्वराभ्यर्च्चनम्।
24. दत्वा(त्त्वा) यःकरिवाजिशुभ्रवसनस्रक्चन्दनादीन्पुनः
सन्माररश्रमशान्तयेतिविनतस्तुष्टाव तुष्टः प्रभुः॥–[62].

असारं सन्सारंय इह मनुते कोपि नृ[प]ति-
स्त्वदंघ्रिव्यानत्वाविगलिततमास्तत्व(ब)निरतः।
न तस्य श्रीर्भूयो विकृ[ति]कृतये जन्मविरहा-
दिति ध्यानाविष्टः शिवमहसि चित्तं विहितवान्॥–[63].

श्री[श]ङ्करगणस्तस्मादभूद्भूमीश्वरो महान्।
यत्पादद्वन्द्वमद्वंद्वंद्विषङ्गिरपि सेवितम्॥–[64].

25. संख्थेसंख्यविपक्षपक्षदलनव्यासङ्गिखङ्गव्रतं
यस्यासीद्दृढसाहसस्य सततन्दानं जनानन्दकृत्।
रूपेणाप्रतिमो मनोभवभवं दर्प्पं जहारोहतं
यः सर्व्वत्त्रच सर्व्वकालमवनीनाथः स्तुतः कोविदैः॥–[65].

यत्पादद्वयपद्मसद्म विततं भूतेरभूद्भूषितं
भूपानां नमतां किरीटविकटप्रान्तस्थग्वांशुभिः।
वक्षोरत्ननिधिन्समाश्रितवतीलक्ष्मीः क्रमेणागता
वीरश्रीरपरैव यस्य नृपतेः कौक्षेयधाराश्रया॥–[66].

तस्य श्रीयुवराजदेवनृपतिर्भ्राता कनीयानभू-
26.द्भूपैर्यच्चरणारविन्दपतितैर्भृङ्गैरिवा[ङ्ग?]स्थितम्।
यः सत्यव्रतसत्व(त्त्र) सूक्तिवसतिः श्रीविक्रमैकाश्रयः
प्रायस्तस्य न सज्जनोपि सकलान्वक्तुंगुणान्श(ङ्श)स्यति॥–[67].

दंष्ट्राकोटिविपाटनोग्रवदनः क्रूरस्वरो भासुरी

नेत्रप्रान्तविकीर्ण्णकोपरुधिरः पादप्रचारायुधः।

येनाक्रम्य भुजेन भूमिपतिना लाङ्गूलव(ब)द्वक्रमो

दैत्योव्याघ्रवपुर्हतोतिभयदः शस्त्रीभृता पाणिना॥ –[68].

कन्दर्प्पोभिनवः पुरन्ध्रिनयनप्रीतिप्रदोप्यन्यथा

यः कालः करवालकोटिविहतस्थूलेभकुम्भस्थलः।

चित्त्रंयच्च सरस्वतीकृतरतिः श्रीकण्ठपूजापर-

श्चातुर्व्वर्ण्ण्यविचारचारुचतुरो यश्चार्थचिन्तामणिः॥–[69].

यस्योतु(त्तु)ङ्गगजेन्द्रमज्जनगलद्दानाम्वु(म्बु)भिर्म्मिश्रितं

रेवावारि विविक्ततिक्तक्रमुचितस्वानेन तन्वीजनः।

संप्राप्योरनितम्व(म्ब)ताडनवशव्यस्तास्तवीचीचयं

सद्वंहंस्मरसौरभेण महता निर्व्याजमायोजितः॥–[70].

रामाणांकुचमण्डलेषु नियतं हारप्रकारक्रमा-

त्संपूर्ण्णेशशिमण्डले च विमले ज्योत्स्न्नाच्छेलेनोज्ज(ज्ज्व)लम्।

मन्ये मानसवारि यस्य वितते हन्मावलीविभ्रमा–

द्ग्रान्त्वाशेषसुमापतेस्तु वसतौ विश्रान्तिमागाद्यशः॥–[71].

संपूज्य देवमीशानग्विभवैः स्वैर्यथोचितैः।
यथागमं यथाशास्त्रं स्तोत्त्रग्विहितवान्नृपः॥–[72].
अविचलितमनोभिर्यैस्त्वमीश क्षितीशैर्व्विभवविहितकृत्यैरिज्यसे ते कृतार्थाः।
य इह कृ[तवि?] कारा मन्मथैकान्तचिता(त्ता) भवति वरद तेषां संपदुन्मादहेतुः॥–[73].

समदकरिघटाभिः किं किमङ्गाङ्गनाभिर्म्मदनशयनलीलां भावयन्तीभिराभिः।
कनकतुरगवासोरत्रजातैर्न्न कृत्यं न हि भवति भवानीवल्लभस्यार्च्चनं चेत्॥–[74].
भवति नृपतिवन्शेजन्म पृथ्वी च भोग्या श्रुतमुचितविचारश्चारुरूपप्रभावः।
समरविजयसंपत्तस्य यो निःप्रपञ्चञ्जचरणयुगलमूलंसंश्रितः शङ्करस्य॥ –[75].

[किमिह]व(ब)हुभिरुक्तैर्न्नाथसर्व्वस्य हेतुर्भवतु भवति नित्यं भक्तियोगो ममैकः।
सकलसुखविशेषाद्यत्त्रपीयूषवर्षः स्वयमनुभवगम्यो जायते त्वत्प्रसादात्॥–[76].
भूपत्रययशोराशिवर्णनं प्रथमं कृतम्।
श्रीमता श्रीनिवासेन श्रीस्विरानन्दसूनुना॥–[77].

भूपतीनां त्रयाणां तु कीर्त्तिकीर्तनमुज्व(ज्ज्व)लम्।
विहितं [स]ज्जनेनाथ सुधिया थीरसूनुना॥–[78].
पत्तनमण्डपि[का.]यां॥
लवण[स्य खण्डिकायां (?) षो]

L.31 [ड]सि(शि) का घाणके च[[षोड]]¹²⁹³ षोडसि(शि) का।

तैलस्य मासि मासे दिनमनु च यु[गा]युगे च पौरस्तु॥¹²⁹⁴–[79].

पूगफलमरिचशुण्ठीप्रभृतिषु भाण्डेषु भ[र]कपौरस्तु।
वीथीं प्रति च कपर्द्दी द्यूतक[प]र्द्दास्तु शाकवार्त्ताकम्॥ –[80].
रसवणिजामादायस्तृणपूलकधी[र्म]रादि यत्किञ्चित्।
दत्ते करी चतुष्टयमङ्ग तुरङ्गो द्वयन्तु पौराणाम्॥–[81]
यद्वहद[न्य]द्दानं किमपि च विद्याधनन्तदुद्दिष्टम्।
य[त्त्र?] .. . . . . .: [पुण्यश्री?] -

32. [की?] र्त्तयःप्रवर्तन्ते॥–[82].

यत्रच श्रीनोहलेश्वरमठे श्रीमदघोरशिवा[चा] र्योभूत्॥
क्वचिन्नि[क्षावृ]त्तिः क्वचिदपि च शाकाम्भवहृतिः

क्वचिन्मूलाहारः क्वचिदपि स कंदांश्चवु(बु) भुजे।

परं ज्योतिः शैवं विगलितरजस्कान्धतमसं
न्वि(वि)चिन्वन्नोयातो विषविषयवे[ग]स्य कलनाम्॥¹²²- [83].
तेनेयं प्रशस्तिः सङ्गतिमानीता॥ श्रीत्त्रिपुरो[सौ] भाग्यपुरलवणनगरदुर्लभपुरविमान[पु?]र. . .

. .. . . .

33.. . . . .[भि?]: काष्ठ[वृ?]षः प्रत्यहमय रक्षितः समानेयः।
[देव]. . . . . . . . .[चारा?]–[चारु?]दारुणि॥¹¹⁶.")–[84].

सुन्निष्टव(ब)न्धघटना विस्मितकविराजशेखरस्तुत्वा।
आस्तामियमाकल्पं कृतिश्च कीर्त्तिश्चपूर्व्वा च॥¹²⁹⁵– [85].
कायस्थश्रीसीरुकस्य।
करणिकधीरसुतेन त नार्दूनाम्नाप्रशस्तिरालिखिता।
सत्सूत्त्र[धा]र[स]ङ्गमतनूजनोन्नेन चोत्कीर्ण्णा॥–[86].

स्वकी[य?]…¹²⁹⁶

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ !

Oṁ ! Adoration to Śiva !

(Verse 1.) May Śambhu’s matted hair, that store of all blessings, protect you !—(that hair) on which the ever-moving waters of the Mandâkinî; flowing down from theshining vault of heaven, appear like a white umbrella, upheld as they are by the breezesfrom the opened mouth, terrific through the broad expanding hoods, of the lord ofserpents, pained by being drawn into a tight knot!

Moreover :—

(2.) May the flame of the fire of the eye of the moon-crested (Śiva) guard you,which flares up as it were to burn the moon, because she is a friend of the god of love!

(3.) May Śarva’s nectar-rayed (moon), the unique flower in the wood of his mattedhair, protect you ! —that (moon) which the six-faced (Kârttikeya), child as he is, layshold of and seeks to play with; which is the stake when the destroyer of Pura is playingat dice with Devî; (and) which Pârvatî uses as a missile, when in jest she is talkingangrily !^(1)

(4.) May the gigantic dance of the conqueror of Tripura guard you to the fullextent of your desires ! —(that dance) at which the quarters are made far to recede bythe mighty blasts of wind raised by his massive arms, suddenly become terrific throughhis graceful movements when he throws his full energy into the act of dancing, and atwhich the sky rises high, because the earth bends down beneath his violent evolutions!

(5.) Applying my speech to this family which is descended from the moon, I, alas !vainly attempt to measure the sky with my hands.

(6.) And yet, even though I possess no brilliant speech, it will surely come to mefrom this great family of the moon whose rise I celebrate. Or do not, mark! thestreams of rutting-juice of the elephants of the quarters, though by nature the seat ofblack colour, acquire the bright hue of the milky ocean, when brought into contacttherewith ?

(7.) That abode of lustre, loving to brighten the earth, which took its origin fromthe of Atri, which rises up to the Lokâloka mountains and disperses the most profound darkness, —men call it the moon. It is the moon’s crescent that decoratesSambhu’s head; from the moon too sprang, need I say more? this race of theHaihayas.

(8.) And in this (race) which was rendered an object of reverence by (those)primeval princes, Budha and the rest, there was a noble prince, named Arjuna, whooverspread the wide quarters with the lustre of his fame, praiseworthy because he cutdown the enemies like forests.

(9.) What became of that lord of Laṅkâ even,^(2)who with ease had coaxed Śarvaand the lord of the mountains, when he ventured on hostility with him, —(that lord ofLaṅkâ, before whom). the lord of the gods went, nobody knew where, on his elephant,

_______________________

1. The noun खेलis generally feminine (खेला). I am doubtful about the meaning of the word ग्रन्थ, which I havetranslated by ‘stake’. Both ग्रन्थ and पणare given as synonyms of धन.

2. See, e.g., Vishṇupurâṇa, Wilson’s translation, p. 417: Râvaṇa . . . was taken prisoner by Kârtavîrya (Arjuna),and confined like a tame beast in a corner of his capital,’ Matsyapurâṇa, adhy. 43; Harivaṁśa, adhy. 33.

when it took fright at the fire which issued from the thunderbolt as it vibrated andbroke in striking (Rávaṇa’s) broad chest, —that indeed truly tells his renown.

(Verse 10.) Of him whom the divine Dattâtreya^(1),that home of the amorousdalliance of fortune, favoured with the gracious promise of sons, —who, I ask, are we todescribe the excellencies? What is the use of empty babbling? In his case even thegoddess of speech, I fancy, is certainly embarrassed.

(11.) Then, how many rulers of the earth did not spring from him, a tree whosecreeping-plants were the vows of good men in which he engaged, —(rulers) renowned fortheir zeal in defeating kings who were (like) newly risen Târakas ?^(2)

(12.) Among them who thus came one after another, was born, filling men withwonder, Kokkalladeva, supremely fortunate (and) swaying the orb of the earth likeIndra; who to rising enemies was what a forest-fire is to expanding creepers, (and) whoseprowess, adorned as he was with self-confidence, filled the circumference of the threeworlds.

(13.) Whose forces, moving hither and thither to conquer the earth, like the seawhich sweeps over its shores, when met together, by their excessive weight pressed downthe carth, and thus laid low the several broad hoods of the lord of serpents.

(14.) When the dust raised by his army gradually ascended from the earth androlled about in the sky, the pairs of Chakravâka birds, apprehending the approach ofnight, became flurried and separated; the peacocks, thinking the clouds had come, helda dancing festival; and, deprived of sight, the eyes of a sudden were struck withblindness.

(15.) When the lordly elephants of his large army which was fond of the woods bythe sea-shore, resembling huge mountains in crowds plunged into the water, the oceanafter a long time was reminded of that occasion when the Mandara mountain was whirledabout in it.

(16.) And when the elephants of his army, while he occupied the slopes of theVindhya, excited with rut were breaking (the trees), the forest, with its swarms of birdsunmelodiously chirping, cried out as it were with pain.

(17.) Having conquered the whole earth, he set up two unprecedented columns ofhis fame, —in the quarter of the pitcher-born (Agastya)^(3)that well-known Kṛishṇarâja,and in the quarter of Kuvera^(4)Bhojadeva, a store of fortune.

(18.) From him then was born Mugdhatuṅga, than whom nobody is more exaltedin the three worlds; and who, desirous of conquering the quarters, when he had overthrown the enemies, what country did he not make his own ?^(5)

(19.) Whose sole object of affection, when he was preparing for contests, was hissword, —a couch for the fortune of battle, a club for (the destruction of) hostile forces,a sprout of the creeper—anger, a dear friend of pride, a sapphire-channel for the water—good conduct, a branch of the tree—bravery, an endless path for bold deeds to proceed by.

(20.) Who, possessed of terrific splendour, in every battle so handled the host ofenemies that the crowds of goblins were exulting, that men carried their heads broken,

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1. Dattâtreya was an incarnation of Vishṇu. See Bhâgavatapurâṇa, IX, 23, 23.

2. Târaka was a Daitya who was conquered by Indra.

3. i.e., in the south.

4. i.e., in the north. Compare Raghuvaṁśa, XV, 103.

5. If I understand the verse rightly, the word किञ्चin the second line is superfluous; and लभ् withprep. वि isemployed in an unusual sense.

and that headless corpses were running away, that the young imps were howling, thatthe fire of fire-mouthed goblins met the eye blazing forth from the hollows of sculls, andthat all was terrific with the fearful ill-boding cries of jackals howling in their desire ofdevouring flesh.

(Verse 21.) On his expeditions the forests by the sea, near which his army encamped,had the number of their coral-sprouts doubled by the tips of the hands of women, stretchedforth to gather them.

(22.) To Malaya his thoughts wandered, because it is there that the waves of thesea are playing, because there that wind is blowing which causes the Kerala women tosport, because there the serpent is stealing the fragrance of the trees.

(23.) Having conquered the lines of country by the shore of the eastern sea, andhaving taken Pâli from the lord of Kosala, having uprooted the dwellings of enemiesone after another, he was a most splendid master of the sword.

(24.) From him was born that observer of prudent behaviour, Keyûravarsha,who fulfilled the ardent wishes of the minds of the women of Gauḍa, who was a deerto sport on those pleasure-hills—the breasts of the damsels of Karṇâṭa, (and) ornamented the foreheads of the women of Lâṭa; who engaged in amorous dalliance withthe women of Kaśmîr, (and) was fond of the charming songs of the women ofKaliṅga.

(25.) Even when his soldiers, made to march to subdue the regents of the quarters,enacted the destruction of the universe so as to rouse the apprehension of the threeworlds, no sheets of dust could rise from the earth, flooded as it was with streams oftears that were shed by crowds of captive women of enemies who again and again weremade prisoners.

(26.) In battle that king wielded his big sword which, covered as it was with amass of pearls from the frontal globes of elephants openly cleft by him, was covered asit were with the drops of the fame of his enemies, which it had often drunk and thenemitted again under the pressure of (the king’s) firm grasp.

(27.) Up to the Kailâsa, the intensely lustrous friend of Pârvatî’s play, and up tothe noble eastern mountain over which the sun shines forth, near the bridge of thewaters and as far as the western sea, too, the valour of his armies brought endlessanguish on hostile people.

(28.) He spread the battle-fields all over with the heads of proud enemies, who intheir anger madly attacked him, —(with heads) which were honoured with the eagerglances of the eyes of the damsels of heaven, (and) the skull-bones of which were fallingoff under the pressure of the grasp of the hands of exulting female goblins, eager forthe blood which was trickling down under the strokes of his vibrating quick arrows.

(29.). “Our lord is an incarnation of Rudra; our lord supports the house of thethree worlds; our lord is liberal; our lord is an iron fetter for restraining lawlessprinces;” —when crowds of excellent bards thus gave utterance to incessant brilliantwords of flattery, the minds of hostile people who stood in his hall of audience shookviolently.—

(30.) There was (a sage), free from the blemishes of sin, Bharadvâja by name,who was the one regent of all whose wealth consisted in quiescence. From his maleenergy, deposited in a water-pot, sprang that Bhâradvâja (Droṇa) whose conductroused the wonder of the three worlds.

(Verse 31.) The charm of whose fame completely filled the three worlds, whosefortune was equal to his desires, and the might of whose anger, as regards both his curseand his bow, would have been suitable at the destruction of the universe. What canwe say of that one ocean of policy and valour, more than this that (Arjuna), thehusband of Subhadrâ, who with ease humbled the great pride of Śarva, was his disciple ?
(32.) Even that son of Dharma,minding his promise, retired, deprived of thehope of conquering the adversaries, when he saw how he, whose strong arm was expertin wielding the bow, with a mass of powerful arrows cut up the Pâṇḍava army.

(33.) Now, in the water, of which in the act of cursing he had taken up a handfulwith his trembling hand, angrily intending to bring misery on Drupada for the insult(offered by him), there arose a man like victory incarnate; and from him proceeded theclan of the Chaulukyas, the great excellencies of which are countless.

(34.) And in that powerful, family, which was made up of a series of princeseminent for widely spreading bravery and beauty, was born Avanivarman, who, whenhe bent his graceful bow, drew to himself the fortune of adversaries, (and) whose deedsbecame famous in the universe.

(35.) He greatly excelled in the world already by the fact that Siṁhavarman washis grandfather and the eminent hero Sadhanva his father, but more even by his owngreat dignity.

(36.) Of a man like him, whose generosity removed the badge of poverty of allmankind, (and) whose prowess drove his enemies to the mountain-caves by the sea-shore,surely he (only) is able to enumerate the excellencies who has complete command overthat milch-cow of speech, the glorious goddess of eloquence.

(37.) As the lord of mountains begat Rudrâṇî, the ocean Lakshmî, the glorious SunKâlindî, the son of Atrithe moon-light, and Janaka’s sacrificial rite Vaidehî, —so thatgem for granting the desires of tributary princes begat a wondrous ornament of maidens,the illustrious Nohalâ.—

(38.) As the daughter of Puloman (was the wife) of the ruler of the divine hosts,and as Chhâyâ (was) of that lord of darkness-dispelling light, (and) Rati of the sugarcane-arrowed god, so she became the beloved of the prince Keyûravarsha.

(89.) And as the elephant (is beautified) by the stream of rutting-juice, the bankof the ocean by the tender coral-creeper, a trec by the beauty of flowers, and a cloud bythe lightning, —so that moon of princes obtained unspeakable lustre through her, hisqueen.

(40.) To secure (the merit of) pious deeds, she built for the god, who is the soleobject of Umâ’s affection, this temple which obstructs the progress of the sun with itstops the points of which graze the clouds, —a collection of her own fame as it were inbodily form;

(41.) the flags on which do not flutter, because, I fancy, they are constantlysprinkled with the foam of the horses of the lord of day, fatigued with their ceaselessmarch through the sky;

(Verse 42.) and on the broad pinnacles of which, lofty and spotless as it is, therows of fresh clouds, clinging to them in the rainy season, appear like swarms of doves.—

(43.) There was (a sage), the Mâdhumateya Pavanaśiva; after him flourishedŚabdaśiva; his teaching again is sanctified by his disciple, the pious Îśvaraśiva.

(44.) To him, a store of penance, the cultivated (queen) gave the two villagesNipânîya and Ambipâṭaka, as a reward for his learning.

(45.) And to the enemy of Smara she gave Dhaṅgaṭapâṭaka, Poṇḍî, Nâgabala,Khailapâṭaka, Vîḍâ, Sajjâhalîand Goshṭhapâlî.—

(46.) From her was born to the illustrious lord of men Yuvarâjadeva the famousprince, the illustrious Lakshmaṇarâja, like the sun, elevated (and) endowed withmighty splendour; the lustro of whose feet, a seat of fortune, was revered by theexalted heads of sovereigns, (and) who indeed, by unheard-of, pleasing, beautiful qualities,surpassed the god of love.

(47.) Surely, for the glory of his heroism the lady Fame spread out on the grounda necklace with the mass of pearls produced from the frontal globes of the elephants ofadversaries, cleft in battle by the edge of his firmly grasped sword.

Moreover :—

(48.) Worthy of honour is that Kadambaguhâwhere there has been an uninterrupted line of saints; for them, again, was an object of veneration the chief of sages,Rudraśambhu.

(49.) On account of his might to be highly revered in the world, he there had adisciple, Mattamayûranâtha, who, when he had removed every stain of impurity,became possessed, oh ! of the town (?) of the prince Avanti.

(50.) After him came the holy Dharmaśambhu, who became an ornament of theworld, (and) whose feet were worshipped by the lustre of the crest-jewels of princes;having reached the further shore of the ocean of the Śaiva doctrine by his austerities,he obtained the spotless pleasing renown due to him.

(51.) His disciple was, rich in austerities, Sadâśiva, whose venerable pair of feetwas worshipped by princes with the rays of their diadems.

(52.) After him came his disciple, named Mâdhumateya, full of radiance (and)subsisting on fruit and roots, in whom austerities and majestic splendour dwelt harmoniously together (?).

(53.) He had a most venerable disciple, Chûḍâśiva, who, striving after final liberation, swept away the impurity consequent on actions (performed in previous births).

(54.) Then (came) his disciple, named Hṛidayaśiva, a mine of all excellencies,whose fame deserves to be sung of even now; the soles of whose uniquely vencrable feetwere renderedlustrous by the collections of jewels in the diadems of princes.

(Verse 55.) For whom is that holy man not an object of laudation, —he who, anabode of every kind of knowledge, wise (and) true to his vows, still further increased therenown spread over the illustrious Mâdhumateya lineage; and who surpassed the earthby his patience, the cloud by his fairness, the ocean by his propriety of conduct, (*and)*the god of love by his freedom from passion ?

(56.) Or, rather, what need has that eminent sage of praise at all, —he whom theillustrious prince, the moon of the Chedis, having shown his devotion by presents sentby well-conducted messengers, in due form brought hither, full of respect ?

(57.) The illustrious Lakshmaṇarâja also, filled with devotion, himself made overto that great ascetic the monastery of the holy Vaidyanâtha.

(58.) And the sage, having accepted it, again gave the holy Nauhaleśvara monasteryto his well-conducted disciple Aghoraśiva.—

(59.) Now, when he had performed (this) deed, the powerful Chedi lord marched,with all his elephants and horses, (and) accompanied by strong foot-soldiers of tributarychiefs, to the very pleasant western region, inspiring his adversaries with fear (and)difficult to be obstructed in his progress.

(60.) Having valorously struck down (adversaries) who were humbled in battle,having his commands honoured by presents offered by princes who bowed down (beforeḥim, and) having fulfilled the hopes of suppliants with the wealth on which they hadset their hearts, ho made the host of his army sport in the water of the ocean.

(61.) Having bathed in the sea, the illustrious (prince) then worshipped Someśvara with golden lotuses; but he also presented something else.

(62). After defeating the lord of Kosala, he made the (effigy of) Kâliya^(1),wrought of jewels and gold, which was obtained from the prince of Oḍra, a reverentialoffering to Someśvara. Having besides presented elephants, horses, splendid dresses,garlands, sandal and other (gifts), the prince, to get out of the toils of this life, humblypraised (the god), full of joy :—

(63.) “Whenever a prince, freed from darkness by prostrating himself at your feet(and) delighting in the truth, deems this life void of substance, then his good fortune isno longer liable to change, because he has got rid of (the bondage of) birth." —Absorbedin such meditation, he fixed his mind on Śiva’s glory.

(64.) From him was born the great ruler, the illustrious Śaṁkaragaṇa, whoseincomparable pair of feet was worshipped even by adversaries;

(65.) who, of stubborn daring, in battle eagerly devoted his sword to the destructionof countless hosts of enemies, while his generosity always caused joy to the people;who, of matchless beauty, humbled the haughty pride of the god of love, and who as aruler of the earth was praised everywhere and at all times by the wise;

(66.) the broad resting-place of whose two lotus-feet, a seat of prosperity, wasdecorated by the rays of the large jewels that covered the diadems of princes bowingdown (before him); and whose ocean-like breast was resorted to by Fortune, come tohim gradually, while another deity of fortune, the glory of heroism, bad taken her seatin the edge of the prince’s sword.

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1. Dr. Hall states that it is the custom to make fancied representations, in miniature, of the serpent Kâliya which wasdestroyed by Kṛishṇa, and to hang them about the neck of images of Śiva.

(Verse 67.) His younger brother was the illustrious prince Yuvarâjadeva, onwhose lotus-feet princes have indeed bent down, like bees (alighting on them). Of onewho (like him) is an abode of devotion to truth, of goodness and friendly speech, (and)the one resort of fortune and valour, surely a good man even will not be able to tell allthe excellent qualities.

(68.) This prince mastered with his arm, and slew with his hand which wielded aknife, the radiant, fiercely roaring, most terrific tiger-shaped demon, whose mouth wasawful as it tore (men) to pieces with its sharp teeth, whose eyes were blood-shot all overwith rage, who used his paws as weapons of attack, and sprang forward with upliftedtail.

(69.) Though causing joy to the eyes of women as a new god of love, he yet againwas the god of death who with the edge of his sword cleft the frontal globes of hugeelephants; and, strange to relate, fond as he was of Sarasvatî, he was eager to worshipŚrikaṇṭha, and, clever in discriminating between the four castes, he was a gem to grantthe desires of (all) suppliants.

(70.) When young women at their customary bathing plunged into the clear bitterwater of the Revâ, made to surge up and down by the motion of their thighs and hips,they truly became perfumed with the strong fragrance of the god of love, mixed sincethe water was with the rutting-juice which used to flow into it at the bathing of histowering lordly elephants^(2).

(71.) I fancy that his bright fame, after roaming about everywhere, —on the roundbreasts of women surely in the form of pearl-strings, on the spotless full orb of the moonin the guise of the moonlight, and on the extensive waters of the Mânasa lake as agraceful row of swans, —has yet found rest in the abode of Umâ’s husband.

(72.) After worshipping the god Îśâna with his wealth in suitable manner, theprince, in accordance with traditional precept and according to scripture, composed (this)hymn of praise:—

(73.) “Happy are those rulers, oh Lord, who with unswerving minds worship thee,and employ their wealth in works of piety. For those who are swayed by passion andwhose minds are given up to sensual pleasure, exalted station is a cause of intoxication,oh granter of boons !"

(74.) “What is the use of arrays of rutty elephants ? What the use of women,the promoters of amorous dalliance? Gold, horses, dresses, and all manner of preciousstones serve no purpose when a man fails to worship the beloved of Bhavânî.”

(75.) “Birth in a princely family, sovereignty over the earth, sacred knowledge,due discrimination, beautiful form and victory in battle come to him who takes refugewith the holy feet of Śaṁkara.”

(76.) “Why need I make many words, oh Lord ? To thee only shall my devotionalways be given, the cause of everything; and through thy favour, the greatest of allblessings, a shower of ambrosia will fall upon me which will manifest itself of its ownaccord."—

(77.) The great fame of the first three princes has been described by the illustriousŚrînivâsa, the son of the illustrious Sthirânanda.

2. The word स….. of the original has reference to the mixtureof the two fluids, the bitter water of the river and thefragrant rutting-juice.

(Verse 78.) And the bright eulogy of the renown of the three (other) princes hasbeen afterwards composed by Sajjana, the intelligent son of Thîra.

[The passage which follows here in the original up to the end of verse 82, and partof which is either altogether illegible or doubtful, I am unable to translate properly in allits details. Its general import, however, appears to be this, —that various manufacturersand traders, and the inhabitants generally, had to deliver or pay at the *maṇḍapikâ^(1)*ofthe town, for the benefit of the monastery and its occupants, certain articles and taxes,—salt, oil, betel, pepper, ginger, vegetables, etc., and fixed sums of money for everyelephant, horse, etc.]

And at the monastery of the glorious Nohaleśvara^(2) where there was the holy preceptor Aghoraśiva,—

(83.) sometimes subsisting on alms and sometimes feeding on vegetables, sometimeseating roots, while sometimes he also lived on bulbous roots; seeking the supreme lightof Śiva, freed from the darkness of passion, he never became subject to the effect of thepoison of sensual enjoyment^(3) :—

(there ?) he had this eulogy put up. The glorious Tripurî, Saubhâgyapura,Lavaṇanagara, Durlabhapura, Vimânapura (?) . .
. . .
. . . .

(84.) . . .
. . every day they^(4)shall bring, guarded, . . . . . . .

(85.) May this composition, the several parts of which are well-joined, (and) whichwould deserve praise(even) from the wonder-struck poet Râjaśekhara, last to the endof the world, as well as the preceding^(5) eulogy!

Of the Kâyastha, the illustrious Sîruka^(6).

(86.) The eulogy was written by Nâî, the son of the writer of legal documentsDhîra; and engraved by Nonna, the son of the excellent artisan Saṁgama.

. . . . . . .
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1. On maṇḍapikâ see the Sîyaḍoṇîinscription, ante, p. 166; the same inscription also contains the words युगorयुगा, and घ्राणक - घाणाक’an oil-mill.’ In verses 79-82 of the present inscription the words, the exact meaning of which isnot clear to me, are खण्डिका(?), बीडशिका, युगायुगे, भरक in भरकपौर, कपर्दो द्यूतकपर्दास्तु.

2. i. e., Śiva worshipped in the temple which was built by Nohalâ.

3. One would expect to read विषयविष, instead of विषविषय.

**4.**i. e., perhaps, the inhabitants of the town mentioned in the preceding.

**5.**i. e., the eulogy of the first three princes.

6. I am unable to construe this genitive with either the preceding or the following verse. Perhaps Sîruka was thewriter who originally wrote the ealogy of the first three princes.

CINTRA PRASASTI OF THE REIGN OF SARANGADEVA.

XXXII.—THE CINTRA PRAŠASTI OF THE REIGN OF SARANGADEVA.

By G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

A copy of the subjoined Prasasti was first published in Murphy’s Travels in Portugal (1798), together with a translation by Sir Charles Wilkins. The plate was reproduced ten years ago by Dr. Burgess in No. 9 of the Memoranda of the Archeological Survey of Western India (Bombay, 1879), p. 104, with a restoration of the Sanskrit text by the late Dr. Bhagvânlâl Indraji and a short summary of the contents, promising at the same time to give a full translation in the Indian Antiquary. The latter unfortunately never appeared. Dr. Bhagvânlal’s text is generally correct, and reflects the highest credit on his ingenuity, since the copy on which he worked is, as Dr. Burgess stated, very inaccurate. Still I believe that a new edition, according to an excellent pencil-rubbing kindly presented to me by Professor G. de Vasconcellos-Abreu of Lisbon, will not be superfluous. This facsimile enables me to remove a certain number of difficulties, which Dr. Bhagvânlâl failed to solve by conjecture, and in many more cases to show that his restorations correspond with the original.

The inscription is incised with great care and neatness on a long slab of polished black stone, measuring, according to the rubbing, 42 inches by 20, and containing 66 lines. The stone is now preserved in the Quinta of Don João de Castro at Cintra, but, as the contents of the inscription show, it originally belonged to a temple at Somanâtha or Devapattana in Sorath. The document is on the whole well preserved. But four syllables are gone in the middle of line 18; 4 to 12 syllables at the ends of lines 23-28; and 2 to 5 in the first parts of lines 49-53. Besides, a few single letters have been destroyed or become indistinct here and there. The alphabet is the common Nâgariof the thirteenth century, which shows only a few archaic forms, e.g., the initial i consisting of two circles and a semicircle, the gha with three vertical strokes, the ba consisting of a va with a dot in the centre of the loop, and a free use of the prishthamátrá. In the top-line the medial i and the anusváras show ornamental forms, just as in many Jaina MSS. The language is not quite correct Sanskrit, and, with the exception of two short sentences in the beginning and at the end, is throughout metrical. Towards the end some Gujarâtî words and Gujaraticisms occur in the list of the benefactions; likewise a number of difficult expressions not traceable in the Sanskrit dictionaries. As regards the spelling, it must be noted that, though ba and va are distinguished, we find instead of Brihaspati always Vrihaspati and for vitaka always bitaka. The inscription contains a Praśasti (verse 75), composed in honour of the consecration of five Lingas which a Saiva ascetic, called Tripurantaka, erected at Somanâthapattana or Devapattana, or Prabhâsa, the famous Saiva Tirtha in Sorath (Kathiâvâd), now usually called Verâval. The poem opens with a Mangala consisting of three verses, 1-3, which are preceded by a short prose invocation of Siva. The first two verses are addressed to Siva and the third to Ganesa. Next follows the genealogy of the Chaulukya kings of Gujarât, who were descended from the Vyâghrapalliya or Vâghelâ branch, founded by Dhavala.

(Verse 4.) “The victorious, illustrious Visvamalla, a head-jewel of princes, adorned (formerly) the Chaulukya race, he whose scimitar, though it had only two edges, his enemies (seeing it) from afar, regarded as (a thunderbolt) with a hundred edges.”

(Verse 5.) “This sole lord of the world, a wonderful abode of courage, who around uprooted with his arm, that is akin to the thunderbolt, the firmly rooted mountain-like kings, was called by his people king Narayana.”

(6.) “The glorious lord Vaidyanatha (Siva), whose might destroys the misfortune of the torment of the world, placed in him, the ornament of the whole Kshatriya race, a portion of his Self; and he who had taken the vow of benefiting the universe, cured, as was proper, with his weapons even the big swellings of pride in the hearts of hostile kings.”

(7.) His consort was Nagalladevi, who clave to his body just as the glory of victory; through her that king was exceedingly resplendent, like the god bearing the deer-mark (the moon) through his brilliant light.

(8.) “That king, the prowess of whose arm took rest (only when it reached) the boundaries of the quarters of the horizon, whose younger brother was Pratâpamalla, enjoyed the earth which, owing to the excess of his taste for wonderful bravery, was overshadowed by a single parasol.”

(9.) After the illustrious Visvamalla had anointed Arjuna, the son of Pratâpamalla, to be his successor, he enjoyed (in Svarga) banquets of ambrosia and the nectar of the lips of the celestial maidens.”

(10.) “That crest-jewel of princes, his majesty Arjuna, who was lovely on account of virtues resplendent like the rays of the full moon, and who, an incarnation as it were of a portion of Dâmodara, gained great glory through his valour, drew riches from the earth as if it were the cow of plenty.”

(11.) “After that guiltless man, an incarnation of Krishna, had grasped, in order to punish the wicked, the circle of the earth with his hand, that by its liberality surpassed the tree of paradise, he, indeed, protected his subjects through his noble deeds.”

(12.) “Victorious is the issue of his body, his majesty Saranga, whose heart is immersed in the happiness produced by his amorous dalliance with the Fortuna of the Gurjara kingdom, who is passionately addicted to the sport of rescuing the earth and who possesses a dignity (equal to that) of Sarngadhara.”

(13.) “Through his power he in battle reduced the powers of the Yadava and the Malava lords, just as the lord of birds formerly (overcame) the huge-bodied elephant and the tortoise.”

Though these verses, for the greater part, contain nothing but mere verbiage, they yet yield some new facts concerning the history of the Vâghelås. First we learn that the full Sanskrit name of the first king of this race, who in the Prabandhas is usually called Visala or more rarely Viśvala, was Visvamalla, “the wrestler of the Universe.” This appellation, which has its analogies in Ahavamalla, Yuddhamalla (Jodhmall), Prithivimalla and Jaganmalla (Jagmall), and so forth, was no doubt the original and real one; and Visvala, of which Visala is the Prâkrit representative, is either an abbreviation from it, formed bhímavat with the addition of the affix la, or a corruption of Visvamalla like Rudrata for Rudrabhatta, Mammata for Mahimabhatta and Jaiyata for Jayabhaṭṭa, in which the last letter la does duty for the second part of the compound, malla.

The second point of historical interest which the inscription offers, is the statement that Visvamalla had a younger brother, called Pratapamalla, and that the

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698509108Screenshot2023-10-28213243.png"/>

RATANPUR INSCRIPTION OF JAJALLADEVA ; CHEDI YEAR 866

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698509495Screenshot2023-10-28213952.png"/>

GWALIOR INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 933.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698509882Screenshot2023-10-28214741.png"/>

second Våghelà king Arjuna was the son of the latter. The Prabandhas knówn to me, which notice the Vaghelà kings, speak only of an elder brother, Virama, whom Vastupala removed in order to secure for Visvamalla the succession to the throne of Dholka. The works, in which Arjuna’s name occurs, e.g., the Vichárasreņi, Dr. Bhandarkar’s anonymous Fragment, and the Pravachanaparikshá, state nothing regarding his relation to his predecessor. Thirdly, the inscription informs us that the name of Viśvamalla’s wife, i.e., his first queen, was Någalladevi. With respect to Saranga, finally, we are told that he defeated the Yâdava and Mâlava kings, and we may at least infer from this statement that the old feuds of the Chaulukyas with their south-eastern and eastern neighbours continued almost as long as their kingdoms existed. The Yadava foe of Saranga must have been Ramachandra, the last independent Hindu monarch of Devagiri, who mounted the throne in 1271 A.D., and died in 1309 A.D., as a vassal of the Muhammadan emperor of Delhi. The name of the king of Mâlava, with whom Sâranga fought, is ascertainable from the authentic lists hitherto published.

The pedigree of the first Vâghelâs stands now, if we include Visvamalla’s father Viradhavala, as follows:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698166545Screenshot2023-10-24222522.png"/>

The next following portion of the inscription, verses 14-39, is devoted to a description of the spiritual family of Tripurântaka, the benefactor of the Tirtha of Somanâtha, and to an account of his virtues and his adventures. The section is introduced, as is often done in the late inscriptions and poems of Gujarât, by the words itaś cha, “and now," and its opening verses run as follows:—

(Verse 14.) “The god who wears the infant moon on his head, and who grants rewards for the multitude of performances of austerities, himself became incarnate in the form of Bhaṭṭarak Sri-Lakulisa, in order to bestow favour on the universe.

(15.) “And in order to favour the offspring of Ulûkæ,¹¹²⁹⁷who long were deprived of sons in consequence of a curse of their father, he came to and dwelt at Karohana, the forehead, as it were, of the earth,²¹²⁹⁸an ornament of the Lâța (country).

(16.) “In this (place) appeared, in order to fulfil particular Pasupata vows, four pupils of his, called Kuśika, Gârgya, Kaurusha and Maitreya.

(17.) “Afterwards the race of these ascetics, which grew up in four (branches), adorned the earth that is bounded by the four oceans.

(Verse 18.) “Through the succession of high-minded men who were favoured by those (four) arose the glorious …. ka, possessing boundless wealth.

(19.) “An abbot (sthánádhipa), called Kârttikarasi, who resembled a conglomerate (ráśi) of austerities in (human) shape, and who took away the sins of his (spiritual) dependants by merely looking at them, became an ornament of Gârgya’s line.

(20.) “ (Next) arose compassionate Valmikirasi, who owed his (spiritual) birth to the favour of that (Kárttikaráśï’s) lotus-hands,¹¹²⁹⁹and who hallowed speech by the arrangement of his words and the road to the sanctuaries by the marks of his steps, which (arrangement and marks) were pure like his mind.^(2¹³⁰⁰)

(21.) “He graciously appointed a young ascetic, called Tripurântaka, to be the awakener of the virtuous;³¹³⁰¹even stones, consecrated by the lotus-hands of such men, become, indeed, visibly deities.

(22.) “That pupil of Vâlmîkirâsi, of appropriate name, called Tripurântaka, sanctified the four quarters of the horizon in cosequence of his desire to visit other sacred places.”

These verses make us acquainted with three teachers of the Gargya branch of the Lakulisa-Pasupatas, who apparently were in succession abbots or spiritual directors at some sacred place or of some Matha⁴¹³⁰²in Gujarât. Possibly the place where they resided may have been Kârohana. But this is not certain; for the four last syllables in verse 18 may have contained some other geographical name, and the sense of the verse may be that a Matha or sanctuary was established there by the spiritual descendants of the four pupils of Lakulisa.⁵¹³⁰³But in any case it is indisputable that Karohana in Lâța or Central Gujarât was the head establishment of these Saivas, because Śiva is said to have there become incarnate as Lakulisa. Kârohaṇa is, it would seem, the modern Kârvân on the Miyâgâm-Dabhoirailway; this village was according to its Máhátmya formerly called Kayavirohana or Kayarahun (Káyárohana ?),⁶¹³⁰⁴ and was according to tradition the place where Mahâdeva, who had been born as Nakulêśvara in the family of a Brâhman of Ulkâpuri, or Avâkhal, re-assumed his divine shape.⁷¹³⁰⁵ It is “one of the four oldest and most famous seats of the worship of Siva,” and is situated in the district which used to be called Lâta. The words Lakulisa and Nakuliśa are two vicarious forms, of which the former is possibly the older one,“⁸¹³⁰⁶ that the change of la to na is more common then that of na to la; (2) that Lakulisa can be easily explained as a compound of lakulin, e., bakuțin, and ísa, ’the lord wearing the staff,‘i.e., the khatvanga.”) though the latter one is that commonly used in Sanskrit literature. The doctrines

of the Nakulisa Pasupatas are explained at length in Sâyaṇa’s Sarvadarśanasaṁgraha, pp. 108ff. (Cowell and Gough). But nothing is known regarding their history. It is therefore very interesting to learn that in the thirteenth century A.D. Gujarât was considered to be the country where the sect arose and that Kârohana— Kârvân claimed the honour of being the place where its founder was born and where his school was divided into four branches. It must, of course, depend on the results of further discoveries, which an archaeological exploration of the site of Kârvan will no doubt furnish, whether we can accept these claims as well founded. As regards the antiquity of thesect, not much can be gathered from the statements in the inscription. Kârttikarasi, the first historical head of these Pâsupatas, cannot have succeeded to his office much before the year 1225 A.D. since the third was alive in 1287.

The contents of the next verses are not important enough to require their being translated in full. It will suffice to give a short analysis, which course is made advisable too by the fact that most of them are badly mutilated. According to verses, 23-24 Tripurântaka’s pilgrimage was first directed to the Himalaya, where he visited Kedara, i.e., Kedârnâth in Garhwâl, and there worshipped Śiva with lotuses taken from the pure Brahmasaras. Thence he turned southwards and bathed at Prayaga, modern Allâhâbâd, at the confluence of the Ganga and Yamunâ (verse26). From Allâhâbâd he wandered to the Sriparvata (verse 27), which he circumambulated in the orthodox,fashion, and where he was blessed by the aspect of divine Mallinatha. This mountain, which seems not to be identical with the Southern Sriparvata or Śrîsaila, must lie, if the order of the places visited is correctly given, south of Allâhâbâd and north of the Narmada. For the next verse (28) informs us that Tripurântaka afterwards bathed in “the waters of the Revâ which are tossing among the rocks of the Vindhya mountains that are hallowed by the traces of Agastya’s foot-steps.” From the Narmada he turned to the Godâvarî (verso 29) and visited Tryambaka, i.e., Trimbak near Nâsik. Still continuing to travel southwards, the pilgrim reached Râmeśvara and the bridge of Râma (verse 30). Finally he returned to the north-west and came to Devapattana or Prabhâsa, where the river Sarasvatî flows into the ocean (verses 31-33). There he received high honours from the chief temple-priest.

(Verse 34.) Here the illustrious temple-priest (ganda) Brihaspati, who is visibly the husband of Umâ,¹¹³⁰⁷made him an Ârya and appointed him sixth Mahattara.

(35.) The Châturjataka,²¹³⁰⁸ occurs the expression Srîmachchâturjātaka, the illustrious Châturjâtaka ; verses 64 and 70 speak of Châturjátakapādāḥ, the feet of, i.e. the worshipful, Châturjâtaka. According to verse 60-61 he issuesan edict granting allowances from the receipts of the custom house, verse 63 mentions his treasury and verso 67 his allowance of pân-supárí at the Sivaratri festival. Literally the word means ‘connected with, i.e. ruling, the four castes;’ the technical sense pay either be ‘prefect, governor’ or ‘Nagarsbeth,’ a kind of hereditary lord mayor. In the Somnathpattan Prasasti (Wiene Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. III, p. 9) we hear (verse 22) of châturjátakalokah, which term has been translated erroneously by ‘men of the four castes.")who was pleased with his virtues, rejoiced thinking: “This Mahattara will restore the sacred place by his pure actions.”

What these honours conferred on Tripurântaka exactly were, whether Arya and Mahattara refer to offices or were, what is more probable, mere titles, I am unable to determine. I must content myself with pointing out that, according to verse 9 of the

Somnáthpattan Prasasti (Wiener Zeitschrift, loc. cit., p. 8), Bhava Brihaspati received the same honours from king Jayasimha-Siddharâja. The gaṇḍa Brihaspati, who honoured Tripurântaka, is of course not, as Dr. Bhagvânlâl suggests. (Mem. Arch. Surv. West. Ind., No. 9, p. 104), the gaṇḍa Bhâva Brihaspati, who was the contemporary of Jayasimha and of Kumarapala, For these two kings reigned between Vikrama Samvat 1150 and 1229, while the date of our inscription is more than a hundred years later. Moreover, the two Brihaspatis are clearly distinguished from each other by the statements regarding their wives. Bhâva Brihaspati was married, according to verse 35 of the Somnâthpattan Prasasti, to Mahadevi, daughter of Soḍhala, and our Brihaspati to Umâ (below, verse 43). The name Brihaspati must, therefore, have been borne by more than one priest in charge of the temple of Somanåtha at Devapattana or Prabhasa.

The honours which Tripurantaka received induced him to realize the hopes of the Châturjâtaka and to spend considerable sums on the Tirtha. The following verses (40-46) inform us that (1) he built five temples, (2) dedicated five statues, and (3) erected a toraṇa supported by two pillars,— a sort of triumphal arch. The five temples were situated, according to verse 40, to the north of the mandapa or hall of the temple of Someśvara, close to the splendid old water-clock (ghatikálaya),¹¹³⁰⁹and on the site²¹³¹⁰ of Srikantha-Pañchamukha, i.e., five-headed Siva, surnamed Srikantha. The first of these temples (verse 41) was built for the welfare of Tripurântaka’s mother Malhana and called Målhaneśvara. The second (verse 42) was dedicated to Umâpati and erected in the name of the priest Brihaspati, who was the husband of Uma. The third, called Umesvara (verse 43), was built for the welfare of the priest’s wife. The remaining two, a Tripurântakeśvara and a Rameśvara, were named after the founder and his wife (verse 44). The five statues,³¹³¹¹a Gorakshaka (Gorakhnâth), a Bhairava, an Âñjaneya (Hanuman), a Sarasvatî, and a SiddhiVinayaka (Gaṇeśa), were placed in the antarálas of the five temples. The torana finally was crected “on the space (bhúparisure) before the northern gate of these (five temples).” This statement indicates that the temples were surrounded by a wall, and that the arch adorned the principal entry into the enclosure, which had to be made on the north side, as the great temple of Someśvara lay to the south and east, and to the west the sea.

Almost the whole remaining portion of the inscription (verses 47-72) is taken up by the enumeration of the benefactions which Tripurântaka made in order to provide for the service of his temples, and by rules regarding the worship. This section offers considerable difficulties, because it contains a number of words either not found in the accessible dictionaries and koshas, or found with meanings attached which do not fit, and because the rules regarding the worship are awkwardly arranged and obscure. I believe that the only chance of clearing up all the difficulties would be enquiries on the spot among the priests of Somnath and of other Saiva establishments in Kâṭhiâvâḍ

and Gujarât. As I am not able to institute such, my translations and explanations must remain in some cases merely tentative, and in other cases I have to confess my ignorance. The enumeration of the benefactions and of the rules runs as follows:—

(Verse 47.) “In order to cleanse the gods daily— two kavadise¹¹³¹² of water and a broom of Zizyphus jujuba"²¹³¹³ for sweeping the buildings—³¹³¹⁴

(48.) “Both these (things) must be procured⁴¹³¹⁵ (and used) by a particularly clever pupil (batuka) in return for the use of the naivedya food⁵¹³¹⁶and of the money (allotted) for his monthly expenses.⁶¹³¹⁷ (These verses form) a couplet.

(49.) “He (Tripurântaka) who was purified by his natural inclination for giving gold, presented, out of kindness towards the town of the god who bears the crescent of the moon on his head, every month eight drammas for (the purchase of) sandal-wood in the mapdraka.“⁷¹³¹⁸

(50.) “The guild of the gardeners shall furnish daily two hundred white roses (ś**atapattra) and two thousand fragrant oleander blossoms (kanavira).⁸¹³¹⁹

(51.) “He assigned in the parikshipaṭṭa six drammas for the monthly expenditure in order to procure……a pure vediká.⁹¹³²⁰

(52.) “Two mânakas¹⁰¹³²¹of husked rice (chosha)¹¹¹³²²and one mânaka of Phaseolus mungo (mudga), four karshas¹²¹³²³of clarified butter, and as much oil for the lamps.¹³¹³²⁴

(53.) “Five betel-nuts of good quality—(all this) was provided by that constant man, a judge of the merits of others, daily in the store-house.¹⁴¹³²⁵ (These two verses form) a couplet.

(54.) “He who is attached to the performance of meritorious works, caused to be provided even here¹⁵¹³²⁶every month two manas¹⁶¹³²⁷of fragrant gum (guggula) for the time of offering incense.

(Verse 55.) “The Mehara¹¹³²⁸shall give daily fifty leaves of …. betel pepper for the preparation of *biṭakas.*²¹³²⁹

(56.) “That which thus has been provided for the offerings in the sacred place (the temples) must be fetched by the Paśupâla³¹³³⁰from the store-house of glorious [Somanátha]⁴¹³³¹and be given (by him to the person performing the worship).⁵¹³³²

(57.) “One máņaka of rice (chosha) and two pallikas⁶¹³³³of Phaseolus mungo, as well as two karshas of clarified butter, and so forth, must be daily given (by the keeper of the store-house) to the Pasupála for the offerings.⁷¹³³⁴

(58.) “[Even this] must be daily given for the Naivedya offering; then that food must be carefully cooked by the pupil (batuka).

(59.) “After performing the declaration of purpose (samkalpya), the Pasupála must give that Naivedya and the bítakas to the pupil who performs [the worship].⁸¹³³⁵

(60.) “He (Tripurántaka), the most excellent of the virtuous, caused one dramma to be assigned daily (from the revenue) in the custom-house (mandapika) by an edict (sasana) of the Cháturjátaka.⁹¹³³⁶

(61.) “Even there¹⁰¹³³⁷ in the custom-house.”) this noble-minded man caused nine drammas to be assigned [monthly] for the maintenance of the pupil (batuka, who serves the temples.)¹¹¹³³⁸

(62.) “Fifteen drammas must be given every month to the Pasupala, who comes to perform incomparable worship [according to the law].¹²¹³³⁹

(63.) “For this purpose he (Tripurántaka) placed every month fifteen drammas in the treasury (?) of the worshipful Châturjâtaka.¹³¹³⁴⁰

(64.) “Rejoicing in his heart, he purchased for money from the worshipful Châturjátaka three cxcellent shops and presented (them as an endowment for his temples).

(65.) “The best among these, the illustrious Châturjataka, who wears the

garland of the faith in the god (Siva), made over to the gardeners in exchange for their daily furnishing the quantity of flowers (required) for the worship.¹¹³⁴¹

(Verse 66.) “The merchants²¹³⁴²too assigned from each shop one dramma in order to provide the pavitraka and the vistaraṇa at the festivals on the full-moon days of Chaitra and, Bhadrapada.³¹³⁴³

(67.) “At the Sivaratri (festival) the betel-nuts for the bitaka of the Châturjataka⁴¹³⁴⁴must be furnished by the store-house (of the temple of Somandtha) and the leaves by the Mehara.

(68.) “Three pure-minded shopkeepers must always personally provide garlands, cocoanuts and pairs (of) soft (garments)⁵¹³⁴⁵’ is only conjeetural. I may, however, assert this much that it is usual to adorn the streets with cloth on very high festivals such as the Sivaratri, to which the rule of course refers. In Gujarâtî the word yuga has always the masculine gender.”) in the three royal processions⁶¹³⁴⁶of the glorious lord Somanatha.

(69.) “After the Paśupâlaka has first worshipped these five temples according to the manner (prescribed) for (the worship of) divine Someśvara, he shall afterwards ascend the stairs (leading to the temple) of the glorious deity.⁷¹³⁴⁷

(70.) “He (Tripurántaka) gave to the worshipful Châturjâtaka a dharmasthána^(8¹³⁴⁸)for repairing what may have been broken or have fallen (into disrepair) on the fullmoon days of Chaitra and of Bhadrapada.

(71.) “As he procured this dharmasthána, and this grant⁹¹³⁴⁹ (śâsana) with pure self-acquired property, the banner of his fame, which is connected with his temples, glitters brilliantly white like the full moon.”

(72.) “In the middle of the temple, which is a monument of the fame of the illustrious priest (ganda) Râņaka Brihaspati and an ornament to the bank of king Saranga’s lake, he has caused to be built a chapel of his own particular god, a pleasure-house of Sri.”

After a further general eulogy of Tripurântaka in verses 73-74, we learn from verse 75 that Dharaṇidhara, son of Dhamdha, was the author of our Prasasti. Verse 76 further declares that the manuscript of the poem was written by the councillor (mantrin) Vikrama, the son of Purṇasimha, and that it was incised by the artist (silpin), i.e., the mason Pûnasiha, the son of Nâhada. According to the colophon the consecration of the (five) Lingas¹⁰¹³⁵⁰took place on Monday, the fifth lunar day of the bright half of Magha, Vikrama Samvat 1343, or, according to Dr. Schram’s calculation, on January 20th, 1287 A.D., which was a Monday. This date is not of any great historical importance, because according to the chronicles, Sâranga ruled for 20 or 22 years until 1296-97 A.D.

TRANSCRIPT.

**L. 1.**ओं॥ ओंनमः शिवाय।

हृदि स्थितं चिन्मयमात्मवेदिनः समाधिमास्थाय विलोकयति यं।

स चित्तसंतापमपाकरोतु वः स्तनंधयश्वेतमयूखभूषणः॥ [१॥]^(1¹³⁵¹)

2. शैलात्मजोरसिजशृंगकुरंगनाभि-

पत्रावलीतलिनतल्पशयालुपाणिः।
पीयूषभानुकलिकाकलितावतंसो
देवः शिवानि वितनोतु दिवानिशं वः। २ [॥]²¹³⁵²

**3.**त्रैलोक्यमंगलमनंगरिपोरपत्य-

मंकूरितैकदशनोल्लसदाननश्रीः।
देवः प्रपद्य हृदयैकपदीं कपर्दो

भूयादनेकपमुखः सुखसंपदे वः। ३ [॥]

**4.**श्रीविश्वमल्लइति भूपतिमौलिरत्नं
चौलुक्यवंशमवतंसयति स्म जिष्णुः।
यस्य द्विधारमपि संयति मंडलाग्र-

मारादमंस्त शतधारमरातिवर्ग्गः। ४ [॥]
5. आबद्धमूलमभितः क्षितिपा[द्रि]जात-

मुन्मूलयन् कुलिशवंशभुवा भुजेन।
सत्वस्य यः किमपि धाम जनेन राज-

नारायणेति जगदे जगदेकनाथः।५[॥]³¹³⁵³
**6.**यस्मिन्नात्मकलां न्यधत्त सकलक्षत्रावतंसे जग-

त्तापव्यापदपाकरिष्णुमहिमा श्रीवैद्यनाथः प्रभुः।

शस्त्रैस्तेन चिकित्सितास्तदुचितं विश्वोपकारव्रत-

स्नातेन प्रतिभूभुजामपि हृदः प्रौढा मदग्रंथयः। ६ [॥]⁴¹³⁵⁴

7नागल्लदेवीति बभूव यस्य जाया जयश्रीरिव देहवद्धा।

तया स राजा सुतरां बभासे भासेव देवो हरिणांकमूर्त्तिः। ७ [॥]⁵¹³⁵⁵
.8आशांतविश्रांतभुजप्रतापः प्रतापमल्लावरजः स राजा।

स्वपौरुषोत्कर्षरसातिरेकादेकातपत्रां बुभुजे धरित्रीं। ८ [॥]
**.9.**श्रीविश्वमल्लःस्वपदेभिषिच्यप्रताप-

L.10. मज्ञात्मजमर्ज्जुनं सः।
साकं सुधापाकमभुक्त[नाक] नितंबिनीनामधरामृतेन।९[॥]¹¹³⁵⁶
राकानिशाकरसनाभिगुणाभिरामो
दामोदरांश इव विक्रममांसलश्रीः।
11. भूपालमौलिमणिरर्ज्जुनदेवनामा
कामार्ज्जुनीमिव धनानि धरामदुग्ध। १० [॥]²¹³⁵⁷
हस्ते विधाय कदनाय दुराशयानां
**12.**दानावधूतसुरशाखिनि भूमिचक्रं।
यः स्वैरुदारचरितैरनघः प्रजानां
रक्षांचकार किल चक्रधरावतारः। ११ [॥]
**13.**तस्यांगभूर्जयति गूर्जरराज्यलक्ष्मी-

संभोगकंदलितसौख्यनिमग्नचेताः।
क्षोणीसमुहरणकेलिरसोत्तरंगः
सारंगदेव इति शार्ङ्गधरानुभावः। १२ [॥]³¹³⁵⁸
**14.**युधि यादवमालवेश्वरावकृत क्षीणबलाैबलेन यः।
पृथुविग्रहधारिणाैपुरा पतगेंद्रोगजकच्छपाविव। १३ [॥] ⁴¹³⁵⁹
इतश्च।
**15.**भट्टारकश्रीलकुलीशमूर्त्त्यातपःक्रियाकांडफलप्रदाता।
अवातरद्विश्वमनुग्रहीतुं देवः स्वयं बालमृगांकमौलिः।१४ [॥]⁵⁶¹²
**16.**अनुग्रहीतुं च चिरं विपुत्रकानुलूकभूतानभिशापतः पितुः।
ललाटमुर्व्या इव लाटभूषणं समेत्य कारोहणमध्युवास यः। १५ [॥]⁶¹³⁶⁰
अवतेरुश्चत्वारः पाशुपतव्रतविशेषचर्यार्थं।
इह कुशिकगार्ग्यकौरुषमैत्रेया इति तदंतसदः। १६ [॥]⁷⁵⁴³
17. ततस्तपस्विनां तेषां चतुर्द्धाजातिरुद्गता।
भुवं विभूषयामास चतुरर्ण्यवसुद्रितां। १७ [॥]⁸¹³⁶¹
एतैरनुगृ-

L. 18. हीतानामन्वयेन महात्मनां।
निःसीमवैभवं श्रीम x x x x कमित्यभूत्। १८ [॥].
गार्ग्येयगोत्राभरणं बभूव स्थानाधिपः कार्त्तिकराशिनामा।
19. मूर्त्तस्तपोराशिरिवाश्रितानामालोकमात्रेण हरन्नघानि। १९[॥]¹¹³⁶²
तेन स्वहस्तकमलानुगृहीतजन्मा
वाल्मीकिराशिरुदियाय दयालुचेताः[।]
20. वाणीं च तीर्थपदवीं च सदा पदानां
व्यासैः स्वचित्तविमलाकृ[ति] भिःपुकानः।२० [॥]²¹³⁶³
तेनानुगृह्यसमकेति सतां प्रबोध-

कारी तपोधनयुवा त्रिपुरांतकेति।
**21.**साक्षाद्भवति विबुधाः किल तद्विधानां
हस्तांबुजेन दृषदोपि कृतप्रतिष्ठाः। २१ [॥]
**22.**वाल्मीकिराशेः सुगृहीतनाम्नस्तस्यैष शिष्यस्त्रिपुरांतकेति।
तीर्थांतरालोकनकौतुकेन पवित्रयामास दिशश्चतस्रः।२२ [॥]³⁶¹²
पूर्वं तपस्विगृहिणीस्पृहणीयमूर्त्ति-

र्यो देवदारुविपिने वि[जहार] देवः।
**23.**आशावधूलवणिमानमनुग्रहीतुं
तीर्थावगाहनमिषेण चचार सोयं।२३ [॥]⁴¹³⁶⁴
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समाधिपूतेन हृदंबुजेन यः - यि [1]
24. ततः शुचिब्रह्मसरः सरोजैरानर्चकेदारपदारविंदे \। २४ [॥ ]⁵¹³⁶⁵
जगद्गुरुं चेतसि यः प्रपद्य यागेश्वरं मूर्त्तमि [।]
**25.**प्रसादसंपत्तिलभ्यानि तपःफलानि।२५ [॥]
मिथोमिलज्जह्नुकलिंदकन्यातरंगहस्तोपदृतैःपयोभिः।
ससर्ज्ज यस्याजि
**26.**षः पाद्यमिव प्रयागः।२६ [॥ ]
प्रदक्षिणीकृत्य सतां प्रदीपः श्रीपर्वतं यः किल सर्वतोपि।
श्रीमल्लिनाथस्य विलोकनेन कृतार्थ ते।२७[॥]
27. प्रेंखालितानिकलसोङ्गवपादमुद्रा-

निःकल्मषाकृतिषु विंध्यगिरेः शिलासु।

रेवाजलानि गजराजविगाहलीला-

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L. 28. वास्यपि यः सिषेवे। २८ [॥]¹¹³⁶⁶
गोदावरीतीरविहारिणीभिर्वनस्थलीनामधिदेवताभिः।

<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1698402433Screenshot2023-10-27155642.png”/>
कृतार्थयन्नध्वगदृक्पयोजं यो.जंगमस्त्र्यंबक…..। २९[॥]²¹³⁶⁷
29. ततः शमाद्वैतरसाभिरामे रामेश्वरं चेतसि चिंतयन् यः।
ददर्श लंकाधिपकालरात्रेःप्रस्थानवीथीमिव सेतुलेखां। ३० [॥]³⁶¹²
**30.**श्रीदेवपत्तनसमस्तघनस्तनीनां
नेत्रारविंदसुकृतेरिव सानुबंधैः।
तीर्थावगाहनधिया दिशि पश्चिमाया
मायातवानुपशमायतनं कृती यः। ३१ [॥]⁴³⁷⁴
**31.**सरस्वतीसागरसंप्रयोगविभूषिताभोगमथागमद्यः।
सोमेशचूडावलमानवालचंद्रप्रभासंवलितं प्रभासं। ३२ [॥]⁵¹³⁶⁸
**32.**इह महीतलतीर्थविगाहनादखिलतीर्थमयीं दधदाकृतिं।
भुवनभूषणभूतमभूषयन्नगरमिंदुकलाभरणस्य यः।३३ [॥]⁶³²⁰
इह साक्षादुमाकांतः श्रीमान् गंडबृहस्पतिः।
33. आर्यमेनं विनिर्माय षष्टं चक्रे महत्तरं। ३४ [॥]⁷¹³⁶⁹
स्थानकं निजविशुद्धचरित्रैरुद्धरिस्यति महत्तर एषः।
**34.**इत्यवेत्य सुमुदे हृदि चातुर्जातकेन गुणजातरसेन। ३५ [॥]⁸¹³⁷⁰
अस्ति श्रीत्रिपुरांतकोपि विबुधश्रेणीकिरीटोपल-

च्छायापल्लवलालितांङ्घिकमलः कासां गिरामध्वनि।
**35.**यस्योद्दामचरित्रवैभवनिधेरेषा कियंतं गुण-

ग्रामं धारयतु स्वकुक्षिकुहरक्रोडे वराकी श्रुतिः। ३६[॥]⁹⁸⁶³
**36.**धनानि कामाधिकवामलोचनाविलोचनप्रांचलचंचलानि यः।
ददौ महादौख्यनिपीडितात्मने सतां प्रपन्नार्तिहरा हि संपदः। ३७ [॥]¹⁰¹³⁷¹
आस्थितस्य पुरुषोत्तमभूय कामजन्मनि समाहितबुद्धेः।
य-

**L. 37.**स्य पुण्यघटितस्य रमेति प्रेयसी भुवनभूषणमास्ते।३८ [॥]¹¹³⁷²
सरस्वतीमौलिशयालुकेतकीपलाशलक्ष्मीसहपांशुकेलयः।
**38.**महात्मनो यस्य महीज्वलागुणा दिगंमनानामवतंसतां ययुः।३९[॥]²¹³⁶⁰
सोमेश्वरायतनमंडपमुत्तरेण
श्रीभाजि जीर्णघटिकालयसंनिधाने।
**39.**श्रीकंठपंचमुखवासमधिष्ठितानि
येनाक्रियत कृतिनायतनानि पंच।४०[॥]³³⁷⁴
मातुर्माल्हणदेव्या [यः] श्रेयसे माल्हणेश्वरं।
**40.**सतामध्येयमहिमा तन्मध्ये निरमापयत्।४१ [॥]⁴¹³⁷³
उमापतेरायतनं नाम्ना गंडवृहस्पतेः।
कृती कृतयुगाचारः कारयामास तत्र यः।४२ [॥]
श्रीबृहस्पतिभार्याया उमायाः श्लाघाजन्मनः।
**41.**श्रेयसे यः सतां सीमा निरमासीदुमेश्वरं।४३ [॥]
इह स्वनाम्नात्रिपुरांतकेश्वरं महत्तरश्रीत्रिपुरांतको व्यधात्।
प्रियाभिधानेन मनोरमं श्रिया रमापतिः संविदधे रमेश्वरं।४४[॥]⁵¹³⁷⁴
**42.**गोरक्षकं भैरवमाजनेयं सरस्वतीं सिद्धिविनायकं च।
चकार पंचायतनांतराले बालेन्दुमौलिस्थितमानसो यः।४५[॥]⁶⁶¹²
**43.**आत्मबाहुयुगसौहृदांचितस्तभसौरभशुभं सुतोरणं।
दूरमस्तदुरितस्तदुत्तरहारभूपरिसरे चकार यः।४६ [॥]⁷¹³⁷⁵
**44.**सम्माज्जनाय देवानां कावडिद्दयमंभसः।
सम्मार्ज्जनी जगत्वाच्च कोलिनी प्रतिवासरं।४७ [॥]⁸¹³⁷⁶
कर्त्तव्यमेतदुभयं बटुकेन पटीयसा।
**45.**स्वमासपाटकद्रव्यनैवेद्यान्नोपयोगतः।४८ युग्मं।
श्रीखंडहेतोः शशिखंडमौलिपुरानुकूल्येन मयारके यः।
द्रम्मांचकार प्रतिमासमष्टावष्टापदोत्सर्ग्गनिसर्ग्गपूतः।४९[॥]⁹⁶¹²

L. 46. दातव्यं मालि[क]श्रेण्या शतपत्रशतद्वयं।
नवीनकणवीराणां द्वेसहस्रेच नित्यशः। ५०[॥]¹¹³⁷⁷
धाटीवाहाय वाटीभ्यो ग्रहीतुं शुचि[वेदि] कां।
**47.**चक्रे परीक्षिपट्टे यः षड् द्रम्मान्मासपाटके।५१ [॥]
माषकद्वितयं चोषा मुद्गानामेकमाणकं।
धृतं कर्पाश्चचत्वारस्तैलं दीपाय तादृशं। ५२ [॥]
जात्यानि पंचपूगानि स्थितके स्थितिशालिना।
48.
कोष्टागारे गुणजेन प्रत्यहं येन चक्रिरे। ५३ युग्मं।²¹³⁷⁸ is not quite distinct. Read कोष्ठागारे.”)
इहैव धूपवेलार्थं गुग्गुलस्य मणद्वयं
**49.**यः पुण्येषु समासक्तः प्रतिमासमकारयत्। ५४ [॥]
पत्र — — + च पंचाशत् पत्राणि फणिवीरुधां।
मेहरेण प्रदेयानि नित्यं बीटकहेतवे। ५५ [॥]
**50.**पशुपालेन तदेवं धर्म्मस्थानोपहारसंबद्धं।
श्री————कोष्टागारादानीय दातव्यं। ५६ [॥]³¹³⁷⁹
चोषा माणकमेकं निर्वापे पक्षिकाद्वयं मुद्राः।
नित्यं घृतकर्षौद्वावितिपशुपालाय दातव्यं। ५७ [॥]
51.

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[इद] x x दातव्यं नित्यंन्नैवेद्यहेतवे।
ततस्तदन्नंवटुना पचनीयं प्रयत्नतः। ५८ [॥]⁴¹³⁸⁰
**52.**पशुपालेन संकल्प्य तन्नैवेद्यंसबीटकं।
वटुकाय प्रदा[तव्यं]——[कर्म्म] विधायिने। ५९[॥]⁵¹³⁸¹
मंडपिकायां स्थितके चातुर्जातकशासनात्।
प्रत्यहं यः सतां सीमा द्रम्ममेकमकारयत्। ६०[॥]
**53.**अत्रैव कारयामास प्र——— सुदारधीः।
स्थितके यो नव द्रम्मान् बटुकग्रासहेतवे। ६१[॥]⁶¹³⁸²
पूजामप्रतिमां कर्त्तुं प्रतिमासमुपेयुषः।

L. 54. देयाःपंचदश द्रम्माः पशुपालस्य [धर्म्म] तः।६२ [॥]
चातुर्जातकपादानां यः संमिलितपोत्तके।
ततः पंचदश द्रम्मान् प्रतिमासं व्यधत्त यः।६३ [॥]
हट्टानियो विशिष्टानि त्रीणि प्रीणितमानसः।
55.
चातुर्जातकपादेभ्यो वित्तेनादाय दत्तवान्। ६४[॥]
तेषां मध्यादुत्तमं हट्टमेकं देवश्रद्धामालिना मालिकेभ्यः।
56. नित्यं पूजापुष्यजातोपहारैः श्रीमच्चातुर्जातकेन प्रदत्तं। ६५ [॥]¹¹³⁸³
चैत्रीमहे भाद्रपदीमहे च पवित्रकं विस्तरणं च कर्त्तुं।
**57.**महाजनीपि प्रतिहट्टमेकं द्रम्मं विशेषस्थितके चकार।६६[॥]²⁶¹²
कोष्टागारेण पूगानि मेहरेण दलानि च।
शिवरात्रौ प्रदेयानि चातुर्जातकबीटके। ६७ [॥]¹¹³⁸⁴
**58.**श्रीसोमनाथप्रभुराजपाटिकात्रये त्रिभिर्हट्टवणिग्भिरात्मना।
सम्मालिकेराणि युगाश्चकोमलाः सदा विधेयानि विशुद्धबुद्धिभिः। ६८ [॥]²⁸⁶²
अमूनि सोमेश्वरदेवरीत्यासंपूज्य पंचायतनानि पूर्व।
59.
अनेन पश्चात्पशुपालकेन श्रीदेवपाट्यामधिरोहणीयं।६९[॥]³⁶¹²
चैत्रीभाद्रपदीभग्नपतितोद्धारहेतवे।
**60.**तकपादेभ्यो धर्म्मस्थानमदत्त यः। ७० [॥]⁴³⁸⁴
स्वोपार्जितेन शुचिना विभवेन धर्म्मस्थानं च शासनमिदं च विनिर्ममे यः।
**61.**तेनास्य कीर्त्तननिबद्धयशः पताका राकामृगांकधवलाकृतिरुल्ललास। ७१[॥]⁵¹³⁸⁵
श्रीगंडराणकदृहस्पतिकीर्त्तनस्य सारंगभूपतिसरस्तटभूषणस्य।
**62.**यः श्रीविलासगृहमायतनस्य मध्ये स्वात्मीयदेवकुलिकां रचयांचकार। ७२ [॥]
तादृक् विशेषशुचिताधिगमाय संत्तश्चित्तेषु बिभ्यति यदीयगुणानजम्नं।
पुष्णंतिसिंधुतनयाहृदयाधिनाथनाभीसरोरुहमृणालसनाभितां ये। ७३ [॥]⁶¹³⁸⁶
63.
निर्व्याजभक्तिरसवासितविश्वनाथमाबिभ्रतः सरिदभीकगभीरमंतः।

L. 61. एतस्य शारदतुषारमयूखशेखानिःकल्मषाणि चरितानि जगत्पुनंति। ७४ [॥]¹¹³⁸⁷
सोमार्कवक्तशशिमंडलतो निपीय पीयूषवहसखितानि सुभाषितानि।
**65.**एषा प्रशस्तिरनवद्यपदार्थबन्धा धंधात्मजेन विदधे धरणीधरेण। ७५ [॥]
एनां लिलेख मंत्री विक्रम-इति पूर्णसिंहतनुजन्मा।
**66.**उदटंकयदय शिल्पोनाइडतनयश्चपूणसीह इति। ७६ [॥]²⁵⁴⁴
श्रीनृपविक्रमसं १३४३ वर्षे माघश्वदि ५ सोमे लिंगप्रतिष्टामहोच्छवः³¹³⁸⁸समजनि॥

XXXIII.—THE MATHURA PRASASTI OF THE REIGN OF VIJAYAPALA,
DATED SAMVAT 1207.

By G.BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

This Prasasti forms part of the finds which Dr. A. Führer made at Mathurâ¹¹³⁸⁹ in January and February 1889. It was recovered on 10th February from the excavations made by the railway contractors at the Keśava mound. According to the impression; the stone measures 24 inches in breadth and 21 in height. It contains thirty lines (29 written breadthwise and one on the margin lengthwise) of neatly incised Någari characters which somewhat resemble those of the Deval Prasasti. Its preservation is very bad. At the upper right-hand corner a triangular piece has been broken off, whereby lines 1-8 have lost at the end 2 to 11 letters each. Further, in the centre of lines 7 to 23, there is a smooth blank space where 17 to 30 letters have been rubbed out. This blank space is nearly circular, and at its circumference the deeper strokes are faintly visible, while the shallower ones have entirely disappeared. It looks as if the stone at some period or other had been used for grinding spices upon. Moreover, there is an exfoliation on the left, by which the end of the marginal line has been destroyed as well as the beginning of lines 23 to 25. Finally, single letters have been lost in various places.

The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of three short passages in the beginning, after the Mangala in line 4, and at the end, is metrical throughout. It shows at least one ungrammatical form pointed out in the notes. As regards the orthography, the employment of va for ba must be noted and the dropping of the middle ja in ujvala, of cha beforechha, etc.

The circumstances stated make a continuous translation of the document impossible. Its general contents, which are perfectly clear, are as follows:— After a short prose invocation of Ganapati, follows the Mangala, which contains one verse addressed to the same deity, and two in honour of Vishnu— Krishna. The conclusion of the Mangala is indicated by the words: “Thus even first.” Next we have (verse 4) the encomium of a

Kshatriya race whose name has been lost. The first individual of this family, whom the inscription mentions (verses 5-6), is the illustrious Simharâja. His son (verse 7) was the illustrious Tejaraja. The name of the son of the latter, verse 8, has been lost. But we learn from the fragment of the marginal verse 9 that he married ‛the virtuous daughter of the king of Avanta,’ i.e., probably Avanti or Målva. The name of the son of this couple, as well as of his consort, who is referredto in verse 10, is again lost. But their son was called Jajja (verse 11), and his virtues are described in, verses 12 to 15. The description seems to have been purely conventional. Verse 16 speaks of an ‘illustrious personage named Rissika’ and immediately afterwards refers to Jajja’s consort. The natural interpretation of the fragments is that Jajja’s wife was Rissika’s daughter. Verse 17 informs us that Jajja had by her four sons. Their names are lost with the exception of one, ‛the illustrious Asika.’ The information, conveyed in these verses, may be thus given in tabular form :—

<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1698489584Screenshot2023-10-28160912.png”/>

From verse 18 we learn that “Jajja, who long carried the burden of the varga, together with a committee of trustees (goshthíjana), built a large temple of Vishnu, brilliantly white and touching the clouds.” The committee mentioned may have been that of some older Vaishnava temple or that formed by the persons mentioned further on. Verse 19 contains a prayer for the duration of the building. The next verses (20-23) enumerate the names of the trustees of the temple, viz., Râma son of Tilha, Peichittika (?), . . . śa son of Dhanika, Narada son of Manga, Jasika son of ?, Vasanta son of Țila, Dhantuka son of Kala, Mahipâla son of Sobhara,¹¹³⁹⁰[Mâdha]- v a son of. . ?, Phullârî son of Sada, Devara son of Madhava, Sodhala son of Râmapâla, and Selhaṇa son of Rajika, whose functions, it seems, were to descend to sons and grandsons (verse 23). Verses 24 to 26 mention the endowments of the temple.

“Now hereafter are written the endowments, (vritti) of the god of gods, who wears the war-disc, which (endowments) have been given by the king and the inhabitants of the town :—
“ (Viz.) two houses and six rows of shops (vithi), a garden for the god, a guni-prasriti of rice (anna) possessing the proper weight, size and flavour ;²¹³⁹¹, and a prasriti is a bandful equal to two palai. Therice was of course destined for the Naivedya. offering.”)

“At each engine¹¹³⁹²a palí shall be taken, a .. from the flower-garland-maker, and the fourth part from the mápaka,²¹³⁹³whoever may be the mapaka.”

Verse 27 contains the usual imprecation against those who resume endowments or do not give what they ought to give according to the preceding verses.

The last verse states that this Prasasti was composed by two ‘wise’ men, Påla and Kuladdhara (?), who ask (not without good reason) the pardon of the learned for mistakes which they may have committed. The colophon in prose finally informs us that the Prasasti³¹³⁹⁴was incised by the mason Somala in Samvat 1207, on the full-moon day of Kartika, during the victorious reign of his glorious majesty, the supreme king of great kings, Vijayapâla. The latter name is unfortunately not quite certain. Though I believe that the lower portion of the syllable dvi is faintly recognisable before the very distinct jayapála, the possibility that the king’s name was Ajayapâla (śrîmadajaya-páladeva) is not absolutely excluded. But whether he bore the former or the latter name, it seems to me that we have here a ruler of a dynasty hitherto not traced in the inscriptions. None of the Ajayapâlas or Vijayapâlas,’ mentioned in other epigraphic documents, can be identified with this king, who in all probability ruled about the middle of the twelfth century A. D.; for usually Samvat means in the documents of this period Vikrama Samvat, and the date therefore corresponds to 1149-51 A. D. This king certainly was the ruler of Mathurâ at this period, and Jajja was one of his vassals. This much is absolutely certain, and the inscription settles also the date of at least one of the temples buried under the Keśava mound.

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TRANSCRIPT.

L. 1. ओं ॥ ओंगणपतये नमः ।
दिभ्यास वः कैरवकु
सिदंतो हिरदाननस्य [॥]
विजित्व लिधानिव -शं -[॥१]
2. [शौ] रेः कज्जलकांतिरस्त्वसिलता भू [त्यै] - -करा-
त्का[लिं] दीव समुद्रता सरभसं या स्वर्बुनीस्पर्धया ।
यन्ना - - - - - - - -. रहोपमः
3.कम्बुर्ब्बिम्बितमम्बरं कमलिनोकिंजल्कपुंजायते ॥ [२]⁴¹³⁹⁵
स वोवतु- - - सकलदैत्यदर्पार्द्दनः
महान - - - —

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L. 4. नः[।]
समस्तभुवनाकरः कमलचक्रभूषाकरः
धृतामरमहाभरः तृ[ण]वदुधृतस्माधरः ॥ [३]¹¹³⁹⁶
इति प्रथममेव॥
5. कलप्रोद्दाम दिग्मण्डलः
समाश्रयो द्विजकुलैःसंसेव्यमानोधिकं ।
क्षोणीमण्डलमण्डनं बहुतरप्र[ख्यात]सर्व्वक्र[म]
6. अतः क्षितितले राजन्यवंशो महान् ॥ [४]²¹³⁹⁷
सौज[न्यामृत]वारिधिर्गु[रुगुणग्रा]मप्रकामावधिः
श्रीमान्धमर्म्मनिधि[र्न] यैकनिपुणक्षु[सा] - - - - -
7. तत्राभूत्कलिकालकल्मषमषीप्रक्षा—

- - - - -श्रीसिंहराजाह्वयः ॥ [५]³¹³⁹⁸
        दानेन ल[क्ष्म]र्व्विनयेन विद्या
        8. क्तिः क्षमया च शक्तिः[।]
        सत्येन स - - - - -
- - - - -[॥ ६]⁴¹³⁹⁹
- - - - नयोन्नतमतिः श्रोतेजराजाह्वयः
        सहर्म्मैक ~ -
        9. शुचिर्गुरुगुणग्राही विवेकार – ।
        ि- - - - - - - -
- [र्य] घभुजङ्गमो न तरली यो नायकोपि स्फुटं ॥ [७]⁵¹⁴⁰⁰
  10. ‘तस्मात्सूनुरजायतोज्वलतरप्र - - - - -
- - - - -[र्ण रतः] .
        विद्वद्दांक्कितपूर्त्तिकल्पविटपी न्यायै-
        11. कनिष्ठः परं ॥ [८]⁶¹⁴⁰¹
        शंभुः शैलसुतामिव - - - - - -
- - - ——-[रिव] स्रोतखिनीं जाह्नवीं ।
      शीतांशःकिल

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L. 12. रोहिणीमिव सुनिर्म्मान्धा गि[रा] -
————————[॥ १०]¹¹⁴⁰²
x x xजज्जः सज्जनभूषणं ।
13. रामो दशरथेनेव कौ[स] ल्यासु [दा] - [॥ ११]²¹⁴⁰³
~ - - - - -

- - - - [ताशाः] परिछेत्तुमीशः [।]
        14. नक्षत्रालीं दिवि गणयितुं कोङ्गुलीभि
- - - - [॥ १२]³¹⁴⁰⁴
- - - वाप्य वृद्धिं
      15. पक्षं किलैकं विमलं करोति [।]
      जज्जःपुनर्भूतल - - - -
- - - - [॥ १३]⁴¹⁴⁰⁵
- - - - धर्म्मे मतिः
        16. दानेभ्यासविधिः परोपकृतयेकार्यं गुरूणां [व] - [।]

- - - - सुमतेः किं किं न लोकोत्तरं ॥ [१४]⁵⁸⁶³
        17. कायः परोपकृतिभिः सकृ[ती] - -
- - - - [।]
- - - - [णे]न
        **18.**सत्येन वागपि च येन कृता कृतार्थाथी ॥ [१५]⁶¹⁴⁰⁶
        श्रीमानिस्मिकनामधेयविदि[तो] - - - - [।]
        19. –ोलाचारविभूषणां शुभगुणां भर्तृव्रतां सम्मतां
        तस्यां [पुत्र] चतुष्टयं समभव— [॥ १६]⁷¹⁴⁰⁷

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—–[द्वि]जगुरूचितभक्तियुक्तः[।]
गांभीर्यसत्यनयदान [विवे] कवुद्धिः
L. 20.श्रीआसिका——[॥१७]¹³⁷⁴
——————— [विज्ञा] य गोष्ठीजनैः
सार्धं वर्गधुरां चिराय वहता जज्जेम निर्मापितं।
21. विष्णोर्हर्म्यमनल्प - - - - -
——————— पटं शुभ्राभमभ्रंलिहं ॥[१८]²¹⁴⁰⁸
22. सौधः सैन्धवमन्धकान्तकजटाजूटाटवीनाटकक्रीडादुर्ल - - - -
– [सु]चिरं फणीश्वर फणारत्नांकुराणां क्षि- ि- [।]
23. - - तावदिहास्तु मन्दिरमिदं लक्ष्मीपतेः शाश्वतं
——————— [॥ १९]³¹⁴⁰⁹
× × × × ा [जधम्मी] रामस्तिलहस्य नंदनः ।
पेइचि[त्ति]क
x x [शो] धणिकात्मजः ॥ [२०]⁴¹⁴¹⁰
24. मंगपुत्रोनारदच्चजासि[काजाहवा]त्मजः ।
टीलसूनुर्वसंतच्च कलस्यात्मजधन्तुकः ॥ [२१]⁵¹⁴¹¹
सोभरात्मा महीपालः
25. × × × × v-वः ।
फुलारी सडसंभूतः देवरो माधवात्मजः ॥ [२२]
सोढलोरामपालस्य सेल्हणो राजिकोद्भवः ।
एते गोष्ठीं समागम्य पुत्रपौत्रादि -[ लि]काः ॥ [२३]
26. [अथा] तो लिख्यते वृत्तिर्देवदेवस्य चक्रिणः ।
संप्रदत्ता नरेन्द्रेण पुरवासिजनेन च ॥ [२४]
हे गृहे वीथयः षट् च वाटिका देवहेतवे ।
गोणी-

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L. 27. [प्र] सृतिरन्नस्य भानोन्मानरसादिका \।\। [२५]
यं[त्रे] यंत्रे पलो - ा- ाचा - ु- पुष्पमालिकात् ।
मापकाच्च चतुर्थोसो यः क[श्चि]न्मापको भवेत् ॥ [२५]¹¹⁴¹²
28. यः क[श्चि]त् हरते वृत्तिं नं ददाति च मानवः ।
स गच्छेन्नरकं घोरं यावदाम्भ्रातसंप्रवः ॥ [२७]²¹⁴¹³
अस्या[ःप्र]शस्तेः कर्त्तारौ बुधौ पालकुलचरौ।
क्ष[न्त] व्यं सर्वविबुधैर्न्यूनान्ध- - - - - तः॥ [२८]
29. संवत् १२०७ का[र्त्तिक] पौर्णमास्यां महाराजाधिरा[जश्रीमद्वि]जयपालदेवविजयराज्ये उत्कीर्णा सोमलसूत्र [धारेण ॥ ]³¹⁴¹⁴

- - - - रोमणिर्व्विमलधीर्धीरः सतां संमतः ॥ २९॥⁴¹⁴¹⁵
        अ [व] न्तराजतनयां भार्यां समुदवहत्सतीं ।
        तस्यां स जनयामास × × × × - - - - -॥ [३०]

XXXIV.—THE VADNAGAR PRASASTI OF THE REIGN OF KUMARAPALA

BY VAJESHANKAR G. OJHA, EsQ., AND G. BüHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The subjoined edition of the Vaḍnagar Prasasti has been prepared according toa paper-impression, forwarded, together with a valuable transcript, by VajeshankarG. Ojha, Esq., of Bhaunagar, whose antiquarian zeal has already made accessible aconsiderable number of important inscriptions found in Western India. In revising theproofs I have also had the use of an impression prepared by Mr. H. Cousens andfurnished me by Dr. Burgess.

The inscription, to which Mr. H. H. Dhruva first called attention in the Indian**Antiquary, vol. X, p. 160, is incised on a stone slab in the Arjun Bari near the Sámelatank at Vaḍnagar. To judge from the impression it measures 35 1/2 inches in heightby 32 inches in breadth, and contains 46 lines of badly engraved, ordinary Nágaricharacters. The preservation is tolerably good except in the middle, where line 19 hasbeen entirely destroyed by a break in the slab, and lines 17, 18 and 20 have sufferedsmaller or greater losses. Lines 26 and 27 have lost a few letters at the end. Thelanguage is Sanskrit, and with the exception of the introductory invocation and of twocolophons is throughout metrical. Mistakes of various kinds are exceedingly numerous,and there is hardly a single verse which does not require more or less extensive emendations. But all the faults in the first verses are apparently due to the negligence of the

copyist or of the engraver. The spelling is simply execrable. The corrections in the notes to the text rectify only the worst cases. The smaller mistakes, which will befamiliar to every student who has read bad manuscripts, have not been touched.

The inscription contains a second-hand copy of Sripâla’s eulogy on the rampart of Nagara-Ânandapura, built in Vikrama Samvat 1208, by the Chaulukya king Kumarapâla, and two additional verses, composed by the writer of the copy, which was made on the restoration of the rampart in Vikrama Samvat 1689. Sripâla’s poem opens with a prose invocation to Siva and a mañgalaaddressed to Brahman (verse 1). The next seventeen verses (2-18) give an account of the origin of Chulukya, the heros eponymos of the Chaulukya race, and of the first eight Chaulukya rulers of Gujarat. The list agrees with those known from other sources:—

Mularaja.
His son Chamundaraja.
His son Vallabharâja.
His brother Durlabharaja.
Bhimadeva.
His son Karna.
His son Jayasimha-Siddharaja.
Kumarapala.

The historical notes, appended to the names of the several kings, furnish not much that is new, but are of value on account of the age of the inscription, which is about as old as the oldest Prabandha, Hemachandra’s Dvyáśrayakávya. Of Mâlarâja we hear (verse 5), that “he made the Fortuna of the kingdom of the Châpotkata princes, whom he took captive at his will, an object of enjoyment for the multitude of the learned, of his relatives, of Brâhmaṇs, bards, and servants.” This statement agrees with that contained in Mûlarâja’s land grant (Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 192), where it is asserted that “he conquered the province watered by the river Sarasvatî through the strength of his arm,” and furnishes an additional argument for assuming that the first Chaulukya gained Gujarât by conquest, not, as the Prabandhas narrate, by the treacherous murder of the last Châpotkaṭa, his near relative. Verse 6 speaks of a successful war, waged by Châmuṇḍa, against the king of Sindh. This point is not mentioned in any other document, but is not incredible, as Sindh formed the western border of the Chaulukya kingdom, and as somewhat later both Bhimadeva and his son Karna were at feud with its rulers. With respect to Vallabharâja the inscription asserts (verse 7), that he made an inroad into Mâlava, which the Kirtikaumudî (ii, 11), the Sukritasaṁkírtana (ii, 13), and some later Prabandhas, likewise report, while Hemachandra is silent regarding it. So long as Someśvara’s and Arisimha’s testimony was not supported by earlier evidence, the point remained at least doubtful. Now the case is different, and it becomes difficult to assail the authenticity of the tradition. Durlabharâja, we are told, conquered Lâța, which feat is not mentioned in the other sources. Usually the annexation of central Gujarat to the Chaulukya kingdom is ascribed to Múlarája. Equally interesting is the fact that our Prasasti (verse 9) ascribes to Bhimadeva the conquest of Dharâ. This likewise agrees with the statements of the Kirtikaumudí (ii, 17-18), of the Sukritasamkírtana (ii, 17-19), and of the later Prabandhas, which assert that Bhima caused the destruction of Bhoja. Hemachandra’s omitting to notice it now loses its

importance. The passage regarding Jayasimha-Siddharâja (verses 11-13) has unfortunately been mutilated. The only complete verse (11) mentions his taking the king of Mâlava, i.e., Yasovarman, captive and his possessing the philosopher’s stone, or rather tincture, with the help of which he paid the debts of all his subjects, and it would seem that the fragments of verse 12 referred to the king’s power.over the evil spirits. It thus appears that Sripala, just as Hemachandra in the Dvyáśrayakávya, thought it necessary to endow his master with supernatural powers. The five verses 14 to 18, referring to Kumârapâla, highly extol his two well-known victories over Arņorâja, the king of the North (verse 17), i.e., of Sakambharî-Sâmbhar in Râjputânâ, and over the ruler of Mâlava, the king of the East. The latter seems to have lost his life in the defence of his country; for verse 15 asserts that his head was suspended at the gate of Kumârapâla’s palace, and verse 17 again alludes to his severed head. Both wars are mentioned in most other sources. Nevertheless it is important to learn from our Prasasti that they were finished before Vikrama Samvat 1208. Hitherto it was only possible to say, on the strength of the statements in the Nâmdol grant, that Arnorâja had been conquered before Vikrama Saṁvat 1213. Now we learn that the rising in Mâlava, which Jayasimha had formerly annexed to Gujarât, was also subdued five years earlier.

Verses 19—29 contain the praise of the ancient Brâhmaṇical settlement of Nagara or Ânandapura and of the rampart with which Kumarapala surrounded it, as well as a wish for the duration of the latter. Ânandap’ura, which now is usually called Vaḍnagar, or in Sanskrit Vriddhanagara, lies in the Kheralu subdivision of the Kadi district, belonging to the Gaikovåd of Baroda¹¹⁴¹⁶. The earliest mention of its existence occurs in Hiuen-Tsiang’s Travels (Si-yu-ki, vol. II, p. 268). Somewhat later its name appears in the Valabhî landgrants, and it is probably this Ânandapura where Siladitya VI. Dhrubhata issued his śásana of (Gupta)-Samvat 447.²¹⁴¹⁷

As is well known, it is the original home of the Nâgaras, the most important section of the Brâhmans of Gujarât, whose great influence with the princes of Gujarât is attested by credible testimony since the tenth century.³¹⁴¹⁸ Considering the early importance of the place, it is rather astonishing that, as the Prasasti asserts, it had no walls until the reign of Kumârapala.

Verse 30 gives the author’s name, and informs us that Sripâla was adopted as a brother by Jayasimha-Siddharâja and bore the title Kavichakravartin, ‘ an emperor among poets.’ Sripâla is frequently mentioned in the Prabandhas as Jayasimha’s poet-laureate. The Prabhávakacharitra (xxii, 206-8) names the Vairochanaparájaya as his chief composition, and asserts that he wrote Prasastis for the Durlabharâjameru and for the Rudramahalaya in Sristhala-Siddhapura. Merutunga in the Prabandhachintämani (pp. 155-6) speaks of his eulogy of the famous Sahasralinga tank, excavated by Jayasimha near Anhilvâd-Pâtan. A verse of his is quoted by Sarngadhara in the Paddhati, cxxxiii, 7 (No. 3789, ed. Peterson). From our Prasasti we learn that he continued to hold his office under Kumârapâla. His successor was, according to Rajasekhara’s Prabandhakosha, his son Ratnapâla.

The writer of the Prasasti was the Nagara Brâhman, Pandit Vâlaṇa, and the date V. S. 1208, Âśvina sudi 5 (?), a Thursday, must fall between A.D. 1150 and 1152. It is possibly Thursday, September 28, 1151 A.D.

The first of the two verses, added by the Nágara Joshi Vishnuji, son of Veni, i.e., Venilala or Venidâsa, records the reconstruction or repairs of part of the rampart, executed by a king whose name is not entirely readable, and it mentions the Arjunabariká, i.e., the Arjun-Bari, where the slab is found. The second gives the date, V.S. 1689, Chaitra sudi 1, a Thursday.

TRANSCRIPT.

L. 1. ओं॥ ओं नमः शिवाय॥
ब्रह्माद्वैतधिया मुमुक्षुभिरभिध्यातस्य बहाक्षरै-

रिक्वाशक्तिमभिष्टवीमि जगतां पत्युः श्रुतीनां निधेः।
**2.**या व्यापारितसंङ्कृतैः स्वसमयं ब्रह्मापिंडैर्न्नवैः।
क्रीडंती मणिकंदुकैरिव स स्वकृदमाह्वादते॥ १ [॥]¹¹⁴¹⁹
गीर्वाणैर्व्वोतगर्वं दनुजपरिभवात्प्रार्थितस्त्रायकार्थं।
3. वेधाःसंध्या नमस्यन्नपि निजचुलुके पुण्यगंगांबुपूर्णे।

सद्यो वीरं चुलुक्यायमसृजदिमं येन कीर्त्तिप्रवाहैः
पूतं वैलोक्यमेतन्नियतमनुहंरत्येव हेतो फलं श्रीः॥ २ [॥]²¹⁴²⁰
4. वंशःकोपि ततो बभूव विविधाश्चर्यैकलीलास्पदं।
यस्माद्भूमिभृतोपि वीतगणिताः प्रादुर्भवंत्यन्वहं।
छायां यः प्रथितप्रतापमहतीं धे विपन्नोपि सन्।

**5.**योजन्यावधि सर्वदापि जगतो विश्वस्य दत्ते फलं॥ ३ [॥]³¹⁴²¹
वंशस्यास्य यशःप्रकाशनविधाैनिर्मूल्यमुक्तामणिः।
क्षोणीपालकिरीटकल्पितपदः श्रीमूलराजोऽभवत्।
**6.**यो मूले कलिदावदग्धनिखिलन्यायाद्रुमोत्पादने।
यो राजेव करैप्रकामशिशिरैः प्रीतिं निनाय प्रजाः॥ ४ [॥]⁴¹⁴²²
**7.**यश्चापोत्कटराजराज्यकमलां स्वकृंदवंदीकृतां
विद्वद्बांधवविप्रबंदिधृतकव्यूहोपभोग्यां व्यधात्
यत्खड्गात्रयिणीं तदा श्रियमलं युद्धस्फुरद्विक्रम-

क्रोताः सर्वदिगंतरक्षितिभुजां

L.8. लक्ष्मणश्चिरं मेजिरे॥ ५[॥]
सूनुस्तस्य बभूव भूपतिलकश्चामुंडराजाज्ञयो
यज्ञंधद्विपदानगंधपवनाघ्राणेन दूरादपि।
9. विभ्रस्यम्मदगंधभन्नकरिमिःश्रीसिन्धुराजस्तया।
नष्टःक्षोणीपतिर्यथास्य यशसां गंधोपि निर्नाशित॥ ६ [॥]¹¹⁴²³
10. तस्माद्वल्लभराज इत्यभिधया क्ष्मापालचूडामणि यज्ञेसाहसकर्मनिमितचमत्कारक्षमामंडलो
11. यत्कोपानलजृंभितं पिशुनया तत्संप्रयाणश्रुति क्षुभ्यम्मालवभूपचक्रविकसम्मालियधूमोद्गमः॥७ [॥]²¹⁴²⁴
श्रीमद्दुभराजनामनृपतिर्भ्रातास्य राज्यं दधे।
शृंगारपि निषिण्णधीः परवधूवर्गस्य यो दुर्ल्लभः।
यस्य क्रोधपरामृणस्य किमपिभ्रूवल्लरी भंगुरा

12. सद्यो दर्शयति स्म लारवसुधाभंगस्वरूपं फलं॥ ८ [॥]³¹⁴²⁵
भीमोपि द्विषतां सदा प्रणयिणांभोग्यत्वमासेदिवान्।
13. क्षोणीभारमिदं बभार नृपति[:] श्रीभीमदेवो नृपः।
धारापंचकसाधनैकचतुरैस्तद्वाजिभिः साधिता।
क्षिप्रं मालवचक्रवर्त्तिनगरी धारेति को विस्मयः॥९[॥]
14. तस्माद्भूमिपतिर्बभूव वसुधाकर्णावतंसस्फुर-

त्कीर्त्तप्रीणितविश्वकर्णविवरः श्रीकर्णदेवाह्वयः।
15. येन ज्याप्रथितस्वनं च्युतशरं धर्मं पुरस्कुर्वता।
न्यायज्ञेन न केवलं रिपुगणः कालोपि विद्व [:] कलिः॥ १० [॥]⁴¹⁴²⁶
दृष्यम्मालवभूपबंधनविधित्रवस्ताखिलक्ष्मापति-
र्भक्त्याकृष्टवितीर्णदर्शनशिव[मू] त्तप्र[भ]वोदयः।
16.
सद्य सिद्धरसानृणीकृतजगद्गीतापमानस्थिति-

र्जज्ञेश्रीजयसिंहदेवनृपंतिः सिद्धाधिरजिस्ततः॥ ११ [॥]⁵¹⁴²⁷
वश्यावेश्म रसा-

<MISSING_FIG href=”../books_images/U-IMG-1698835548Screenshot2023-11-01161532.png”/>

L. 17. तलं च विलसङ्गोमि[त्वचं प्राविशन् ]।

[सं]भोक्तुम-ि - - - -क्षत्राणि रक्षांसि च॥
यः क्षोणीधरयागिनींच सुमहाभोगां सिषेवे चिरं
18. हेलासिद्वरसाःस[दा] क्षितिभुज —- रे१२ [॥]
–तीतवितीर्णदाननिवहैःसंपन्नपुण्योच्चयः।
क्रीडाक्रांतदिगंतराल -
19. [सकल] - - - - - - - - [।]
— - - - - - - - - - -

-[॥१३]¹¹⁴²⁸

20. कुलभूप - - - -ावलंब - -
क्रीडाक्रोड इवोद्दधार वसुधां देवाधिदेवाज्ञया।
21. देवः[सोथ] कुमारपालनृपतिः श्रीराज्यचूडामणि-
– र्गादवतीर्णवान् हरिरिति ज्ञातः प्रभावाज्जनैः॥ १४ [॥]²¹⁴²⁹
अर्णोराजनराधिराजहृद[ये] चि[प्रै]कबाणव्रजा-
**22.**कपोतल्लोहिततर्पणादमदयच्चंडी भुजस्थायिनीं।
‘द्वारालंबितमालवेश्वरशिरः पद्मेन यश्चाहर-

ल्लीलापंकजसंग्रहव्यसनिनीं चौलुक्यराजान्वयः॥ १५ [॥]³¹⁴³⁰
23. शुद्धाचारनवावतारसरणिः संधर्मकर्मक्रम-

प्रादुर्भावविशारदोनयपथप्रस्थानसार्थाधिपः।
24. यः संप्रत्यवतारयन् कृतयुगं योगं - लंघयन्
[म] न्ये संहरति स्म भू[मि]वलयं कालव्यवस्थामपि॥ १६ [॥]⁴¹⁴³¹
**25.**प्रत्यू - - -खंडितांगुलिद[लै]ःपर्युक्कस [त्पन्न]-

वीनष्टोदीच्यनराधिपोज्जितसितकृत्रैः प्रसूनोज्वलः।
छिन्नप्राच्यनरेंद्रमालिकमले प्रौष्यत्पलद्योतित
छाया दूरमवर्द्धयन्निज-

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698835855Screenshot2023-11-01161443.png"/>

**L. 26.**कुले यस्य प्रतापद्रुमः॥ १७ [॥]¹¹⁴³²
आचारः किल तस्य रक्षणविधिविधेशनिर्नाशित-

प्रत्यूहस्य फलावलोकिशकुनज्ञानस्य मं[त्रान्व] यः।
27. देवीमंडलखंडिताखिलरिपोर्युद्दंविनोदात्सवः।
श्रीसोमेश्वरदत्तराज्यविभवस्याडंबरं वाहिनी॥ १८ [॥]²¹⁴³³
राज्ञानेन च भुज्य - - -भगा विश्वंभरा विस्वीर
28. द्रत्रद्योतितवारिराशिरशनां शीताद्रिविंध्यस्तनीं।
एता भूषयदस्थिकुंडलमिव श्रुत्याश्रयं ष्टता
विभ्रा[णा]गराह्वयं द्विजमहास्थानं सुवर्णोदयं॥ १९[॥]³¹⁴³⁴
29.
आब्रह्मादि ऋषिप्रवर्त्तितमहायज्ञक्रमोत्तंभिते-
र्यूपैर्दत्तकरावलंबनतया पादव्यपेक्षाच्युतः।
30. धर्मोत्रैव चतुर्युगेपि कलिनानंदःपरिस्पंदते
तेनानंदपुरेति यस्य विबुधैर्नामांतरं निर्मितं॥२० [॥]⁴¹⁴³⁵
आश्रातद्विजवर्गवेदतुमुलैर्बाधिर्यमारापितः
31. शश्वद्दोमहुताशधूमपटलैरांध्यव्यथा॑ लंभितः।
नानादेवनिकेतनध्वजशिसाघातैश्चखंजीकृतो
यस्मिन्नद्य कलि स्वकालविहितोत्साहापि नोत्सर्पति॥ २१ [॥]⁵¹⁴³⁶
32. सर्पद्विप्रवधूजनस्य विविधालंकाररत्नांशुभिः
स्मेराःसंततगोतमंगलरवैर्वाचालतां प्रापिताः।
33. अस्तांतोत्सवलक्ष्यमाणविभात्कर्षप्रकाशस्थितौ
मार्गा एव वदंति यत्रनृपतेः सौराज्यसंपङ्गुणं॥२२ [॥]⁶¹⁴³⁷
अस्मिन्नाकराक्षमापद्विजजनस्त्राणं करोत्यध्वरे
34. रक्षां शांतिकपौष्टिकै वितनुतेभूपस्य राष्ट्रस्य च।

मा भूतस्य तथापि तीव्रतपसो बाधेति भक्त्या नृपो।

वप्र वि॑प्रपुराभिरक्ष[ण] कृते निर्मापयामास सः॥२३ [॥]¹¹⁴³⁸
अस्मिन्वप्रगुणेन तोयनिलयाः प्रीणंति लोकं जलैः
L. 35. कामं क्षेत्रभुवोपि वप्रकलितास्तन्वंति धान्यश्रियं।
एवं चेतसि संप्रधाय सकलब्रह्मोपकारेच्छया।
चक्रे वप्रविभूषितंपुरमिदं चौलुक्यचूडामणिः॥२४ [॥] ²¹⁴³⁹
36.
पादाक्रांतरसातलो गिरिरिव श्लाघ्योमहाभोगतः
शृंगारीव तरंगिणीपतिरिव स्फारोदयहारभूः।
37. उत्सर्पत्कपिशीर्षको जय इव क्रव्यादनाथद्विषां
नारीवर्ग रावेष्टकांत[रु]चिरः सालोयमालोक्यते॥२५ [॥]³¹⁴⁴⁰
38. भोगाभोगमनोहरः पणशतैरुत्तुंगगतां धारयन्
यातःकुंडलितां च यज्ञपुरुषस्याज्ञावशेनागतः।
रत्नस्वर्णमहानिधिं पुरमिव त्रातुं स शेष स्थितः
39. प्राकारः सुधया सितोपलशिराः मंलक्ष्यते दृत्वान्॥२६ [॥]⁴¹⁴⁴¹
कामं कामसमृद्दिपूरकरमारामाभिरामाः सदा।
स्वकृदस्वपततत्परैर्द्विजकुलैरत्यंतवाचालिताः।
40. उत्सर्पङ्गुणशालिवप्रवलयप्रीतैःप्रसन्नाजनैः।
रत्नांताश्चबहिश्चसंप्रति भुवः शोभाद्भुतं बिभ्रतिः॥२७ [॥]⁵¹⁴⁴²
41. लक्ष्मीकुलं क्षोणिभुजो दधानः प्रौढोदयाधिष्टितविग्रहोयं।
विभ्राजते नागरकाम्यवृष्टि वप्रश्चचौलुक्यनराधिपश्च॥२८ [॥]⁶¹⁴⁴³
यावत्पृथ्वी पृथुविरचिताशेषभूभृन्निवेशा।
42. यावत्कीर्त्तिःसगरनृपतेर्विद्यते सागरोयं।
तावन्नद्याद्विजवरमहास्थानरक्षानिदान
43. श्रीचौलुक्यक्षितिपतियशः कीर्त्तनं वप्र एष॥२९[॥]⁷¹⁴⁴⁴
एकाहनि[ष्प]न्नमहाप्र – धः श्रीसिद्धराजप्रतिपन्नबंधुः।
श्रीपालनामा कविचक्रवर्ती प्रशस्तिमेतामकरोत्प्रशस्तां॥३०[॥]⁸¹⁴⁴⁵

L.44. संवत १२०८ वर्षे आश्विन शुदि [५] गुरो लिखितं नागरब्राह्मणपंडितवालणेन॥¹¹⁴⁴⁶
45. चौलुक्य[नाम्नाह्य] धिपेन कारिता प्रतोलिका या[र्जु]न[वा]द्विकोपनत्।
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698836862Screenshot2023-11-01163714.png"/>

पुनर्नवीना लतफहा– त - वेगमिर्जाने - नेन नृपेण कारिता॥ १ [॥]²¹⁴⁴⁷
चैत्रमासे शुभ्रेपक्षेप्रतिपद्गुरुवासरे।
नंदा॑ष्टनृपे
46. १६८९वर्षे प्रशस्ति लिखिता पुनः॥ २ [॥]³¹⁴⁴⁸
नागरब्राह्मणजोशीवेणीसुतन विष्णुजीकेन लिखिता प्रशस्ति॥⁴¹⁴⁴⁹
शुभं भवतु॥छ॥

TRANSLATION.

Om! Om! Adoration to Śiva!

(Verse 1.) I praise that will-power of the lord of the (three) worlds, the store-house of the Vedas, on whom the silent seekers after salvation meditate as on the non-dualistic Brahman,—(that power) which, playing with new mundane eggs, as with jewelled balls— producing and destroying them at their time— ever amuses itself according to its desire.

(2.) Humbly asked by the gods for a protector against the insults of the sons of Danu, the Creator, though about to perform the twilight-worship, produced forth with in his pot (chuluka) filled with the holy water of Gangâ, that hero named Chulukya who sanctified these three worlds with the floods of his fame. Of a necessity the glory of the cause produces its result.⁵¹⁴⁵⁰

(3.) From him sprang a race, the sole sporting-ground of many marvels, in which even kings without number daily appear, which, even in its decay, possessed a lustre, great on account of its famed valour, and which ever bestows blessings on the whole world down to common men.

(4.) Illustrious Mûlarâja, who stepped on the diadems of princes, was a priceless pearl to enhance the splendour of the fame of his family, — he who became the root of the tree of justice that had been burnt by the forest-fire of the Kali (age) and, as (becomes) a (true) king, by exceedingly light taxes⁶¹⁴⁵¹ a (true) king,’ i.e., one whose behaviour agrees with the etypogical meaning of râjan, which the Iliudus connect with ranjayati, ‘be gladdens.’")gained the affection of his subjects.

(5.) He made the Fortuna of the kingdom of the Chåpotkata princes, whom he took captive at his will, an object of enjoyment for the multitude of the learned, of his relatives, ‘of Brâhmaṇs, bards and servants. Won by his valour that mightily blazed forth in battle, the guardian goddesses of the kings of all the other regions then clave for a long time to the Fortuna residing in his sword.

(V.6.) His son was that front-ornament among kings, called Chamuṇḍaraja. Inhaling even from afar the breeze perfumed with the ichor of his (Chamunda’s) excellent elephants, the illustrious Sindhu-king fled together with his own elephants that were cowed by the smell of (their opponent’s) rut, and vanished in such wise that even all trace of the fame of that prince was lost.

(7.) From him was born a crest-jewel among princes named Vallabharaja, who astonished the circle of the earth by his bold deeds. Densely dark smoke,rising from the empire of the Mâlava king, who quaked on hearing of his marching, indicated the spread of the fire of his anger.

(8.) (After him) ruled his brother, called the illustrious king Durlabharaja, who, though his heart was bent on love, was not easily accessible (durlabha) to the wives of others.¹¹⁴⁵² When, filled with anger, he somewhat contracted his arched eyebrows, that forthwith indicated its result, the destruction of the Lata country.

(9.) (Next) illustrious king. Bhîmadeva, who, though terrible(bhima) to his foes, ever granted enjoyments to his friends, as ruler, carried this load of the earth.²¹⁴⁵³What wonder was there that his horses, supremely skilled in accomplishing the five paces (called ‘dhárá), quickly gained Dhârâ, the capital of the emperor of Målava?

(10.) From him sprang a king, called illustrious Karṇa, an ornament of the ear (karna) of the earth, who gladdened the auditory passages of the universewith (the tales of) his brilliant fame. That righteous one, placing the sacred law before (him as his shield), smote with the loud twanging of the sinew (of his bow) and with flights of arrows not only the crowd of his foes, but also the Kali age.³¹⁴⁵⁴

(11.) From him was born the illustrions king Jayasimhadeva-Siddhâdhiraja, who frightened all rulers of the earth by the manner in which he fettered the proud king of Mâlava, who was propitious in the aspect that he showed to those drawn towards him by devotion, who was an incarnation of the development of majesty, who was ever celebrated by the people, freed by him from debt with the help of the philosopher’s tincture, as the standard of comparisons.⁴¹⁴⁵⁵

(14.). . . . . . . He who, like (Vishnu) disguised as a boar, uplifted the earth at the command of the God of gods,⁵¹⁴⁵⁶was his majesty King Kumarapala, the crest-jewel of the reign of Sri,⁶¹⁴⁵⁷and on account of his majestic power he was considered by the people as Hari who had descended from heaven.

(15.) This scion of the race of the Chaulukya kings shot one flight of arrows into the heart of the supreme king of men, Arnorâja, and made (the goddess) Chandi, who was seated on his arm, drunk by satisfying her with the gushing blood,⁷¹⁴⁵⁸ and he charmed her when she was desirous of taking a toy-lotus, with the lotus-head of the Mâlava lord, that was suspended at his gate.

(V. 16.) He who is the path for a new descent of pure virtuous conduct, who is expert in causing the appearance of numerous works of true piety, and who is the leader of the caravan travelling on the road of righteousness, subjects to himself, methinks, (not only) the circle of the earth, (but) also the arrangement of time, since he now makes the Krita age appear and disregards the suitability of the (time of) Kali.

(17.) The tree of his prowess, which bears glittering sprouts in the guise of slender fingers, cut off. . . . .., resplendent flowers in the shape of white umbrellas left behind by the flying king of the North, and as a shining, moist (?) fruit, the severed lotus-head of the ruler of the East, gave wide-spreading shade to his own race.

(18.) The rule of conduct for that (prince), for whom Vighneśa (Ganapati) removed all obstacles, was to protect (his subjects); the aim of his councils was the knowledge of omens (known) to those who look for results; the battle was the festive amusement of him, whose foes were all destroyed by the multitude of his (tutelary) Devis;¹¹⁴⁵⁹his army was (mere) show for him to whom glorious Someśvara had given regal splendour.²¹⁴⁶⁰

(19.) This earth, that is blessed in being enjoyed by that king (Kumárapála), that is surrounded by the oceans as by a girdle resplendent with glittering jewels, whose breasts are the Snowy Mountain and the Vindhya, bears a sacred settlement of Brâhmans, rich in men of a noble caste, called Nagara, which resembles an ornamental ivory-ring placed in its ear.³¹⁴⁶¹

(20.) Even here Dharma, who has suffered a fall with respect to his feet,⁴¹⁴⁶²joyfully moves about during the wholefour ages, since he finds a support for his hands in the sacrificial pillars erected for the series of great sacrifices which the sages continuously performed from the beginning of Brahman’s (life). Hence the gods gave to this (lown) its second name Ânandapura.

(21.) Even to-day Kali, though putting forth his energy in the period called after him, does not roam there, because the loud noise of the Vedas (recited) by crowds of untired Brâhmaṇs deafens him, because the smoke of the fires (blazing up) with uninterrupted oblations, afflicts him with blindness, because the blows from the tips of the flags (raised) on numerous temples of the gods, lame him.

(22.) There even the streets, resplendent with the rays of the jewels in the various ornaments of the Brâhmans’ wives taking their walks, and made noisy by the auspicious sounds of uninterrupted songs, proclaim the excellence of the most beneficent reign of the king with respect to the splendour of the great wealth that is indicated by never-ending festivals.

(23.) There the Brâhmans, descended from the Nâgara race, protect the king andthe realm and guard them by sacrifices that ward off evil and cause prosperity. Lest, nevertheless, this Brahman-town, though thus given up to difficult austerities, should suffer harm, the king, full of devotion, ordered a rampart to be built for its protection.

(V. 24.) “In consequence of the excellence of the rampart the drinking-fountains^(1¹⁴⁶³)gladden people there with water, even the cultivated fields, enclosed by the rampart, bring at pleasure rich crops;” thinking thus in his heart the crest jewel of the Chaulukyas adorned this whole town with a rampart, desiring to benefit the Brâhmans.

(25.) This rampart resembles a mountain since its foundations go down to the lower world; (it resembles) a lover worthy to be praised on account of his great enjoyments (slághyo mahá-bhogataḥ), since it is worthy of praise on account of its great extent (ślághyo mahá-ábhogataḥ); (it resembles) the ocean, since it is a means of (obtaining) great prosperity;²¹⁴⁶⁴ (it resembles) the victory of the foes of the lord of the Rakshasas, since monkeys’ heads peep forth from it;³¹⁴⁶⁵ (and it resembles) a company of women who are pleased with their dear husbands (ishta-kanta-ruchiraḥ), since it is resplendent with a coping of bricks (ishṭaká-anta-ruchiraḥ).

(26.) This circular rampart, whose stone-head is white with stucco, looks like (the serpent) Sesha⁴¹⁴⁶⁶who is charming through the size of his folds, who raises a hundred hoods on high,⁵¹⁴⁶⁷ who has curled himself up in the shape of a ring, who has come (from the nether world) at the command of Yajñapurusha (Vishnu) and stays (here) in order to protect this town, a storehouse of jewels, (viz.) of men of a noble caste.

(27.) Inside and outside, the grounds here now wear a wonderful beauty, being always lovely, according to (one’s heart’s) desire, with women, beautiful as Lakshmî, who cause desire to increase,⁶¹⁴⁶⁸ being made most noisy by crowds of Brâhmans who are intent on singing their sacred texts, (and) being bright with men pleased with the lofty encircling rampart that is endowed with excellent qualitics.

(28.) Resplendent is the Chaulukya king and this rampart that carries a house of Lakshmi (erected) by the king,⁷¹⁴⁶⁹that possesses a loftily rising body and profusely grants desired (boons) to the Nagaras.

(29.) As long as the earth keeps all the mountains in their places assigned to them by Prithu,⁸¹⁴⁷⁰ as long as the ocean, the glory of king Sagara, endures, so long may this rampart enjoy existence, (which is) the primary cause of the safety of the sacred settlement of Brahmans and a monument of the fame of the illustrious Chaulukya king.

(30.). The emperor of poets, called Sripala, who finished this great composition in one day⁹¹⁴⁷¹and had been adopted as a brother by the illustrious Siddharâja, made this excellent eulogy.

Written Samvat 1208, on the 5th (?) day of the bright half of the month of Âśvina, a Thursday, by the Nâgara Brâhman, Pandit Valana.

(1.) The causeway leading to the Arjuna-Bârikâ, built by the Chaulukya king, has been rebuilt by the prince….

(2.) In the month of Chaitra, during the bright half, on the first day, a Thursday, in the year (marked) by the Nandas, the eight and the kings, 1689, the eulogy was written again.

The eulogy was written by the Någara Brahmaṇ, Joshi Vishnujika, son of Veņi. May it be well.

———————

XXXV.—DEOPARA STONE INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYASENA.

BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GöTTNGEN.

The stone, a piece of basalt carefully polished on the upper surface, which bears this inscription,¹¹⁴⁷² was discovered about twenty-five years ago by Mr. C. T. Metcalfe, amidst a number of large blocks of stone, in a dense jungle near the village of ‘Deopara,’ in the Rajshâhî District of the Province of Bengal, and it is now in the India Museum at Calcutta.

The inscription contains 32 lines. The slab measures 3′ 2″ by 1′ 9 3/4, and the writing covers a space of 2’ 7 3/4" broad by 1′ 5 1/2″ high, and is throughout in a state of perfect preservation. The size of the letters is about 3/8". The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets, and may be described as a Bengâlî variety of the northern alphabet of the eleventh or twelfth century. Among the letters which differ from the ordinary Nâgariof the period, I may especially point out the initial i and e, the single consonants kh, j, !, n, t, ph, bh, r and l, and the conjuncts ksh, jñ, and hm. Besides, it may be noted that the letter r, which before another consonant is ordinarily denoted by the superscript sign, is written on the line in the conjuncts rgg, rnn, and rth, e.g., in -vargge, line 6, -ákírnna-Kurnnáța-, line 8, and -tirtha- and pratyarthi-, line 12; and that the sign of the avagraha is employed four times, to indicate the elision of the vowel a, e.g., in dadhe vasádam, line 13. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the introductory om om namaḥ Siváya, the whole is in verse. As regards orthography, the only points calling for remark are, that b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; that the (dental) n is employed instead of anusvára in mánsa, line 8; and that a final n has been left unchanged before an initial j in dhímán jaghána, line 17.

The inscription has been carefully and beautifully engraved by Sulapâni, styled ránaka and described as the ‛crest-jewel of the guild of Vârendra[²¹⁴⁷³. See, e.g., Lassen’s Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. III, p. 748.")artists,’ a son of Brihaspati, grandson of Manadâsa, and great-grandson of Dharma (verse 36); and it was composed by the poet Umåpatidhara (verse 35). In my opinion, there can be no doubt that this is the very poet of whom Jayadeva is speaking in his Gitagovinda, i, 4, when he says váchaḥ pallavayaty-Umápatidharaḥ, ‘Umâpatidhara makes the words sprout, i.e., his diction is verbose;’ for this short characteristic well fits the poem

which we have here before us. Besides, tradition¹¹⁴⁷⁴makes both poets live under the king Lakshmaṇasena; and if Umâpatidhara was an older contemporary of Jayadeva, he may well have witnessed the reign of Lakshmaṇasena’s grandfather Vijayasena, and in that case nothing is more likely than that he should have composed this eulogy on the earlier members of the Sena family.

The proper object of the inscription is to record (in verses 26-31) that the king Vijayasena built a magnificent temple of the god Siva, under the name of Pradyumneśvara; and by way of introduction the inscription furnishes the following short account of the king and his ancestors :—

In the lunar race (verse 3) were certain rulers of the south (dákshinatya), Virasena and others (verse 4), in whose family, called the Sena family, there was born Sâmantasena, who, after he had been engaged in wars in the south, more especially in Karṇāṭa, towards the end of his days retired to the sacred hermitages on the banks of the Ganges (verses 5-9). His son was Hemantasena (verses 10-13), whose wife, the mahárájni Yaśodevi (verse 14), bore to him the prince Vijayasena (verse 15). Vijayasena is eulogised as having defeated and imprisoned, besides others, the Kings Nânya and Vira, and assailed or conquered the kings of Gauda, Kâmarûpa and Kalinga (verse 20); and it is intimated (verse 22) that his fleet on an expedition of conquest had once been sailing up the Ganges.— Of the warriors or princes here mentioned, Virasena clearly is a mythical being, comparable, e.g., to the Arjuna in the genealogy of the Kalachuri rulers of Chedi; and the Sena family really began with Sâmantasena, whose name would show him to have been originally a tributary chief or dependent of some other sovereign. On Nânya see my note on verse 20, below.

Our inscription is not dated, but it may be assigned with confidence to the end of the eleventh century A.D. According to the Tarpan-dighî copper-plate inscription,²¹⁴⁷⁵Vijayasena was succeeded by his son Ballâlasena,³¹⁴⁷⁶and Ballâlasena by his son Lakshmaṇasena. Lakshmaṇasena was the founder of an era, which undoubtedly dates from the beginning of his reign, and which, as I have tried to show elsewhere,⁴¹⁴⁷⁷ According to Abul-Fazl (Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. LVII, part I, p. 2) the difference between a year of the Lakshmanasena era and the corresponding Saka year is 1041 years. (2) According to Dr. Rajendralál Mitra’s Notices of Sanskrit MSS., vol. VI, p. 13, a MS. of the Smrititativâmrila is dated “) commenced in

A.D. 1119. Vijayasena’s reign therefore may reasonably be supposed to havebegun about the beginning of the last quarter of the eleventh century; and this would agree with the tradition according to which the composer of our inscription, Umapatidhara, was (still) living under Lakshmanasena, as an older contemporary, as I take it, of the poet, Jayadeva.

TEXT.¹¹⁴⁷⁸

L.1. ओं^(2⁷⁵⁹)[॥*]ओँनमः शिवाय॥
वक्षोशुकाहरणसाध्यसकृष्टमौलिमाल्यच्छटाइतरतालयदीपभासः।
देव्यास्त्रपामुकुलितं मुखमिन्दुभाभिर्व्वीश्याननानि हसितानि जयन्ति शम्भोः॥^(3³⁷⁴—)[1].
2. लक्ष्मीवल्लभशैलजादयितयोरद्दैतलीलागृहं
प्रद्युम्नेश्वरशब्द (व्द) लाञ्छनमधिष्ठानं नमस्कुर्म्महे।
यत्रालिङ्गनभङ्गकातरत[या]^(4¹⁴⁷⁹)स्थित्वान्तरे कान्तयो-

र्द्देवीभ्यां कथमप्यभिन्नतनुताशिल्येऽन्तरायः कृतः॥^(5¹⁴⁸⁰—)[2].
**3.**यत्सिंहासनमीश्वरस्य कनकप्रायं जटामण्डलं
गङ्गाशौकरमञ्जरीपरिकरैर्यच्चामरप्रक्रिया।
श्वेतोत्फुल्लफणाञ्चलः शिवशिरःसन्दानदामोरग-
ञ्छत्त्रंयस्य जयत्यसावचरमो राजा सुधादीधितिः॥ —[3].
4. वंशे तस्यामरस्त्रीविततरतकलासाक्षिणो दाक्षिणात्य-

क्षोणीन्द्रैर्व्वीरसेनप्रभृतिभिरभितः कीर्त्तिमज्ञिर्व्व(र्ब्ब) भूवे।
यच्चारित्रानुचिन्तापरिचयशुचयः सूक्तिमाध्वीकधाराः
पाराशर्येण विश्वश्रवणपरिसरप्रीणनाय प्रणीताः॥ ^(6¹⁴⁸¹—)[4].
5. तस्मिन् सेनान्यवस्ये प्रतिसुभटशतोत्सादनव्र (ब्र) ह्मवादी
स व्र(ब्र) ह्मक्षत्त्रियाणामजनि कुलशिरोदाम सामन्तसेनः।
उङ्गीयन्ते यदीयाः स्खलदुदधिजलोल्लोलशीतेषु सेतोः
कच्छान्तेष्वप्सरोभिर्द्दशरथतनयस्पर्द्धया युद्धगाथा-ः॥ ^(—)[5]
6. यस्मिन् सङ्गरचत्वरे पटुरटत्तूर्योपज्ञतद्विष-

द्वर्ग्गेयेन कृपाणकालभुजगः खेलायितः पाणिना।
द्वैधीभूतविपक्षकुञ्जरघटाविशिष्टकुम्भस्थली-

मुक्तास्थूलवशाटकापारकरष्वपा-

प्तं तदद्याप्यभूत्॥ ¹⁸⁶³—[6]
**L. 7.**गृहाद्गृहमुपागतं व्रजति पत्तनं पत्तना-

द्वनाद्वनमनुद्रुतं भ्रमति पादपं पादपात्।
गिरेर्ग्गिरिमधिश्रितन्तरति तोयधिन्तोयधे-

र्यदोयमरिसुन्दरीसरकपृष्ठलग्नंयशः॥ ²¹⁴⁸²—[7].
**8.**दुर्व्वृत्तानामयमरिकुलाकीर्ण्णकर्ण्णाटलक्ष्मी-

लुण्टाकानां कदनमतनोत्तादृगेकाङ्गवीरः।
यस्मादद्याप्यविहतवसामान्समेदः सुभिक्षां³¹⁴⁸³
हृष्यत्पौरस्त्यजति न दिशं दक्षिणां प्रे[त] भर्त्ता॥ ⁴—[8].
**9.**उद्गन्धीन्याज्यधूमैर्मृगशिशुरसिताखिन्नवैखानसस्त्री-

स्तन्यक्षीराणि कीरप्रकरपरिचितव्र(ब्र)ह्मपारायणानि।
येनासेव्यन्त शेषे वयसि भवभयास्कन्दिभिर्म्मस्करीन्द्रैः
पूर्ण्णोत्सङ्गानि गङ्गापुलिनपरिसरारण्यपुण्याश्रमाणि॥ ⁵⁹⁷¹—[9].
**10.**अचरमपरमात्मज्ञानभीष्मादमुन्नान्निजभुजमदमत्तारातिमाराङ्गवीरः।
अभवदनवसानोङ्गिन्ननिर्णिततत्तद्गुणनिवहमहिन्नांवेश्म हेमन्तसेनः॥ ⁶³⁷⁸—[10].
मूर्द्धन्यर्द्वेन्दुचूडामणिचरणरजः सत्यवाक्कण्ठभित्तौ
शास्त्रं श्रोत्रेरिकेशाःपदभुवि भुजयोः क्रूरमौर्व्वीकिणाङ्कः।
**11.**नेपथ्यं यस्य जज्ञे सततमियदिदं रत्नपुष्पाणि हारा-

स्ताडङ्कं नूपुरस्रक्कनकवलयमप्यस्य भृत्याङ्गनानाम्॥ ⁷³⁸⁵—[11].
यद्दोर्ध्वल्लिविलासलब्ध (ब्ध) गतिभिः शल्यैर्व्विदीर्ण्णोरसां
**12.**वीराणां रण[ती]र्थवैभववशाद्दिव्यं वपुर्व्वि(र्ब्बि) भ्रताम्।
संसक्तामरकामिनीस्तनतटीकाश्मीरपत्राङ्कितं
वक्षः प्रागिव मुग्धसिद्धमिथुनैः सातङ्कमालोकितम्॥ ⁸³⁷⁸—[12],’
**13.**प्रत्यर्थिव्ययकेलिकर्म्मणि पुरःस्मेरंमुखं वि (बि) भ्रतो-

रेतस्यैतदसेश्चकौशलमभूद्दाने द्वयोरश्नुतम्।
शत्रोः कोपिं दधेऽवसादमपरः सख्युः प्रसादं व्यधा-

देको हारमुपाजहार सुहृदामन्यः प्रहारं द्विवाम्॥ ⁹¹⁴⁸⁴—[13].
**14.**महाराज्ञीयस्य स्वपरनिखिलान्तःपुरवधू-

शिरोरत्नश्रेणीकिरणसरणिस्मेरचरणा।
निधिः कान्ते [:]¹⁰¹⁴⁸⁵साध्वीव्रतविततनित्योज्ज्वलयशा

यशोदेवी नाम त्रिभुवनमनोज्ञाकृतिरभूत्॥ ¹¹⁴⁸⁶—[14].
ततस्त्रिजगदीश्वरात्मजनिष्ट देव्यास्ततो-

प्यरातिव (ब) लशातनोज्ज्वलकुमारकेलिक्रमः।
**L. 15.**चतुर्ज्जलधिमेखलावलयसीमविश्वम्भरा-

विशिष्टजयसान्वयो विजयसेनपृथ्वीपतिः॥ ²¹⁴⁸²—[15] .
गणयतु गणशः को भूपतींस्ताननेन प्रतिदिनरणभाजा ये जिता वा हता वा।
**16.**इह जगति विषेहे स्वस्य वंशस्य पूर्व्वः पुरुष इति सुधांशौ केवलं राजशब्द (ब्द):॥ ³¹⁴⁸⁷—[16].
संख्यातीतकपीन्द्रसैन्यविभुना तस्यारिजेतुस्तुलां
किं रामेण वदाम पाण्डवचमूनाथेन पार्थेन वा।.
हेतोः खड्गलतावतंसितभुजामात्रस्य येनार्ज्जितं
**17.**सप्ताश्वोधितटीपिनद्दवसुधाचक्रैकराज्यं फलम्॥ ⁴¹⁴⁸⁸—[17].
एकैकेन गुणेन येैःपरिणतं तेषां विवेकादृते
कश्चित्यपरश्च रक्षति सृजत्यन्धश्चकृत्स्नंजगत्।
देवोयं तु श्रुणैः कृतो व (ब) हुतिथैर्द्दीमान्⁵¹⁴⁸⁹जघान द्विषो
वृत्तस्थानपुषञ्चकार चरिपूच्छेदेन दिव्याः प्रजाः॥ —[18].
18.
दक्षादिव्यभुवः प्रतिक्षितिभृतामुर्व्वीमुरीकुर्व्वता
वीरासृग्लिपिलाञ्छितोऽसिरमुना प्रागेव पत्नीकृतः।
नेत्थंचेत् कथमन्यथा⁶¹⁴⁹⁰वसुमती भोगे विवादोन्मुखी
तत्राकृष्टकृपाणधारिणि गता भक्तंद्विषां सन्ततिः॥ —[19].
**19.**त्वं नान्धवीरविजयीति गिरः कवीनां श्रुत्वाऽन्यथामननरूढनिगूढरोषः।
गौडेन्द्रमद्रवदपाकृत कामरूपभूपं कलिङ्गमपि यस्तरसा जिगाय॥ ⁷³⁷⁴—[20].
शूरंमन्य इवासि नान्य किमिह स्वं राघव श्लाघसे
**20.**स्पर्द्धांवर्धन मुञ्चवीर विरतो नाद्यापि दर्प्पस्तव।
इत्यन्योन्यमहर्न्निशप्रणयिभिःकोलाहलैः आभुजां
यत्कारागृहयामिकैर्न्नियमितोनिद्रापनोदक्लमः॥ ⁸⁸⁶³—[21] .
पाश्चात्यचक्रजयकेलिषु यस्य यावद्गङ्गाप्रवाहमनुधावतिनौविताने।

**21.**भर्ग्गस्य मौलिसरिदम्भसि भस्मपङ्कलम्नोज्झितेव तरिरिन्दुकला चकास्ति॥ ⁹¹⁰³⁷ —[22].

मुक्ताः कर्प्पासवीजैर्न्मरकतशकलं शाकपत्रैरलावू (बू)-

पुष्पैरूप्याणि रत्नंपरिणतिभिदुरैः कुक्षिभिर्द्दाडिमानाम्।
**L. 22.**कुष्माण्डीवक्षरीणां विकसितकुसुमैः काञ्चनं नागरीभिः
शिष्यन्ते यत्प्रसादाद्व(द्ब) हुविभवजुषां योषितः श्रोत्रियाणाम्॥ ^(1³⁷⁸—)[23].
अश्रान्तविश्राणितयज्ञयूपस्तब्भावलीं द्रागवलम्व(म्ब) मानः।
यस्यानुभावाद्भुवि सञ्चचार कालक्रमादेकपदोपि धर्म्मः॥ ^(2¹³⁹⁹—)[24].
23. मेरोरादृतवैरिसङ्कुलतटादाज्ञययज्वामरान्
व्यत्यासं पुरवासिनामंकृतयः स्वर्ग्गस्य मर्त्त्यस्य च।
उत्तुङ्गैःसुरसग्नभिश्चविततैस्तत्रैश्च शेषीकृतं
चक्रे येन परस्परस्य च समं द्यावापृथिव्योर्व्वपुः॥ ³¹⁴⁹¹^(—)[25].
24.ादक्खामूलकाण्ड गगनतलमहाम्भोधिमध्यान्तरीयं
भानोः प्राक्प्रत्यगद्रिस्थितिमिलदुदयास्तस्य मध्याङ्कशैलम्।
आलम्व (म्ब) स्तम्भमेकं त्रिभुवनभवनस्यैकशेषं गिरीणां
स प्रद्युम्नेश्वरस्य व्यधितवसुमतीवासवः सौधमुच्चैः॥ ^(4³⁷⁸—)[26].
**25.**प्रासादेन तवामुनेव हरितामध्वानिरुद्धोमुधा

भानोद्यापि कृतोस्ति दक्षिणदिशः कोणान्तवासी मुनिः।
अन्यामुच्छपथोयमृच्छतु दिशं विन्ध्योप्यसौ वर्धतां
यावच्छक्ति तथापि नास्य पदवीं सौधस्य गाहिष्यते॥ ^(5¹³⁵⁴—)[27].
स्रष्टा यदि स्रक्ष्यति भूमिचक्रे सुमेरुमृत्पिण्डविवर्त्तनाभिः।
26. तदा घटःस्यादुपमानमस्मिन् सुवर्ण्णकुम्भस्य तदर्प्पितस्य॥ ^(6⁶¹²—)[28] .
वि (बि) लेशयविलासिनीमुकुटकोटिरत्नाङ्कुर-

स्फुरत्किरणमञ्जरीच्छुरितवारिपूरं पुरः।
**27.**चखान पुरवैरिणः स जलमन्नपौराङ्गना-

स्तनैणमदसौरभोच्चलितचञ्चरीकं सरः॥ ^(7¹⁴⁹²—)[29].
उच्चित्राणि दिगम्व (म्ब) रस्य वसनान्यर्थाङ्गनास्वामिनो
रत्नालंकृतिभिर्व्विशेषितवपुः शोभाः शतं सुभ्रुवः।
**28.**पौराव्याच्चपुरीः श्मशानवसतेर्भिक्षाभुजोस्याक्षयां
लक्ष्मीं स व्यतनोद्दरिद्रभरणे सुज्ञोहि सेनान्वयः॥ ⁸¹⁴⁹²^(—)[30].

चित्रक्षौमेभचर्म्मा हृदयविनिहितस्थलहारोरगेन्द्रः
श्रीखण्डच्चोदभस्मा करमिलितमहानीलरत्नाक्षमालः।
**L. 29.**वेषस्तेनास्य तेने गरुडमणिलतागोनसः कान्तमुक्ता-

नेपथ्यनस्थिरिच्छासमुचितरचनः कल्पकापालिकस्य॥¹³⁷⁸– [31].
वा (ग्बा) होःकेलिभिरद्वितीयकनकच्छत्रंधरित्रीतलं
कुर्व्वाणेन न पर्यशेषि किमपि स्वेनैव तेनेहितम्।
30. किन्तस्मैदिशतु प्रसन्नवरदोप्यर्द्वेन्दुमौलिः परं
स्वं सायुज्यमसावपश्चिमदशाशेषे पुनर्हास्यति॥ ²¹⁴⁹³–[32].
प्रस्तोतुमस्य परितश्चरितं क्षमः स्यात् प्राचेतसो यदि पराशरनन्दनो वा।
तत्कीर्त्तिपूरसुरसिन्धुविगाहनेन वाचः पवित्रयितुमत्र तु नः प्रयत्नः॥³³⁷⁴–[33].
31. यावद्दास्तीस्पति पुरधुनी भूर्भुवःस्वः पुनीते
यावच्चान्द्रोकलयति कलोत्तंसतां भूतभर्तुः ।
यावच्चेतौमयति सतां श्वेतिमानं त्रिवेदी
तावत्तांसां रचयतु सखी तत्तदेवास्य कीर्त्तिः॥ ⁴⁹⁷¹– [34] .
32. निर्ण्णिक्तसेनकुलभूपतिमौक्तिकानामग्रन्थिलग्रथनपक्ष्मलसूत्रवल्लिः।
एषा कवेःपदपदार्थविचारशुचवु (बु) द्देरुमापतिधरस्य कृतिः प्रशस्तिः॥ ⁵¹⁴⁹⁴– [35].
ध[र्म्म]⁶¹⁴⁹⁵ चof प्रयता insaite olear in the impression.”) प्रणप्ता मनदासनप्ता वृ(बृ) हस्पतेः सूनुरिमां प्रशस्तिं [।*]
चखान वारेन्द्रकशिल्पिगोष्ठीचूडामणी राणकशूलपाणिः॥॥ ⁷⁴⁹⁷–[36].

TRANSLATION.

Om !

Om ! Adoration to Śiva !

(Verse 1.) Triumphant are the faces of Sambhu,⁸¹⁴⁹⁶.")which smile, when by the rays of the moon they see the shame-contracted countenance of Devi, who, frightened at the withdrawal of her breast-cloth, pulls down the wreath on her head and extinguishes with it the lights of the hymeneal chamber.

(2.) We adore the (deity) designated Pradyumneśvara, that home of the playful joining together of the beloved of Lakshmi and the husband of the daughter of the mountain,⁹¹⁴⁹⁷, who represents the union of the two divine personalities in one. See M. Mouier- Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, page 65.")where the two goddesses, stepping between their lovers for fear lest they

should no longer be embraced by them, managed to obstruct the complete union of their bodies.

(V. 3.) Triumphant is that primeval king, the nectar-rayed moon, whose throne is the golden coil of matted hair of lśvara; who, sovereign as he is, is fanned by the abundant spray of the water of the Ganges; (and) who, has the serpent which ’encircles the head of Siva, covered with its bright expanded hoods, for his umbrella.

(4.) In the race of that witness of the continuous amorous pastime of the nymphs of heaven, there were born the southern rulers, Virasena and the rest, famous on both (their parents’) sides; the record of whose deeds has purified the streams of honied verse which the son¹¹⁴⁹⁸ of Parâsara has made to flow to please the ears of all mankind.

(5.) In that Sena family was born that head-garland of the clans of Brâhmans and Kshatriyas, Sâmantasena, a very magician iu exterminating hundreds of opposing champions; whose wars, in rivalry of the son²¹⁴⁹⁹ of Dasaratha carried on near the border of the dam³¹⁵⁰⁰which is cooled by the surging waves of the ocean, are celebrated in song by the nymphs of heaven.

(6.) The battle-fields, crowded with adversaries challenged by his shrill-sounding drums, on which he made his hand playfully wield the serpent-like sword, are still covered all over with multitudes of pearls, resembling large cowries, from the cleft frontal globes of the arrays of opponents’ elephants, scattered (by him).

(7.) His fame, following in the wake of the caravans of the wives of his enemies, proceeded from house to house, wandered from town to town, ran from wood to wood, roamed from tree to tree, ascended mountain after mountain, (and) crossed sea after sea.

(8.) This hero, singly,⁴¹⁵⁰¹slaughtered the wicked robbers of the wealth of Karnata, overrun’ by hostile tribes, to such an extent, that the ruler⁵¹⁵⁰²of goblins, whose citizens are delighted, does not even now leave the southern quarter where the ample store of marrow, flesh and fat is not yet exhausted.

(9.) In his old age he frequented the sacred hermitages in the woods by the sandy banks of the Ganges, full of religious devotees doing battle against the terrors of life,—(hermitages) which were fragrant with the smoke of sacrificial butter; where the young deer relished the milk of the breasts of kindly hermits’ wives; (and) where crowds of parrots knew by rote the texts of the Vedas.

(10.) From him, who inspired awe by his unrivalled knowledge of the supreme spirit, was born Hemantasena, a hero who destroyed⁶¹⁵⁰³.")adversaries proud in the strength of their arms, (and) a home of great multitudes of all kinds of spotless qualities which manifested themselves unceasingly.

(11.) On his head he had the dust of the feet of the half-moon-crested (god), in his throat true speech, in his ear sacred precepts, at his feet the hairs of enemies, on his arms the marks of the scars made by the hard bow-string. These always were his sole

decoration, while diamond flowers, pearl-strings, ear-rings, anklets, garlands and golden bracelets were all left to the wives of his servants.

(V.12.) When heroes, with their chests pierced by the spears discharged by the play of his long arms, through the efficacy of battle, resembling a holy bathing-place, became possessed of divine bodies, their breasts, marked with the saffron lines of the breasts of the damsels of heaven who clung to them, were, as before, viewed with terror by the timid Siddha couples.¹¹⁵⁰⁴

(13.) He and his sword, showing a bright face in their playful dealings with opponents and suppliants,²¹⁵⁰⁵ on every suppliant.’")both possessed a wonderful skill in bestowing their gifts. The one brought affliction to enemies, the other favours to friends; the one gave pearl-strings to allies, the other blows to opponents.

(14.) His royal consort was (the lady) named Yasodevi, whose feet were brightened by a series of rays of the lines of prest-jewels of the wives of princes both friendly and hostile. A store of loveliness, she acquired eternal bright fame by her devotion to her husband, while her beautiful form charmed the three worlds.

(15.) And from that royal lady there was born to that ruler of the three worlds (a son), who made illustrious the course of his youthful amusements by destroying hosts of enemies; king Vijayasena, properly so named because he completely conquered the whole earth, enclaved by the girdle of the four oceans.

(16.) Who could count the crowds of kings that were either conquered or slain by him, every day engaged in battle? In this whole world, he suffered only the moon to retain his title of king, because the moon was the progenitor of his own family.

(17.) How could we say that Râma, the lord of the countless hosts of the monkey-chief, or Pritha’s son, the leader of the Pândava army, were equal to that conqueror of enemies,— to him who by his mere arm, decorated by the sword-blade, gained for himself the sole sovereignty over the orb of the earth, up to the borders of the seven seas ?

(18.) Of (the gods) who have attained to perfection each in a single quality, the one without discrimination destroys, another preserves, and the third creates the whole world; but this (king), transformed into a divine being by (his) manifold excellent qualities, in his wisdom has destroyed the enemies, has preserved those who abide by their duties, and by annihilating the adversaries has created celestial beings.³¹⁵⁰⁶

(19.) He surely had already before made his sword, written on with the blood of heroes, the deed (to prove) that he had given places in heaven to opposing princes and in return accepted (from them) the earth. Had it not been so, how would the earth, when there arose disputes as to its ownership, have gone to him, presenting his drawn sword, and how would the line of his opponents have met with defeat ?

(20.) Hearing the words of the poets “thou hast defeated Nânya and Vira,“⁴¹⁵⁰⁷ in Nânyadeva, the founder of the Karnataka dynasty of Nepal (Indian Antiquary, vol. IX, p. 188; vol. XIII, p. 418; Bendall’s Catálog, Introduction, p. xv), who is placed in Saka 1019-A.D. 1097 (Pischel, Katalog der Bibl. d. D. M. G., vol. II, p. 8), close enough to the time when our inscription was composed to suggest the idea that he may possibly be the very king here spoken of.")and

mistaking them (to mean that he had not defeated another hero), filled with hidden rage, he impetuously assailed the lord of Gauda, put down the prince of Kâmarûpa, and defeated the Kalinga.

(V. 21.) “You seem to consider yourself a hero, Nânya."“ Why do you boast of yourself, here, Raghava?”. “Give up your rivalry, Vardhana!” “Has your pride not yet come to an end, Vira?"— Such mutual bickering, which went on day and night among the kings (imprisoned by him), lightened to the watchmen of his prison-houses the weary task of keeping off sleep.

(22.) The moon’s crescent shines (on Siva’s head) as if it were a boat, stuck fast in the mud formed by the ashes in the water of the river on Bharga’s¹¹⁵⁰⁸crest and abandoned there, when (the king’s) fleet in its playful conquest of the western regions was sailing up the whole course of the Ganges.

(23.) Through his favour the Brahmaṇs versed in the Vedas enjoy so much wealth that their wives are taught by the wives of the towns-people (the knowledge of) pearls with cotton-seed, (of) emeralds with grass-leaves, (of) silver-pieces with gourd-flowers, (of) jewels with the ripeued contents of pomegranates, (and of) gold with the blooming flowers of kushmândi croepers.²¹⁵⁰⁹

(24.) IIis doing it was that Virtue, though in the course of time she had become one-legged,³¹⁵¹⁰was walking about on earth, by nimbly leaning on the near of posts of the sacrifices which he never was tired of offering.

(25.) Engaged in sacrifices, he called down the immortals from Meru, the slopes of which were crowded with the enemies slain by him, and thus made the inhabitants of heaven and carth to change places; and building lofty temples and digging extensive lakes, he made what there was left of heaven and what remained of the earth⁴¹⁵¹¹to appear the one like the other.

(26.) That ruler of the earth built a high temple of Pradyumneśvara, the ground-part of which takes up the several quarters, while its middle is clad by the great sea of heaven; (a temple which is) the midday mountain of the sun who at his rising and setting touches the eastern and western mountains, (which is) the one column of support of the house of the three worlds, (and) the unique representative of all mountains.

(27.) Since the path of thy horses is obstructed already by this edifice, it is useless, O sun, to keep the sage (Agastya) still an inhabitant of a corner of the southern quarter. Let him give up his compact⁵¹⁵¹² and proceed to other quarters, and let the Vindhya rise as much as it may! It never will cross the path of this temple.

(28.) When the creator shall fashion a jar, using theearth as a wheel and turning on it, like a lump of clay, the Sumeru, then the result will be something to which one may compare the golden cupola, placed by the (king) on this (temple).

(V. 29.) Before (the temple of) Pura’s enemy¹⁵¹³ he dug a lake, the sheets of water of which are streaked by the flashing clusters of rays of the jewels on the points of the diadems of the serpent damsels of the lower regions, (and) to which the bees are attracted by the fragrance of the musk from the breasts of the citizens’ wives who bathe in it.

(30) He provided bright-coloured dresses for the naked;¹⁵¹⁴a hundred lovely female(attendants), whose bodily charms were heightened by jewel-ornaments, for the husband of only half wife; towns filled with citizens for him whose abode is the burial-ground; and endless wealth for him who subsisted on alms. For well knows the Sena family how to support the poor.

(31) Replacing (the god’s) elephant-hide by variegated silken clothes,¹⁵¹⁵ putting round his breast a large pearl-string instead of the huge serpent, applying (to his skin) sandal-powder instead of ashes, putting in his hands a string of sapphires in place of the beads, providing long emeralds in place of the snakes, and instead of men’s bones a decoration formed. of lovely pearls, he furnished an attire for him, the arrangement of which will suit the wishes of the wearer of skulls at the destruction of the universe.

(32.) Since he has brought it about by the play of his arm that the surface of the earth holds no other golden umbrella (besides his), he has left himself nothing to wish for. What else then could the half-moon-crested god, even when pleased to grant a boon, bestow onin? Yet this (we pray), when the end of his days has come, may he grant to him final union with himself!

(33.) Fully to eulogisc his doings would be a task suitable for the offspring of Prachetas or the son of Parâśara.¹⁵¹⁶ We make this attempt, to purify our speech by bathing it in the divine river of his boundless fame.

(34.) So long as the river¹⁵¹⁷ of the city of Indra purifies the three worlds; so long as the moon’s crescent continues to ornament the lord of evil beings;¹⁵¹⁸ so long as the triad of the Vedas illumines the minds of the good ;-so long may his fame, a friend of all three, share in their several occupations !

(35.) This eulogy, a smooth string without knots of the spotless pearls of the princes of the Sena family, is the work of the poet Umapatidhara, whose understanding is purified by the study of words and their meanings.

(36.) The Râṇaka Śûlapâni, the son of Brihaspati, grandson of Manadåsa, (and) great-grandson of Dharma, the crest-jewel of the guild of Vârendra artists, has engraved this eulogy.

XXXVI.—SUNAK GRANT OF THE CHAULUKYA KING KARNA I.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH. D.

The following inscription is edited from two excellent impressions, kindly forwarded by Mr. H. Cousens. It is engraved on the inner sides of two copperplates¹⁵¹⁹, which were found at Sûnak, a village about fifteen miles east-south-east from Pattan, North Gujarât, and about five miles west of Uñjhâ¹⁵²⁰railway station. They are now in the possession of Mr. Nârâyaṇ Bhârati, a resident of Pattan. When Mr. Cousens copied the plates, they were held together by ore ring, which had been out, but not recently. The second ring, which probably bore the seal, was missing. To judge from the impressions, the preservation of the plates seems to be perfect.

The language of the inscription is Sanskṛit prose. The date of the grant was the day of an eclipse of the moon (somagiuhaṇa), which took place on Monday, the 15th day of the bright half of Vaiśâkha, in Vikrama-Saṁvat 1148. Mr. Fleet has favoured me with the following calculation of this date:-“The corresponding European date is Monday, 5th May, A.D. 1091. On this date there was an eclipse of the moon, on the full-moon tithi of Vaiśākha of northern Vikrama-Saṁvat 1148 expired, or southern Vikrama-Saṁvat 1147 current. The tithi ended at about 50 ghatis, 53 palas, after mean sunrise (for Bombay); and so the eclipse should be visible in India. There an eclipse on the same tithi in southern Vikrama-Saṁvat 1148 expired, on the 24th April, A.D. 1092. But here the week-day was Saturday. In northern Vikrama-Saṁvat 1148 current there was no eclipse on the given tithi.”¹⁵²¹, on Tuesday, 6th May; but being before sunrise it would be reckoned as belonging to the 5th. The moon was in the meridian 50° west of Bombay, and the eclipse was a partig one of 6-4 digits. That of 24th April 1092 was total and the time of the middle of it was 8h. 3m. P.M., at Bombay.-J. B.N:”)

The donor was the mahárájádhirája Karṇadeva, surnamed Trailokyamalla. This is the Chaulukya king Karṇa I., who, according to Dr. [Bühler,¹⁵²² reigned from Vikrama-Saṁvat 1120 to 1150. The king issued the order, which contains the grant, from Anahila pâṭaka, and addressed it to the inhabitants of a division of one hundred and twenty-six villages, the chief place of which was Ânandapura. The grant consisted of a piece of land at Laghu-Dâbhi, i.e., Little Dâbhi, from the proceeds of which a tank (rấpí) at Sûnaka was to be maintained. The land granted in Laghu-Dâbhî was bounded on the north-west by the village of Saṇḍera.

Aṇahilapâțaka is, of course, Aṇhilvåd, the capital of the Chaulukyas, and Ânandapura, the modern Vaḍnagar.¹⁵²³ Sûnaka is identical with the modern village of Sûnak, where the plates were discovered. To Mr. Cousens I am indebted for the following information about the remaining localities, which are mentioned in the grant :— “The names you give are still the names of villages in the vicinity of Sûnak, and they are placed thus:—Dâbhîis about one mile south-west of Sûnak, and Sandera, a village considerably larger than either, is about three miles south-west by west of Ḍâbhî

COPPERPLATE GRANT Of KARNADEVA OF GUJARAT.—PL. I.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710154256EP-5.png"/>

COPPERPLATE GRANT OF KARNADEVA OF GUJARAT.—PL. II.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710154428EP-6.png"/>

or Laghu-Dâbhî, as it is still sometimes called. To tally with the geography of the place, Saṇḍera should be placed in the south-west; but it may be that the land granted was an outlying piece considerably to the south of Laghu-Dâbhîand thus lying, in respect to Saṇḍera, in a south-easterly direction. The tank alluded to is, no doubt, the large tank on the north-west corner of the village of Sûnak. It is now ruined, but during the greater part of the year holds a supply of water. The banks around the south, west, and north sides now consist of mounds of old brickwork, the bricks themselves being A the very large old type. I have no doubt the tank was surrounded with stone steps at one time, but, like the great Sahasralińga talâo at Pattan, the stone lining has been carried off for other purposes, leaving nought but the under brickwork."

The inscription ends with the names of the writer and of the dûtaka, and with the signature of the king. The writer, Kekkaka, was the son of the Kâyastha Vateśvara, who seems to be identical with Vaṭeśvara, the son of the Kâyastha Kâñchana, the writer of a grant of Bhîma I., dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 1086**.⁶¹⁵²⁴**

It may be noted in passing that a grant of Bhîmadeva, which was lately published by Mr. Fleet,⁷¹⁵²⁵ seems to belong to Bhîma I., and not to Bhîma II., as it was written by the same Vaṭeśvara, the son of the Kâyastha Kâñchana, and as the dútaka of both grants was the mahāpdṁdhivigrahika Śrî-Chaṇḍaśarman. Consequently, the date ofMr. Fleet’s inscriptton, Sarmvat 93, cannot refer to the Siṁha era, but is probably, as Dr. Buhler took it to be⁸¹⁵²⁶, an abbreviation for Vikrama-Saṁvat 1093.

As in the grant of the later Chaulukya king Bhîma II.¹⁵²⁷,^(9)¹⁵²⁸ the second syllable of the particle iti, which marks the end of this grant, is written in current-hand with a flourish attached. The king’s signature also shews current-band characters, which are different from, and larger than, the letters in the body of the inscription, and is clearly intended for a facsimile copy of the actual sign-manual of Karṇadeva.

TEXT.
PLATE I.

चीं विक्रमसम्वत् ११४८ वैशाख शुदि १५ सोमे। अह श्रीमदण-
हिलपाटके समस्तराजावलीविराजितमहाराजाधिराजश्रीम-
भैलोक्यमश[:] ¹⁰¹⁵²⁹ श्रीकरणदेवः स्वभुन्यमानत्रीमदानंदपुरप्रतिवद्दष-
हिंशत्यधिकचामशतांतःपातिनः समस्तराजपुरुषान् ब्राह्म-
थोत्तरांस्तबिवासिजनपदांच वोधयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा ।
अच्य सोमग्रहणपर्वणि चराचरगुरुं भगवंतं भवानीपतिम-
व्यर्थ संसारासारतां विचिंत्य ऐहिकमामुषिकं च फलमंगीक-
8.त्य पिचोरात्मनच पुष्ययशोभिवृदयेसुनकग्राम रसोवि-
कठकुरमहादेवेन कारिजवाप्येलघुडाभीग्राम कुटुं० ज-
संपाल। लाला । वकुलस्वामिन सत्कनामोपलचितभूमि[: *] पा-
दुल १२ वहति¹¹¹⁵³⁰ इल ४ इति इलचतुष्टयभूमी शासनेनोद-
कपूर्वमस्माभिः प्रदता । भस्वाय भूमेः पूर्वस्त्रां.

PLATE II.

दिशि भहारिकाचेचं ।तथा ब्राह्मणचंद्र । नेहा । ला-
साधेनं च । दक्षियस्यांमुहिवरामधेचं । परिमायां संडेरग्रा-
मसीमा । उत्तरस्यामेव संडेरग्रामसीमा ॥ इति चतुराबाटी-
पलक्षितां भूमिमेनामवगम्य तबिवासिजनपदैर्यथादी-
यमानभागभोगक्षरङ्किरस्यादि सर्वमाज्ञाश्रवणविधेय-
र्भूत्वा ऽस्ये वाप्यैसमुपनेतव्यं सामान्यं चैतत्पुष्यफलं मत्वा
परिपंथना केनापि न कार्या । उक्तं च भगवता व्यासेन । बष्टि-
वर्षसहस्राणि^(12)¹⁵³¹ स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः । आच्छेता^(13)¹⁵³² चांनुमंता च
तान्येव नरकं^(14)¹⁵³³ वसेत् ॥ लिखितमिदं शासनं कायस्थवटेस्य-
रसुत आक्षपटलिककककेन । दूतको ऽचमहासांधिवि-
ग्रहिकश्रीचाहिल इति [*] श्रीकणदेवस्य॥

TRANSLATION.

Oṁ. Vikrama-Saṁvat 1148, Vaiśâkha Śudi 15, on Monday. To-day, here, in the prosperous Aṇahilapâtaka, the illustrious Tralokyamalla, (alias) the illustrious Karṇadeva, the mahúrájádhirája, who is adorned with a continuous-line of kings (his ancestors), informs all royal officers connected with the one hundred and twenty-six villages belonging to (the division of) the prosperous Ânandapura which is in his (the king’s) possession, and the Brâhmaṇas and other people who inhabit this (division) :—

“Be it known to you that, to-day, at the festival of an eclipse of the moon, having
worshipped the lord of the world, the blessed husband of Bhavânî(In, Siva), having considered the vanity of the world, and believing in the rewards (of charity) in this world and in the next, we gave, in order to increase the merit and fame of our parents and of ourselves, by an edict, with a libation of water, to the tank which the Rasovika (?) Ṭhakkura Mahâdeva caused to be constructed in the village of Sûnaka,—hala 4, i.e., (in words) four ploughs of land, carrying (i.e., requiring as seed corn) 12 páilám (or 48 sers),¹⁵¹⁵³⁴.” See Shápurjí Edalji’s Gujarátí and English Dictionary, 2nd edition, s.V. पायक्षौ.") belonging to the householders (kutumbin) Jasapâla (i.e., Yasaḥpâla), Lâlâ, and Bakulasvâmin, and designated by (their) names, in the village of Laghu-Dabhi. On the east of this land is the field of Bhattârikâ, and the fields of the Brahmaṇas Rudra, Nehâ, and Lâlâ; on the south, the field of Mahisharâma; on the west, the boundary of the village of Sandera; on the north, likewise, the boundary of the village of Sandera. Knowing this land, thus defined by its four boundaries, (and) being obedient to (this) order on hearing (it), the people inhabiting this (land) shall deliver for that tank, as they are being levied at present, all shares, enjoyments, taxes, gold, &c. And, remembering that the reward of this meritorious gift is common (to all), nobody shall cause obstruction (to its owner). And the holy Vyasa has said: He who gives land remains in heaven for sixty thousand years; both he who takes (it) away and he who assents (to its being taken away) shall stay as long in hell.’ This edict (śâsana) is written by the keeper of records (ákshapaṭalika) Kekkaka, the son of the Kayastha Vateśvara. The messenger (dûtaka) for this (grant) is the great minister of peace and war (mahásámdhivigrahika) Sri-Chahila."

(The signature) of the illustrious Karṇadeva.

XXXVII.—PRASASTI OF THE TEMPLE OF VADIPURA-PARSVANATHA AT
PATTANA.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH. D., LL.D., C.L.E.

The subjoined edition of the Prasasti¹⁵³⁵of the temple of Pârsvanâtha of Vâdîpura at Aṇhilvâd-Pattana has been prepared according to an excellent paper-impression taken by Mr. H. Cousens and made over to me by the editor.

The inscription is incised on a stone-slab measuring about 28 inches by 16 ½, and contains 52 lines of ordinary Jaina Nâgarî letters. At the top there are rude ropresentations of two lotuses in the left and right-hand corners, and in the middle a figure, somewhat like a Nandávarta, in the centre of which stands the syllable hra. The execution is good, and the preservation almost perfect. The language is incorrect Sanskrit mixed with Gujarâtî, and a few Persian and Arabic words. Prakriticisms and Gujarâticisms are:-1. 2-likhana for lekhana, arham for arhantam, l. 16—bhamḍârí for bháṇḍágárika, 1. 33-milana, 1. 45-bahini for bhagini, bâî, ‘lady,’ l. 47-paushadhaśálá, as well as a good many Gujârâtî names like 1. 15-Ukavála, 1. 40-Osavála, ibidem Súhavade for Subhagadevi and so forth. Persian and Arabic words are ll. 3, 26, 33, 39—pálisáhi, I.e.Paulsháh, 11. 14, 37-pÌra, ‘a Muhammadan saint,’ 1. 35—phuramána, ‘firmân,’ 1. €8, alldi, ’tho Ilâhî era’. The case terminations are mostly omitted, and the rules of euphony are frequently disregarded even in compound words. Of some interest, too, is the inflected form samvati from samvat, which occurs twice, 1. 4 and 1. 36. The whole inscription is in prose, with the exception of the Mangala.

The latter consists of a slightly corrupt Aryâ verse, which invokes a blessing on the pious founder of the temple :—

“Hail! May the glorious Jina Pâréva of Vâḍipura, who resides in Pattana, ever grant wealth, prosperity and eternal happiness to him who built the temple of the community (samgha).”

The next lines, 2-4, give a summary of the contents of the inscription and a date
which probably refers to the beginning of the building operations :—

“In the temple of glorious Pârsvanâtha of Vadipura, is written the eulogy (of the founder), preceded by an account of the succession of the venerable pontiffs of the famous Bṛihat Kharatara-(gachchha,) after bowing to the Arbat. In the reign of the Pâdishâh, the illustrious Akabbara, in the year 1651 after the time of the illustrious king Vikṛama, on the ninth (lunar day) of the bright half of Mârgaśîrsha, on the civil day (called) Monday (i. e., according to Dr. Schram, on November 16, 1594), under the constellation Púrvabhadra during a lucky planetary hour (took place) the first beginning.”

The Paṭṭávali, 11. 4-40, enumerates the following spiritual chiefs of the Kharatara school:—

Uddyotanasûri (Klatt¹⁵³⁶,No. 38), who, descending in an unbroken line from the ruler of the faith, the glorious lord Mahâvîra, made viháras resplendent.

Vardhamânasûri (Klatt, No. 39), who consecrated the temple (vasati) built on Mount Arbuda (Abû) by the daṇḍanayaka Vimala, and worshipped the sûrimantra that had been corrected by the glorious lord Sîmandhara.
Jineśvarasûri I (Klatt, No. 40), who in (Vikrama Saṁvat) 1080 obtained the title Kharatara after overthrowing the Chaityavásins in the Darbâr of Durlabharâja, king of Aṇhilvâḍ¹⁵³⁷.

Jinachandrasûri 1 (Klatt, No. 41).
Abhayadevasûri (Klatt, No. 42), who, in consequence of a revelation from the guardian deity of the faith, made known the image of Pârśvanâtha of Stambhanâ(Thâsrâ ?) and thereby was freed from his loathsome leprosy, who obtained fame by composing the Navângi and other works.
Jinavallabhasûri (Klatt, No. 43), who awakened 10,000 Śrâvakas of the Vâgaḍa country (i. e., either eastern Kichch or Duṅgarpur) by sending a letter con- sisting of ten kulakas, and exalted the Jaina faith by composing excellently written good poems and various Śâstras, such as the Piṇḍaviśuddhi¹⁵³⁸.

Jinadattasûri (Klatt, No. 44), who by his power subdued the company of the 64 Yogiṁs¹⁵³⁹, 52 Viras, (and ?) Piras of Sindh, who obtained the rank of Yuga- pradhána by reading the golden letters written by Ambada’s hand, and by magic walked across the five rivers of the Panjâb¹⁵⁴⁰.

Jinachandrasûri II (Klatt, No. 15), who awakened the illustrious Mahati- yâṇa, chief (pradhána) of the Usavalas (Osvâls) and other clans in Srimàla (Bhinmâl), and had the naramani in his foreherd.
Jinapatti (thus all the inscriptions, but Jinapatisûri, Klatt, No. 46), who accomplished the vidhipaksha through the shaṭtrimsadvada in the shape of the Prabodhodaya and other works which were examined by Bhaṇḍári Nemichandra (??).
Jineśvarasûri II (Klatt, No. 47), who consecrated the Śántiviravidhichaitya in Lâthaula-Vijâpura.
Jinaprabodhasûri (Klatt, No. 48).
Jinachandrasûri III (Klatt, No. 49), who was adorned with the title Râjagachchha, because he converted four kings.
Jinakusalasûri (Klatt, No. 50), who consecrated the Kharatara temple vasati), the ornament of famous Śatrumjaya.
Jinapadmasûri (Klatt, No. 51).
Jinalabdhisûri (Klatt, No. 52).
Jinachandrasûri IV (Klatt, No. 53).
Jinodayasûri (Klatt, No. 54), who granted happiness, viz., the dignity of samghapati and so forth, by throwing his dress (over people) at the deváñganávasara(?).
Jinarâjasûri (Klatt, No. 55).
Jinabhadrasûri (Klatt, No. 56), who founded excellent libraries in various sacred places¹⁵⁴¹.

Jinachandrasûri V (Klatt, No. 57).
Jinasamudrasûri (Klatt, No. 58), who by magic subdued five Yakshas.
Jinahaṁsasûri (Klatt, No. 59), whom the illustrious pádisháh Śikandar (i.e., Sikandar bin Bahlol who ruled A. D. 1489-1510), being astonished at his austerities and meditation, honoured by releasing 500 prisoners.
Jinamanikyásûri (Klatt, No. 60), who by magic crossed the five rivers of the, Parjâb, and prevented (or warded off) a violent attack of the Yavanas (Mubammadans) through the power of his exceeding meditation.
Jinachandrasûri VI (Klatt, No. 61), the ruling spìritual head, who conquered many opponents in disputations. He was called by the lord JalâluddÎn, the glorious
Pädishâh Akabbara, who was desirous of seeing him, having heard of his immeasurable greatness that unfolded itself in consequence of his stay at StambhatÎrtha (or Cambay) during the rains of (Vikrama) Samvat 1618. He met the emperor, pleased him by the multitude of his virtues, and obtained one edict (phuramáṇa) forbidding the slaughter of animals during eight days in Asháḍha and a second protecting the fish in the Gulf of Cambay (Stambhatirthasamudra), as well as the title “the most virtuous, glorious pontiff of the age” (sattamaśrîyugapradhána). Further, at the command of the emperor, he crossed by magic the five rivers of the Panjâb on the twelfth lunar day of the bright half of Mâgha, (Vikrama) Samvat 1652, and made five Piras appear, by which feats he obtained the distinction of paramavara, and so forth, and exalted the Samgha. He was attended by Áchárya Jasimha,¹⁵⁴² on whom he had conferred the dignity of áchárya in the presence of the emperor Akbar. It was by his advice that the temple of Vâdîpura-Pârévanâtha was built.

This list of names fully agrees with the much later one, from which Dr. Klatt made
his extracts, and it shows that Dharmasâgara’s violent diatribe against the Kharatara Paṭṭávali in his Kupakshakauśikàditya¹⁵⁴³contains some gross misstatements or nistakes. First, Dharmasagara says that he wrote in Vikrama Samvat 1629, and that the head of the Kharataras was in his time Jinahamsa. That is utterly irreconcileable with the statements of our inscription which asserts that his second successor Jinachandra VI was Yugapradiâna in Vikrama Samvat 1618 and 1652, and that Jinahamsa himself was honoured by Sultân Sikandar, who ruled until A.D. 1517 or Vikrama Samvat 1573. This latter assertion, on the other hand, agrees with the dates of Dr. Klatt’s Paṭṭávali, where it is said that Jinalamsa died in Vikrama Samvat 1582. Secondly, Dharmasagara erroneously omits in his Kharataru-Raṭṭávalî the name of Jinasamudra between Jinachandra V and Jinahamsa. Thirdly, he puts Jinavardhana in Jinabhadra’s place, though an incidental remark of his regarding a Kharalara-Paṭṭávalí, incised in Vikrama Samvat 1505 in the temple at Jesalmir, shows that he was aware of Jinabhadra’s position. Dr. Klatt’s Pallávalí states that Jinavardhana indeed was first made Yugapraḍhâna, but deposed for misbehaviour, and that Jinabhadra was put into his place. Since Dharmasâgara, as would appear, intentionally omits the latter and names the sinner, it looks as if he had wished to taunt his opponents with this misfortune. I may add that the date of the Jesalmir Paṭṭávali, given by Dharmasâgara, is wrong. According to the notes which I took at Jesalmir in 1873, Jinabhadra is named, on the large slab in the temple of Pârávanátha, as paṭṭadhárin in Vikrama Saṁvat 1473. This date differs also by two years from that in Dr. Klatt’s extracts, according to which Jinabhadra was installed as spirit al head of the Kharataras in Vikrama Samvat 1475.

These facts, I think, show that Dharmasâgara’s statements regarding other schools can only be used with great caution.

The events from the lives of the various Yugapradhânas reported in the inscription are for the greater part well-known, and those which are new, are mostly not particularly interesting. The account of the last Jinachandra’s relation to the emperor “Ak bar, forms, however, an exception. The later Paṭṭâvalí, from which Dr. Klatt made his extracts, boldly asserts that this worthy converted the emperor Akbar to Jainism. The statements of our inscription are much more moderate and much more credible. They show, too, how the later fable arose. The Muhammadan historians admit¹⁵⁴⁴,regarding Akbar, that “Samanis and Brahmanas managed to get frequent private interviews with His Majesty,” and that “they brought proofs, based on reason and testimony, for the truth of their own and the fallacies of other religions, and inculcated their doctrines so firmly, and so skilfully represented things as quite self-evident which require consideration, that no man, by expressing his doubts, could now raise a doubt, in his Majesty.” As the term “Samanis” means ascetics, and includes the Jaina monks, there is no reason for doubting the assertion that Jinachandra, the head of the great Kharatara community, was granted admission to Akbar’s religious discussions. Nor is it incredible that the emperor granted him the two firmáns and the title mentioned in the inscription. More doubtful is the statement that Jinachandra pretended to perform miracles before ‘Akbar, and that his pupil received the dignity of Acharya in the emperor’s presence. With respect to the first point it must however be borne in mind that the Jaina Sûris, even in the present day, claim to possess supernatural powers, and that, according to all accounts, they formerly often tried to impose on credulous kings by what can only be called jugglery. It seems to me, therefore, not absolutely impossible that Jinachandra may have attempted some trick in order to gain Akbar’s confidence. In favour of the second point a note in Dr. Klatt’s Pattávali may be brought forward, according to which Jinasimha received the ácháryapada in the winter of Vikrama Samvat 1649 at Lahore, which, according to the Muhammadan writers, at the time was the imperial residence. Nevertheless it is difficult to believe that Akbar should have gone to the Jaina temple where the ceremony must have taken place. The difficulty would disappear if we might takė śrípátisáhisamaksham to mean that Jinasimha accompanied his teacher into the imperial presence and was introduced as one worthy of the áchdaryapada.

The remainder of the inscription, lines 40-52, contain the Praśasti. The pedigree of the founder of the temple, who belonged to the Osvâl clan and the line of Mantrin Bhima, is given as follows:-

•Mantrin Châmpå married to Sûhavade.
।

•Mantrin Mahipati married to Amari.
।

Mantrin Vastupâla married to Siriyâde.
।

Mantrin Tejapâla married to Mânû.
।

Sâha Amaradatta¹⁵⁴⁵ (the ornament of the Kukeśa-race) married to Ratanâde.
।

Ratnakumyarajî married to sâbhâgade.

Moreover, a sister, probably of Ratnankuṁyarajî, named BâîVâchhî, and a daughter, BâîJívaṇî, are mentioned as co-founders of the temple. The image of the temple was consecrated in (Vikrama) Samvat 1652, in the Alláî, i. e., Ilâhî year 41, on the twelfth lunar day of the dark half of Vaisakha, a Monday, under the constellation Revati. The Ilahi year 41 began on the 10-11th March of 1596^(12)¹⁵⁴⁶ The Vikrama year must be, as the preceding date ( 1. 36 ) Saṁvat 1662, Mâgha sudi 12, shews —the ‘southern one, which began on Kârttika sudi 1 in A.D. 1595. The date corresponds according to Dr. Schram’s calculation with Thursday, May 13, A. D. 1596.

TEXT.

L. 1. ॥औं॥ स्वस्ति श्रीवाडीपुरपाबंजिनसंघचैत्यकाराय ।
लक्ष्मीसुदयं श्रेयः । प-
सनसंस्थः करोतु सदा ॥ १ \॥^(13)¹⁵⁴⁷
2. श्रीवाडींपुरपार्श्वनाथचैत्ये । श्रीबृहत् खरतरगुरुपट्टावली-
3. लिखनपूर्व प्रशस्तिर्लिख्यते । अर्ह नत्वा । पातिसाहिश्रीभकब्बरराज्ये । श्रीविक्रमनृपसम-’^(14)¹⁵⁴⁸
4. यात्संवति १६५१ मार्गशीर्षसितनवमीदिने सोमवारे । पूर्वभद्रपदनक्षते । शुभवेला -^(15)¹⁵⁴⁹
5. यां आदिप्रारंभः । शासनाधीशश्रीमहावीरखामिपट्टावित्रिपरंपरया उद्यत् विहाराद्यो-^(16)¹⁵⁵⁰
6. तिश्रीद्योतसूरि। तत्पप्रभाकरप्रवरविमलदंडनायककारितार्बुदाचलवसतिप्रतिष्ठापक।”^(17)¹⁵⁵¹
7. श्रीजीमंधरस्वामियोधितसूरिमंताराधकश्रीवर्धमानसूरि ।तत्पदृ०। अहिशपत्तनाधी । “^(18)¹⁵⁵²
8. मदुर्लभराजमंसञ्चैत्यवासिपञ्चविचेपाशीत्यधिकदशशतसंवत्सरप्राप्तखरतरवि-
9. रुदश्रीजिनेश्वरसूरि । तत्पदृ० । श्रीजिनचंद्रसुरि ।तत्पदृ० । शासनादेव्युपदेशप्रकटित-
10. दुष्टकुष्टप्रमाथहेतुस्तंभनपार्श्वनाथ ।नवांगीवृत्याद्यनेकशास्त्रकरणप्राप्तप्रतिष्ठत्री - ^(19)¹⁵⁵³
11. अभयदेवरि । पत्पदृ० । लेखरूपदमकुलकप्रेषणप्रतिबोधितवागडदेशीयदशसह-
12. सजावक ।सुविहितहितकवितक्रियाकरणपिंडविवादिप्रकरणप्ररूपणजिनशासन-^(20)¹⁵⁵⁴
13. प्रभावकत्रीजिनवज्ञभसूरि । तत्प० । स्वशक्तिवशीकृत चतुःषष्टियोगिनीचक्रडिपंचा-
14. शहीरसिंधुदेशीयपीर । अंबडवावककरलिखितस्वर्णाचरवाचनाविर्भूतयुगप्रधा-
15. नपदवीसमलंकृतपंचनदीसाधकश्रीजिनदत्तसूरि ।सत्पदृ० । श्रीमालउशवालादिप्रधान-
16. श्रीमहतीयाणप्रतिबोधक । नरमणिमंडितभालस्थलत्रीजिनचंद्रसूर \। तत्प० । भंडारीने-
17. मिचंद्रपरीक्षितप्रबोधोदयादिग्रंथरूपषट् ट्विंशव्यादसाधितविधिपक्षत्रीजिनपत्तिरि^(21)¹⁵⁵⁵
18. तत्पदृ० । लाठडलवीजापुरप्रतिष्ठितशा॑तिवीरविधिचैत्यश्रीजिनेश्वररि । तत्पह-
19. • º। श्रीजिनप्रबोधसूरि । तत्पट्ट । राजचतुष्टयप्रतिबोधोद्दुहराजगच्छमंज्ञाशोभित ।
20. श्रीजिनचंद्रसूर ।तत्पदृ०। श्रीशकुंजयमंडनखरतरवसतिप्रतिष्ठापकविख्याता-
21. तिशयलचन्त्रीजिनकुशलसूरि । तत्प० श्रीजिनपद्मसूरि । तत्पदृ० ।श्रीजिनलब्धिस्-
22. रि । तत्पह० । श्रीजिनचंद्र ।तत्प ।देवांगनावसरवासप्रक्षेपोदितसंघपतिपदा-^(22)¹⁵⁵⁶

.L. 23. ब्युदयश्रीजिनोदयसूति । तत्पदृ० । श्रीजिनराजसूरि । तत्पदृ० । श्रीजिनराजसूरि । स्थानस्थानस्थापित-^(23)¹⁵⁵⁷
24. सारज्ञानभांडागारश्रीजिनभद्रसूरि । तत्पदृ० । श्रीजिनचंद्र ।तत्पदृ० । पंच-
25.यचसाधकविशिष्टक्रियश्रीजिनसमुद्रसुरि ।तत्पदृ० । तपोध्यानविधानचमत्कृ-
26.श्रीसिकंदरपातिसाडिपंचशतबंदिमोचनसम्मानितश्रीजिनइंसूरि । तत्पदृ०
27. पंचनदीसाधकाधिकध्यान बलशकलीक्कतयवनोपद्रवातिभयविराजमानश्री-
28. जिनमाणिक्यत्रि 1 तत्पट्टालंकारसारदुर्वारवादिविजयलक्ष्मीशरणपूर्वकि-
29. यासमुदरणस्थानस्थानप्राप्तजयप्रतिदिनवईमानोदयसदयसन्नयत्रिभुवन-
30. जनवशीकरणप्रवणप्रणवध्यानोपशोभितपवित्रसूत्रिमंत्रविहितलयटू-
31. रीजतसकलवादिस्मयनिजपादविहारपावितावनितल अनुक्रमेण संवत्
32. १६४८ श्रीस्तंभतीर्थचतुर्मासकस्थानसमुतामितमहिमश्रवणदर्शनीक्तं-
33. ठित । जलालुदीनप्रभुपातिसाहिश्रीमदकब्बरमाकारणमिलनस्वगुणगण-
34. तम्मनोनुरंजनसमासादितसंकलभूतलाखिलजंतुसंखकारि भाषाढाष्टाहि-
35. कामारिफुरमाणत्रीस्तंभतीर्थसमुद्रमीनरक्षणफुरमाणत प्रदत्तसत्तमश्रीयु-
36. गप्रधानपदधारक तद्दचनेन च । नयनशररसरसामितसंवति माघसितद्दा-
37. दशीश्वभतिथौअपूर्वपूर्वगुर्व्वात्रायसाधितपंचनदीप्रकटीकृतपंचपोरप्राप्तप-
38.रमवरतदादिविशेषत्रीसंघोन्नतिकारकविजयमानगुरुयुगप्रधानश्री १०८
39. श्रीजिनचंद्रसूरिसूरीशराणां । श्रीपातिसाहिसमक्षस्वहस्तस्थापितभाचार्य-
40. श्रीजिनसिंहरिसपरिकराणामुपदेशेन । ओसवालज्ञातीयमंत्रिभीमसंताने "
41. मं° चांपा भार्या सूहवदे । तत्पुत्र म° महिपति तगार्या अमरी तत्पुव मं° वस्तुपाल
42.तज्ञार्या सिरियादे । तत्पुव मं° तेजपाल तार्या त्रा’ मानू । तत्कुक्षिसरोमराल प्र
43.र्थिजनमनोभिमतपूरणदेवसालदेवगुरुपरमभक्तविशेषतो जिनधर्मानुरक्तस्वां-
44. तकुकेशवं शमंडन साह अमरदत्त भार्या रतनादे । तत्पुव रत्नकुंयरजी ।ताङ्गार्या ॥
45. सोभागदे । बहिनि बाई वाकी । पुत्त्री बाई जोवणी । प्रमुखपुत्रपौत्रादिसार परिवारयुतेन
46. तेन । श्रीश्रणहिलपुरपत्तनशृंगारसारसुरनरमनोनुरंजनसुरगिरिसमानचतुर्मुख-
47. विराजमानप्रधानविधिचैत्यं कारितं ॥ श्रीपौषधशालापाटकमध्ये । तदनु कर-
48. करणकायकुप्रमितसंवत् अल्लाई ४१ वर्षे । वैशाष वदि हादशीवासरे गुरु^(24)¹⁵⁵⁸
49. वारे रेवतीनक्षत्रे । शुभवेलायां महामहःपूर्व । प्रतिमा श्रीवाडीपार्श्वनाथस्य स्था
50. पिता । एतत् सव्वं देवगु[रु]गोवजदेवीप्रसादेन बंद्यमानं ।पूज्यमानं समस्तश्रीसं-
51. घसहितेन चिरं जीयात् । कल्याणमस्तु । एषा पट्टिका पं० उदयसारगणिना लिपी-
52.कृता । पं० लक्ष्मीप्रमोदमुनि आदरेण ॥ कारिता गजधरगनाकेन । शुभं भवतु नित्यं [॥]

XXXVIII.-TWO CHANDELLA INSCRIPTIONS FROM AJAYGADH.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PH.D., C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.
I.

ROCK INSCRIPTION OF VIRAVARMAN; OF THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1317.

According to Sir A. Cunningham¹, this inscription is at Ajaygadh, a hill-fort about 16 miles in a straight line south-west of Kalañjar, Long.. 80° 20’ E., Lat. 24° 54’ N., Indian Atlas, quarter-sheet 70, N.E. It is engraved on a rock, with a crack dividing it into two portions, and contains altogether fifteen lines, of which the first seven lines are on the proper right and the following eight on the proper left side of the crack. The writing of the right-hand portion covers a space of about 2′ 4½” broad by 6½" high, that of the left-hand portion a space of about 3′ broad by 6 1/2" high. It is on the whole fairly well preserved, and everything of historical importance may be read with certainty throughout. But, towards the end, the rubbings at my disposal (owing, probably, to the condition of the rock) are not at all distinct, and in consequence the exact wording of one or two passages in the concluding lines, of minor importance, remains doubtful, and about a dozen aksharas are altogether illegible. The size of the letters is about 5/8". The characters are Någarî of the 13th century. The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of the iñtroductory om om siddhiḥ and the date at the end, the inscription is in verse. It was composed by Ratnapâla, a son of the poet Haripâla and grandson of the poet Visarâja (verse 21), and engraved by the artisan Râma (verse 22). As regards orthography, b is denoted by the sign for v in válo, line 5, amvudhi, line 6, vali-, line 13, and vudhaḥ, line 14, but not in babhúna, lines 8 and 10; the dental sibilant is used for the palątal in vaṁsaḥ and vamse, lines 2 and 8, yasasviní, lino 13, sydhẩmsu, line 14, and visuddhátmá, line 15; and the palatal for the dental in śuto, line 8, -śímá, line 9, and -káśâ[ram], line 13; and sh is employed for kh in Vaiśâsha-, line 15.

The proper object of the inscription is, to record (in verses 18-20) that Kalyânadevi, the wife of the (Chandella) king Vîra or Vîravarman, built a well, called the Nirjara-well, and in connection with it a hall, within the fort of Ajaygaḍh, which in other inscriptions is called Jayapura, but is here apparently denominated Nândipura. And by way of introduction the inscription in verses 2-9 treats of the ancestors of the king, and in verses 10-13 gives an account of Kalyâṇadevi’s own descent. From the latter we learn that in the race of Dadhichi there was onc [Ohâ]dala, whose son was ŚrÎpala, whose son again was Maheśvara, ’to be revered even by crowned heads.’ MabeŚvara married Vesaladevi (P), a daughter of the prince Govindaraja; and their daughter was Kalyâṇadevi, who became the chief queen of the king Vira. Nothing is known to me of the queen’s ancestors from other inscriptions.

____________________________________________________________________________________

1-See Sir A. Cunningham’s Archeological Survey of India, vol. XXI, p. 51. The inscription has not been previously edited, but a photo-lithograph of it will be found ib., plate xiii. And an abstract of the contents of the inscription, as read by a Simla Pandit, is given ib., p. 51. Of this abstract I can only say that the Pandit has done his work very carelessly. Thus-the name of Sallakshana he has read Sulakshapa; between Madana and Trailokyavarman he has omitted Paramardin; to Trailokyavarman he has given two sons, Yasoyarman and Viravarman, while the inscription does not mention any Yasovarman at all; and Kalyâṇadevî he has made the daughter of Raja Govinda, while in reality she is described as the daughter of Mahesvara and granddaughter, by her mother’s side, of Govindaraja. Moreover, he has interpreted the date of the inscription to be Vikrama 1312, while it is really, in words and figures, 1317. My own text of the iuscription has been prepared from Sir A. Cunningham’s rubbings, kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. Fleet.

As regards the king’s own descent, we have here the following line of sovereigns presented to us, who (in verse 2) are said to have been born in a family which derived its origin from the moon, and which from other sources we know to be the Chandrella, or Chandella, or Chandrâtreya family:—

(1.) KÎrtivarman, who defeated Karṇa and evidently, by doing so, restored the independence of the (Chandella) kingdom (v. 3).

(2.)Sallakshaṇa, who is said to have taken away the fortune of the Mâlavas and Chedis (v. 4).

(3.) Jayavarmadeva (v. 4).

(4.) Pṛithvivarman (v. 5).

(5.) Madana (v. 5).

(6.) Paramardin (v. 6).

(7.) Trailokyavarman, who freed the country from the dominion of the Turușhkas (v. 7).

(8.) Vîra (vv. 8 and 9), or, as he is called in line 15, Vîravarman.

The Karna¹⁵⁵⁹; for Kirtivarman the date Vikrama 1154=A.D. 1098 (ib., vol. XVIII, p. 238). Karna was also defeated by BhÎmadeva I. of Aphilwad, A.D. 1021—1063, by the Châlukya Someśvara I., A.D. 1040-1069, and by Udayâditya of Mâlava, for whoin we have the certain date A.D. 1080.") mentioned in the above, whose defeat by KÎrtivarman is related also in line 15 of the fragmentary inscription from Mahobâ, edited by Dr. Hultzsch in Zeitschrift D. Morg. Ges., vol. XL, p. 49 (Archeological Survey of India, vol. XXI, plate xxi), and apparently in an inscription from Kâlanjar (ib., p. 29, verse 8), is the
famous Chedi king of that name who ruled about the middle of the 11th century A. D., and whose defcat by Kirtivarman, or rather by Kîrtivarman’s friend and general¹⁵⁶⁰ Gopâla, is referred to in the introductory scene of the play Prabodhachandrodaya. And the Turushkas mentioned in connection with Trailokyavarman are the Muhammadan invaders whom we know¹⁵⁶¹to have defeated Paramardin and to have taken Kâlañjár in A.D. 1202.

The inscription is dated (in lines 14 and 15), in words and figures, in the Vikrama
year measured by the seas (7), the moon (1), the fires (3), and the moon (1), i.e., in the Vikrama year 1317, on Thursday, the 13th of the bright half of Vaiśâkha, while the Râuta, the illustrious Jetana (?), was in office, in the reign of Viravarman. The possible equivalents for Vikrama 1317, Vaisakha śukla 13, would be:-

for the northern current year-Tuesday, 6th May, A.D. 1259;
for the northern expired or southern current year-Sunday, 25th April, A. D. 1260;
for the southern expired year-Thursday, 14th April, A. D. 1261, when the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise.

The true date accordingly is Thursday, 14th April, A. D. 1261, and the Vikrama year mentioned in the inscription must be taken to be the southern expired year.

TEXT.¹⁵⁶²

L. 1. ओ⁷⁵⁹ ओ सिद्धिः ॥

** ● अर्हमीशतनोर्दृष्टा शिलोच्चयततं ।
● ई[र्ण्ण]येव कथा शीर्षे पातु वो¹⁵⁶³ ऽमरवाहिनी ॥ १ ॥¹⁵⁶⁴.")
अरकमित्नं नयनप्रमो-**

2. दी जीयाहि (च्छि) रोभूषणमिन्दुमौलेः ।

** इन्दुर्यतः श्रीचपलत्वदोषनीदी धरायामुदियाय वंस (भ): ॥ २ ॥¹⁵⁶⁵
कुंभोङ्गवः कर्ण्यपयोधिपाने प्रजेम्बरी नूतनराज्षष्टौ।
त[त्ना]-**

3. स विद्याधरगीतकीर्त्तिः श्रीकीर्त्तिवमेक्षितिपो जगत्यां ॥

सक्षक्षणो मालवचेदिलस्त्रीलुं[टा] खगःक्षितिपणतस्मात् ।
जयेकधासा जय-

**4. वर्मादेव[स्तस्मा] च राज्यं प्रशशास [धी]रः ॥ ४ ॥

पृथ्वीवर्मा ऽभवत्तस्माद [थ] राजा पृथूपमः ।
ततोपि मदनः आमृद्राव्ये ऽभूद्रिपुमन्मयः ॥ ५ ॥¹⁵⁶⁶.")
अथाभव[स्त्री]-**

5. ………[प] रमर्दिराजो वा(बा) लीपि नेता रिपुवीरहन्ता ।

** [सामा] ज्य[ल]क्ष्मीर्यमिहानुरक्ता पतिंवरेवाश समाजगाम ॥ ६ ॥¹⁵⁶⁷
त्रैलोक्यवर्माक्षितिपी ऽथ राज्यं [भ]-**

6. [भास दु] गंप्रविधानवेधाः ।

** सुरुष्ककुल्यांवु (बु) धिमग्नधा[बी] समुवृतिं विष्णुरिव प्रतन्वन् ॥ ७ ॥
रणाजिरे कृत्तरिपुप्रवीरप्रियाप्तिसंमोदितनाकक[ग्ध]: ।
तस्थात्मजो वीर[मही]-**

7. महेशो जयत्यसौ निर्झलवीरधर्म्मः॥ ८॥

** ताचे (चे) ण वल्गन्विहरन्वृषेण दुष्टप्रहन्ता रिपुरा [शि]भेत्ता ।
किं विष्णुरीशः किमु वेति दृष्टो जयत्यसौ विश्वजनैर्बमस्यः ॥ ९ ॥**

8. दधीचिवसे (शे) अद्भुतमत्य [धा] मा श्री[चा ] दलो¹⁵⁶⁸ऽभूनुजजसवंद्यः ।
अ[था] स्य साक्षादिव वीरधर्मो (र्म्मः)¹⁵⁶⁹ श्रीपाल इत्यास श (सु) तो वरिष्ठः ॥ १० ॥
¨सूर्याभिषिक्तैरपि वंदनीयो महेश्वरस्तत्तनयो बभू-

9. व।

** यं राजमानं वृष[ली] लयैव यथार्थनामानमुदाहरन्ति ॥ ११ ॥
गोविंदराजचितिपालपुवी तेनोपयेमे सुचरित्वशी (सी) मा ।**

लोकोत्तरैर्या चरितैः प्रपूज्या शिवेव नित्यं पतिदेवतानां ॥ १२ ॥
नाबा [वेस ?]-

लदेवीति सौंदर्यगुपशालिनी ।

10.कल्याणदेवीति सुता तस्या अथ वशस्विनी ॥ १३ ॥¹⁴
सेयं सदा श्रीरिव कैटभारे[:] श्रीवीर[राज्ञो] महिषीत्वमाप्ता [।^(×)]
मनोहरे [: स्व] चरितैरुदारर्बभूव पुस्यैः परिकीर्तनीया ॥ १४ । (॥)¹⁵
किं व[र्ख्य]ते चारुचरित्र[सी]मा विवहकीर्त्तिप्रथिता जगत्यां ।

11.या सत्यवाचा भुवनप्रसिद्धं धमप्र[भुं] तं सहसा जिगाय ॥ १५ ॥
तेषां वं[द्यत]मा वशिष्ठदयिता स्थाष्टेःशरीगकं
भ्राजिष्णुं गिरिजां नमन्ति किल ते गंगापि तैः संस्तुता।
ते [काम ] प्रमदास्तुतिब्धवसिता येषां न दृग्गोचरा [सत्या ?] -

12.[यै] प्रथिता गुणेः शचितनुः कल्याणदेवी [गि]रा ॥ १५॥
[आयु]. श्रीवयसां स्थितिं कमलिनी[प] बोक्षसहारिण-
यांप[य] नत[भ्रुवो ?] निपति[ता] मोहांधकार घने ।
[एक] कीर्त्तिलतां विलोक्य सुचिरं स्वां तदुत्पत्तये
सत्यौदार्यगणा - मचिरात्कल्याणदेवी [गिया]] ॥ १ ॥

**13.[स्थली ?] मधेयं व (ब) लिम[स्त्र ?] गु[सी] निचित्य चक्रे कृपया परीता ।
जीवातवे पूर्ण[त]नुं पयोभिः सुधोपमैर्निर्जरकूपमेनं ॥ १८ ॥¹⁷
सा पा[वं] ¹⁸प्रददावे[कं]¹⁹निर्जरस्य यस ( श) खिनी ।
पुण्य[मे]²⁰ सत्प्रप (पा) याच मंडपं रुचिरं व्यधात् ॥ १८ ॥ 2
सागरोपमकाशा (सा) [रं ? ] **

14. [महाशे ?] खर[मं]दिरं
[नां]दीपुरे [च]कारामौ यशोधवलितावनिः ॥ २० ॥
वत्सराजकवेः पौवी हरिपालकवे []तः
‘रत्नपाल इमां शुद्धां प्रशस्तिमकरोडु (दु)धः ॥ २१ ॥
सगरेइग्निसुधांसु (शु) मिते"
15. विक्रमवत्सरे ।
उच्चकार विसु (शु ) धात्मा विदग्धो राम[नाम] कः ॥ २२ ॥
संवत् १२१७ रा श्रीजे[त] नव्यापार ॥ श्रीमहीरवराज्ये ॥ वैशाव (ख) यदि १५ गते ॥
————————————————————————————————————————————–

14 Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh )
15Metie of verRes 14 and 16, Upajati [In pada 3 of verse 14, the metre requires स्वैवारिते ]
16 Motre of verRes 18 and 17, Sardúlavikiidita,
17 Motie UpaJ&t1.
18 The ah ohara in brarketa appears to be वे, altered to a
19 Of this akshara only the sign of the anusvdra is dez btful.
20 This akshara appears to be #, altered to
21 Metre of verses 19-22, Sloka (Annalitubh).
22 The original has • सुधांसुधसुमितं.
23 Here follow about eleven akshar as (probably containing & blessing), which are illegible in the rnbbings.

TRANSLATION.

Om! Om! (May) success (attend) !

(Verse 1.) May the divine Ganga on Siva’s head protect you, (she who is) attenuated as it were with jealousy, at seeing half his body appropriated by the daughter of the mountain !

(2.) Glory be to that one friend of the god of love, who gladdens the eyes (and is )the head-ornament of the moon-crested (Siva), the moon, from whom here on earth there has sprung a race which has freed Fortune from the blemish of fickleness !

(3.) In that (race) there was a ruler over the earth whose fame is sung by the Vidyâdharas, (who was) the pitcher-born (Agastya¹⁵⁷⁰) in swallowing that ocean-Karna, (and) the lord of creatures in creating anew the kingdom,¹⁵⁷¹the illustrious Kirtivarman.

(4.) From him (sprang) the prince Sallakshana whose sword took away the fortune of the Mâlavas and Chedis; and after him the faliant Jayavarmadeva ruled the kingdom, whose one glory was victory.

(5.) After him PṛithvÎvarman was king, similar to Prithu; and then Madana
ruled over the kingdom, a god of love¹⁵⁷²to opponents.

(6.) Then came the illustrious king Paramardin, who, as a leader, even in his youth, struck down opposing heroes, (and) to whom the fortune of universal sovereignty quickly came, like an enamoured damsel choosing him of her own free will.

(7.) Then the prince Trailokyavarman ruled the kingdom, a very creator in providing strong places. Like Vishnu he was, in lifting up the earth, immerged in the occan formed by the streams of Turushkas.

(8.) Victorious is his son Vîra, that ruler of the earth of spotless bravery who has delighted the damsels of heaven by sending them, as lovers, the hostile heroes whom he cut down on the field of battle.

(9.) Victorious (and) to be worshipped by all men is he whom, when he strikes
down the wicked (and) disperses crowds of opponents, people gaze at-wondering whether he be Vishņu riding on Garuda or Siva roaming about on his bull.-

(10.) In the race of Dadhichi there was the illustrious [Châ]dala, cndowed with marvellous true glory, an object of reverence for the Kshatriyas; and he had a most
excellent son, named Sripâla, who was bravery, as it were, incarnate.

(11.). His son, to be revered even by crowned heads, was Maheśvara, whom people declare to be properly so named, when he disports himself, valiant like a bull.

(12 and 13.) He married the prince Govindarâja’s daughter, unsurpassed for virtuous conduct, who, for her Extraordinary deeds, like Siva’s wife, must always be honoured by faithful wives,-the lady Vesaladevi (?), endowed with both beauty and excellent qualities. Her daughter, now, is Kalyâṇadevî, of great renown.

(14.) When she became the chief queen of the illustrious king Vira, like unto Śrî (when she became the wife) of the enemy¹⁵⁷³of Kaitabha, this lady by her pleasing, noble and holy deeds became famous for ever.

(V. 15.) What need is there to describe her, unsurpassed for pleasing conduct (and) well-known the earth over for her pure fame,-her, who by truthful speech has at once surpassed that world-renowned lord of justice (Yudhishṭhira)?

(16.) To some Vaśishṭha’s wife¹⁵⁷⁴ is an object of reverence; others indeed ãdore the splendid daughter of the mountain who is the half of Siva’s body; some again havo glorified Gangâ, (and) others take pains to praise the beloved of Kâma. They all cannot have set eyes on the unblemished KalyàṇadevÎ, who for truth and other excellent qualities is famed in song.

(17.) Having perceived that life, fortune, and the charms of youth stay no longer than the water which glitters on a lotus-leaf, that widely praised beautiful women(?) have fallen into the gross darkness of delusion, (and) that the creeper of good fame alone is everlasting, Kalyâṇadevî, to make that (creeper of fame) grow,. . . . the qualities of truth and generosity.

(18.) Then, having ascertaíned that (this) spot is guarded by the arms of strong men (?), she, full of compassion, made this Nirjara¹⁵⁷⁵ well, filled with nectar-like water, to sustain life.

(19.) She, of great renown, gave for the Nirjara (well) one drinking cup (?) and she built this pure, bright hall for the supply of water (?).

(20.) She, who has brightened the earth with her fame, has made at NândÎpura a tank which resembles the ocean, (and) a hall with a lofty top (?).—

(21.) The intelligent Ratnapâla, a son of the poet Haripâla and grandson of the poct Vatsarâja, has composed this pure eulogy.

(22.) In the Vikrama year measured by the scas (7), the moon (1), the fires (3), and the moon (1), has the pure-minded, skilful Râma engraved it.

In the year 1317, during the office of the Râuta, the illustrious Jetana (?), in the reign of the illustrious Vîravarman, on Thursday, the 13th of the bright half of Vaiśâkha.

II.
ROCK INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF BHOJAVARMAN.

This inscription¹⁵⁷⁶is on a rock near the “Tarhaoni” or “Tirhawan” gate of the fort of Ajaygaḍh. It contains sixteen lines of writing which cover a space of about 6’ 10 1/2" broad by 2’ 3" high. The first fifteen lines extend over the whole breadth of the inscribed surface; the last line measures only 1′ 4″ in length, and is engraved in very small characters close below the beginning of line 15. With the exception of about ten aksharas at the commencement of line 15 which cither have gone altogether or are greatly damaged, and the whole of the short line 16 which is illegible in the rubbing, the writing is well preserved. The size of the letters in lines 1-15 is about 1 1/5." The characters are the peculiar kind of Nâgarî which we find also in several Mahobâ and KálaÛjar inscriptions of the 12th and 13th centuries, and the special features of which

may be seen in the photo-lithographs, published in Archæological Survey of India, vol.XXI, plates xv and xxi-xxiii. Here I need only state that in the present inscription it is somewhat difficult to distinguish between the signs for ch and v, those for chch, vv, and gh, and those for p and b; and that a sign representing both the jihvámálîya and the upadhmánîya, which does not differ at all from the ordinary sign for sh, has been employed before the words karaṇás and padmãº, in line 2.

The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the introductory om namaḥ Kedárâdya, the whole is in verse. The language is fluent, but not always correct. Thus, to mention some of the most striking mistakes, in line 1 we have shaṭtrimsatiḥ or shaṭtrimsataḥ for shattrimsat; in line 4 nikipati for niśápati ’the moon;’ in line 13 vánmin for vágmin; in line 15 the form kréyatám, derived from the root kri ’to make;’ and the verses 19 and 20 do not admit of a proper construction. A term, which I have not met with elsewhere, is vikisha, in lines 4 and.8, probably denoting the superintendent or commander of a fort. As rogards orthography, the consonant b is generally denoted by the sign for v, when it is preceded and followed by a vowel (e.g., in vivudha, line 1, Savarân, line 10, etc.), and by its own proper sign, when combined with another consonant (e.g., in garbbha and avilambitam, in line 3); but we have twice babhúva, even after a vowel, in lines 6 and 7. The dental sibilant is nine times used for the palatal (e.g., in śasi-, line 1, ásu and saila-, line 4), and the palatal for the dental in praśúnair, line 6, and viláśa-, line 13. Besides it may be noted that, instead of yy, we have the conjunct jy, in vigaṇajya, lines 8 and 10, and, instead of khy, ksh, in Jayákshe, line 8 (but not in line 11), and prakshäta, line 14; and that ujjvala, as usual, is spelt ujvala, in line 9.

The immediate object of the inscription would appear to be, to record (in verses 28-31) the construction of a temple by Subhata, the superintendent of the treasury of the king Bhoja or Bhojavarman. But in reality the inscription furnishes an account of the clan to which Subhaṭa belonged, or of the more prominent members of that clan, the Vâstavy a race of Kâyasthas, some of whom held positions of importancc under the Chandella kings Ganda, Kirtivarman, Paramardin, Trailokyavarman, and Bhojavarman.

The Kâyastha clan of the Vâstavyas derived its origin from Vâstu, who resided at Takkârikâ, one of a group of thirty-six¹⁵⁷⁷ towns which were purified by the fact that men of the writer caste dwelt in them’ (vv. 2-4). In this clan was born the Thakkura Jâjûka, who held a position of trust under king Ganda, and was honoured by him with the grant of the village of Dugauḍa (vv. 5-7). From him was desconded Mâheśvara, who by Kirtivarman was appointed Visisha of Kâlañjara and endowed with the grant (of the village) of Pipalâhikâ (vv. 8-9). The next member of the family mentioned is Gadadhara, counsellor and chamberlain of king Paramardin (v. 10), who with his younger brother Jaunadhara fought at Kâlañjara (v. 11), and who had another brother, Mâlâdhara, also distinguished as a warrior (v. 12). After them came Alhů, his son Sobhana, and his son.Vidana (vv. 13-15). Vidana’s son was Vâse or Vâścka, who by king Trailokyavarman was appointed Visisha of the fort of Jaya or Jayapura (the present Ajaygadh), and endowed with the grant of the village of Varbhavari. He

defeated one Bhojûka, who had either risen in rebellion against Trailokyavarman or conquered part of his territory, and he generally pacified the kingdom and rendered it secure against foreign enemies. H’e also built a temple and a tank at Jayapura (vv. 16-20). His younger bṛother was Ânanda who, as governor of the fort, subdued the wild tribes of Bhillas, Śabaras, and Pulindas. (vv. 21-22). Ânanda’s son ‘was Ruchira (vv. 23-25), who had three sons, Gopati (v. 26), Mahipâla (v. 27), and Subhaṭa, of whom the last, as stated above, was superintendent of the treasury of king Bhojavarman (vv. 28-30). After verso 31, the inscription has two more verses’, the second of which is illegible, and the first of which relates that Mahipâla again had three sons, one of whom was named Kirtipâla.

The Vāstavya family. is mentioned also in other Chandella inscriptions.⁴¹⁵⁷⁸ Thus, the two inscriptions from Mahobâ, of which we have photo-lithographs in ArcheologicalSurvey of India, vol. XXI, plates xxii and xxiii, and one of which is dated’ in Vikrama 1240, record that in the illustrious great Vāstavya family there was one Sûhila, the son of Hallana (?). An inscription from Ajaygadh, referred to ib., p. 53, mentions, according to Sir A. Cunningham, the Thakkura, the illustrious Vidana, who no doubt is the Vidana spoken of in the present inscription. And the inscription from Ajaygadh, edited in the Journal As. Soc. Beng., vol. VI, pp. 882-884, in its concluding lines, contains the name of another member of the Vastavya family of Kâyasthas, who is described as pratolikánvita-Jayapuradurgg-ádhipa, governor of the fort of Jayapura with the street (pratoliká) belonging to it."

The five Chandella kings mentioned in this inscription are all well known from other inscriptions. But attention may be drawn to the circumstance that KÎrtivarman (in verse 9) is here described as the crest-jewel of the princes in the Pîtasaila or YellowMountain districts, a territorial name which, so far as I know, has not been met with elsewhere. The name of Bhojûka, the opponent of Trailokyavarman (whose latest known inscriptional date¹⁵⁷⁹ at present is Vikrama 1298), occurs perhaps in an inscription at Ajaygaḍh¹⁵⁸⁰of the Vikrama year 1325, which mentions one Abhayadeva, apparently described as the son of Bhojûka¹⁵⁸¹.

The town of Takkârikâ, and the villages of Dugauda, Pipalâhikâ, and Varbhavarî, which are mentioned in the inscription, I am unable to identify.

The inscription closes rather abruptly, and it neither contains the names of the composer, writer, and engraver, nor is it dated. But, since for the king Bhojavarman we have the date^(8) Vikrama 1345, it may be assigned to about the end of the 13th century A.D.

**8.**In the inscription of Nâna, the minister of Bhojavarman, badly edited in the Journal As. Suc. Beng., vol. VI, pp. 882-884. Nana was one of the three sons of Ratuasimha, of whom that inscription reconds :-

दिग्जनीकर्णकुहरविश्रान्तयशसान्तु ते ।
चन्द्रत्रियनरेन्द्राणां सचिवत्वमुपागताः ॥ २४ ॥

ततः स विज्ञानधि(नि)धिर्म्मनीदौ मनोरमो नान इति प्रतीतः।
श्रीभीजवसायमुपेत्य नाथ स्वमन्यमिवीदयमातवान ॥ २५ ॥

which will dispose of “the horse sent to Bhoja Varma.” The inscription was composed by the poet Amara (not Amarapati), in Vikrama 1345, expressed in figures and in words (the latter, contrary to the ordinary rule according to which the unit should be mentioned first, being—क्षणदेशेक्षणगतश्रुतिभूतसमन्विते संवत्सरे).

TEXT.⁹¹⁵⁸²

1. श्रीं¹⁰⁷⁵⁹ नमः केदाराय ॥
** मङ्गातरङ्गतरलीकृतसपंराजवे[ष्टा]य चारुशसि(शि) खण्ड विभूषणाय ।
कन्दर्प्पदर्प्पशमनाय सुरार्चिताय केदाररूपवि[४] ताय¹¹¹⁵⁸³नमः शिवाय ॥ १ ॥¹²¹⁵⁸⁴

षट्विंशतिः¹³¹⁵⁸⁵करणकमनिवासपूता आसन्पुरः परमसौख्यगुणातिरिक्ताः ।
तमध्यमा विबु (बु) धलोकमता वरिष्ठा टक्कारिका समजनि स्पृहणीयकल्पा ॥ २ ॥
सर्वो[प] कारकरणे-**

2. कनिधेः स्वकीयवंशस्य पात्रसुभगस्य हिजाश्रयस्य ।
कल्पावसानसमयस्थितये पु[री]¹⁴¹⁵⁸⁶यां वास्तुः स्वयं समधिगम्य समाससाद ॥ ३ ॥
तस्यां श्रुतंर्बिदनिनादितायां वास्तव्यवंशभविनकरणास्त आसन् ।
आध्याः सुमस्तभुवनानि यदीयकीत्या पूर्णानि हंसधवलांनि विशेषयन्त्या ॥ ४ ॥

3. ममिव वज्ञभमायताच्यः ।
यं गर्भसंस्थमविलम्बितमहितीयं दुःखं वियोगजमसंवृतमुद्दहन्त्यः ॥ ५ ॥
तइंशतः स उदपादि नरेश्वरेण गण्डाहयेन¹⁵¹⁵⁸⁷युधि दुर्जायतां गतेन ।
जाजूकसंज्ञ इति ठकुर [ध]युक्तः सर्वाधिकारकरणेषु सदा नियुक्तः ॥ ६ ॥
आराध्य¹⁶¹⁵⁸⁸तं नृपतिमण्डलमण्डनैकं देवं गदाधरमिवाच्युतवासमाद्यम् ।

4. कायस्थवंशनलिनीगणतादिनेशो ग्रामं दुगौडमपि ताम्रकमासु (श) लेमे ॥ ७ ॥
तसन्ततौ सकलवाङ्मयपारद (द) खा¹⁷¹⁵⁸⁹भूभूषणं निधिपतेरिव कान्तिभर्त्ता ।
मोहान्धकारकुहरेषु निपातहर्त्ता माहेश्वरः समभवत्सुकृताभिसर्त्ता ॥ ८
यः पीतमै (भै) लविषयेषु महीपतीनां चूडामणि समनु[से]व्य समार्जयश्च ।
श्रीकीर्त्तिवनृपतिं विशिषाभिधानं कालखरस्य पिपलाहिकया समेतम्¹⁸¹⁵⁹⁰॥ ८ ॥

**5 तस्मिन्कुले महति सज्जनलोकजुष्टे गङ्गाधरः समुदभूत्यचि[वो]भिरामः ।
नूनं विचार्य परमहिनरीश्वरंण युक्तः स [कचुकि] तया¹⁹¹⁵⁹¹परया तु धीरः ॥ १० ॥
जौणाधरस्तदनुजः सहकर्मचारी सदा रतः समरकणि मोक्षकारी ।
तौ वीरमार्गमनुसृत्य गिरौ गरिष्ठे कालसरे युयुधतुर्व्विशिखा[कु]लेन^(20¹⁵⁹²)॥ ११ ॥ **

6 तथैव मालाधरनामधेयस्तस्य द्वितीयोऽजनि वीरमुख्यः ।
सुरैः सदा कल्पतरुमशू (स्) नैरभ्यर्थितो यः समरेषु रेमे ॥ १२ ॥²¹¹⁵⁹³
क्रमेण तस्मिन्प्रबभूव धीर आल्हू प्रतोलीरुचिराधिकारः [।^(×)]

** येनावरुचे कलुषे द्वषेण सदैव रेमे रभसेन दुर्गे ॥ ११ ॥
तस्यात्मजयापि व (ब) भूव रम्यः सु(य)भान्वितः सो (घो) [भ]न-नामधेयः । **
**L.7. चित्रेचरित्रेः ककुभां सुखानि यचित्रयामास सु(शु) चिर्गु[पौ]धैः²²¹⁵⁹⁴॥ १४ ॥
विद्यानिधानं तनयम तस्य विद्याधरैस्तुल्य (त्य) तनुर्बभूव ।
यस्मिवृपो वोदननामधेयौ²³¹⁵⁹⁵विन्यस्य राज्यं सुमना[: *] सदैव ॥ १५ ॥²⁴¹⁵⁹⁶
वश²⁵¹⁵⁹⁷ पुराभ्येति जनस्य चि[सं] वैलोक्यवभचितिपस्य [चा]व \।
इतीव वाशेरचिताभिधानो बभूव पुवो ऽस्य गुणेरुदारः ॥ १६ ॥²⁶¹⁵⁹⁸
कार्यक्षमन्तं वि गज्य (य्य) राज्या(जा) दुर्यो जयाचे (ख्ये) विशिषाधिकारी । **

**8. नियोज्य तस्मै व्यतरत्प्रसिद्धं ग्रामं सदा व[i] वरीति माया ॥ १७ ॥
तस्मिन्मनोरममयं सुरसल वापीं वास्तव्यवंशतिलकः सुजलां च रभ्याम् ।
विज्ञाय देहमचिरं चिरतां सिसृतः प्राचीकरत्तदनुया (पा)²⁷¹⁵⁹⁹धिकलेवरेण ॥ १८ ॥²⁸⁶³⁵
तवायं परिपन्धिपार्थिवचमकचेषु दावानलो
हेराज्यं जनयत्त (न्त) मप्रतिहतं कृत्वा कृतान्तातिथिम् । **

**9. भोजूकं युधि युद्धदुर्मदनिधिं वासे (शे) कनामा सुधी-
भूयो येन महोशवंशतिलकस्नेलोक्यवर्मा कृतः ॥ १९॥ ²⁹¹⁶⁰⁰
स्फीतं राज्यमकंटकं गुणिगणाक्रान्तातिसर्थ्यास्पदं
दानेनोज्य (ज) लवद्दिधाय विधिवत्सीमाः समस्ता अपि ।
तेनालन्धि महीधरे जयपुर कैलासवासोपमे
वासो वासववास- दर्पदलनी रम्यमतोलोकते ॥ २० ॥ **

**10. भस्यानुजः पुष्ययमा उदार भानन्दनामा प्रथितः पृथिव्याम् ।
सदैव लोकं मदयन्तमाराद्यं सत्प ( त्य) नामानमुदाहरन्ति ॥ २१ ॥³⁰¹⁶⁰¹
भियामभूमिं विगणज्य (य्य) चैनं दुर्गाधिकार नृपतिः प्रचक्रे ।

³¹¹⁶⁰²आशाकरान्प[लि]निवासिनोयं चकार भिल्लान्सवरान्पुलिन्दान्³²¹⁶⁰³॥ २२ ॥
तस्यात्मजीभवद[सौ ?] रुचिराभिधानी विद्यासु तासु सकलासु सु ( शु) चिः कलासु ।**

11. यो लीलयैव विहरन्ममराङ्गणेषु तीव्रानरातिनिवहाकुणितामनेषीत् ॥ २३ ॥³³¹⁶⁰⁴
दुर्गे जयाख्ये प्रवलासुरोच्चविंध्वंसनी³⁴¹⁶⁰⁵ स्तोवपरंपराभिः [1*]
दुर्गा स्तुवद्वेष सदैव भक्त्या कृतांजलि[: *] पुण्यतमासु (सु) पास्ते ॥ २४ ॥³⁵¹⁶⁰⁶
गुणेरुदारः सुकतैकचारः प

L. 12. पापहारः सुजनैकसारः !
[शा]³⁶¹⁶⁰⁷ स्त्रास्त्रविद्यानिपुषः प्रवीणः कलासु रेजे स सदा यशस्वी ॥ २५ ॥
तस्यात्मजो गोपतिनामधेयो विद्यावदातो नृपतिप्रपूज्यः ।
त्रियां गिरां चाप्यविरोधवासो वंद्यः सतां साधुजनैकसेव्य[:*] ॥ २६
तस्यानुजमा महिपालनामां सौंदर्य सौ(शो) र्यप्रवरो रराज ।

13. यं वीच्य लव्जावस (न) तो मनीभूः सदैव चित्तेषु तिरोव ( ब ) भूव ॥ २७ ॥
जयति तदनुजम्मा श्रीविलाये (से) कसोधः
सुक्कतिजनवरिष्ठो वामि (ग्मि) नामग्रणीय \।
नृपतिसमितिदक्षः नाघनीयस्वभावः
सुभट इति च नाम्ना कीर्त्तनीयखरूपः ॥ २८ ॥³⁷¹⁴⁸⁷
परोपकारप्रतिव(व)क्ष[कां]क्ष³⁸¹⁶⁰⁸प्रारव्धकार्याधितार्यसिद्धिः ।
श्रीभोजवर्म्म-

14. क्षितिपस्य सोभूकोसा (शा) धिकारादि (धि?) पतिः सदैव ॥ २८ ॥39⁶¹²
सर्व्वाभारधुरंधरोपि सुभटो विश्वासविद्यास्थितिः
श्रीमद्भोजमहीमहेन्द्रसचिवः प्रजा(ख्या) तकीर्तिः ।
निर्यादपरोपकारनिरतः सौजन्यमुद्रानिधि-
र्भाण्डागारपतिचिरं विजयते धर्मोकवु (बु) डिर्भृशम् ॥३०॥⁴⁰¹⁶⁰⁹
लोकः शोक-

15. [दुःखत्रयो ?] मंदिरं
दोला[न्दो]लनचंचलं धनमिदं खल्यायि (यु) षो मानुषाः ।
धर्मः केवल एव देहविरहे देहान्त रं] गच्छतो
गन्ता [त्या?]⁴¹¹⁶¹⁰गविधेरसंभवतया देवालय[:] क्रीयताम् ॥ २१ ॥⁴²¹⁶¹¹, which most probably gave the names of the two other sons of Mahipala, but which, with the exception of one or two aksharas, is illegible in the rubbing.")
ततो जाता महामाया महिपालसुतास्त्रयः [1]
कीर्त्तिपालो ह (बृ) हत्कोतिः कुमारी मारसन्निभः ॥ ३२॥⁴³⁵⁸⁹.")

^(16.)

TRANSLATION.
Oṁ! Adoration to Kedâra !

( Verse 1. ) Adoration to Śiva, who manifests himself as Kedára;⁴⁴¹⁶¹² who is encircled by the serpent-king, made to move to and fro by the wavos of the Ganges, (and)

is gracefully decorated with a portion of the moon; who humbled the pride of the god of love (and) is revered by the gods!

(V. 2.) There were thirty-six towns, purified by the fact that men of the writercaste¹⁶¹³dwelt in them (and) more (than other towns) endowed with great comfort. Among them the most excellent, thought of as the abode of the gods, was Takkârikâ, an object of envy¹⁶¹⁴.

(3.) This town Vâstu himself took for his residence, that his race, an’unique treasure in bestowing all kind of benefits, blessed with worthy people (and) a resort of the twice-born, might stay there to the end of the universe.

(4.) (And) in this (town) which by crowds (of students) was made to resound with the chants of the Vedas, there were born in the Vâstavya race those Kayasthas whose fame has filled (and rendered) white like swans all the worlds, illumining the quarters.

(5 and 6.) From that race sprang a matchless (personage) to whom, even while he was in his mother’s womb, quickly sped the fourteen sciences¹⁶¹⁵and all the arts together, as long-eyed damsels hasten to a lover graced with beauty, openly betraying their grief at having (so long) been kept from him; (a personage). named Jâjúka, who, endowed with the title¹⁶¹⁶of a Thakkura, was, by king Gaṇḍa, the invincible in battle, appointed to superintend at all times all the affairs (of the state).

(7.) And having pleased the king, that unique ornament of the circle of princes, the primeval Gadâdhara, as it were, whose abode is imperishable, (Jájúka)—who was to the Kayastha race what the sun is to the multitude of lotus-groups-soon also obtainedthe village of Dugauḍa, as a grant.¹⁶¹⁷

(8.) In his lineage was born, an ornament of the earth, Mâheśvara, thoroughly familiar with every branch of letters (and) endowed with beauty like the moon; preventing (others) from falling into the pit of darkness of delusion (and himself) going after good deeds.

(9.) Having served the illustrious prince Kîrtivarman, the crest-jewel of the princes in the Yellow-Mountain districts, he received the title of Visisha of Kâlañjara, accompanied by (the grant of) Pipalâhikâ.

(10.) In that great family, beloved by good men, was born Gadâdhara, a favourite counsellor. That wise man was by king Paramardin, after due consideration, entrusted with the high office of chamberlain.

(11.) His younger brother, sharing his work, was Jaunadhara, always delighting in deeds of war (and) striving after final liberation. Following the path of heroes, both fought on the excellent mountain Kâlañjara with showers¹⁶¹⁸ used as a substantive.")of arrows (?).

(12.) And he also had another (younger brother) named Maladhara, pre-eminent among heroes; who took delight in wars, always honoured by the gods with flowers of the tree of paradise.

(13.) In the course of time was born in that (family) the prudent Âlhû, whose ad.

ministration of the street (pralolí) was pleasing; who, keeping down wickedness, full of energy, always dwelt happily in the fort.

(V.14.) His charming son again was Sobhana, endowed with good fortune, who,resplendent with many excellent qualities, adorned the quarters with his wondrous exploits.

(15.) And his son, a store of knowledge (and) in appearance like theVidyâdharas,was Vidana. Having entrusted the realm to him, the king indeed enjoyed lasting comfort,

(16.) He had a son, distinguished for excellent qualities, who, one may say, was called Vâse, because the minds of the people as well as that of king Trailokyavarman were about to prove submissive to him.

(17.) Esteeming him competent for the work, the king appointed him to the office of Visisha over the fort, named Jaya; and gave him the well-known village of Varbhavari, to be his for ever.

(18.) There that ornament of the Vâstavya race, being aware that life is brief and desirous of securing eternal life, made his transient body¹⁶¹⁹.’")build a beautiful temple and a charming tank, full of good water.

(19.) (And) there the wise Vâśeka, being to the armies of opposing chiefs what a forest-fire is to the brush-wood, sent the irresistible Bhojûka, who, scized with the frenzy of war, was rending the kingdom in two, in battle to the abode of death, and thus¹⁶²⁰made Trailokyavarman again the ornament of princely families.

(20.) Having rendered the kingdom free from thorns and prosperous, so that every place was inhabited by crowds of virtuous people, and having made it resplendent with his generosity and properly secured all frontiers¹⁶²¹," he took his abode, humbling the pride of Indra’s home, on the mountain Jayapura, which, turned into a pleasant street (pratolí), was like Kailâsa as a place of residence.

(21.) His younger brother, of pure fame (and) famous the earth over, was the eminent Ânanda, whom men declare to have been rightly so named¹⁶²²because he always gladdened people, (even) from afar.

(22.) Esteeming him a man who knew no fear, the king made him governor of the fort; (and as such) he reduced to submission the wild tribos of Bhillas, Sabaras, and Pulindas.

(23.) His son was that Ruchira, resplendent with all the sciences and arts, who, when he foamed about on the battle-fields, with ease crippled the fierce crowds of opponents.

(24.) In the fort of Jaya he reverently worshipped with folded hands the holy Durgâ, glorifying in strains of praise the fierce destructress of powerful demons.

(25.) Distinguished for excellent qualities, only engaged in good deeds, destroying wickedness (and) setting store only on good men, versed in sciences and in the knowledge of arms, (and) proficient in arts, he always shone, endowed with good fame.

(F26.) His son was Gopati, purified by knowledge (and) deserving adoration from princes; a man in whom fortune and eloquence harmoniously dwelt together, praiseworthy (and) an unique object of veneration for good men.

(27.) His younger brother was Mahipâla, who shone, eminent for both beauty and bravery. When the god of love saw how he had taken possession of all hearts, he vanished, bowed down with shame.

(28.) Glorious is his younger brother, the in-every-way-famous Subhata, who is the one mansion of the play of fortune, the most excellent of the virtuous, the leader of the eloquent, fit for the assemblies of princes, praiseworthy for his character.

(29.) Eagerly striving to benefit others (and) accomplishing his objects by what he engaged in, he became permanently chief superintendent of the treasury of the illustrious king Bhojavarman.

(30.) Long and greatly may Subhata, the lord of the treasury, whose only thought is of what is right, prosper! He who, though at the head of all weighty affairs¹⁶²³,is both trustworthy and full of knowledge, who, as the counsellor of the illustrious ruler Bhoja, is widely famed for his excellent qualitics, who delights in bestowing on others benefits without end (and) is a very store of benevolence!

(31.) The world is a home of the three kinds of pain, sorrow……………… unstable like the motion of a swing is our wealth, and short the life of man. His religions merit only goes with him, who, departing his life, enters another body; for that cannot leave him. (Thus reflecting, Subhata) ordered a temple to be built (here)¹⁶²⁴.

(32.) Then there were born three most intelligent sons of Mahipâla: Kirtipâla, of great fame, a youth who resembled the god of love;…………..

XXXIX.—PATNA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF THE YADAVA
SIMGHANA AND HIS FEUDATORIES SOÏDEVA AND HEMADIDEVA.
By professorF. KIELHORN,Ph.D.,C.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.

This inscription was discovered by the late Dr. Bhâu Dâjt on a stone-tablet in the ruined temple of the goddess Bhavànî at Pâtņâ, a descrted village about ten miles south-west of Chalisgaon in Khandes, and edited by him in the Journal Roy. As. Soc., N.S., vol. I, pages 414-418. It consists of 26 lines which cover a space of about 2’ 6" broad by 1’ 6" high. The writing is on the whole well preserved, but at the top a small portion of the surface of the stone has peeled off, causing the nearly complete loss of about a dozen aksharas in the middle of the first line; and a few aksharas are illegible in the concluding lines. The average size of the letters is". The characters are Nâgarî of about the 13th century. Up to the beginning of line 22 the inscription is in Sanskrit; the language of the remainder is a kind of old Marathi, corresponding,

……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

57. See the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XII, p. 463; Burgess and Fleet, Pali, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, No. 284. Not to mention minor mistakes, Dr. Bhâu Dâjî read the name of one of the chiefs, mentioned in the inscription,persistently Sonhadeva, while it is really everywhere clearly Soïdeva. I re-edit the inscription from two good impressions supplied by the Editor.

according to Dr. Bhâu Daji, to the Khândesi. Of the Sanskrit portion, lines 1-20, excepting the introductory om namo Ganádhipataye and the words atha bhrity-ánvoyavarṇṇanaṁ in line 7, are in verse; the rest of the inscription is in prose.

As regards the grammar and orthography of the Sanskrit portion, there are few points that need here be noted. In Látoraska, line 4, the samásánta suffix ka has been wrongly added, for the word is a Tatpurusha compound; in karați-kamthíravo, line 13, the final vowel of the first member of the compound has been lengthened simply for metrical purposes; and the word vidhûnita is used in an unusual sense, in line 9. The conjunct ddh has been wrongly employed instead of the simple dh in skamddha, line 3, simddhor, line 11, and samniddhau, line 21; and dh has been doubled in a wrong way in nibadhdha, line 19. Besides, we find the conjunctschh instead of chchh in -hrischhri-, line 5, andyaśchhishyaiḥ, line 16, and the vowel ri instead of ri in kṛiyâ, line 17.

The main object of the metrical portion of the inscription (lines 1-20) is, to record (in verses 23-24) that the chief astrologer of the Yâdava king Simghana, Changadeva, a grandson of the well-known astronomer Bhaskarâchârya, founded a college for the study of the Siddhántaśiromani and other works of his grandfather and relatives,a college which was endowed with land and other sources of income by the brothers Soïdeva and Hemâdideva (verse 25), two members of the Nikumbha family, who, as feudatories of the Yâdavas, ruled over the country of the sixteen-hundred villages.’ And by way of introduction, after invoking the divine blessing (in verse 1, which appropriately brings in the seven planets) and doing honour to Bhaskaracharya (verses 2-4), the author furnishes a short account of the paramount lords of the country,the Yâdavas of Devagiri (verses 5-8), of their feudatories of the Nikumbha family (verses 9-16), and of Changadeva’s own ancestors (verses 17-22).

Regarding the Yadavas, we are told that there was a prince Bhillama who fought with the Gûrjaras, Latas, and Karnatas. He was succeeded by Jaitrapala who defeated the Andhras (verse 6). Jaitrapâla’s son was Simghana or Simha, who defeated the kings of Mathurâ and Banâras, and a dependent of whom even defeated the valorous Hammîra, or Muhammadan invader (verse 7). All the three princes are well known to us from other sources, and it is only necessary to state here that Simghaṇa ascended the throne in Saka 1131 (A.1). 1209-10).

The names of the earlier members of the Nikumbha family, which was considered to belong to the solar race, are given in the other inscription brought from Pâtná by Dr. Burgess and published by Professor Bühler in Indian Antiquary, vol. VIII, page 39,
as-

(1.) Krishnarâja I.;
(2.) His son, Govana I.;
(3.) Govindarâja, son of Govana I. ;
(4.) Govana II., son of Govinda; and
(5.) Krishṇarâja II., son of Govana II.

The first prince mentioned in this inscription is Krishnaraja (verse 10), who is Krishṇarâja II. of Professor Bühler’s account. His son was Indrarâja, and his son

____________________________________________________________________________________________

1. See Journal Roy. As. Soc., vol. IV, p. 26; Journal Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., vol. XII, p.6; Archeological Survey of Western India, vol. III, p. 85; Fleet’s Dynastics of the Kanarese Districts, p. 72; Bhandarkar’s Early History of the Deccan, p. 82.

again Govana (verses 11-12), who, to judge from Professor Bühler’s inscription, began to rule shortly after Saka 1075 (A.D. 1153-4). Govana III. was succeeded by his son, Soïdeva (verses 13-14), by whom, as will appear below, a donation was made to Changadeva’s college in Saka 1128 (wrongly for Saka 1129—A.D. 1207); and Soideva after his death was succeeded by his younger brother Hemâdideva, who is described as a feudatory or general of Simghaṇadeva and ruler of the country of the sixteen-hundred villages’ (verses 15-16).

Changadeva, the founder of the college, belonged to the Sândilya vamsa, of which the inscription (in verses 17-24) enumerates the following members :–

(1) The poct (kavichakravartin) Trivikrama.
(2.) His son Bhaskarabhaṭṭa, who from king Bhoja received the title of Vidyápati.
(3.) His son Govinda, or Govindasarvajña.
(4.) His son Prabhakara.
(5.) His son Manoratha.
(6.) His son, the poet (kavíśvara) Maheśvarâcharya.
(7.) His son Bhâskara (the astronomer).
(8.) His son Lakshmidhara, who by king Jaitrapâla was appointedchief Pandit.
(9.) His son Changadeva, chief astrologer of king Simghana.

As regards these men, there can hardly be a doubt that the kavichakravartin Trivikrama, with whom the list opens, is the mahákavi Trivikramabhaṭṭa, the author of the Damayantî-kathá, who, in the introduction of his work, describes himself as the son of Nemáditya (or Devâditya) and grandson of Sridhara, of the Sândilya vamsa,Since his son Bhaskarabhaṭṭa lived under Bhojarâja, whom, with Dr. Bhâu Dâjî,I take to be Bhoja of Dhârâ whom we know to have ruled in A.D. 1021, Trivikrama must have flourished about the end of the 10th or the beginning of the 11th century A. D. Bhâskara, the astronomer, was born in Śaka 1036-A.D. 1104-5; and the epoch-year of his Karana-kutúhala is Šaka 1105=A. D. 1183-84. His father, Maheśvara, who is described as jyotirvit-tilaka, lived at Vijjalapura, and composed a work called Vritta-śataka. Jaitrapâla, by whom Bhâskara’s son, Lakshmidhara, was made chief Pandit, ruled from Saka 1113 to Saka 1131=A.D. 1191-1209.

The metrical part of this inscription is followed by a prose passage which records a grant made by Soïdova in favour of Changadeva’s college in Saka 1128 (or råther 1129),on a date which will be specified below. This grant must of course have been made some time before the inscription itself was composed; for we know from the preceding that the inscription was put up during the reign of the king Simghana, who began to rule in Saka 1131, and at a time when the feudatory Soïdeva was dead, and had been succeeded by his younger brother Hemâḍideva. Our inscription itself therefore is not dated, but it may have been composed in the first quarter of the 13th century, some time after A.D. 1209-10.

Soïdeva’s grant, spoken of in the preceding paragraph, is dated in the Saka year

___________________________________________________________________________________________
3. See Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 53. The date of the inscription is Sunday, 24th December, A.D. 1021.

4. See Journal Roy. As. Soc., N. S., vol. 1, pp. 410, 412; or Siddhanta-Siromani, xiii, 58; Professor Aufrecht’s Calalogue, p. 327; Dr. Peterson’s Second Report, p, 131.

1128, in the year Prabhava, on the full-moon day of the month Sravana, at the time of an eclipse of the moon. The date itself shows that there must be some mistake in it; for Prabhava corresponds to Saka 1129 expired, not. to Saka 1128 expired. And, besides, if the grant had been really made in Śaka 1128 expired, the date would fall in A.D. 1206, arrd in that year there was no lunar eclipse at all. The year of the grant therefore was clearly Saka 1129 expired, which was the Jovian year Prabhava; and calculating for that year, I find that Srâvana-éudi 15 corresponds to the 9th August, A. D. 1307, when there was & lunar eclipse, at 12 hours 26 minutes Greenwich time, or, at Ujjain, 11 hours 29 minutes after mean sunrise. The eclipse, a partial one, lasted 2 hours 40 minutes and would, therefore, have been just visible in Khandes.

TEXT¹⁶²⁵.

L. 1.ओ¹⁶²⁶ न[मो] गणाधिपतये ॥
सिद्धं¹⁶²⁷ दि[वा] करसुधाकरभूमिपु[व]खेतांशवगुरुशुक्रम[नि] - ।
…………….स्य [भवो?] ङ्ग [वान्ध?] संरक्षणानि गगनेचरचारवो वः¹⁶²⁸ ।–[1.]
उद्भ-

ट[बु] डिर्भाट्टे सांख्येसंख्यः स्वतं[त्र]धीस्तंत्रे ।
वेदेनव[द्य]विद्योनल्पः शिल्पादिषु कलासु ॥⁵⁴³ - [2 ]
स्वच्छंदो यश्छंदसि शास्त्रे वैशेषिके विशेषज्ञः ॥ ( 1 )
यः श्रीप्रभाकरगुरुः प्राभाकरद-

3.र्शने कविः काव्ये ॥⁵⁴⁴- [3.]
[व]हुगुणगणितप्रभृतिस्कंद्ध (ध) त्रितये त्रिनेत्रसमः \।
विबुधाभिवंदितपदी जयति श्रीभास्कराचार्यः¹⁶²⁹ ॥॥ [4. ]

विश्वं यत्र त्रातुं जातो विष्णुः स्वयं त्रस्तं ॥⁵⁴³

[5.]
गर्ज्जद्गुर्जरकुंजरोत्कटघटासंघट्टकंठीरवो
लाटोरस्ककपाटपाटनपटुः¹⁶³⁰ कर्ण्णाटहत्वंटकः ।
श्रीमान्भिल्लमभूपतिः सम-

भवद्भूपालचूडामणि–¹⁶³¹
स्तत्रार्त्तांघ्रपुरंध्रिकान्तमुखहश्छ्री(च्छ्री) जैत्रपालोभवत् ॥¹⁶³²– [6.]
लक्ष्मीकांतलवः प्रतारि[त*]भवः श्रीजैत्रपालोद्भवः
संग्रामांगण[सं]चितातिविभवः

शास्ता भुवः सिंघणः ।
पृथ्वीशोमथुराधिपो रणमुखे काशीपतिः पाति[तो]

‘येनासावपि यस्य भृत्यबटुना हं[मी] रवीरो जितः ॥ -[7.]
अवततार पुरा पुरुषोत्तमो यदुकुले ज-

L.7.गतोहितहेतवे ॥ (1)
जयति सीयमिमां सकलामिलामवति मा पतिसिंहमहीपतिः ॥³²⁰- [8.]
अथ भृत्यान्वयवर्ण्णनं ॥
श्रीमद्भास्करवंशायं भव्यं भूयात्स भूपतिः ॥ ( 1 )
निकुंभो

8.यत्नसंभूतो रा[मो] यस्यान्वयेभवत् ॥¹⁶³³.") – [ 9.]
तत्नासीनृपतिर्ज्जितक्षितिपतिर्ध्यातैकलक्ष्मीपति-
र्देवब्राह्मणवंदने त[त] मतिः श्रीकृष्णराजाजयः ॥ ( 1 )
शौ[र्यौ]दार्यविवेकवि-

9.क्रमगुणैस्तुच्चो न येनापरः
प्राप्तं पांडवपुंगवार्ण्णितपदं तद्धर्म्मराजेति यत् ॥¹⁶³⁴– [10.]
आसांगप्रभवस्ततस्ततमतिः प्राप्तप्रतापोन्नति-
र्वीरो वैरिवधूविधूनितशिरा यः श्रीन्द्ररा–

10.जाइयः ॥ ( 1 )
तस्यासीत्तनयः सतां सविनयः सामंतसीमंतिनी-
वैधव्यव्रतसद्गुरुर्गुरुगुणः सत्पुण्यपण्यापणः ॥ - [11. ]
चतुरस्तुरगारूढो रेवन्त इव गोवनः ॥ ( 1 )
सौंदर्य्यदर्प्पकंद–

11.र्प्पो यं दृष्ट्वानंगतां गतः॥¹⁶³⁵.") [ 12.]
श्रीगोवनासं¹⁶³⁶[स्तुत ?] [रत्न] सिंदो (धो) रुद्भूतमूर्त्तिस्ततपुण्यकीर्त्तिः ॥ ( 1 )
जितारिचक्रः क्षितिपालशक्रः श्रीसोहदेवः स्तुतवासुदेवः ॥¹⁶³⁷ [13.]
शरणागतवज्जपंजरः

12.परनारीषु सदा सहोदरः ॥ ( 1 )
व्रतसत्यपथे युधिष्ठिरः सततं वैरिवधूभयन्धरः ॥¹⁶³⁸ -[14.]
स षोडश [श] तग्रामदेशं दुर्ग्गापुरान्वितं ॥ ( 1 )
सोहदेवे दिवं याते शास्ति तस्यानुसंभवः ॥¹⁴⁴.") – [15.]
त्यागे

13.सूर्यभुतोपमोर्ज्जुनसमः शौर्ये निकुंभान्वये
विख्यातः क्षितिपालभालतिलकः श्रीगोवनस्यात्मजः ॥ ( 1 )
श्रीमत्सिंघणदेववैरिकरटीकंठीरवो¹⁶³⁹ यस्करी
नद्याबदसुन-

L.14. दने [तत]मतिर्देमाडिदेवस्थिरं॥¹⁶⁴⁰ [16.]
यांडिल्यवंशे कविचक्रवर्ती त्रिविक्रमोभूतनयोस्यजातः ॥ ( 1 )
यो भोजराजेन अताभिधानो विद्यापतिर्भास्करभट्टना

15.मा. ॥¹¹⁹[17. ]
तस्माद्गोविंदसर्वज्ञो जाती गोविंदसंनिभः ॥ ( 1 )
प्रभाकरः सुतस्तस्मात्प्रभाकर इवापरः ॥³¹⁰ ; and of the nest verse.") – [18.]
तस्मान्मनोरथी जातः सतां पूर्णमनोरथः ॥ ( । )
श्रीभ हमारा चाय-

16 स्ततोजनि कवीश्वरः–॥ [19.]
तत्सूनुः कविहंदवंदितपदः सद्देदविद्यालता-
कंदः कंसरिपुप्रसादितपदः सर्वश्वविद्यासदः ।
यदि () ष्यैः सह कोपि नोविवदितुं

17 दक्षो विवादी क्वचि-
श्रीमान्भास्करकोविदः समभवत्सत्कीर्त्तिपुण्यान्वितः ॥¹⁶⁴¹ – [20.]
लक्ष्मीधराख्योखिलरिमुख्यो वेदार्थवित्तार्किकचक्रवर्त्ती॥ ( 1 )
क्रतुकृ(क्रि) याकांडविचार–

18 सारविशारदो भास्करनंदनोभूत् ॥⁴⁹⁷ – [ 21]
सर्वशास्त्रार्थदचोयमिति मत्वा पुरादतः ॥ (।)
जैत्नपालेन यी नीतः कृतच्च विबुधाग्रणीः⁹⁷⁴.")

[22.]
तस्मात्सुतः सिंघणचक्रवर्त्ति–

19 देवज्ञवर्योजनि चंगदेवः ॥ ( 1 )
श्रीभास्कराचार्यनिबध्ध (च) शास्त्रविस्तारहेतोः कुरुते मठं यः ॥¹³⁹⁹ [23.]
भास्कररचितग्रंथाः सिद्धांतशिरोमचिप्रमुखाः ॥ ( 1 )
तद्वंश्यकृताच्चान्येव्या–

20 ख्येया मन्मठे नियमात् ॥¹⁶²⁹- [24 ]
श्रीसोहदेवेन मठाय दत्तं हेमाडिना किंच्चि(चि) दिहापरेच्च ।
भूम्यादि सर्व प्रतिपालनीयं भविष्यभूपैर्बहुपुण्यवृ ॥¹¹⁹– [ 25.]

21.स्वस्ति श्रीशाके ११२८ प्रभवसंवत्सर श्रावणमासे पौर्णमास्यां चंद्रग्रहणसमये श्रीसोइदेवेन सर्वजनसंनिद्धौ(धौ) इस्तोदकपूर्व्वकं निजगुरुरचितमठायायस्थानं

दत्तं ॥ तद्यथा ॥³⁴इयां पाटणीं जें केणें उघटे तेहाचा असि आउंजो राडला होता ग्राहकापासीं तो मढा दोन्हला। ब्राह्मणां जेविक[ते] यापासीं ब्रह्मोत्तर तें ब्राह्मण दीन्हलें \। ग्राह-
कापासीं दामाचा बोसोवा आसपाठी नग[रे] दीन्हला ॥ तलदा इया बैला सिइ[वें] ।बाहीरिला आसूपाठी गिधवें ग्राहकापासीं ॥ पांच पोफखी ग्राहकापासीं ॥ पहि-
_______________________________________________________________
34. The following passage has been carefully copied from the impressions, and all aksharas, the rending of which appeared to be doubtful, have been enclosed in brackets. An I do not understand the original, I may have made mistakes in dividing the words of the text.

L.ले आधाणे आदाणाधी लोटि मठा दीन्हली । जेति धाणो वाइति तेतीयां प्रति पलो पलो तेला ॥ एथ [जे] मविजे तें मढीचेन मापें मवावें मापाड मढा अर्द्ध॥ अर्द्ध

25.मापहारी। [रू] प्राचेसूंकतथा भूमिः ॥ चतुराघाटवियर [चोडु ?] ग्राम ॥ अ–पाले–
कामतामध्ये च - [टा] \। एकल - [टा] ॥ पंडितां [चा ? ] कामतु ॥ [ची]ते. या–

मीचा [ऊ १]रा ॥ धामो[जी]ची[अ]सोढि[आ]

TRANSLATION.

Om! Adoration to the ruler¹⁶⁴²of the Ganas!

(Verse 1.) Accomplished¹⁶⁴³…….may, charming like the planets,….the Sun, the Moon, Mars; Mercury, Jupiter, Venus and Saturn,…..ever preserve you from the darkness arising from this mundane existence!

(2-4.) Triumphant is the illustrious Bhâskarâchârya whose feet¹⁶⁴⁴ are revered by the wise¹⁶⁴⁵,-(he who was) eminently learned in Bhatta’s¹⁶⁴⁶ doctrine, unique in the Sâmkhya, an independent thinker in the Tantra, possessed of unblemished knowledge of the Veda, (and) great in mechanics and other arts; who laid down the law in metrics, was deeply versed in the Vaiśeshika system, might have instructed the illustrious Prabhâkara in his own doctrine, was in poetics (himself) a poet, (and) like unto the three-eyed (god Śiva) in the three branches (of the Jyotisha), the multifarious Ganita and the rest.

(5.) May blessings rest on the illustrious race of Yadu with everything pertaining to it, (a race) in which Vishṇu himself was born, to protect the trembling universe!

(6.) (In this race) was born the illustrious prince Bhillama, a lion to the furious combined arrays of the roaring Gurjara elephants, skilful in cleaving the broad breasts of the Lâṭas, (and) a thorn in the hearts of the Karṇâṭas. (And) here there was the crest-jewel of princes, the illustrious Jaitrapâla, who put an end to the pleasures of the beloved ones of the distressed ladies of Andhra.

(7.) From the illustrious Jaitrapâla sprang, (in truth) a part of the beloved of LakshmÎ, Simghana, who escaped (the ills of) this mundane existence (?); a ruler of the earth who acquired great might on the battle-fields, who in the van of the fight struck down the prince ruling over Mathurâ (and) the lord of Kâsi, (and) by whose young dependent even that valorous Hammira was defeated.

(8.) In former days Purushottama became incarnate for the good of the world in Yadu’s family. He it is who here is conquering the whole earth (and) who protects me, the ruler of the earth, the lord Simha.

Now for the description of the family of the dependents:-

(9.) May fortune attend the illustrious solar race in which the prince Nikumbha born, whose descendant was Rṭma!

(10.) In this (race) was the illustrious prince, named Kṛishṇarâja, who defeated

the rulers of the earth, meditated solely on the lord of Lakshmî, (and) bent his thoughts on revering gods and Brahmans. Since in the qualities of bravery, generosity, discrimination and prowess none else was his equal, he obtained that title which had been gained by the foremost of the Pandavas,-(the title of) Dharmaraja.¹⁶⁴⁷

(Vs. 11 and 12.) From him sprang a son, the illustrious Indrarâja, of far-reaching intelligence (and) endowed with eminent prowess; a hero, whose head was fanned¹⁶⁴⁸by the wives of his enemies. And he had a son, gracious to the good, expert in teaching the wives of (hostile) feudatories the vow of widowhood, endowed with sterling qualities (and) a store-house of religious merit,-Govana, skilful as a rider of horses like Revanta, at whose sight the god of love, proud as he was of his beauty, left the body.¹⁶⁴⁹

(13.) From the illustrious Govana, an ocean, as it were, containing countless jewels, sprang, a very Indra among the rulers of the earth, the illustrious Soïdeva, who spread the fame of his religious merit, conquered the hosts of enemies, (and) adored Vâsudeva ;

(14.) A cage of adamant to (shelter) those who sought his protection, always a brother to others’ wives, in keeping the vow of truth a very Yudhishṭhira, (and) ever a fever of terror to the enemies’ wives.

(15 and 16.) Since Soïdeva has gone to heaven, his younger brother rules here the country of the sixteen-hundred villages’ with its forts and towns. May he, Hemaḍideva, the son of the illustrious Govana, whose thoughts are fixed on Nanda’s son¹⁶⁵⁰, long live happily, he who in liberality resembles the son¹⁶⁵¹of the Sun, (and) who in bravery is like Arjuna; that famous frontal ornament of the princes in Nikumbha’s family, whose hand is a lion to the elephants of the enemies of the illustrious Simghaṇadeva!¹⁶⁵²_

(17.) In the Sandilya race was the king of poets Trivikrama. To him was born a son, named. Bhâskarabhaṭṭa, on whom king Bhoja conferred the title of Vidyâpati.

(18.) From him was born Govinda, the omniscient, like unto Govinda; (and) ho had a son, a second Sun, as it were, Prabhakara.

(19.) From him was born Manoratha, who fulfilled the desires of the good; (and) from him, the illustrious Maheśvarâchârya, the chief of poets.

(20.) His son was the illustrious Bhâskara, the learned, endowed with good fame and religious merit, the root (as it were) of the creeper-true knowledge of the Veda, (and) an omniscient seat of learning; whose feet were revered by crowds of poets, while his words were rendered perspicuous by the enemy¹⁶⁵³ of Kamsa, (and) with whose disciples no disputant anywhere was able to compete.

(21.) Bhâskara’s son was Lakshmidhara, the chief of all sages, who knew the meaning of the Veda, (and) who was the king of logicians (and) conversant with the essence of discussions on the subject of sacrificial rites.

(22.) Judging him to be well acquainted with the contents of all the Śâstras, Jaitrapala took him away from this town and made him chief of the learned.

(Vv. 23 and 24.) To him was born a son, Chańgadeva, (who became) chief astrologer of king Simghana; who, to spread the doctrines promulgated by the illustrious Bhâskarâchârya, has founded¹⁶⁵⁴a college, (enjoining) that in (this) his college the Siddhántaśiromaṇi and other works composed by Bhaskara, as well as other works by members of his family, shall be necessarily expounded.

(25.) The land and whatever else has been given here to the college by the illustrious Soideva, by Hemadi and by others, should be protected by future rulers for the great increase of (their) religious merit!

May it be well! In Śâka 1128, in the year Prabhava, on the full-moon day in the month Śrâvaṇa, at the time of an eclipse of the moon, the illustrious Soïdeva, in the presence of all the people, granted to the college founded by his preceptor, (confirming the gift) by (pouring out) water from his hand, sources of income, as follows¹⁶⁵⁵:-

______

XL-BEGUR STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE GANGA KING
EREYAPPARASA.
BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E.

This inscription was originally brought to notice by Colonel Henry Dixon, H. M.’s 22nd Regiment, Madras Native Infantry, in his photographic collection, published in 1865, of inscriptions on stone and copper from various places in the Maisûr territory. A print from his negative has been published in my Páli, Sanskrit, and Old-Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 247. And Mr. Rice has given a reading of the text, and a translation, in his Mysore Inscriptions, p. 209f., with a lithograph of the entire stone (id. Frontispiece). His reading, however, contains many inaccuracies; and his translation is but little in accordance with the real meaning of the original. I edit the inscription partly from the photograph, and partly from a very good inked estampage, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Hultzsch. The photograph is for the most part very clear and legible; but it fails to give the proper reading in line 1, and at the commencement of line 2. The estampage has made the text perfectly clear and intelligible here; and has also cleared up one or two minor points that were rather doubtful in the photograph.

Bêgûr is a village about six miles south by east from Bangalore (properly Beṅgalor), the chief town of the Bangalore District in Maisûr. It is shewn in the map, Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 60, as ‘Baigoor,’ in Lat. 12° 53′, Long. 77° 41’. It is mentioned in lines 5 and 6 of this record by the older name of Bemptr or Bempuru. The inscription is on a stone-tablet, measuring about 6’ 6" broad by 6’ 8" high, which was found at this village, and is now in the Museum at Bangalore.

The chief part of the writing is in six lines, covering a space of about 6’ 6" broad by 1’ 5" high, which run right across the upper part of the stone. And each of these six lines is separated from the next by a line cut in the stone from end to end; this is a peculiarity which I have not as yet met with in any other inscription. There are also six short lines running on in continuation down the proper right side; the same number on

the proper left side; and the name of a village (line 13) near the centre below line 6. Except in some places along the top of line 1, the inscription is very well preserved; and it is legible throughout without the slightest doubt:—The rest of the stone is occupied by sculptures. The principal division of them represents a battle-scene. The troops on the proper right side are led by a man on horseback, sword in hand, whose rank is indicated by his head-dress and by some umbrellas, one of which is apparently a triple one. Behind him, there are two followers on horseback. In front of him, there is manon foot, blowing a horn; and beyond the latter there is another horseman. The troops on the proper left side are led by a man on an elephant, wielding a spear, whose rank again is indicated by his head-dress. He is attended by an archer in the howdah, and by a separate follower on horseback. Bohind the elephant there seem to be two supernatural beings; one of them being possibly Bhairava, and the other Kâli, as proposed by Mr. Rice. The centre and the foreground show the .fight between the two parties. Above this scene there is represented the king, seated on a low stool, with his feet resting either on a man kneeling on all fours or on a footstool carved to represent that device, and evidently waiting for news from the field of battle¹.He is attended by two female chaurt-bearers. There is another woman in front of him; and beyond her, a soldier, holding across his right knee either a quiver, or perhaps a large tube for carrying despatches. Behind the king and his chauri-bearers there stands another woman, who seems to be trying to entice into a cage a bird which is perched on the king’s uplifted left hand. And behind her again, there is another woman, standing under a flag-staff.-The characters are the so-called Old-Kanarese characters, belonging approximately to the ninth century A.D. The lingual d, as distinct from the dental d, is formed very clearly in some words, e.g. in máḍi and gangavadi, line 3; in other cases, however, the distinction is not made. The mark attached to the up-stroke of the I in kuḍal, line 15, which does not appear in the other cases in which this letter is used, seems to be a form of the Kanarese viráma, and to give the final l; the full form of the word is kúḍala or kúḍalu. The size of the letters varies from about 1 1/4" to 2 1/4". The engraving is bold, deep and good. - The language is Old-Kanarese, with the usual mixture of Sanskṛit words in lines 1 to 3. The whole record is in prose.. And it presents no particular difficulties, except in the quaintness of the construction. The whole passage from bíra-mahendranol to kalnáḍ-ittan is in reality one unbroken sentence, the component parts of which are connected by werbs in the subjunctive mood. Thus, “when the army attacked” is literally “if the army rises to;” “when there was no room left for the battle-horn” is literally “if the place for the battle-horn perishes;” and “he was pierced and died” is literally “if, having been pierced, he dies.” In order to present a readable translation, I have had to follow a more direct construction. —In respect of orthography we may notice (1) the use of ri for ri in °áļamkrity°, line 1-2, though the subscript ṛi itself occurs a little further on, in śvayamvṛita; (2) the use of dhdh for ddh in badhdham, line 6; (3) the use of b for v in bîra, line 3; (4) the use of é for s in śvayamvrita, line 2; and (5) the use of the Drâviḍian ḷ in all the Sanskrit words, except, of course, as an initial in lakshmî, line 2, and except in

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** 1.** Mr. Rice interpreted this part of the sculptures rather differently. But the stone is distinctly a charter (sâsana), not a monumental stone (viragal); and consequently this part of it does not represent celestial nymphs waiting for the slain heroes. Also, the central seated figure is plainly a man; not the queen of the nymphs.

maṅgala, line 6; in line 19 we have maṅgaḷa, with the Drâviḍian ; in line 6, as in many other cases, the word is part of a village-name, and I am not quite sure whether, as such, it is really the Sanskrit word, or whether it is of Drâviḍian origin.

The inscription refers itself to the time of a Ganga king named Ereyapparasa or Ereyappa; who was reigning as paramount sovereign over the Gangavaḍi’ Ninety-six-thousand district. He was at war with a certain Vira-Mahêndra. One of his armies, called the army of Nâgattara, headed by its chieftain, came in collision with the army of Ayyapadêva, who was plainly one of the commanders of Vira-Mahendra. In the fight that ensued, Ayyapadêva was killed, (and his troops routed). And in recognition of this, Ereyapparasa conferred upon his slayer, Iruga, a fillet or badge of honour called the Någettara-vaṭṭa, and granted to him the twelve villages known as the Bempûr Twelve, which constituted the Kalnâḍ district.

Of the places mentioned in this inscription, the Gaṅgavâḍi Ninety-six-thousand is well known from other records. It constituted specially the dominions of the Gaṅgas of Western India, and it embraced chiefly the present territory of Maisûr. Bêmpûr or BempÛru is plainly the original name of the modern Bêgûr; though, why the mp should have changed into g, I cannot at present explain. Iggalûru still exists under the same name; it is the ‘Igloor’ of the map, in the Ânekal Tâlukâ of the Bangaloṛe District, about eight miles south-êast of Bêgûr. One or other of the two villages of the names of which Nallûru is a component, may perhaps be identified with the ‘Nelloorputnam’ of the map, in the Dêvanhalli or Dêvandahalli Talukâ, twenty-four miles in a north-easterly direction from Bêgûr; it is described as a ruined city of some antiquity (Rice’s Mysore and Coorg, vol. II, pp. 56, 74); and about nine miles south-east of it, the map shews a ‘Chicka Nelloor,’ which may perhaps be identified with the other of the two villages. And Pâvina-Pullaṁṃangala is possibly ‘represented by the ‘Woolmangle’ of the map, in the Mâlûr Taluka of the Kôlår district, about twenty miles to the east by north from Bêgur. For the other places, I cannot find any representatives in the map. But a reminiscence of the name of the Kalnâd district, is perhaps preserved in the name of the modern Ânekal Tâlukâ.

The inscription is not dated. On palaeographical grounds, it may be referred to about the ninth century A.D.; but this, of course, is only an approximation, liable to correction at any time when we may be in a position to identify with certainty the persons who are mentioned. As regards Eṛeyapparasa or Eṛeyappa, the only person whose name at all resembles his, is the Eṛegaṅga of one of the spurious Western Gaṅga grants (Ind. Ant. vol. XIV, p. 229 ff). Eṛeyappa is, of course, simply eṛe, with appa, ‘a father,’ as an honorific suffix; and arasa means ‘a-king.’ But there are no particular reasons for proposing to identify Eṛeyappa with Ereganga. Vira-Mahêndra has been identified by Mr. Rice (Mysore Inscriptions, pp. xlv., lvii., lxiii.) with a Pallava king Vîra-Noļambâ, of whom there is an inscription at Goribidnûr in Maisûr, which speaks of him as the ‘protector of Ayyapadéva’s daughter.’ Vira-Mahêndra may possibly be a Pallava king. But the name is not known as yet from any other record. And it is impossible to identify him, with any certainty, with any particular king of the Pallava dynasty, and especially with any particular Vira-Noḷamba^(2). Also, to understand the

—————————————————————————————————————————

2.VÎra-Nolamba means ’the brave Nolamba ;’ whereas Vira-Mahêndra most probably means, not ’the brave Mahêndra,’ but ‘a very Mahêndra (Indra) among brave men.’

reference to Ayyapadéva’s daughter in the Goribidnur inscription, we require the full text of that record. And the sculptures on the Bêgûr stone do not bear out Mr. Rice’s assumptions. He suggested that the woman starding under the flag-staff is Ayyapadêva’s daughter, bound to it as a captive; and that, being taken prisoner in the fight in which Ayyapadêva was killed, she became the prize of the victorious Pallava. But, as I have already said (see note 1, above), the stone is distinctly a charter, not a monumental slab; so that the sculptures in the upper row do not refer to Ayyapadêva at all. And there are no indications of a rope on the staff of the standard; while, that which is on the woman’s right wrist appears distinctly to be a set of bangles, as on both wrists of the other women, and not the coils of a rope. The mention of the ‘Nâgattara and his army, suggests the idea of a reference to some Någa tribe. I do not find, however, any indications of Nâgas among the figures represented in the sculptures.

In consequence of Mr. Rice’s rendering of this inscription, it appeared to contain some other historical details, which are now found to be quite illusory. Thus, his translation speaks of “the illustrious Ereyapparasa, brilliant as lightning, descending among the stars in the clear firmament of the world-renowned Ganga race, protector of the mighty kings of Valala and Mêkhala, the chosen lord and possessor of the fortune of the auspicious Taila’s dominion.” From this, Mr. Rice (Mysore Inscriptions, pp. xliv., xlv.) inferred that Eṛeyapparasa was an usurper of the Ganga sovereignty; and he placed him in the period A.D. 777 to 857, between Râja-Malladêva and Gaṇḍadêva. But, on the contrary, Ereyapparasa is most distinctly described as belonging himself to the Ganga family. The “mighty kings of Vaḷala and Mêkhala” owe their existence to nothing but a pure mistake, and need no further comment. The supposed Taila, however, is a matter of more importance, especially in connection with the name of Ayyapadêva, which really does occur in this record. During the period to which this inscription belongs, there was a long break in the supremacy of the Western Chalukya kings. Their records, however, pretending to give an uninterrupted succession, mention a certain Taila I., and his great-grandson Ayyaṇa I., who have to be placed in this period. And, on seemingly good grounds, Mr. Rice found a reference to both of these persons in the present record; and an apparent corroboration of his general results, in the supposed fact that Prolirâja, the father of the Kâkatya king Rudradêva, took away a kingdom from a certain Tailapa, - assumed to be Taila I., and gaye it to a “king Erha,” whom Mr. Rice took to be the present king Ereyapparasa. Prôlirâja, however, belongs to a much later time, viz. to the period just before A.D. 1162; and the Tailapa who is mentioned in connection with him, is the Western Ohâlukya king Taila or Tailapa III. (A.D. 1150 to about 1162). Moreover, the kingdom that was disposed of by him was taken from a certain Gôvindarâja, and was given to a king whose name was in reality Udaya, not “Erha” (see Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 17). These items of contemporaneous history thus disappear altogether. And, as a matter of fact, the name of Taila does not occur in the present, record at all. It was deduced from words which really are dlamkrity-ailádhipatya. In the photograph, the reading tail-adhipatya might be justified, as the words preceding it are there not at all clear; and especially because there really is a mention of an Ayyapadêva further on. But the estampage has placed the true reading of the passage beyond any possibility of doubt. That the Ayyapadêva

of this record may be the Western Chalukya Ayyana I., still remains possible; but it cannot be taken as at all a certainty.

TEXT.¹⁶⁵⁶

1 Ôm¹⁶⁵⁷Svasti Samasta-bhuvana-vinû(nu) ta¹⁶⁵⁸-Gangakula-gagana-nirmmaļa-târâpati
jaladhi-jala-vipula-valaya-mêkha][â]-kaḷâp-âlam-

2 kri(kṛi) ty-ailâdhipatya-lakshmi-śva (sva)yamvṛita-patÎ (ti) tâdvady¹⁶⁵⁹-aganita-guņa-gaṇa-vibhushaṇa-vibhûshita-vibhuti śrimad-Ereyapp-arasaṁ

3 pagevar-ellaman-ni[h*]kshatram-mâdi Gaṅgavâḍi-tombhatt[a*]ru-sâsiramumanêka-chhatra¹⁶⁶⁰-chchhâyeyol-Aluttam-ildu [I*] B(vi)ra-Ma-

4 hêndranol-kådal-endu Ayyapadêyange sâmanta-sahitam Nâgattaranam¹⁶⁶¹ danduv-
eldode tumbe pâdiyol-kâdi kâlegam=imb-a-

5 lidode âneyol-ânt-iridu sattod-adam kêld-Ereyapaṁ¹⁶⁶²mechchi Irugange Nâgat-tara-vattam-gatti Bempû[r*]-ppanneradu-

6 maṁ śâsana-badhdha (ddha) ṁ Kalnâd-ittan-Av=âvuv-endode II Bempûrû Tovagurů Půvina-Pullammangala Katanidu-Nalluru

7 NallÛru-Koma-

8 raṅgunta \।\।¹⁶⁶³ I.

9 ggalûru¹⁶⁶⁴II Du-

10 gmonelmalli

11 Galaṁjavâ-

12 gilû II

13 Sâraṁvu II

14 Eḷkuppe Paravûru

15 Kûdal \। initumam

16 pola-mêre-sahita-

17 m=ittan-Eṛeyapaṁ

18 śavucharan-Nâgara-

19ṅge [11*] Mangaļa-

mahâ-ért [11*]

TRANSLATION.

Om! Hail! While the glorious Ereyapparasa, whose dignity was adorned with the decoration of a countless number of meritorious qualities, commencing with such (epithets) as ‘he who is a spotless moon in the sky which is the family of the Gangas, praised throughout the whole world,’ (and) ‘he who is the lord, chosen by herself, of the goddess of sovereignty over the (whole) earth, who has for an ornament round (her) waist a zone which is the great circle of the waters of the oceans,’ —having deprived all (his) enemies of power, was ruling the Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand under the shadow of a single umbrella :¹⁶⁶⁵-

(Line 3) — Saying “(We have) to fight against Vira-Mahendra,” the army of the Någattara, together with the chieftain (or chieftains), attacked¹⁶⁶⁶ Ayyapadêva. And

when it was overwhelming (him),¹⁶⁶⁷having fought on foot¹⁶⁶⁸,when there was no room left for (his) battle-horn, he mounted an elephant, and there was pierced and died.

(L. 5)-Having heard that, Ereyapa¹⁶⁶⁹was pleased; and, having bound on Iruga the Allet called Nagattara-vaṭṭa¹⁶⁷⁰,he gave him the Kalnad district, secured by (this) charter, (consisting of) the Bempar Twelve (villages).¹⁶⁷¹

(L. 6)- They are as follows:-Bempûru and Tovagûru, Pûvina-Pullammangala, Katanidu-Nallûru, Nallûru-Komarańgunta, Iggalûru, Dugmonelmalli and Galañi-javàgilu, Sâramvu, Elkuppe, Paravuru, (and) Kûḍal.

(L. 15)—This much, with (a specification of) the boundaries of the fields, gave Ereyapa to (hie) follower, the Nâgara¹⁶⁷².(May there be) felicity and great good for tune!

_________

XLI.-A STONE INSCRIPTION FROM RANOD (NAROD).
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, PÅ. D., O.I.E., GÖTTINGEN.

In my account of the Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Chedi, ante, pages 253 and 267, I had occasion to mention an inscription at Ranod, published in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng., vol. XVI, pages 1080-88, which, I said, might, when properly edited, serve to elucidate certain passages of the Bilhari inscription, and which, I hoped, would also otherwise prove of historical value. I now have to state that, in the midst of the last hot season, Dr. Führer proceeded to Ranod, and, under considerable difficulties, took two impressions of the inscription thus referred to, which have rendered the preparation of a trustworthy text of it an easy task. Unfortunately, the importance of the inscription has not turned out to be at all proportionate to the trouble which Dr. Führer has taken about it; but my thanks to him are none the less sincere.

Ranod, or, as it is more commonly called in the neighbourhood, Narod (Narvad), is described as an old, decayed town of some size, in the state of Gwalior, about half way between Jhânsî and Guna, and 45 miles due south of Narwar, Indian Atlas,.quartersheet No. 51, S.E., Long. 77° 56’ E., Lat. 25° 5′ N. The most remarkable building of the place is reported to be an old Hindu palace, of the main part of which a photozincograph is given in Sir A. Cunningham’s Archaeol. Surv. of India, vol. II, Plate lxxxv. In front of it is an open cloister, with suites of rooms at each end, which form three sides of a court-yard; and outside the court-yard is a deep square tank with steps leading down to the water’s edge, while, close by there is a second tank, Judging from the contents of the inscription, I have no doubt that the building thus described by Sir

A. Cunningham¹⁶⁷³was really a Matha for residence of ascetics, and that one of the existing tanks is the very tank the construction of which is recorded in this inscription.

The inscription is engraved on an erect tablet in the left end wall of the lower verandah of the main building. It consists of 64 lines of writing, which cover a space of 6′ 11″ high by 2'10 1/2" broad. The writing is nearly throughout in a state of perfect preservation, so that almost everything may be read with absolute certainty. The average size of the letters is between 3/4" and 7/8". The characters are Någari of the 10th or 11th century; they were written on the stone by Rudra, and engraved by Jejjâka (line 64). The language is Sanskrit; and, excepting the introductory om namaḥ Śivâya and the words Rudreņa likhitd at the end, the inscription is in verse. It was composed by Devadatta, and delineated or copied out (varnitá) by his son Haradatta (verses 68 and 69). As regards grammar and orthography, there are few things which need be drawn attention to. Except in the word divisadám, in line 32, for which in classical Sanskṛit we should have expected divishadám, the sibilants are everywhere employed in their proper places. The letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v. Instead of anusvára, we have the guttural nasal’ in vrinhitáni, line 1, and the dental in śreyânsi, line 3, and-śansi, line 9; and instead of ri, the vowel ri in udrikta, line 22. Before the consonant t is nine times doubled, e.g., in ttripura-, line 5,-mâttram, line 22, yattra, lines 31 and 57; and the word ujjvala; is, as usually, spelt ujvala, in lines 50 and 56. A wrong samdhi we have in phulam-vipula-, line 6, and in Kim-rámritaº, line 57; and wrong grammatical forms are ápya for áptvá, in line 11, and samudiyamánaḥ for samudyan, or samudayan, in line 7. Besides, I may draw attention to the unusual noun parishvashkaṇí, in line 4, and to the verb ud-akhoți, in line 64, derived from ut-khut, ’to cut or engrave,’ which has not been met with elsewhere.

Considering that the language is generally plain and easy to understand, and that the inscription offers very little that can be of value to the historian, it will be sufficient to give the following short abstract of the contents :-

After the introductory “oṁ, adoration to Śiva,” and five verses in honour of Gaṇeśa (Vinâyaka), Sarasvatî, and Śiva (Śambhu, Dhûrjaţi, Tripura-vijayin), the inscription records (in verse 6) that Siva (Purâri) once pleased Brahman by offering him a sacrifice, the result of which was the origin of the family or line of sages which will be treated of in the following (v. 7). In it, there was a sage who is described as Kadambaguhâdhivâsin, ’the inhabitant of Kadambaguhâ’; from him sprang the Sankhamathikâdhipati, ’the superintendent of Sankhamathikâ’; next came Terambipâla, ’the protector of Terambi’; then Amardakatirthanatha, the lord of Âmardakatîrtha’; and after him Purandara (vv. 8-10). When the king, the illustrious Avanti or Avantivarman, who was desirous of being initiated in the doctrines of the Saiva faith, heard of the great holiness of this sage, he resolved to bring him to his own country. He accordingly went to Upendra pura, induced the sage to accede to his request, was initiated by him in the Saiva faith, and duly rewarded him (vv. 11-13). Purandara then founded a Maṭha, or residence of ascetics, at Mattamayûra, the prince’s town; and he also established another Matha, at Raḥipadra, the place where the inscription is (vv. 14 and 15). Next came Kavachagiva; his disciple was Sadâśiva; and he was succeeded by Hridayeśa (vv. 16-21). Hṛidayeśa’s disciple was Vyomaśiva

(Vyomasambhu, or Vyomesa), whose holiness and learning, in which he surpassed all manner of devotees and learned men (the Sakyas or Buddhists, who are compared to elephants, the jackal-like Jainas, and others), are eulogised in verses 22-42. He restored to Ranipadra its former splendour, repaired and enlarged the Matha, erected temples and set up statues of Siva, and he in particular built a magnificent tank, to the description of which no less than twenty verses of the inscription are devoted (vv. 45-64). Verse 65 expresses the wish that the tank may last for ever; and v. 66 forbids the.planting of trees near it. And, finally, v. 67 forbids the ascetics to sleep on beds and to allow women to pass the night within the Matha.-The inscription is not dated, but it may on palæographical grounds be assigned to the end of the 10th or the beginning of the 11th century A.D.

Of the individuals mentioned in the above, only the prince Avanti or Avantivarman would be likely to interest the historian; lut we know nothing about him from other sources, and I can only suggest that he may be related to the Chaulukya princes Avanivarman, Sadhauva, and Simhavarman, the ancestors of the Chedi queen Nohalâ, who are mentioned in verses 34 and 35 of the Bilhari inscription, and that he cannot have lived later than the second half of the 9th century. Of the places, Raņipadra I take to be Ranod itself; Mattamayûra, the town of Avantivarman, and Upendrapura (or Vishnupura ?), the original dwelling-place of the sage Purandara, I am unable to identify. As regards Kadambaguha and the other localities from which the earlier sages receive their appellations, I would suggest that Terambi may be identified with Terahi, which is five miles to the south-east of Ranod, and Kadambaguha with Kadwaia or Kadwâha, a place which is about six miles south of Terahi, and where there are even now four standing temples and the ruins of nine others.³

Of the sages themselves, Purandara is evidently the personage called Mattamayuranâtha, ’the lord of Mattamayûra’, in verse 49 of the Bilhari inscription. And the account given of him and of his having initiated Avantivarman in the Saiva faith, in the present inscription, shows that we must read the second half of that verse, one or two aksharae of which were indistinct in the impressions, and the exact meaning of which was not apparent at the time, thus:—

niḥśesha-kalmasha-mashim-apahritya yena
sankrámitam-para-maho nripater-Avanteḥ ॥;

and must translate :- who, when he had removed every stain of impurity from the prince Aviati, communicated (to him) supreme splendour (by initiating him in the Saiva faith).’

Of the other sages, the Bilhari inscription too mentions Sadasiva and Hridayaśiva (Hridayeśa); but in the place of Kavachasiva that inscription has Dharmasambhu, and between Sadâśiva and Hridayasiva it interposes two other sages, one described as Madhumateya, and the other called Chûdâśiva.

I owe to the kindness of Mr. Fleet a rough rubbing, received from Sir A. Cunningham, of a third inscription which treats of the same line of Saiva ascetics that is eulogized in the Ranod and Bilhari inscriptions. This third inscription is at Chandrehe on the Son river in Rewa, and has been previously mentioned by Mr. Beglar in Archæol.

* See Archæol. Survey of India, vol. XXI, pages 176 and 177.

Sure. of India, vol. XIII, page 8. It is on two slabs of stone, euoh measuring about 3’ 2" broad by 1′ 4" high, and consists of 27 lines. According to Mr. Beglar it contains the date Samvat 324 Phálguna-sudi 6, the year of which Mr. Beglar proposes to alter to 1324. But the inscription is really dated Samvat 724 Phālguna-śudi 5, and, from the style of the writing and the locality in which the inscription was put up, this date must be referred to the Chedi era, so that the year corresponds to A.D. 972-8. Like the Ranod inscription, this ons also appears to be of slight importance¹⁶⁷⁴, and Prabh&vañiva. The invoription, which is in verne, was composed by the poet Dharisata, the son of Jelka and Amarika, and grandson of Mehuka, and engraved by Damodara, the son of Lakshmidhara and younger brother of Vasudeva. Perhaps I may here draw attention to a note on page 5 of Aroherol. Survey of India, vol. XIII, according to whioh there is in the Asiatic Society’s collection a rubbing of an inscription from Makuudpur (which is near Chandrehe), dated in (apparently Chedi) Samvat 772. It is very desirable that this inscription should be examined."), and I here refer to it chiefly because in line 5 it mentions, apparently, in connection with Mattamayûra, the sage Purandara of the present inscription. For since Purandara, in the Chandrehe inscription, is followed by about five more generations of sages, the date of the inscription proves beyond doubt, what I have intimated above, that that sage, and with him the prince. Avantivarman, cannot possibly be placed later than the end of the 9th century A.D..

TEXT.¹⁶⁷⁵

L. 1.ओं नमः शिवाय ॥
प्रावृषेण्यनवाम्भोदगर्ज्जितौर्ज्जित्यजिन्ति वः ।
वैनायकानि निघ्नन्तु निर्व्विघ्नं वृङ्हितान्यघम्¹⁶⁷⁶॥¹⁶⁷⁷.")-[1].
प्रसन्नौजस्विमधुर-

2.व्यक्ताव्यक्तस्वरूपभाक् ।
देवता वाक्यरिजेदैमुंदे स्वाहः सरस्वती ॥ -[2].
संपूर्ण्णाङ्गमशेषकल्मषमुषः सम्पन्नमप्यादरा-
द्दूरं पादतलाव-

3.घट्टननमत्कैलासनश्यत्स्थिति ।
सानन्दं युगपत्सुरासुरसभामंरम्भदत्तव्ययं
शन्भोर्मास्वपरिग्रहस्य दिशतु श्रेयान्सि¹⁶⁷⁸वः स्थानकम् ॥¹⁶⁷⁹ - [3].
चरणभरावनता-

4.वनिविनमत्कमठोरुकर्प्पराभोगा ।
नाट्यस्य धूर्ज्जटेर्धुरि वर्ण्णपरिष्वष्कणी जयति ॥¹⁶⁸⁰ –[4].
उत्क्षिप्तो दण्डपादो ग्रहगणमुहुभिः साईसुसन्धा भूयः
प्रायाद्यावत्स्वसीमाम-

5.परपदभरभ्रष्टपृष्ठा क्व भूमिः ।
इत्थंदौस्थ्येपि रङ्गे गगनतलचलच्चारिकाचारवृत्ते-

जायन्तां वलिसम्यं त्रिपुरविजयिनस्ताकवक्रीडितानि³⁷⁸ ॥– [5].
भोपसवं स्थिरभगन्यः प-

L.6. द्मासनं दारुवनेतिरम्ये ।
विधाय यज्ञंविधिना विधिज्ञःकिलानुजग्राह पुरा पुरारि¹⁶⁸¹ ॥– [6].
यच्छम्फल¹⁶⁸²विपुलनिर्वृतिवीयसः पूर्वोत्तरं विपुलवर्धितभूरिशाखः । तमाद-

पूर्व्व उदभून्मुनिवंश एव निर्ग्रन्थिरन्तरतिसारतरोस्तरन्ध्रः¹⁶⁸³॥ – [7].
तस्मिन्मुनिः सकललोकनमस्यमूर्त्तिरिन्दूपमः प्रतिदिनं समुदीयमानः ।
श्रीमानभूद्भुवि कदम्व(म्ब) गुहाधिवासी तस्माच्च श-

इमठिकाधिपतिर्मुनीन्द्रः ॥ - [8].
तेरग्वि (बि) पालः प्रमथाधिपस्य तुलां दधत्कामजयोदयेन ।
ततोभक्वरितपास्ततोपि सत्ख्यातिरामर्हकतीर्थनाथः ॥⁶¹²– [9].
तस्मा-
त्पुरन्दरगुरुर्गुरुङ्गरिम्यः प्रज्ञातिरेकजनितस्य व (ब) भूव भूमिः ।
यस्याधुनापि विदु (बु) धैरितिक्कत्यशन्सि¹⁶⁸⁴व्याहन्यते न वचनं नयमार्ग्गविह्निः ॥¹⁶⁸⁵- [ 10 ]
बन्धः कोपि चका-

स्त्यचिन्त्यमहिमा तुल्यंमुनिर्भास्वता
राजबुत्तमशव्द(ब्द)पूर्व्वशिखराभ्यर्ण्णन्प्रकीर्ण्णद्युतिः ।
दीक्षार्थोति वचो निशम्य सुकृतोचारोक्तमुर्व्वोपति-
यस्येहानयनाय यत्नमकरो-
च्छ्रोमानवन्तिः पुरा ॥¹⁶⁸⁶- [11].
गत्वा तपस्यन्तमुपेन्द्रपूर्व्वे पुरे तदा श्रीमदवन्तिवर्न्मा ।
भृशं समाराध्य तमात्मभूमिं कथञ्चिदानीय चकार पूताम् ॥¹⁶⁸⁷- [12].
अथोपसद्याम्य च सम्यगैशीं

दीक्षांस दक्षोगुरुदक्षिणार्थम् ।
निवेद्य यस्मैनिजराज्यसारं स्वजन्मसाफल्यमवाप भूपः ॥ - [13].
स कारयामास समृद्धिभाजं मुनिर्म्मठंसन्मुनिरत्न-
भूमिम् ।
प्रसिद्धमावारिधि मेरुकल्पं श्रीमत्पुरे मत्तमयूरनाम्नि॥ - [14].
पुनर्द्वितीयं स्वयमद्वितोयो गुणैर्मुनीन्द्रो रणिपद्रसंज्ञम् ।
तपोवनं श्रेष्ठमठं वि-
धाय प्रष्ठः प्रतिष्ठां परमां निनाय ॥ - [15].
आसीदतः कवचपूर्व्वशिवाभिधानो लोकप्रियः कवचबहुदृष्टशक्तिः ।
यः सर्व्वतो वहति संयति संयताङ्को

L. 15 दार्ढ्यंगुणाढ्यमिति कामशरैरभेद¹¹⁴्यः॥ -[16].
सदाशिवस्तस्य च शिष्य आसीत्सदा शिवः सर्व्वजनस्य शान्त्या ।
तपोवनं यो रणिपद्रुनाम प्रसाधयामास

16.तपःसमृद्ध्या¹⁶⁸⁸ ॥ - [17].
अस्मादनल्पादुदयाद्रिकल्पाल्लब्धो (ब्धो) दयोभूहृदयेशसंज्ञः।
आचार्यसूर्यस्तमसां विदार्य प्रकाममौदार्यमहार्यवीर्यः ॥¹⁶⁸⁹ - [18].
निरवधि वर्द्धते न च वि(बि)–

भर्त्ति पुरो लघुभावमात्मनः
प्रसरति दिङ्मुखेषु न च चलति मनागपि मार्ग्गसंस्थितेः ।
स्फुरति समस्तवर्ण्णरुचितं न च मूञ्चति चारुशुभ्रता–
मलमधुनापि यस्य

18 .कृतिनोद्भुतमित्थमहर्न्निशं यशः¹⁶⁹⁰; the second line of the verse is incorrect.") ॥ - [19].
यस्यात्मेन्द्रियनिग्रहे निजगुरुस्थानान्यलंकुर्व्वतः
प्रीतिः पात्रपरिग्रहे च दधतः साधूपभोग्याः श्रियः ।

19स्वभ्य–
स्ताखिलशास्त्रनिर्म्मलमतेरासीत्स एकः परं
कान्यैः स्वोदरपूर्त्तिमात्ररतिभिस्तृष्णाभिभूतैः कथा¹⁶⁹¹ ॥ - [20].
यदि गुणकीर्त्तनमधुना निःशेषं तस्य साधु वि–

20.वृणोमि ।
तद्वक्तुं कीर्त्तिमिमां नावसरः प्रस्तुतां तदलम्¹²⁷ ॥ - [21].
औदार्याद्गुरुभारदुर्व्वहधुरानिर्व्यूढवीर्योदयः
शिष्यः शिष्यवतां विशेषक इव प्रस्ताव–

21.मुख्यः सताम् ।
श्रीमान्व्योमशिवाह्रयः समभवत्तस्यापि तादृक्पुन-
र्यादृग्भूरिभिरुग्रमद्मुततमैस्तप्तैस्तपोभिर्भवेत्¹⁶⁹² ॥ - [22].
श्लाघ्यं जन्म जगत्त्रयेपि दधतः शेषस्य

तस्य क्षमा–
मस्य व्योमपदादिमत्तुरचनाख्याताभिधानस्य च ।
उहर्तुं विपदि प्रजां गुरुभरव्यापारदत्तात्मनो
यस्योदृ(द्रि)त्मपरोपकारकरुणामात्रं प्रवृत्तेः फ–
लम् ॥ - [23].
यस्योचैश्चरितं चिरात्पुलकभृद्गण्डस्थलश्रेणिभि-
र्म्मष्नुव्यञ्जितम[न्द्र]तारगमकैः संगीयते किन्नरैः ।
सूर्याचन्द्रमसोः समं प्रतपतः [प्र [ध्वं] स्य]¹⁶⁹³दूरं

L. 24.तमस्तस्यास्याद्भूतकर्म्मणः किमपरै स्तोत्रैर्व्विचित्रैरपि ॥ - [24].
द्रढिष्ठसदनुष्ठानो स्वदिष्ठमितभाषितः ।
योन्वतिष्ठत्प्रतिष्ठावभ्रष्ठः सह्रतिनां व्रतम्⁵⁸⁹.") ॥ - [25].
यः संय–

25.मस्य विनयस्य नयस्य सम्यक्पुरुषस्य चारुचरितस्य च कीर्तनस्य ।
एकत्र वस्तुमिति सद्गुण[सं?]–[स्य]त्वष्ट्रा प्रतिश्रयगृहं गृहिणीव जज्ञे¹⁶⁹⁴॥-[26].
सर्व्वत्र निर्वृतिक–

26.[रे]ण निरन्तरेण लब्धो(ब्धो)दयेन धवलेन दिगायतेन
वर्हिष्णुनाधिकमलंकृतमेतदिन्दोर्द्योतेन यस्य च त्रुण[प्रस]रेण विश्वम् ॥ - [27].
लोकालोकान्तरालभ्रमणपरिणताव–

27.र्त्तवेगप्रवृत्तिर्शतूलोत्ताललीलां द्रुतगति तुलयन्व्याप्तदिक्चक्रवालः ।
निर्हूयाशेषविश्वाक्रमणपटु रजः पविनैर्व्वर्त्तनैर्द्या–
मारादाश्वश्रुवानस्तपस उदग–

मद्यस्यदूरं प्रतापः¹⁶¹ ॥ - [28].
येनेदं पुरमापदन्धतमसे मग्नं नियोगाद्विधेः
सत्कीर्त्त्या रणिपद्रसं[यम]चिरादुष्टृत्य यत्याश्रमम् ।
भूपृष्ठं शशिनेव निर्म्मलत
रस्फारस्फुरतेजसा
सर्व्वानन्द्युदयेन पौरसहितं नीतं पुनस्ताः श्रियः¹⁶⁹⁵ ॥ -[29].
स्फारैर्धान्यहिरण्यरवनिवहैर्निःशेषमन्तर्व्वहि-
स्त्वङ्गतुङ्गतुरङ्गमै

30.र्म्मदभरोद्वत्तैश्च गर्ज्जङ्गजैः ।
स्वस्थानस्य विशीर्ण्णविद्रतमठस्योद्दामलक्ष्मीभृतो
भूभागास्तपसा पुनर्न्नवरुचः संरेजिरे यस्य च ॥ - [30].
सा श्लाघ्या वसतिः स

एव विषयस्त प्राणनस्ता दिशः
सा भूर्भूमिपतिः स एव किमतस्ते ते प्रदेशाः परम् ।
यत्रास्तेयमशेषसत्व(अ)हितक्वत्कृत्यप्रवृत्तः स्वयं
पु–

32.ण्यानां प्रगुणीकृतोवनिसृजा पुंजो वपुष्मान्निव ॥ -[31].
यद्वाचां मनसां च गोचरमतिक्रान्तेन भून्नान्वितं
यद्गीतं गुणगर्व्वितैर्हिविस(ष)दां दारैरदभ्रादरं ।
यस्तत्व(त्त्व) ज्वलितैः प्र-

L. 33. चण्डतपर्सा तेजोभिरुन्मीलितं
तत्रान्यत चरित्रसुचतमतावचैव तावत्खितम् ॥ -[32].
पुरा योषित्सङ्कानिभृतनिजाक्षं भगवता
विजिग्ये यः कामस्त्रिपुररिपुणांविष्कृतरुषा ।

निरुवाल क्ष्यान्त्वा तमयमजयत्सङ्गरहितः
सुचीर्णानां स्याहा किमिह तपसां दुष्क [[र] मिति ॥]¹⁶⁹⁶ -[33].
स्फारास्फालनघातनिर्हयदलङ्कभीरभेरवव्याजेनोव्वगुरा कुमारचरिता–

त्सद्र (द्र) ह्यचर्यन्तपः ।

35.यस्याराधयतस्त्रिसंध्यमधुतध्यानस्यतेर्षूर्ज्जटिं
चैतन्योञ्फितवृत्तयोपि समये खवूवेलोत्सवाः ॥¹⁶⁹⁷ -[34].
स्तुत्यं स्यात्किमिहास्य नांम चरितुं न स्थास्रुपण्या-

र्बिना
मा वा (वा) ल्यात्सहकीर्तिसञ्चिततपस्तेज समुत्तेजितम् ।
यस्योश्चैरलघूबमहुणगुरु ब्र(ब्र) ह्याण्डमाडम्ब (स्व) र-
व्यग्रैर्दाक्शतकद्रवा (वा) हुपरिधैः संधार्यते यक्षतः ॥ - [35].
सिद्धान्तेषु महेश एष नियतं न्यायेञ्चपादो मुनिर्ग्गभीर च कणाशिनस्तु कणभुवशास्त्रे श्रुतौ जैमिनिः ।
सांख्येनल्पमतिः खयञ्च कपिलो लोकायते सहुरुर्व्वु (र्ब्बु) को वु (बु) हमते
जिमोक्तिषु जिनः को वाय नायं कतो ॥ - [36].
यहूतं यदनागतं यदधुना किञ्चित्कचिहर्तते
सम्यग्दर्शनसंपदा तदखिलं पश्यम्प्रमेयं महत् ।
सर्व्वज्ञः स्फुटमेष

39.कोपि भगवानन्यः क्षितौ शंकरो
धत्ते किन्तु न शान्तधीर्व्विषमदृचौद्रं वपुः केवलम् ॥ - [37].
अस्मिन्नुद्दामधाम्नि प्रचुरतरतपःसीम्नि विख्यातनाम्नि
सर्व्वानन्द्युक्त[सा?]-

ग्नि क्षितिमृदुरुभरस्यार्हिपुण्यङ्गरिम्णि ।
संपन्नप्रेम्णि सत्सु स्वयशसि निहितस्फारसारप्रथिम्नि
विद्योत्सर्प्यम्याहिन्नि विभुवनतिलके के गुणा इन्त न स्युः ॥¹⁶⁹⁸ - [38].
संलीनं

मुख एव शाक्यकरिणामत्यूर्ज्जित गर्ज्जितं
बासाद्यस्य च जैमजम्बु (म्बु) कमतैदुर्व्याहृत्तं संहृतं ।
सोढं जातु न जैमिनीयहरिणौर्जीलालर्त हुजातं
तस्यान्यद्गगनेशवान

L 42 नपतेः किं स्यात्स्तुतं प्रस्तुतम् ॥¹⁶⁹⁹ [39].
यस्योच्चकेैःस्फुरति संतमसं निरस्व तेजः परं प्रतिनिधं प्रतिवासरं च ।
अन्यः स एव ननु चन्द्रमसी रवेश्चचन्द्रावदातचरितः सुत–

रां चकास्ति॥¹⁷⁰⁰ -[40]
यस्यामलंस्फुरति सद्गुणरब्रइन्दमानन्दकारि जगतां जलताविहीनं ध
श्रीव्योमशन्भुजलधिः स खलु व्युदस्ततृष्णः सतां समभवद्भुवि कोप्यपूर्व्वः ॥ [41]

माधुर्यं विनयो नयोनलसता त्यागः क्षमा प्रश्रयः
स्थैर्यं धैर्यमहायवीयंकलितं स (घ) ह्मचर्यन्तपः ।
इत्यादि प्रचिनोमि चेतसि चिरं यद्यत्किमप्यादरा–
तत्तस-
[र्व्व]मचिन्त्यमस्य महतः कस्यास्तु वाचां. पथि ॥¹⁷⁰¹ - [42].
रंजुः सज्जनरभावजनमान्धा सिन्धुर्वलावधे-
बिवं यस्य यांसि कुन्दकलिकाकोडप्रभाभांज्यपि ।
तस्यायं खलु देव

46.तायतनवान्चापोनिवेशः शुभः
सोद्यानः प्रथते स्वकीर्त्तिविभवः साचादिवानश्वरः ॥ - [43].
शिवयुग्मसुमादेवीनावेम्बरविनायकौ ।
म मठं मन्दिरै रम्यैरयमेतान्य–

47.चीकरत् ॥¹⁷⁰².") - [44].
प्रतिक्षपं या प्रतिवि (बि) ग्व (म्ब) तां गते सुनिर्म्मले वारिणि तारकागणे ।
कुमुदतीसङ्गसमुज्झिताप्यलं विभाति विष्वक्कुमुदैरिवाचिता ॥¹⁷⁰³ [45].
प्रसादमाधुर्यनिकाम–

हृद्यंविराजते यत्र गभीरमम्भः।
विडम्ब (म्ब) यस त्कविकाव्यव (ब)न्धं विश्ववववर्णाहितचारुशोभम् ॥⁸⁸⁵ - [46].
शैलात्मजाभक्तिपरप्रयातपोराङ्गनानपुरशिञ्जितेन ।

49 या कलहंसमादभ्रमं विधत्ते श्रुतिपेशलेन ॥¹⁷⁰⁴[47].
धृतोदपात्रावनताङ्गनानां सुखैर्विचित्राधरपत्र (त्न) रम्यैः ।
तोयं गतैर्या प्रतिवि (बि) म्व(म्ब) नेन भृ [शा?] रविन्देव वि (बि) भर्त्तिशोभाम् ॥ - [48].

अपूर्व्वविन्यासविशेषकेण विभूषिता या दयितेव दृष्टा ।
सोपानमालावलिचारुमध्या नानन्दयत्कस्य मनो मनोज्ञा ॥ -[49].
प्रासादा यत्न भासन्ते कुन्देन्दुकुमुदोज्व(ज्ज्व)
लाः ।
श्रीब्योमेशमहीव्यापियशोवीजाङ्कुरा इव ॥⁶²¹.")

[50].
या नीलकण्ठेन तटोपकण्ठं कृतास्पदा धाम परं सुखस्य ।
प्रासादरम्या रमणीयभूमिः पुरा पुरारेः सदशी चका-

L. 52.-स्ति ॥¹⁷⁰⁵ - [51].
यत्तबिधौसान्द्रसुधासितिन्त्रा प्रासादमालामुदिनं विभाति ।
भयेन भानोः परिणाममेत्य ज्योत्स्ना स्थितेवामरसझमूर्खा ॥ -[52].
अन्भोनिधिस्तुङ्गतुषारशैलीः सम्यग्बि–

53 राजेद्यदि ।
तेनोपमीयेत तदा स्फुटं या समुब्रतैर्णाकिग्टहैर्व्विभान्ती ॥ - [53].
अमुक्तमुक्ताफलचारुकान्ति तोयं सदैव प्रतिभाति यत्र ।
अमूर्त्ततावाच्चमसोढुका–

54.ममुच्चेरभून्मूर्त्तमिवान्तरिक्षम् ॥ - [54].
मरात्रभवामल चन्द्रकान्त्या सरोजूलमेव सरोजलधिः ।
अलंक्तता चारुतया व्यधत्त या निहुँ तिं कस्य न दृश्यमाना ॥ -[55
या सर्व्वदा

55.नोज्झति यत्रिकामं सक्ष्सूपकारं च गभीरतां च ।
जलैरनल्पेभृशमास्थितापि फलं तदेतत्रि कुलीनतायाः ॥ -[56].
मृगाङ्कवि (बि)म्बे (ब्बे) प्रतिमागते या स्फुरत्तरङ्गाङ्गुलिभिर्व्वि–

56.लोले ।-
स्वचादसौन्दर्यविलोकनाय धृतामतादर्शतलव भाति ॥¹⁷⁰⁶ - [57].
स्थिराणि तुङ्गानि सुधोज्य (क्ष) लागि निरन्तराण्यार्जवसुन्दराणि ।
सतां मनांसीव सदानुकूलं विभान्ति यस्याः

57.सुरमन्दिराणि ॥ - [58].
इदं नभः किन्द्रवता कुतोस्य किम्वामृतन्तत्कथमत्र चित्रम् ।
प्रज्ञाय यन्त्रेति वितर्कयु [क्तो ] जलं न निश्चेतुमलं जनौधः ॥¹⁷⁰⁷ -[59].
सम्झीनभूमिर्भवतु प्रकामं मनोर–

58.मा बौर्ब्स (ब) हुवारिदा च ।
तथापि सामान्यगुणादुदस्ता यया विचिर्ता रचनां दधत्या ॥ - [60].
जित्वारिषडुर्गममर्थमूलं धर्मे रताः सन्तु सदैव सन्तः ।
यस्यामितीवाह सुरालया–

59 ली निलीनया [राव] तमन्द्रनादैः " ॥ - [61]
रङ्गतरङ्गातिमनोरमभ्भू रथाङ्गनामोरुपयोधरा या ।
दिच्च चिपन्ती शफरीकटाक्षानचुचुरत्पान्यदृशं प्रियेव ॥ - [62].
यदस्ति किंचित्कचि

60.दप्यनिन्द्यमानन्दहेतुर्व्यगतीह वस्तु ।
तदेकदेशे निखिलं विधाय या वैधसोचैर्घटितव रम्या ॥ - [63].
कुवलयमतोष वापीं विभूषयति यदतिश्वप्रसिद्दमदः ।
चिह्नमिद–

———————————————————————————————————————————————————

The second of the two aksharas in bracketa was originally प.
न्तु विचित्रा या कुवलयमयशंकुरते ॥⁶⁷⁷ - [64].
खिरा सेवा वापी गगनशशिमोलमंगवतो
भवत्वाचन्द्रातितपसो भूरियशसः ।
बदीये भातीयं शरदमचन्द्रांडवला
सुराणां सम्भाली विकटतटपृष्ठे शिखरिणी ॥¹⁷⁰⁸ –[65].
वापीतः निकटं यः पादपमारोपयिष्यति [व्रात्य]: ।
याता स पञ्चपातकयुक्तः खलु दुस्तरे निरये ॥¹⁷⁰⁹ – [66].
परीव

तेवामित्र पातकानि स्वप्स्यन्ति खट्टासु शठा मठे ये।
येभ्यन्तरे मूढधियो रजन्यां दास्यन्यनार्या वसतिंत्र नार्याः ॥³⁷⁰ – [67]
प्रास्ता देवसंलापपूबंदत्तात्रयेन या ।
विहिता मुख्यशब्दा (ब्दा) र्था सा [सुदेस्तु [सतामियम्] ॥]¹⁷¹⁰.")– [88].
देवदत्तसुतेनैषाहरदत्तेन वर्णिता ।
वापी[प्रश] स्तिका रम्या जेज्जाकेनोदखोटि च ॥ - [69].
रुद्रेण लिखिता ॥

XLII. - HAMPE INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNARAYA, DATED SAKA 1430.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH. D.

The original of this inscription is in the great Śiva temple of Pampàpati¹⁷¹¹at the modern village of Hampe, which is situated on the southern bank of the Tuṅgabhadrâ river and at the north-western extremity of the ruins of Vijayanagara. It is engraved on the south and north faces of a stone tablet, which is set up in front of a maṇḍapa. The south face is badly mutilated at the bottom. The second half of the inscription, which is in fair preservation, was published by Mr. Fleet from a photograph by Dr. Pigou¹⁷¹² T. C. Hope in 1866, No. 32; sud reproduced by the Arch. Survey of Western India in Pâli, Sanskrit, and Old Canarese Inscriptions (1878), No. 116."). A rough transcript and paraphrase of the Sanskrit portion and a translation of the Kaharese portion of the inscription had already before appeared in the Asiatic Researches¹⁷¹³, and p. 34 (twelfth inscription )."). I re-edit the whole from an estampage made in 1889.

A second copy of the same Înscription is engraved on the north and south faces of another stone tablet, which is set up to the left of the entrance to the Pampâpati temple. This copy is much worn, but helps to ascertain how many verses are lost at the bottom of the south face of the first copy.

The inscription opens with 29 Saṅskṛit verses, which contain a genealogical account of the second Vijayanagara dynasty down to Kṛishṇarâya. Then follows a passage in Sanskrit prose, which records a gift to the temple by this king. The document ends with a Kanarese version of the same donation.

The genealogy consists of a mythical and a historical part. The former (verses 3 and 4) runs as follows:–

The Moon
\।
Budha.¹⁷¹⁴
\।
Pûrtiavas
\।
Āyus.

\।
ahusha.

\।

Yayâti, md. Devayâni.

\।

Turvasu.

The historical part begins with verse 5:-" In his (viz., Turvasu’s) race shone king Timma, who was famous among the princes of Tuluva, just as Kṛishṇa shone in the race of Yadu." From this verse we learn, first, that the founder of the second Vijayanagara dynasty was a native of Tulu or Northern Malayåḷam, the country of the Juluvas. Secondly, he must have been a usurper, as he claims only a mythical relationship to the princes of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara. For, while the kings of this dynasty used to derive their origin from Yadu, Timma selected, in opposition to his predecessors on the throne, Yadu’s younger brother Turvasu as the mythical progenitor ôf his race. The inscription continues the pedigree from Timma as follows:-

Timma, md. Devaki.

\।
2. Isvara, md. Bukkamâ.

\।
3. Natasa or Nṛisimha (Saka 1404 and 1418)¹⁷¹⁵
\।

a. by Tippâji— b by Nâgâli—

4 VÎra-Nrisimha or VÎra-Nârasimha. 5. Krishnarâya(Saka 1430 to 1451)¹⁷¹⁶.

The description of the reigns of these kings is purely conventional. At first sight a historical fact seems to be contained in verse 10, according to which king Narasa conquered Srirangapattana. But a reference to a published inscription of Harihara II¹⁷¹⁷.shows that this verse was borrowed, together with others, from an “office copy” of the first dynasty, in which it had formed part of the description of the reign of Samgama. Regarding the successors of Krishnaraya, the reador is referred to the Indian Antiquary, vol. XIII, p. 154.

The second part of the inscription, which is written in Sanskṛit prose (north face, lines 11 to 25), records that Kṛishṇadeva–mahârAya gave the village of siṅgenâ-yakanahalli to the Śiva temple called Virûpâksha, and built an assembly-hall (raṅga-maṇḍapa) in connection with the same temple. Virûpâkshadeva, the old name of the Pampâpati templę, occurs already in inscriptions of Bukka and Harihasa II. of the first dynasty¹⁷¹⁸. By the assembly-hall must be meant the maṇḍapa, in front of which the stone tablet is set up. In a verse (30), with which the Śanskṛit portion ends; the inscription is called an edict (śásana) of Kṛishṇaráya.

The same donation is referred to, with some additions, in the Kanarese portion, where, however, the name of the village is spelt Siṅginâyakanahalli, with an iinstead of an e in the second syllable¹⁷¹⁹. Lines 27f. of the north face contain the date of the grant, Sâlivâhana-Śaka-varsha 1430 expired, the Śukla-saṁvatsara current¹⁷²⁰."),Māgha Śu 14, on which day was the festival of the king’s coronation. Though no earlier inscriptions of Kṛishṇarâya are known, it is at present impossible to say, whether the real day of the coronation or an anniversary of it is intended.

In the Sanskṛit portion of the inscription occur two Kanarese birudas, to which the Sanskṛit case-termination is affixed (bháshege tappuvaráyara gaṇḍaḥ, north face, line 4, and múṛu-ráyara gaṇḍaḥ, line 5f.), also & Sanskṛitized form of an Arabic word (suratrâṇa= …, lines 6 and 14) and of a Perśian word (hindu = …., line 6 ) ; instead of râjan, the Kanarese tadbhava râya is frequently used.

TEXT.
A.—South face.

L. 1. श्रीकृष्णदेवराय श्री
2. शुभमस्तु । नमस्तुंगशिरश्चुंबिचंद्रचामरत्रार[वे] ।
3. त्रैलोक्यनगरारंभमूलस्तंभाय शंभवे ॥[१ *]
4. कल्याणायास्तु तद्वाम प्रत्यूहतिमिरापहं। यद्गजोप्यगजोद्भू-
5. तं हरिणापि च पूज्यते। [२*] अस्ति क्षीरमयाहेवैर्न्मष्वमानान्महांबुधेः। नव-
6. नीतमिवोद्भूतमपनीततमो महः। [३*] तस्यासीत्तनयस्तपोभिरतुलैरन्वर्थ्यनामा
7. बुधः (1) पुण्यैरस्य पुरूरवा भुजबलैरायुर्द्विषान्निघृतः। तस्यायुर्ब्रह्म
8. षोस्य तस्य परुषो युद्धे ययातिः क्षितौ (।) ख्यातस्तस्य तु धुर्व्वसुर्वसुनिभः¹⁷²¹
9. श्रीदेवयानीपतेः॥ [४ *] तद्वंशेदेवकीजानिर्हिदीपे तिङ्मर्भूपतिः। यथस्वी तुलुवेंद्रेषु
10. यदोः कृष्ण इवान्वये ॥ [५ *] ततोभूहुक्कमाजानिरोश्वरक्षितिपालकः । अत्रासमगुणभ्यं-
11. शं मौलिरत्नं महीभुजां ॥ [६*] पद्माक्षो बलिजिन्निजैस्त्रिभुवनाक्रांतिक्षमैर्ष्विक्रम[:]
12. शंक्यं चक्रमपि श्रयन्निजकरे श्रीदेवकीनंदनः। भूत्वाप्यद्भुतमीश्वरोयमिति
13. या¹⁷²²भूयस्तरां (।) पप्रथे (।) भूतिं चाखिलपूज्यतामतिभृशं भूभृकुतामा-
14. श्रितः॥ [७*] भूवासेकपरोपरी रविरिव प्राप्तोदयोहर्विशं (।) यो मंदेहरिपूनहन् कविबुधोपे-

L. 15. तोनपेतो रणात्। आपूर्व्वापरवारिराशि नितरामासेतुहेमाचलं (1) विख्यातो विहसंच योवित-

16. रणैर्व्वद्योतत द्योतरून् ॥ [८*] ‘सरसादुदभूत्तस्मान्नरसावनिपालकः । देवकीनंदनात् कामो देव-

17.[की] नंदनादिव ॥ [९*] कावेरीमाशु बध्वा¹⁷²³बहलजलरयां तां विलंघैरव शत्रुं (1) जीवग्राहं गृहीत्वा

18. समिति भुजबलात्तं च राज्यं तदीयं । कृत्वा श्रीरंगपूर्व्वे तदपि निजवशे पट्टञ्च यो ब-

19. भासे (1) कीर्त्तिस्तंभन्निखाय त्रिभुवनभवरुस्तुमानापदानः ॥ [१०*] चेरं चोलं च पांद्यं तम-

20. पि च म [धु] रावल्लभं मानभूवं (1) वीर्योदग्रंतुरुष्कं गजपतिनृपतिं चापि जित्वा तद-

21. न्यान्। आगंगातीरलंकाप्रथमचरमभूभृत्तटांतन्नितांतं (।) स्थातः [क्षो] णीपती-

22. नांस्रजमिव शिरसां शासनं यो बतानीत्॥ [११*] विविधसुकृतोद्दामि रामेश्वरग्रसुखे मुड्ड-

23. र्म्मुदितहृदयः स्थाने स्थानेव्यधत्त यधाविधि¹⁷²⁴। बुधपरिवृतो नानादानानि यो भुवि

24. षोडश त्रिभुवनजनोङ्गीतं स्फीतं यशः पुनरुता [यन्] [ ॥१२॥ तिप्पाजीनाग*]लादेव्योः कौस-

25. स्थाश्रीसुमित्रयोः । देव्योरिव नृसिंह्येद्रात्तस्मा [त्पं] [क्तिरथादिव¹⁷²⁵॥ १३ ॥ वोरौ*] विनयिनौ राम-

26. लक्षणाविव नंदनौ। जातौवीरनृसिंह्येद्रकृष्णरा[यमहीपती¹⁷²⁶" ॥१४*] वीरश्रीनारमिंह्यस्म¹⁷²⁷

27. विजयनगरे रत्नसिंह्या¹⁷²⁸सनस्यः" कीर्त्या नीत्या निरस्यन्नृ [गनखनहुषा*] नप्यव [न्य] [मथान्धान् ॥

28. आ सेतोरा सुमेरोरवनिसुरनुतस्स्वैरमा चोदया [द्रेरा पाश्चात्याच*]लांत्तादखिल-

29. हृदयमावर्ज्यराज्यं शशास ॥ [१५ *] नानादानान्धका[र्षी][त्कनकस *]दसि [यः श्री] विरूपाक्षदेव-

30. स्थाने श्रीकालहस्तोशितुरपि नगर बेंक[टा]द्रौ च कां [च्यां] श्रीशैल शोणशैले महति

31. हरिहरेहोबले संगमे च (1) श्रीरंगे कुंभघोणे [ह]त[तम]सि महानंदितीर्थ्येऩिवृत्तौ ॥[१६*] गोकर्न्ने¹⁷²⁹

32. रामसेतौजगति तदितरेष्वप्यशेषेषु पुण्यस्थानिष्वार[ब्धना*]नाविधबहलमहादानवारिग्रवा

33. हैः । यस्योदंचत्तुरंग्गप्प्रकरखुररजश्शुष्यदं[भोधिम*]ग्नक्ष्प्रभृत्पक्षच्छिदोद्यत्तरकु

34. लिशधरोत्कंठिता कुंठिताभृत् ॥ [१७*] ब्रह्मांण्डं विश्वचक्रं [घट*] मुदितमहाभूतकं रत्नधे[नुं]

35. स [प्त] ांभोधिं च²⁰ कल्पक्षितिरुहलतिके कांचनीं कामधेनुं । स्वर्ब्रह्मां²¹ " यो हिरण्याश्वरथमपि तु-

36. [लापू*]रुषं गोसहस्र (।) हेमाश्वं हेमगर्म्भै कनककरिरथं पंचलांगन्यतानीत् ॥ [१८] प्रा[ḹ]

37. [ज्यं*] प्रशा[स्य] निर्व्विघ्नं राज्यं द्यामिव शासितुं। तस्मिन् गुणेन विख्याते क्षितेद्धिंद्रे चिते [दिवं ग]-[ते ॥१९*]

38. [ततो* ] प्य[वा]र्य्यवीर्य्यः श्रीकृष्णरायमहीपतिः । बिर्भर्त्तिमणिकेयूरनिर्व्वि[शेषं मही*]

39. [भु*][जे] ॥ [२०] कीर्त्या यस्य समंततः प्र[सृत] या विश्वं रुचैक्यं व्रजे- (।) दित्याशंक्य [पु]-[रा पुरारिरभ*]-

40. [वङ्भा* ]लेक्षणः प्रायशः । पद्माक्षोपि च[तु][र्भुजोजनि च*]तुर्व्वक्रोभवत्पद्म[भूः काली खड्ग*].-

41. [मधाद्र *][म] च [कमलं] वी[णां] [म्ल वाणी करे ॥ २१*]

—————————————————————————–

20. Read सप्ताम्मीर्धीष

**21. **Read स्वर्श्वष्प्रां

HAMPE INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNARAYA

[ Here two verses are entirely lost through the mutilation of the stone. The following transcript of them is made from the duplicate copy with the help of other
Vijayanagara insoriptions :—]

शत्रूणां वासमेते ददत इति रूषा किंतु सप्तांबुरासोन्नानाशेना¹⁷³⁰तुरंगत्रुटितवसुमतीधूलिका-पालिकाभिः। संशोच्य खेरमेतत्पति²³ निधिजलधिश्रेणिकायो विधत्ते (।) ब्रंह्मांडस्वर्न्न²⁴मेरुप्रमुखनिजमहादानतोयैरमेयेः¹⁷³¹। [२२*].

** मद्दत्तामर्थिसार्था[:*] श्रियमिह सुचिरं भुंजतामित्यवेत्य प्राय [:*] प्रत्यूहहेतोस्तपनरथमतेरालयां²⁶देवतानां [*] तत्तु दिक्जैत्रहत्यापि²⁷ च विरुदपदैरंकितांस्तत्र तत्र स्तंभान् जातप्रतिष्ठान् व्यतनुत भुवि यो भूभृदभ्रंकषाग्रान् ॥ [२३*]**

B.—North face

L 1. [कां] चीश्रीशैलशोणाचलकनकसभावेंकटाद्रिप्रमुख्यैष्याव[र्त्य][वत्यं स-
2.र्व्वें[[ष्व] तनुत विधिवत् भूयसे श्रेयसे यः [।*] देवस्थानेषु तीर्थेष्वपि कनकतुलापू-
3. रुषादीनि नानादानान्येवो[प] दानैरपि सममखिलैरागमोक्तानि तानि ॥ [२४*] रोषकृतप्रति-
4. पार्थ्यिवदंड्डश्शेषभुजः क्षितिरक्षणशौंड्ड। भाषेगे तप्युव रायर गंड्डस्तोषकृ
6. दथ्यि [षु] यो रणचंड्डः ॥ [२५ *] राजाधिराज इत्युक्तो यो राजपरमेश्वरः। मू 69 राय-
6. र गंड्डश्चपररायभयंकरः ॥ [२६*] हिंदुरायसुरत्राणोदुष्टशार्दूलमर्हनः। ग–
7. जौधगंण्डमेरुंण्ड [इ] त्यादिविरुदान्वितः ॥ [२७*] आलोकय महाराज जय जोवेति वा
8. दिभिः । अंगवंगकलिंगायै (:) राजभिः सेव्यते च यः ॥ [२८*] स्तुत्यौदार्य्यस्सुधीभिस्स
9. विजयनगरे रत्नसिं[हासनस्थ]: (1) [मा]पालान् कृ[ण] रायक्षितिपतिरधरीकृत्यनीत्या नृ.
10. गादी[न् ]। आपूर्वाद्रेर[थ]ास्त[क्षि]तिधरकटकादा च हेमाचलांता (1) दा सेतोरर्थ्थिसा-
11. र्थ्थश्श्रियमिह¹⁷³²बहलीकृत्य कीर्त्यासमिंधे ।[२९]किल जगति निखिलकांव कुलाभिनं-
12.द्यमानैदार्य्यधैर्य्यादिजनितयशःपूरकर्प्पूरपूरितब्ब्रह्मांड्ड
13. करंडेन समरचंडेन विह[सिं] तनृगनलनहुषनाभागदुंधुमार¹⁷³³मांधातृभरतभ-
14. गोरथदशरथरामादिचरितेन कृतभूसुरजाणेन परिभूतसुरत्राणेन गजपतिगजकूट.
15. पाकलेन विदि[तनाना] कलेन वदनविजितांभोजेन भोजनापरण काव्यनांटका¹⁷³⁴लंकारम-
16. ज्ञे [न] धर्मन प्रतिवर्षप्रवर्त्ति[त] कनकवसंतमहोत[३]नसवेन³¹ कृतार्धितविप्पसार्थे
17. [न] सार्थेन निखिलनृपतिमहन्थेन धन्धेन नागांबिकाइरसनृपनंदनेन मि
18. • खिल दयानंदनेन समरमुखविजयेन विजयेन दिशां विजय-
19. नगरे सिंहासनमारुह्य घासता सकलां भुवं भुजविजितसांपराये-
20. पण कृष्णदेवमहारायेण भुवनभरणसाव[ध] \नाय श्रीविरूपा-
21, थाभिधानाय [वितीर्ण¹⁷³⁵विनतजनहेमकूटाय हेमकूटायत-
22. नमालिने शूलिने मधुरफलपूपादियाय नैवेद्याय सिंगनायक-
28. नहल्लीति विख्यातनामा चतुस्सोमाभिरामो ग्रामी दत्तो वित्तोपकारिणा

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23 Read खैरमतत्युति
24 Read ब्रह्मा…खर्ण.
26 Read …..
27 Read तत्ताहिन्जेचबृत्त्यापि.
31 Read महोत्सवेगसवंग.

L. 21. रवितनयानुकारिया रंग्गमंड्डपोपि विरचितस्तस्यैव देव तेनैव प्रकटित-
25. नरजनुषा पुसूनध[नु]षा ॥ तदिदमवनीवनीपकविनुतधरायस्य
26. कृष्णरायस्य शासनम्नतिबलशार्सनतरकारदानस्व [सापद]ानस्य \। [२० *]
27. खस्ति बोविजयाभ्युदयशालिवाहनशकवर्ष १४३० संदु
28. मेले मडव शुक्ल संवत्सरद माघ शु १४शु श्रीमन्महाराजा-
29 धिराजराजपरमेश्वरश्बोवीरप्रतापश्रीवीरकृणरायमंहा-
30. रायरु पट्टाभिषेकोत्सवपुष्यकालदलुश्रीविरुपा
31. क्षदेवर अमृतपडिनइवे] [[द्येक्के]"]¹⁷³⁶ सिंम्बिनायकनक्लियन स-
32. मर्प्पिसि देवर संमुखद महारंम्भामंटपवनू धा मुंद.
33. व गोपुरवन कहिसिया मंदण हिय गोपुरवन
34. जीर्बोहारवन माडिसि बीविरूपाचदेवरिगे नव-
36. रत्नखचितवाद सुवर्णकमलवनू नागाभरणवन्
36. समर्पिसिदरु [। *] देवर नै [वे]द्य आरो [ग] णे माडुवदके सम-
37. र्प्पिस्त"¹⁷³⁷ चिंद हरिवाण १ भारतिज्ञलगे २ वेलेय
38. भारति २४ इष्टन समर्थिसिदरु \। यी धर्मके
39. तप्पिदवरुगलु गोहत्य[ī≍]ब्रह्महत्यादिमहा-
40. पातकगल मा[डिद] पापक्के होगलुल्लवरु [॥≍]

TRANSLATION.

A. Sanskrit portion.
(This is an ediot of) the illustrious Krishnadevaráya.
Hail ! Let there be prosperity !

( Verse 1. ) Adoration to Sambhu ( Siva), who is adorned, as with a chámara, with the moon that kisses his lofty head, and who is the principal pillar at the building of the city of the three worlds। 35¹⁷³⁸

(2) May that lustre ( Ganeba ), - which dispels the darkness of obstacles, and which, though ( it has the head of) an elephant ( gaja), was born from the mountain-daughter (Agaja), and is worshipped even by Hari ( Vishnu), - produce happiness । 36¹⁷³⁹

( 3 ) There was produced, like fresh butter, from the great ocean of mflk, when it was churned by the gods, the luminary which dispels darkness (i.e., the moon).

(4.) The son of this (moon ) was Budha, whose name ( tode made) true to its nean- ing¹⁷⁴⁰by his unequalled austerities. In consequence of his pious deeds (he obtained a
son), Puráravas. ( The son ) of him, who destroyed the life (äyus) of his enemies by

the strength of his arm, was Âyus. His (son) was Nahusha. His (son) was Yayati, who was fier-ce in battle (and) famed on earth. (The son) of this husband of the glorious Devayânt was Tur-vasu, who resembled the Vasus.

(V.5.) In his race shone king Timma, whose wife was Devaki, (and) who was famous among the princes of Tuluva, just as Krishna (shone) in the race of Yadu.

(6.) From him was born king Îśvara, whose wife was Bukkamâ (and) who was the fearless and virtuous crest-jewel¹⁷⁴¹of kings.

(7.) Oh wonder! Though (like Kṛishna) he was the son of the glorious Devaki, though (like Vishṇu) he had lotus eyes, though he acquired tribute (bali) by his valour which was able to subdue the three worlds, (just as Vishņu in his Vâmanâvatâra dequired the three worlds from Bali hy his three steps), and though he bore (the anspicions marks of the conch and the discus in his hand—he became still more famous by the name of Îávara, as he obtained prosperity (bhúti, universal worship, and the daughter of a king, (just as the god Îévara wears ashes [bhûti], is universally worshipped, and is the husband of the daughter of the mountain).

(8.) Like another sun, who always dwelt on earth, he, — who was continually rising, who was surrounded by poets and wise men, who never fled from war (and) who was highly famed from the eastern to the western ocean (and) from (Rámaʼs) Bridge to the golden mountain (Meru),—killed the enemies, (as,the sun conquers) the Mandehas,¹⁷⁴²and shone, surpassing the trees of heaven by his gifts.

(9.) From this lovely son of Devakî was born king Narasa, just as Kåma from (Krishna) the son of Devaki.

(10.) Resplendent was he, who quickly bridged the Kaveri,¹⁷⁴³ (though) it consisted of a rapid current of copious water, crossed over it, straightway captured alive in battle with the strength of his arm the enemy, brought his kingdom and (the .city of) Srirangapaṭṭaṇa¹⁷⁴⁴ paṭṭaṇa, the first member of which is Sriranga.’ On similar expressions, see Hultzsch’s South-Indian Inscriptions, vol. I, p. 166, note 6. This is the celebrated place of pilgrimage on an island, 33 miles east of Bâmnad. According to Mr. Rice (Mysore Inscriptions, p. lvii, note), another Råmešvara-tirtha is situated on an island near the junction of the Tungå and Bhadrå rivers. Three other Råmesvaras are noticed by Mr. Sewell in his Lists of Antiquities, vol. 1, pp. 38, 41, 125.")under his power and set up a pillar of fame,—his heroic deeds being praised in the three worlds, (which appeared to be) the palace (of his glory).

(11.) Having conquered the Chera, the Chola, the proud Pândya (who was) the lord of Madhurâ, the brave Turushka, the Gajapati king and others, he, who was exceedingly famed from the banks of the Gangå to Lańkå and from the slopes of the eastern to those of the western mountain, spread his command like a garland on the heads of kings.

(12.) At Râmeśvara42and every other shrine on earth which abounds in sacredness, he, with joyful heart, surrounded by wise men, repeatedly performed the sixteen kinds of gifts according to rule, (thus) making superfluous (his previously acquired) great fame, which was sung by the inhabitants of the three worlds.

(Vv. 13 and 14.) Just as Rama and Lakshmaņa (were born) to Daśaratha by his queens Kausalyâ and the glorious Sumitrâ, (thus) two brave (but) modest sons, prince Vira-Nrisimha and prince Kṛishnaraya, were born to king Nṛisimha by his queens Tippâji and Nagala (respectively).

(15.) The illustrious Vîra-Nârasimha,-seated on a jewelled throne at Vijayanagara, surpassing in fame (and) wisdom Nṛiga, Nala, Nahusha and (all) other (kings) on carth, being voluntarily praised by the Brâhmaṇas (and) winning all hearts,+-ruled the kingdom from (Ráma’s) Bridge to (Mount) Sumeru and from the mountain of the east to the western mountain.

(16.) He performed various gifts at the Golden Hall¹⁷⁴⁵, at the shrine of the holyVirūpāksh-adova,¹⁷⁴⁶at the town of the holy lord of Kālahasti¹⁷⁴⁷,on Venkațâdri,¹⁷⁴⁸ near Tirupati in the North Arcot distriot.") at Kâñchi, at Śrîsaila,¹⁷⁴⁹at Sonas-ala,¹⁷⁵⁰ at the sacred (city of) Harihara,¹⁷⁵¹[]¹⁷⁵¹at Ahobala¹⁷⁵²,¹⁷⁵³at Samgama,¹⁷⁵⁴at Sriranga¹⁷⁵⁵ at Kumbhaghoṇa¹⁷⁵⁶,at the sinless tirthaofMahânandi¹⁷⁵⁷ (and) at Nivritti.¹⁷⁵⁸, which is now in the Madras Museum :— गोकर्णसंगमनिहत्तिसुवर्णसचमीचाद्रिपर्वतविरिधिपुरेष काद्ध्याम्। श्रीकाण………………………………..दानानि पीडज्ञ वहनि कृतानि येन॥ Here Suvarnasamgha refers to the Golden Hall at Chidambaram; Viriñohipura is in the North Arcot district; the remainlocalities are mentioned in verses 16 and 17 of the text.")

(17.) The streams of water (poured out) at copious great gifts of various kinds, which he performed at Gokarṇa,¹⁷⁵⁹at Râma’s Bridge, and at all other sacred places in the world, frustrated the eagerness of (Indra) the bearer of the thunderbolt, who was ardently rising to clip the wings¹⁷⁶⁰of the mountains, which were immersed in the ocean, that was being dried up by the dust of the hoofs of the troops of his prancing horses.

(18.) He performed (the gifts of) a mundane egg, a wheel of the universe, a pot containing the (five) elements, a jewelled cow, the seven oceans, a tree and a creeper of paradise, a celestial cow of gold, an earth of gold, a horse-chariot of gold, the weight of a man (in gold), a thousand cows, a horse of gold, a (golden vessel called) hemagarbha, an elephant-car of gold, and five ploughs.¹⁷⁶¹ agrees with that given in the Mitsyapurânu, as quoted in Dr. Aufrecht’s Catalogus Bibliotheee Budlesund, p. 48, and in Hemådri’s Dânakhanda, in 1661of tha Culontte aditia n")

(Vv. 19 and 20.) When, having ruled his great kingdom without obstacles, this Indra of the earth, who was famed for virtue, had gone to heaven, as if it were in order to rule heaven (too), the illustrious king Kṛishnarâya, whose valour was irresistible, bore the earth on his arm like a bracelet of jewels.

(21) It was probably through fear, lest everything should assume an identity of lustre from his fame, which was spread everywhere, that, of old, Siva adopted a (third) eye on his forehead (as a distinguishing mark), Vishnu four arms, Brahman four faces, Kall a sword, Ramâ a lotus, and Vâņî a lute in her hand.

(22.) Was it through anger, because they gave refuge to his enemies, that he dried up the seven oceans with the clouds of the dust of the earth, which was split by the horses of his numerous armies, and of his own accord created in their stead masses of oceans by the immeasurable waters (poured out) at his great gifts, which consisted of a mundane egg, a Meru of gold, &c. ?

(23.) It was probably in order to obstruct the path of the chariot of the sun in the sky, with the view that the crowds of suppliants should enjoy as long as possible the riches given by him, that this lord of the earth set up in every part of the earth firmly fixed pillars, which were marked with (an account of) his expeditions for conquering each quarter and with (his) surnames (biruda), and the tops of which touched the clouds.

(24.) Again and again, for the sake of supreme happiness, he performed according to rule those various gifts which are prescribed in the holy books, viz., the weight of a man in gold, &c., together with all minor gifts, at Kâñchi, at Srisaila, at Sonachala, at the Golden Hall, on Veṅkaṭadri¹⁷⁶² and at all other temples and bathing-places.

(25 to 27.) Some of his surnames (biruda) were :—The angry punisher of rival kings; he whose arms resemble (the coils of the serpent) Śesha; he who is versed in protecting the earth¹⁷⁶³; the destroyer of those kings who break their word¹⁷⁶⁴ and 189."); he who satisfies suppliants; he who is fierce in war; the king of kings and the supreme lord of kings; the destroyer of the three kings (of the South)¹⁷⁶⁵; he who terrifies hostile kings; the Sultân among Hindû kings; he who crushes the wicked like tigers; and the doubleheaded eagle which splits the temples of troops of elephants¹⁷⁶⁶ and Aríbhaganḍabherunda in a grant of Venkața II. (Ind. Ant., vol. XIII, p. 131, plate iva, liue 10).") !

(28.) He is served by the Anga, Vanga, Kalinga and other kings, who speak thus :— “Look (upon me), Oh grent king! Be victorious ! Live (long) !”

(29.) Seated on a jewelled throne at Vijayanagara, king Kṛishṇarâya, whose liberality was worthy to be praised by the learned, having surpassed Nriga and other kings in wisdom, and having bestowed abundant riches on all suppliants on earth, was resplendent with fame from the pastern mountain to the slopes of the mountain of the west and from the mountain of gold (Meru) to (Ráma’s) Bridge.

He, who filled the world, as a box with camphor, with the flood of his fame, which arose from liberality, firmness, valour and other (virtues), that were being praised by the crowd of all poets in this world; who was fierce in battle; who surpassed the

deeds of Nṛigá, Nala, Nahusha, Nâbhâga, Dhundhumara, Mândhâtri, Bharata, Bhagi- ratha, Daśaratha, Râma and other (kinga); who protected Brâhmaṇas; who subdued Sultáns; who was (like) the fever to the elephants of the Gajapati (king); who knew many arts; whose face surpassed the lotus; who, (like) a second Bhoja, knew the mysteries of poetry, of the drama and of rhetoric; who knew the law; who, every ycar, performed a sacrifice to (Káma) the lord of the golden festival of spring;"¹⁷⁶⁷ who fulfilled the desires of the crowd of Brahmaṇas; who was rich; who was the chief of all princes; who was fortunate; who was the son of Nagàmbika"¹⁷⁶⁸ and of king Narasa; who delighted all hearts; who was victorious at the head of battles; who conquered (all) quarters; who, having ascended the throne at Vijayanagara, was ruling the whole earth; who won battles hy (the strength of) his arm :-Kṛishṛadeva-mahârâya gave a village, which was famed by the name of Singenayakanahaļļi and which was adorned with its four boundaries,’ for (providing) pleasant oblations (naivedya), (consisting of) sweet fruits, cakes, &c., to Sûlin (Siva), called the holy Virupaksha, to whom pious people have presented’ heaps of gold, who abides on the Hemakuta,¹⁷⁶⁹ is Hemakuta; the most auspicious Tungabhadra is the moat that surrounds it; the guardian of it is visibly the god Sri-Virupakshadeva.") and who is diligent in protecting the world. The same (king), who assisted (others) with his wealth like (Karna) the son of the sun, and who was Kama manifest in a human birth, built an assembly-hall (ranga-maṇḍapa) (for the use) of the same god.

(Verse 30.) This is the edict of the heroic Krishnaraya, whose path on earth was praised by the beggars of the earth, and the gifts of whose hand surpassed (those of) the tree of Indra.¹⁷⁷⁰

B. Kanarese portion.

Hail! On the 14th day of the bright half (of the month) of Mâgha of the Śukla- saṁvatsara, which was current, after the 1430th year of the illustrious, victorious and prosperous Śâlivahana-Saka had passed, the illustrious mahárájádhirája and rája. parameśvara, the illustrious Virapratapa,¹⁷⁷¹ the illustrious Vira-Krishnaraya-mahâ- râya, gave, at the auspicious time of the festival of his coronation (paṭṭábhisheka), for (providing) daily oblations of food (amrita-padi-naivedya), to the holy Virupakshadeva (the village of) Singinayakanahalli, caused to be built in front of the shrine a large assembly-hall (raṅga-maṇṭapa) and a gopura before it, caused to be repaired the great gopura in front of that, and gave to the holy Virupakshadeva a golder lotus, set with the nine (kinds of) gems, and a snake ornament (nágábharaṇa). For eating¹⁷⁷² the

oblations (naivedya), he gave to the god-1 goldeh vessel, 2 drums (to be used) duringthe ceremony of waving lamps, (and) 24 silver lamps.70¹⁷⁷³ Those who injure this meritorious gift (dharma), shall incur the sin (of those) who have committed the slaughter of a cow, the murder of a Brâhmaṇa, and the other great crimes:

XLIII. — NEW JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.

BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

The first eighteen among the following inscriptions formth part of the most valuable discoveries,’¹⁷⁷⁴made by Dr. A. Führer in the Kankâli Tila at Mathurâ during the working season of 1890, and I edit them according to the excellent impressions¹⁷⁷⁵ which he has kindly forwarded to me. I add also the five cognate inscriptions found by Dr. Burgess and originally published in the Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. II, pp. 141ff., and vol. III, pp. 233ff., and five small unpublished fragments, found by Dr. Führer in 1889. All of them, whether bearing kings’ names and dates or not, clearly belong to the Indo-Skythic period, or-if the era of Kanishka and his successors is identified with the Saka era-to the first and second centuries A.D. This is evident from the type of their characters and of their language, which closely agrees with that of the documents found near the same place by Sir A. Cunningham, Mr. Growse, and Dr. Burgess. The general characteristics of the alphabet, its rather clumsy look, which is owing to its squat and square letters and to the thickness of the single strokes, and itsotherwise strong resemblance to the writing in the inscriptions of the Sunga and Andhra periods, strike the most superficial observer. But it possesses another peculiarity, which consists in the occurrence of a number of cursive and modern-looking forms side by side with archaic ones, which, I think, deserves special mention, since it possesses considerable interest for Indian palæography. This peculiarity is particularly noticeable in the following ten signs. Among the vowels, the initial a looks mostly like that of the Andhra inscriptions; but sometimes it shows cursive forms. Thus in aryya (No. VIIc,1. 1) and in ‘asya (Sir A. Ounningham’s No. 8, 1. 5)³¹⁷⁷⁶ the left limb is represented by a wavy line, drawn by a single stroke, which is not even attached to the vertical on the right; again in Aya-Balatratasya (No. VB, 1. 1), it consists of a curved stroke on the left which is connected with the right hand vertical by a short horizontal line: this form is very common in the Kálsí version of Aśoka’s edicts, especially in the thirteenth and fourteenth. Further, the medial á is expressed sometimes, as in Aśoka’s edicts, by a short horizontal stroke, more frequently by a curve or by a straight line, rising up wards towards the right, and sometimes by an almost vertical downward stroke, resembling the form found in the inscriptions of the seventh and later centuries. All these

varieties occasionally occur in one and the same document; compare, e. g., ndgendrasya (No. XVIII, 1. 2), máthuráṇam (ibid., 1. 8), éailálakánam (1. 4) and máta (1. 8). The mediali has likewise three forms, one of which is a well-developed semicircle, while the second, a cursive one, looks very much like the medial e, and in the third the tail of the curve is drawn down at the back of the consonant just as in the Gupta i; all three forms occur in the word divase and in its abbreviation di. The initial u consists usually of an angle open to the right, as is invariably the case in the older inscriptions; but in uchchendgarasyáº (No. XIII) it resembles a da with a well-developed nail-head at the top. The same inscription shows also in the word Kumáranandi a medial u, which exactly agrees with the modern Devanagarî form. Less perfect examples in the same syllable occur in other inscriptions, while usually, except in tu¹⁷⁷⁷4¹⁷⁷⁷and gu, where an upward curve on the right side of the consonant is used, the vowel is expressed simply by a straight stroke. The medial ri has again three forms, being expressed (1) by the curved line, turning to the left, which usually denotes the subscript ra,¹⁷⁷⁸5¹⁷⁷⁸e.g., in gri for gríshma (No. IVA, 1. 1) and in Srigriháto (No. III B, 1. 2); (2) very frequently by a straight line, slanting sharply from the lower right extremity of the consonant towards the left, e.g., in gṛi for gríshma (No. IIA, l. 1), and in Aryya-Mâtridinaḥ (No. IIIA, 1. 3-4) ; (3) by the curve open to the right, which is constantly used in the Gupta and the later northern alphabets, e.g., in gri for gríshma (No. XIII, 1. 1). Among the consonants ’the forms of ka, ksha, na, na and sa deserve particular attention. Ka is usually expressed by a cross with a serif at the top, but occasionally it has the Gupta form with a curved line instead of a straight cross-bar and with a serif or a nail-head at the top; see, e.g., Kumáranandi (No. XIII). The lower portion of ksha is mostly made square, but in kshune (No. XIII) and in bhikshuaya (Cunningham, No. 12) the left side is round. Na is usually formed of two small curves at the top, springing from a short vertical stroke, the lower end of which stands on the ‘middle of a curved base line or on the apex of an angle formed by two straight lines. Sometimes, however, we find archaic forms agreeing in part with the older ones of the Aśoka edicts and of the earlier Andhra inscriptions. Thus in some cases, e.g., in śramaṇaº (No. XVII, 1. 1)¹⁷⁷⁹ stands for priyasya. Instead of frigriháto I have given erroneously (Wiener Zeitschrift, vol. II, p. 289) śriguhato.") and toraṇaṁ (ibid., 1. 2), the base line is made perfectly straight, while, e.g., in váraṇato (No. XIB, l. 1), the ancient straight top line appears instead of the two curves. On the other hand, we meet also with a cursive form, a further development of the usual one, which some-what resembles our letter and evidently has been made with two strokes; see, e.g.,gaṇato ( No. VIIA, 1. 1) and kähune (No. XIII). As regards the dental na it usually consists of a thick straight base line with a short vertical stroke above its centre which’ bears at the top a serif, or a nail-head. Sometimes also, as in the difficult word hanagrisya (No. IX, 1. 1), Haginamdia (ibid., 1. 2), the serif is wanting and the vertical stroke longer, so that the letter does not differ from the form used in Asoka’s edicts.The letter sa, finally, has nearly throughout the form used in the Andhra and other old inscriptions, but in No. V the left-hand limb is invariably converted into a loop, and the

letter is almost exactly like the Gupta sa. The alphabet of these Indo-Skythic inscrip-tions may therefore be called a transitional one, which was modified through the influence of the current hand, used in every-day life, the latter being almost identical with the so-called Gupta characters. I may add that cursive forms are met with even among the numeral signs. Thus, in No. VIII, the left-hand limb of the figure 4, which usually is square, has been made round, and the cross-bar consists of a curved stroke. In the same inscription the figure, probably to be read as 40, looks exactly like a Roman V, as the whole lower portion of the two strokes, which has been preserved in the crosslike forms of the same sign on Sir A. Cunningham’s Nos. 11, 12 and 13,¹⁷⁸⁰ 4, not 40 (+)4. The inscription belongs to the reign of Vasudeva, whose other dates range from Samvat 80 (see No. XXIV) to 98, while Huvishka certainly ruled from Samvat 39 to 48. The oldest known form of the figure 70 consists of a vertical line, to which two short horizontal strokes are attached, one on the right and one on the left side. Made ourelessly, this would readily become a cross, somewhat resembling the Roman I.")7¹⁷⁸⁰ 4, not 40 (+)4. The inscription belongs to the reign of Vasudeva, whose other dates range from Samvat 80 (see No. XXIV) to 98, while Huvishka certainly ruled from Samvat 39 to 48. The oldest known form of the figure 70 consists of a vertical line, to which two short horizontal strokes are attached, one on the right and one on the left side. Made ourelessly, this would readily become a cross, somewhat resembling the Roman I.")[]¹⁷⁸⁰ 4, not 40 (+)4. The inscription belongs to the reign of Vasudeva, whose other dates range from Samvat 80 (see No. XXIV) to 98, while Huvishka certainly ruled from Samvat 39 to 48. The oldest known form of the figure 70 consists of a vertical line, to which two short horizontal strokes are attached, one on the right and one on the left side. Made ourelessly, this would readily become a cross, somewhat resembling the Roman I.")has been omitted.

Some peculiarities in the spelling, the frequent use of single consonants for double ones, the use of short i and u for long i and , and the occasional omission of the long â( see, e.g., hemaṁtamase (No. V), maharajasya ańd masa (No. IX4), agree with the usage prevailing partly in all, partly in some, yersions of Asoka’s edicts and of other ancient inscriptions. They make it difficult to decide, whether some of the curious forms, to be discussed below, are due to negligence in spelling or to grammatical irregularities.

The language of these inscriptions shows the mixed dialect, consisting partly of Prakrit and partly of Sanskrit words and forms, as clearly as the formerly discovered documents. A fixed principle, according to which the mixture has been made, so far asI can see, is not discoverable. All one can say in this respect is that, in certain in. flexions and words, the Sanskrit forms are more common than in others, and that in others the Prakrit or hybrid forms prevail. Thus the genitive termination aya is much more frequently found after a and i stems than the Prakrit sa which stands for ssa. Neverthe- less the latter is not entirely wanting. It occurs four times in No. VI A, B, No.-VII B,1. 2, and perhaps once in No. XIV B, 1. 2. Pure Sanskrit are also the only two verbal forms which occur,-the imperatives bhavatu (No. XVIII, Il. 7, 8) and priyatám ( No. VIII, 1. 2). The latter is so much the more remarkable, as in nearly all other casesthe terminations in ám are either changed to am or are otherwise mutilated. Thus we have in the genitive plural, with one exception-sarvvasatvánáṁ (No. XXI, 1, 6), in- variably nam, e.g., śiśîninaṁ (No. IIC, 1. 1), arahaṁtânam (No. XVI, 1. 1), mâthurâṇaṁ, etc. (No. XVIII, 1.3 ff.). Similarly the Sanskrit locatives asyám, etasy ám and púrováyám remain each once or twice (No. III4, 1. 1, No. VIIA, 1. 1. No. VIII, 1. 1) unchanged; in all other cases the hybrid or mutilated forms asyam, asyá or asya and etasyaṁ, etasyá, etasya or etasa are used. In the nominative cases the Prakrit forms prevail. The nomi-native singular of the a-stems ends always in o, except in the one word Mátridinaḥ (No. III4, 1. 4), which is a very curious hybrid form, the first part mátri being Sanskrit and the second Prakrit. The singular nominative of i-stems mostly loses the Visarga, e. g., in Kumârabhați8¹⁷⁸¹ (No. VIIB, 1. 2), but it is preserved in Rishabħaśríḥ(No. VIII, 1. 2). The same inscription furnishes also a solitary example of a Sanskrit

nominative formed from a consonantal stem, bhagaván, while its genitive bhagavato (No. IIC, 1. 2) and arahamta, the only other originally consonantal stem which occurs,show Prakrit forms. The nominative plural drops its Visarga as in Prakrit, as in Sthd (No. IVA, 1. 2). The other cases show either Prakrit or hybrid terminations. In the singular instrumental of the feminines in fº and á the termination is yet e.g., in sukhitâye, kuțumbiniye (No. VI), and there is in the same inscription one Pali form,dhitura (i. e., dhítará) for duhitrá (No. VIA).

The masculine a-stems added eṇa, as in No. XVII, 1.4, we have śaśureņa. The dative of the â-stems takes ye in arahamtapújáye, and ya (as in Pali) in mahâbhogatáya (No. VIII, 1. 2). The difference is probably merely graphic, because ya is invariably pronounced ye, and the stress, which lies on the preceding tá, makes the quantity of the following syllable indistinct. In hitásukhá (No. XXI, 1. 6) we have possibly a contracted form for hitasukháa. The ablative of the masculine and neuter a-stems ends sometimes in á, e.g., always in the word nirvvarttaná (No. IIIA, 1. 4), but more,usually in áto, e.g., in gandto (No. IA, 1. 1) and kuláto (ibid.), which termination is a precursor of the Jaina Prakrit and Maharashtri do and of the Sauraseni ado or ádu. With respect to the variants ganato (No. VB, 1. 1) and kulato (ibid.) it is difficult to be positive. They may stand for Sanskrit ganataḥ, kulataḥ or, as the long á is sometimes omitted, for kuláto. The feminine á and i-stems take to and the latter invariably shorten their vowel, as in Uchenagarito10¹⁷⁸² śákháto (No. 14, 1. 2), and thus agree with those of the Jaina. Prakrit,where we find kannáto and devito. As regards the genitives not yet noticed, the femi-nines in â, í and ú form dye or aye, iye or iye and ûye or uye; compare, e. g., Khuḍâye (No. IA, 1. 2), Sangamikaye (No. IIO, 1. 1), Vasulaye (No. IID, l. 1), dharmapatniye (No. IIIO, 1. 1), kuțumbiniye (No. VIII, 1. 2), vadhúye (No. XIA, 1. 3) and vadhuye (No. X): Three times, in kuṁțúbinîya (No. VB, 1. 2), Sangamikaya and śiśiniya (No. XII) we have the termination ya, which in my opinion was likewise pronounced ye or ye. The genitive of the representatives of Sanskrit duhitri, dhítu or dhitu, agrees with the Pali form, and so does mátu (No. IIC, 1. 2). A remarkable mutilated Sanskrit form is rájña (Cunningham, No. 20, 1. 2), and very peculiar is the genitive of the male name Haginandia (No. IXB). The last sign is very distinct; else one would be tempted to conjecture Haginamdisya. Tasya (No. VIIB, 1. 2) must stand for tasyah, as it refers to the feminine Kumarami[trá], compare etasya for etasyam. The locative of the masculines and neuters in a shows e as in Sanskrit and in most Prakrits; that of the feminine ends in yám, yam, yẩ”or ya, e.g., púrvváyám (No. IA, 1. 1), púrvvâyá (No. IV A,1. 1), śákháyá (No. VIII, 1. 1), Haritamálakaḍhiya (No. IXB). Sir A. Cuninngham’ Nos. 2, 3, 7, 11 show the Jaina Prakrit and Mahârâshtri forms púrvváye or púrvvaye.The two locatives of the pronoun idam, asmi and asma (No. VA, 1. 1, No. VI, No. XIII,and No. XXV), are corruptions of Sanskrit asmin. The few pure Sanskrit forms have been noted above. In the plural, which also does duty for the dual, none but Pali, Jaina Prakrit or hybrid forms occur. The nominatives have already been mentioned.Instances of the instrumental are mátápitihi (No. XVII, l. 3) and putrehi Nandibala-pramukhehi dárakehi (No. XVIII, H. 5-6). Among the genitives, the Jaina Prakrit form Aryya-Veriyána (No. VIII, 1, 1), among the hybrid forms tesham (No. XVIII, 1. 5) and mátápitrinam (ibid. 1. 6) deserve to be mentioned in addition to the Pali formsMostly spelt i.

enumerated above. With respect to the use of the cases it must be noted that the nominative not rarely takes the place of the crude form, and that the crude form occasionally takes the place of an inflected form.. Instances of the former kind are found in [grá]miko Jayandgasya (No. XIB, 1. 3), sisho Sadhisya (No. VB, 1. 1), sraddhacharo váchakasya Aryyadatasya (No. IVA, 1. 2); further in ganisya Aryya-Buddhisirisya sisho váchako Aryya-Sandhikasya (No. XIX, 1. 2)¹⁷⁸³,Hastahastisya sishyo ganisya Aryya-Mághahastisya fraddhacharo váchakasya Aryya-Devasya (No, XXI, 11. 4-6). Two perfectly certain instances of the second irregularity occur in brihamta (?) váchaka cha ganina cha Ja..mitrasya (No. IVA, 1. 1) and vádhara…..vadhú Haggudevasya dharmmapatniye Mittraye (IVB, l. 1). The omission of the case terminations in words which qualify others standing in the same case is common, as Professor von Roth has shown¹⁷⁸⁴,”in the Rigveda." It occurs also not rarely in Pâņini’s Sútras, is very frequent in the Northern Buddhist works, and is a fixed principle in the modern Indian vernaculars as well in other languages. The use of the nominative instead of the crude form is not known to me from other Indian dialects than that of the Northern Buddhists; but in Zend it is not-uncommon. A third syntactical anomaly in our inscriptions is the violation of the rules of concord, in phrases like váchako Aryya-Sihá (No. IVA,1. 2), gaṇina cha Ja..mitrasya (ibid., 1. 1), éiéíninam Aryya-Sangamikaye (No. IIC, 1. 1), arahaṁmtánaṁ Vadhamânasya (No. XVI, 1. 1), where a noun in the plural has to be construed with another in the singular. The explanation is, of course, that the plural is a pluralis majestatis, and that the terms quoted must be taken in the sense of the “great”or “venerable” ganin, “the great or venerable female pupil”and “the venerable arhat”.

With respect to the words, especially the nominal bases, it must be admitted that the pure Sanskrit forms are mostly as numerous as, and in some documents much more numerous than, the Prakrit and hybrid formations. Thus in No. XVIII, there are only three words, stána for sthána, pratishṭápita for pratishṭhápita, and perhaps chândakú for chándraká showing the influence of the Prakrit, though the great majority of the terminations are Prakritic. Again, in No. I, we find among fifteen completely readable words nine pure Sanskrit bases, three Prakrit formations, sethi for freshțhi, dhitu for duhituḥ, and Koṭṭiya, and three hybrids, Bahmadásika for Brahmadásika, Uchenågarí for Uchchairnágarí and sahachari-Khuḍá for sahachari-Kshu-drá. It is only in a few documents like Nos. XII, XIV, and XVI that Prakrit and hybrid form prevail. Irrespective of the numerical question, it is worthy of note that certain words are alwa-ys given in their Sanskrit form and some invariably in Prakrit. To the former class belong mahá-rája, deva, putra, śákhá, dharmapatní, sahachurí, pratimá; to the latter arahaṁta for arhat, the representatives of duhituḥ, dhitu and dhitu, and those of the name Vajrí or Vajrå, Veri (No. IIIB, 1. 3), Vairá (No. VIIB, 1. 1), Veriya (No. VIII, 1. 1), Vairá (No. XXI, 1. 3). In all the other words, which occur more frequently, there are vacillations, sometimes in one and the same document.

The great interest, which the development of the Prakrits possesses for the history of Indian literature, would make it desirable to determine exactly the character of the vernacular of Cen-tral India used in the first and second centuries A.D., which influenced

the language of these documents. Unfortunately the number of the inscriptions is still so small that it is impossible to obtain in this respect perfectly certain results. Never theless I will state that from the materials accessible to me, I consider it to have been in some points more similar to the Jaina Prakrit and the Maharashtri than to the Pali and to the language of Asoka’s edicts and of the older Andhra inscriptions. Words like the representatives just enumerated of Fajri and Vajrd, like Kottiya for Kottika, Brahmadásiya for Brahmadásika, Siriya for Sirika, lohaván-iya for lohavánija, and Haganamdi for Bhaganandi, seem to indicate that the destruction of the medial and initial consonants had begun, and it is quite possible that among the numerous counter-instances some, at least, may be due to the desire of the authors to make their langu-age sound like Sanskrit, i.e., that they may be attempts at a retranslation of more advanced Prakrit forms into Sanskrit. Thus the two forms Bahmadásika and Brahmadásiya lead me to suspect that the real popular form was Bamhaddsiya orevén Bambhadásiya, which was retran-sliterated into Sanskrit in two different ways, both times with indifferent success. In two points this Prakrit probably differed from nearly all the literary Prakrits, agreeing at the same time with the modern vernaculars. First, it probably possessed, like the latter, only two sibilants, sa and éa, which were, as is done in the present day, frequently interchanged. The inscriptions have, it is true, the three signs used in Sanskrit, and their use remains unchanged in pure Sanskrit words. Even the lingual sha keeps its place in such words and in the hybrid forms with shka and shța, e.g., in Kanishka, Huvishka, pratishțápita, Goshtha…, Jeshṭahastin, vishṭúyamâna, sishya. But, when regular Prakrit forms are substituted for, or derived from, the Sanskrit words, the lingual sha almost disappears. The palatal sa, on the contrary, mostly remains and even cxtends its sphere; here and there sa appears in its stead. Thus we find in the Prakrit equivalent for sishya, once sisha (No. VB, 1. 1), once śiśa (No. XIVB, 1. 1), and twice śisa (No. IX, 1. 2, and Cunningham’s No. 10, 1. 1, sasasya, according to the facsimile). The Prakrit feminine of sishya is spelt once sishini (No. VIB, 1. 2) and six times śiśîni or śiśini (No. IIC, 1. 1 ; No. VII B, 1. 1; No. XIA, 1. 2; No. XII, 1. 2; No. XIV B, 1.1). Further, évasura becomes sasura (No. XVII, 1. 4); srí is invariably siri in the names Sirika or Siriya and Buddhaśiri (No. XIX, 1. 2); Pushyamitríya is changed to Puśyamitríya (No. VI, 1. 2). The dental sa is put instead of śa in sethi (No. IA, 1. 2), suchila (No. III.B, l. 3), and in sakrú for ……. (No. XVII, 1. 4). Hence I regard the occurrence of sha in Prakrit words as merely graphic, and assume that sa and sa were the only two sibilants of the Prakrit vernacular, but were occasionally used the one for the other. That is just what is done in all the vernaculars of Northern, Western, and Central Indin, which from Kasmir down to the Marathâ country possess only the dental and the palatal sibilants and exchangethem very frequently, especially in their true popular varieties. The second point, in which the Prakrit of our inscriptions agreed with the modern vernaculars, not with the literary Prakrits, is the neglect of the aspiration of conjunct hard aspirates. We have stáne for stháne (No. XVIII, 1. 2), pratishtópito for pratishthápito (No. XVIII, 1. 4), Jeshtahastisya (No. XIVB, 1. 1, twice) for Jyeshṭhahastisya, sarttaváhiniye (Cunningham, No. 7, 1. 2) for sártthaváhinyáh, Sreshtaputrena and freshtiná (Cunningham, No. 9, 1. 3) for śreshthiputrena and sreshthind. It is just in these very groups that, according to the popular pronunciation of the vernaculars of Northern, Western, and Central India (with the exception of the Marathi ), the aspiration is om-itted, though in writing it is frequently expressed. The numerous Sanskrit words, like kanishṭha, pra-

tishṭhá, pratishṭhita, used in all the vernaculars, are in Kaśmir, the Panjab, Râjputana, Gujarât, Mâlvâ and the portions of the North-Western Provinces known to me, învariably pronounced kaniséṭ, pratiśṭd and pratiśțit, and one hears stána quite as often as sthána. It is only the learned Pandit who will at least try to sound the tha or tha. Hundreds, nay thousands, of mistakes in Sanskrit inscriptions and manuscripts show that this neglect of the aspiration, especially in the group shṭha, is not of recent date. The examples in our inscriptions are sufficiently numerous to warrant at least the inference that in the first and, second centuries of our era the omission of the aspiration did occur, and perhaps was optional.

As regards the origin of this mixed dialect, as well as of all other mixed dialects, I agree with Professor Kern, Jaartelling, p. 108 ff., and Dr. R. G. Bhâṇḍarkar, Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, p. 146, that it is the result of the efforts of half-educated people to express themselves in Sans-krit, of which they possessed an insufficient knowledge and which they were not in the habit of using largely. All the Jaina inscriptions from Mathurâ were no doubt composed by the monks who acted as the spiritual directors of the laymen, or by their pupils. Though no inscription has been found in which the author is named, the above inference is warranted by the fact that numerous later documents of the same character contain the names of Yatis who are said to have composed them or to have written them. The Yatis in the first and second centuries, no doubt, just as now, for their sermons and the exposition of their scriptures, used the vernacular of the day, and their scriptures were certainly written in Prakrit. It was a matter of course that their attempts to write in Sanskrit were not very successful. This theory receives the strongest support from the fact that the character and the number of the corruptions varies almost in every document, and from various single sentences, such as váchakasya aryya-Baladinasya śishyo aryya-Mátridinaḥ tasya nirvvarttand, which latter reads exactly like a piece from a stupid schoolboy’s exercise. It is also confirmed by numerous analogies, such as the language of the janmapattras of the badly educated. Joshis mentioned by Dr. Bhândârkar, the books of mason-s and carpenters, which give the rules for building houses in most barbarous Sanskrit, and ma-ny modern inscriptions, composed by clerks or Yatis. A large number of specimens of the latter kind are contained in the collection of votive inscriptions from Pâlitânâ lately copied by Mr. H. Cousens. I give a short one, which shows a mixture of Sanskrit, Gujarati and Mârvâḍî :—

संवत् १८६० ना¹⁷⁸⁵वैशाख सुदि ५ चंद्रवारे¹⁷⁸⁶श्रीविजय आणंदसरिगच्छै¹⁷⁸⁷श्रीविजयदेवचंद्रसूरिराज्ये श्रीसूरितबिंदिरे¹⁷⁸⁸वास्त-व्य श्री उसवालज्ञातीय झवेरी¹⁷⁸⁹प्रेमचंद झवेरचंद¹⁷⁹⁰भार्या जीयती¹⁷⁹¹तस्य पुत्र वाइचंदेन श्रीविज्जहरा पार्श्वनाथ नविन प्रशाद¹⁷⁹²नवीन बिंब भरापितं¹⁷⁹³।माताजी झकुभाई तस्य पुत्ररक्तचंद भा¹⁷⁹⁴मलुकचद भाअभेचंद मां प्रेमचंदनामेन बिंब भरापितं। तपानच्छै। विजयजिनेद्रसूरि प्रतिष्टित¹⁷⁹⁵………¹⁷⁹⁶

TRANSLATION.

“On the fifth lunar day (of) the bright half (of) Vaiśâkha of the year 1860, on a Monday, during the reign of glorious and victorious Devachandra Sûri, in the gachchha of glorious and victor-ious Ananda Sûri, dwelling in the famous harbour of Surat, (was) the jeweller Premchand Jha-verchand, (his) wife (was) Joyatî; (by) his son Vaichanda was erected a new image (in the) new temple (of) Vijjaharâ (Vidyâdhara?) Pârévanath¹⁷⁹⁷ a new image.”").”The image was erected in the name of Promchand, brother of Ratnachand (and) Malukchand, son of Mâtâjî (?) Jhakubhâ; consecra-ted by Vijaya Jinendrasûri in the Tapâgachcha.”

The contents of the older inscriptions Nos. XIX-XXIII have been discussed in the Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. II, pp. 141ff., and vol.III, pp. 233 ff. Among the new ones Nos. I-XVII belong to the Jainas, who possessed, as Dr. Führer has discovered this year, two magnificent temples on the site where the Kankâlî Tîla rises at present. Their historical value is very great. First, No. I, which is dated in the year 5 of Devaputra Kanishka, proves beyond all doubt that Sir A. Cuñningham was right in referring the date of his No. 2, Sam. 5, to the reign of the first IndoSkythic king. Secondly, they confirm the correctness of the readings Sthaniya or Thâniya kula and Vâraṇa gana, instead of which the Kalpasútra gives Vâņijja and Charana, and they allow us to correct the name of the Sriguha sambhoga to Srigriha. Thirdly, they furnish seven well-preserved names of kulas and śákhás, and in addition a mutilated one, hitherto not traced in epigraphical documents, which help to vindicate the much-assailed Jaina tradition.

Three of the new kulas, the Puśyamitrîya (No. VI), the Arya-Chetiya (No. IX), and Âryya-Hatikiya (No. XI), belong to the VAraņa gana, and evidently correspond with the Pasamitijja (in Sanskrit Pushyamitriya), the Ajja-Chedaya (in Sanskrit Arya-Chetaka) and the Hâlijja (in San-skrit Hâliya) kulas, which in the list of the Kulpasútra (p. 80, ed. Jacobi) occupy the third, fou-rth, and sixth places. To the same gaṇa belong the Vajanagarî (No. XI) and the Haritamala-kadhi (No. X) sákhás. The name of the former agrees fully with that of the Vajjanâgari sákhá, the fourth in the list of the Kalpasútra (loc. cit.).¹⁷⁹⁸ The Sanskrit equivalent of the word is, I think, not Vajranâgarî, as the commentators of the Kalpasútra assert, but Vårjanâgarî, i. e., the sakhá of Vrijinagara, the capital of the Vriji country. For Vajranágari would have become Vairanánari. On the other hand it is highly probable that the Jainas were settled in the Vajjabhumi, where Vardhamâna is said to have done penance.”¹⁷⁹⁹ and to Radha.")The second, the Haritamalakaḍhi sákhá is no doubt identical with the Hâriyamâlâgârî, which the Kalpasútra names as the first of the bran-ches of the Charana gana. The form of the inscription gives a good sense if the end of the compound kaḍhí is taken to stand for gadhi, as may be done according to the analogy of sam-bhoka which (No. VIIB, 1. 1) occurs instead of sambhoga.¹⁸⁰⁰ With this supposition it means “the sakha of the fort called Harîtamâla,” i. e., the field or site of

Harita. The form of the Kalpasútra would mẻan’ “ the śákhá of the house (ágára) called Harit-amala”. This is hardly possible, and as gadhi is pronounced garhi, it seems probable that Hâri-yamâlâgârî is slightly corrupt and has to be changed to Hariyamálagadhi. The mistakes, which the inscriptions have shown to occur in other names of the Kalpasútra, certainly encourage one to hazard this slight alteration.

Two of the new names refer to the Koṭṭiya gaṇa. The Brahmadâsika kula (Nqs. I, IV, V, XIV)¹⁸⁰¹ side, l. 2, [ku]läto Brahma, dasikato Uchendkarito [sakhâto], ought to be restored.")may be identified with the Bambhalijja kula of the Kalpasútra (p. 82, Jacobi). The latter name corresponds not to Sanskrit Brahmaliptaka, as the commentators assert, but to Brahma-liya, and this is derived from Brahmala, which according to the Indian custom of abbreviating compound names, may stand for Brahmadåsa. Similarly, Devaka, Devala or Devila may be used for Devadatta, Devagupta, Devapâlita, Devarakshita, Devabhūti or Devasarman.¹⁸⁰²

The Uchenâgarî or Uchchenâgari sákhá of the same inseriptions is of course the Uchchânâgari sdkhd of the Kalpasútra (loc. cit.) which stands first in the list of the branches of the Kodiya gana.. The difference in the second vowel has been caused by the existence of two synonymous Sanskrit forms of the etymon, Uchchæirnagara and Uchchânagara¹⁸⁰³,which both mean “the high town”.

This geographical name seems to be identical, as Dr. Burgess suggests to me, with that of the fort of Unchânagar, which belongs to the modern town of Bulandshahr in the North-Western Provinces (see Sir A. Cunningham’s Arch. Surv. Rep., vol. XIV, p. 147). The old name of Bulandshahr itself was Varana or Barana. This is no doubt the place after which the Vârana gana was named.

The mutilated name . . hika kula (No. II)and . . . . ka kula (No. XII) must, I think, have been [Me]hika. For there is in the Sthavirdvalt of the Kalpasútra only one name, Mehiya (Jacobi, p. 81), which shows a penultimate hi. If this conjecture is accepted, the new inscriptions furnish also proof of the actual existence of the second kula of the Vesavâdiya gana. For the restoration of the mutilated name of the. Arina sambhoga, which appears in No. XIV A, 1. 2, I cannot offer any proposal. As the letters are not perfectly distinct, it is just possible that Śirikáto sambhogáto may be the original reading.

With respect to the Koṭṭiya-Kotika gaṇa, it is now evident that its adherents must have been more numerous in Mathurâ than those of the other schools. In our inscriptions it occurs eight times, in Sir A. Cunningham’s Collection four times, and in Dr. Führer’s collection of 1889 certainly once, perhaps twice. It deserves to be noted that it is the only gana whose name sur-vived in the fourteenth century A. D.¹⁸⁰⁴Its great age, as well as the great age of its ramifications, the Brahmådâsika family, the Uchchenågari branch and the Śrigṛiha district community, is attested by our No. IV. The latest possible date of this inscription is Samvat 50 on A. D. 128-9. The preacher then living, the venerable Siha, enumerates four spiritual ancestors, the first am-ong whom must have flourished about the beginning of our era. The gaṇa was, as

we learn, much divided at that early period, and this fact speaks in favour of the statement of the tradition which places its origin about the year 250 B.C¹⁸⁰⁵.

The fourth point, which lends to these new inscriptions a very great importance, is their mentioning several female ascetics, and their showing that these persons developed a very considerable activity: There can be no doubt that Aryya-Sangamika and Aryya-Vasulâ, who are mentioned in Nos. II and XII, Graha.i… (No. V.), Aryya-Kumâramitâ (No. VII), Balavarmâ, Nandâ and Akakâ (?) (No. XI), as well as Aryya-Śâmâ (No. XIV) and Dhâmathâ(?) (No. XXVI), were nuns. That follows from their titlę Aryya, ‘the vencrable,from their being called śiśíni or éiśini, “female disciples,”from their having other female disciples, and from the statement that the gifts were made at, or by their nirvartana, their request or advice¹⁸⁰⁶. With the certainty thus gained, it is not difficult to recognise that some of the documents found in former years likewise name nuns or point to the existence of female ascetics among the Jainas of Mathurâ. Though No. XIX is mutilated, the ‘sister’of Aryya-Sandhika, AryyaJayâ, who appears among the male ascetics, must now be considered a nun. Again, it becomes very probable that the expression chaturvarṇa saṁgha¹⁸⁰⁷, “the community including four classes,”which strongly reminds one of the later Svetâmbara term chaturvidha samgha, means, like the latter, the community consisting of monks, nuns, lay-brothers and lay-sisters.¹⁸⁰⁸

With respect to one of the nuns our inscriptions contain statements which require explana-tion. The venerable Kumâramitrâ in No. V, who was the female pupil of the venerable Baladin-a, had, it appears, a son Kumârabhati, whom she induced to dedicate an image of Vardhamâ-na. It would be a mistake to infer from this admission that the nuns of the first and second centuries led immoral lives. The correct explanation will be that Kumâramitrâ was a widow who turned nun after the decease of her husband, and that she afterwards acted as spiritual director to her son. It is worthy of note that this is the only case where a nun appears as adviser of a layman. In all the other inscriptions we find that the nuns exhorted female lay members of the Samgha to make donations. It agrees with this that in modern times too, the order of Jaina nuns mostly consists of widows, especially of virgin widows, who, according to the custom of most castes, cannot be remarried, and are got rid of in a convenient manner by being made to take the tonsure; see Ind. Ant., vol. XIII, p. 278.

The last of the new inscriptions, Dr. Führer explains, is on a slab found near the brick stúpa adjoining the two Jaina temples; but he adds that it was lying loose on the pavement of the court, and that it may have belonged originally to some other temple. It records the consecrati-on of a stone slab, stáne, i. e., either “on the site sacred to”or “in the temple of,” the divine lord of Nagas, Dadhikarṇa. The worship of the Nâgas or snake-deities is of great antiquity in India. It forms part of the ancient ritual of the Brâhmans, who offered and still offer the sarpabali¹⁸⁰⁹in the rainy season, when the snakes.

are driven out of their holes and often take refuge in the houses. In the Baurâņic worship we find the Nâga-pañckami, the snake-festival on the fifth lunar day of the bright half of Śrâvaṇa, which is still very popular and celebrated very generally¹⁸¹⁰. There exist also a few Nâga temples. In Gujarât the most famous is the so-called Någ of Dehema, which lies in the north-west corner of the province, close to the Rap of Kachchh. I visited Dehemâ in 1873 and found there a temple, consisting of a small dome about five feet high, with an opening towards the east. Inside there was a stone slab showing in the centre the relievo of a large cobra standing upright on its tail, and on both sides some smaller ones in the same position. A short inscription stated that the image was erected in Vikrama Samvat 1212, or A.D. 1156-58. The stone slab at Mathurâ, of which our inscription speaks, probably bore a similar representation. As regards Dadhikarṇa, his name occurs in the Harivamsa,¹⁸¹¹ where he is invoked in the áhnika mantra, the daily prayer which is said to have been recited originally by Baladeva and after him by Krishṇa. It thus appears that the worship of Dadhikarna certainly formed part of the Bhagavata ritual and was practised at Mathurà in oarly times. These facts may indicate that our No. XVIII is not a Buddhist, but a Bhagavata inscription. But it is quite possible that the Buddhists in whose legends the Nâgas play a great part, and on whose Stúpas they are often represented as worshippers of the Bo-tree, may have taken over the worship of Dadhikarṇa from the Brahmans. Finally, another very interesting point in this inscription is the statement that the dedicators of the stone were the“sons of those failálakas who were famous as the Chândaka brothers.”It is impossible to interpret śailálaka otherwise than as a synonym of failálin, which, according to Pânini, IV, 3, 110, originally was a name of those actors who studied the Sútras of Silâlin, and according to the Koshas was used later to denote any actor. Our inscription, therefore, teaches us that Mathurâ had its actors in the first or second century of, our era, and makes us actually acquainted with the name of such a troup. It further shows that play-acting was then, as in the present day, the business of particular families a fact which may also be inferred from the introduction to several Sanskrit dramas where the nați is sometimes called the wife of the sútradhára, and his brothers are mentioned as actors. In a Jaina story of the clever boy Bharata, we hear even of a natagráma, a whole village inhabited by actors.

No. I.¹⁸¹²

A. 1. - -¹⁸¹³ दे[व] पुत्रस्य वा [नि]ष्कंस्य सं ५ हे १ दि १ एतस्य पूर्व्व[T]यं कोट्टियातो गणातो बह्मदासिका[तो]
2. [कु]लातो [उ] चेनागरितो शाखातो सेथि-ह - स्व-ि–ि–ि–सेनस्यसहचरिखुडाये दें[व]-
B. 1. पालस्य धि[त]—-
2. वधमानस्य प्रति[मा] ॥

TRANSLATION.

[Success!] In the year 5 of Devaputra Kanishka, in the first (month of) winter, on the first day, on that (date specified as) above,—an image of Vadhamâna (Vardhamána) (was dedicated) by Khudâ (Kshudrá), consort of alderman (sethi) ………. sena (and) ‘daughter of Deva.. pâla, out of the Koṭṭiya gaṇa, the Bamhadâsîka’kula, the Uchenågari śakhâ.

No. II.¹⁸¹⁴

A. 1. – —-¹⁸¹⁵सं १० ५ गृ३ दि १ अस्या पूर्व्व[T] य
B. 1. — हिकातो¹⁸¹⁶कुलातो अर्य्यजयभूति-
C. 1. स्य शिशीनिनं अर्य्यसङ्गमिकये शिशीनि—¹⁸¹⁷
D. 1. अर्य्यवसुलये [निर्वर्त्त]नं.
A. 2. – लस्य धी[तु] —–ि—धु¹⁸¹⁸ वेणि-

B. 2. –¹⁸¹⁹ श्रेष्टि[स्य] धर्मपत्रिये भट्टि[से]नस्य
C. 2. [मातु] कुमरमितयो¹⁸²⁰दनं भगवतो [प्र]-
D. 2. मा¹⁸²¹सव्वतोभद्रिका [॥]

TRANSLATION.

[Success!] In the year 15, in the third month of summer, on the first day,—on that (date specified as) above,-a fourfold¹⁸²²image of the Divine one, the gift of Kumaramitâ (Kumâramitrá), daughter of . . la, daughter-in-law of . . . first wife of alderman (śreshthin) Veņi, mother of Bhattisena, (was dedicated at) the request of the venerable Vasulâ, the female pupil of the venerable Sangamikâ, the female pupil of the venerable Jayabhûti out of the [Mehika) kula,

No. III.¹⁸²³ consisting of four naked standing Jinas. Stone 2 feet 8 inches by 1 foot 2 inches, found at the same place.")

A.1. सिद्धम्। सं १० ६व ४ दि १० अस्यां पु-
2. र्व्वायं वाचकस्य अर्य्यबल-
3. दिनस्य शिष्यो [वाच] को अर्य्यमा -
4. तृदिनः तस्य [नि] र्व्वर्त्त [न]T

B. 1. [कोट्टियातो गणातीठानियातो]
2. [कुलातोश्रीगृहातोसंभोगातो]
3. [अर्य्यवेरिशाखा[तो सु] चि]¹⁸²⁴-
C. [ल] स्य धर्म्यपत्रिये ले - -
D. दानं भगवतो स [न्ति] - - [प्र] तिमा
A. 6. नाश———— तनं¹⁸²⁵
B. 4. – T [न]मो अरत्ततानं सर्व्वलो[कुत्त[मानं]]¹⁸²⁶

TRANSLATION.

Success ! In the year 19, in the fourth (month of) the rainy season, on the tenth day,—on that (date specified as) above,— the pupil •of the preacher, the venerable Baladina (Baladatta) (is) the preacher, the venerable Mâtridina (Málridatta) ; at his request (was dedicated) an image of divine Santi…¹⁸²⁷,the gift of Le…, first wife of Suchila (Śuchila), out of the Koṭṭiya gaņa, the Thániya kula, the Srigriha sambhoga, the Aryya-Verî (Ârya-Vajrí) śákhá ..Adoration to the Arhats, the highest oncs in the whole world’

No. IV.¹⁸²⁸

1. [[सिहं सं २० गृ३]]¹⁸²⁹दि [१०] ७ [एस]स्य पूर्व्वाय कोहिय[T]लो गणातो ब्रह्मदासियातो कुलातो उच्चे[नागरितो शा] खातो [श्रो] [T]तो संभोगातो [बृहंतव[] चिक]¹⁸³⁰च गणिन च ज[[—मित्र] स्य –]¹⁸³¹

अर्य्य[ओ] घस्य शिष्यगणिस्य [अ] र्य्यपालस्य श्र [हच] रो [वाच] कस्य अर्य्य[[दत्त]स्य]¹⁸³²शिष्यो वाचको अर्य्यसोहा [त]स्य निव्वर्त्तणा [खो]ट्टमि [[त्त] स्य]¹⁸³³मानिकरस्य [गो] —[जयभ[ट्टि]]¹⁸³⁴धीतु दा—स्य
B. 1. [लो] हवाणियस्य¹⁸³⁵वाधर - - वधू [ह] ग्गु [देव ] स्य धर्म्मपत्रियेमित्राये[दानं] —
[सर्व्व]स[त्वानं] हि[तसु] खाये काक[तेय]—–क्ष
वाज —————-ि—–ा—————————-रज

TRANSLATION.

Success! In the year 20 (?), in the third (?) month of summer, on the seventeenth (?) day, on that (date specified as) above, the preacher, the venerable Siha 64¹⁸³⁶ (Simha) (was) the pupil of the preacher, the venerable Datta, (who was) the Sraddhaokara65¹⁸³⁷, of the gaṇin66¹⁸³⁸, the venerable Pâla, (who was) the pupil of the venerable Ogha (?), (who was) the pupil of the great (?) preacher and gaṇin Ja.. mitra(?) out of the Kottiya gana,the Brahmadâsiya kula, the Uchchenagari śákhá (and) the Srigriha sambhoga, at his request (was dedicated) for the welfare and happiness of all beings…., the gift of Mittra, the first wife of Haggudeva (Phalgudeva), the daughter-in-law of the iron-monger Vådhara the daughter of … Jayabhatti, the mánikara, of

No. V.67¹⁸³⁹; stone 1 foot 11 inches by 9 inches, found at the same place.")

A. 1. सवत्सरे68¹⁸⁴⁰ पचविशे हेमंतम[से] त्रिितिये दिवसे वीशे अस्मि69¹⁸⁴¹हुणे
B. 1. कोट्टियतो गणतो ब्र[ह्म]दासिकती कुलतो उचेनागरिती शाखातो अयबलत्रतस्य शिवो सधि-
2. स्य शिविनि ग्रह - - - - - ि- - - वतन70¹⁸⁴² [ना] [दिय[रि] त71]¹⁸⁴³जभ[क]स्य वधु जय [भ]ट्टस्य
कुंटूबिनीय [रयगिनिये [वु] सय 72]¹⁸⁴⁴[1]

TRANSLATION.

In the twenty-fifth year, in the third month of winter, on the twentieth day, at this moment (?)73¹⁸⁴⁵ a vusuya (?),74¹⁸⁴⁶ probably denotes either some kind of image or some kind of gift.") (was dedicated) by Rayagini, the daughter-in-law of Jabhaka, from Nândigiri (?), (and) wife of Jayabhaṭṭa, the request (having been made) by Graha.i…, the female pupil of Sadhi, pupil of the venerable Balatrata (Balatráta) out of the Koṭṭiya gaṇa, the Bralimadásika kula (and) the Uchenå. garî śákhá.

No. VI.¹⁸⁴⁷; stone 3 feet 6 inches long by 9 inches high; found at the same temple.")

A. महाराज———–ष्कस सं २०८ हे २ दि ३९अस्म हणे भगवतो वर्धमानस [प्रति[मा]]¹⁸⁴⁸प्रतिष्ठाविता [ग्रह[य] स्य]¹⁸⁴⁹धितर सुखिताये [बोधिनदि[ये]]¹⁸⁵⁰

B. कुटुंबिनिये वारणे गणे पुश्वमित्रीये कुले गणिस अर्य[दतस्व[शिष्यस्व]]¹⁸⁵¹गह[प्र] कि[[व] स]¹⁸⁵²निर्वर्त[ना] अर[हं]तपुवाये।

TRANSLATION.

In the year 29 of the great king..shka, in the second month of winter, on the thirtieth day,—at this moment (?¹⁸⁵³), an image of the divine Vardhamána was set up by order of Bodhinadi (Bodhinandi ?), a married lady, the cherished daughter of Grahahathi (Grahahastin,¹⁸⁵⁴)at the request of Gahapṛakiva (?¹⁸⁵⁵), 89 pupil of the venerable Data, a gaṇin in the Varaṇa gana and the Pusyamitriya (Pushyamitríya) kula, in honpur of the Arhat.

No. VII.¹⁸⁵⁶ on pedestal and (C, D) on sides of a small seated Jina, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches; found at the same place. An enormous sign, looking like gi, stands between the second and third signs’ of श्शिनिand between the fourth and fifth signs of वर्धमानस.., B.1 and 2.")

A. 1. [[सिहं]]¹⁸⁵⁷। [सं .३० [[५]]¹⁸⁵⁸व ३ दि १० अस्व[+] पूर्व्वायां कोच्चियातो गणतो [स्वानि]या-\ [तो कु-¹⁸⁵⁹

B. 1. वइरातो श[T]ख[T]तो शिरिकातो सं[भो]कातो अर्य्यबलदिनस्वशिशिनि [कुमरमि[त]]¹⁸⁶⁰
2. तस्य पुत्रो कुम[T]रभटि गंधिको तस —नं¹⁸⁶¹ प्रतिमा वर्धमानस्य समितमखित [[बो] धित]¹⁸⁶²
C. 1. [अ[र्य्य]]¹⁸⁶³
2. कुमार-
3. मित्रा-
4. ये-
D.1. र्व्व
2. [त]न¹⁸⁶⁴[॥]

TRANSLATION.

Success! In the year 35, in the third (month of the) rainy season, on the tenth day, on that (date specified as) above;—the female pupil of the venerable Baladina (Baladatta) cut of the Koṭṭiya gaṇa, the sthâniya kula, the Vaira śakhâ(and) ’the Sirika sambhoka (sambhoga), (was) Kumaramitrâ (Kumáramitrá);—her son (was) the deale, in perfumes, Kumârablați;—his gift (is) an image of Vardhamâna (dedicated at) the request of the whetted¹⁸⁶⁵,polished and awakened venerable Kumaramitrâ. '

No. VIII.¹⁸⁶⁶

A. सिद्धम् म [हा] रा [ज] स्य र [जा] तिराजस्य देवपुत्रस्य दुवष्कस्य सं
४० (६ ०१) हेमन्तमासे ४ दि १० एतस्यां पूर्व्वायां कोहिये गणेस्थानिकीये कुले अय्य[वेरि]-
याण शाखाया¹⁸⁶⁷वाचकस्यार्य्यवृद्धहस्ति[स्य]
B. शिष्यस्य गणिस्य आर्य्यख [र्ण] स्य¹⁸⁶⁸पुय्यम [[न]]¹⁸⁶⁹- —————————[ख] —-
[व] तकस्य¹⁸⁷⁰[क] - सकस्य¹⁸⁷¹कुटुम्बिनीये दत्ताये—- नधर्म्मो¹⁸⁷²महाभोगताय

प्रीयतान्भगवानृषभश्रीः¹⁸⁷³।

TRANSLATION.

Success! In the year 40 (60?) of the great king (and) supreme king of kings, Devaputra Huvashka¹⁸⁷⁴,in the fourth month of winter, on the tenth day, on that (date specified as) above, (this) meritorious gift (was made) for the sake of great happiness by Datta, the wife of Ka . pasaka, an inhabitant of vata, fat the request] of ………. gaṇin, the venerable Kharnṇa, pupil of the preacher, the venerable Vriddhahasti out of the Kottiya gaṇa, the Sthânikîya kula (and) the śákhá of the AryyaVeriyas (the followers of Árya-Vajra). May the divine (and) glorious Rishabha be pleased!¹⁸⁷⁵

No,IX.4¹⁸⁷⁶,-3 feet 5 inches by 2 feet 10 inches; found at the same place. In the plates of facsimiles No. xxxii is a duplicate, to a larger scale and from a different impression, of the second line of this inscription.")

** .A.सू – नम शर[स] तममहरबस्व⁵¹⁸⁷⁷ह्वविक्षस्य सव[त्स] रे ४० ४ [हनग्ट[स्व]⁶]¹⁸⁷⁸ मस ३ दिविस २ ए[त].–
B. [[व्यां] पूर्वय [ṭ]⁷]¹⁸⁷⁹- — गये अयंचेटिये¹⁸⁸⁰ कुले हरोत्तमालकाठिय [श] ाण— [स्त्र)¹⁸⁸¹ हृगिनंदिअ¹⁸⁸² शिसो न — —नागसेणस्य - — – –**

TRANSLATION.

Hail! Adoration! In the year 44 of the most illustrious(?) great king Huviksha,"¹⁸⁸³ in the third month of summer, on the second day. On that [date specified as] above, at the request of the (venerable) Nâgasena, the pupil of Haginamdi (Bhaganandi ?), ‘a preacher (váchaka) in the [Vár**a] gana, in the Aryya-Chetiya (Arya-Chetika) kula, in the Haritamalakaḍhi (Haritamâlagaḍhi) śákhá

No. X.12¹⁸⁸⁴, 2 feet 7 inches by 2 feet 2 inches; from the same place.")

I. 1. सिञ्चम् सं ४० ५०व [३] [दि १० [७]"]¹⁸⁸⁵ एतस्व ‘पुर्व्व[T]य —- — —- बुद्धिस्य¹⁸⁸⁶ वधुये धर्म्मवृत्तिश्च

TRANSLATION.

Success! In the year 45, in the third (?) (month of) the rainy season, on the. seventeenth (?) day,—on the (date specified as) above…………………….by the.daughter in law 15¹⁸⁸⁷ ……of Dhaemavriddhi……..

No. XI¹⁸⁸⁸

A. 1. — —- ४०¹⁸⁸⁹ 17¹⁸⁸⁹——हे —दि १०
B. 1. ए [त]स्य पू[र्ब्बा]य वरणतो ग[ण] -
C. 1. तो आर्य्यहटिकियतो कुलतो
D. 1. वजनगरित[ो] श[[]ख[[]त[ी] शि[रि.]यत[ौ]

A. 2. ––[ग]तो¹⁸⁹⁰[[द] तिस्र]¹⁸⁹¹शिशिनिये
B. 2. महन [न्दि] स्व¹⁸⁹²संढचरिये
C. 2. बल [वर्म] ये¹⁸⁹³[नन्द ] ये¹⁸⁹⁴ च शिशिनिये
D. 2. अ[कक] ये¹⁸⁹⁵[निर्व्वर्त्तना]–––
A. 3. –[स्य] धीतु अमि[क] जयदेवस्य¹⁸⁹⁶वधूये
B. 3. –मिको जयनार्गस्यधर्म्मपत्निये सिद्धदता [ये]
C. 3. – [लथंभ]ो¹⁸⁹⁷दनं=–

TRANSLATION.

[Success! In the year], 40, in the . . month of winter, on the tenth (?) day,-on that (date specified as) above,–a stone-pillar (was dedicated, being) the gift of Sihadata (Simhadattá), the first wife of the village headman¹⁸⁹⁸Jayanaga, the daughter-in-law of the village headman Jayadeva.(and) daughter of …. at the request of Akakâ (?), the female pupil of Nandâ (?), and of Balavarmâ (?), the saḍhachari¹⁸⁹⁹of Mahanandi (Mahánandin) (and) female pupil of Dati (Dantin) out of the Vâranagana, the Âryya-Haţikiya (Arya-Háṭikîya) kula, the Vajanagari (Várjanágarí) śákhá (and) the Siriya sambhoga.

No. XII.¹⁹⁰⁰, 1 foot 8 inches by 1 foot 2 inches; found at the same place. Four worshippers on each side of a wheel fill up the centre.")

L. 1. सं ८० ईहे १ दि १० २ दसस्य धितु पृयस्य कुटुबिनिये–––¹⁹⁰¹
2. ––[क] तो¹⁹⁰²कुलतो अयस[ङ्ग]मि[क]य शिशिनिय अयवसुल[ये] नि[व]तने [II]

TRANSLATION.

In the year 86, in the first (month of) winter, on the 12th day [was dedicated the gift] of . . . ., daughter of Dasa (Dása), wife of Priya (Priya), at the request of the venerable Vasulâ, pupil of the venerable Sangamikâ, out of the [Mehi] ka kula.

No. XIII.¹⁹⁰³; 1 foot 11 inches by 1 foot 10 inches; from the same place.")

[सं ८० ७१] गृ१ दि [२० १] अ[स्मि] शुये उजेनागरस्यार्य्यकुमारनन्दिशिष्यस्य मित्रस्य

MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS S NO4-1 AND 2

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS: No5. III & IV.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710241317EP-7.png"/>

MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS: Nos. V-VIII.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710241611EP-8.png"/>

MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS: Nos. IX-XI.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710241707EP-9.png"/>

TRANSLATION.

In the year 87 (?), in the first month of summer, on the twentieth (?) day,–at this moment (?¹⁹⁰⁴),of Mittra, pupil of the venerable Kumâranandi, of him of Uchchenagara¹⁹⁰⁵,

No. XIV.¹⁹⁰⁶

A. I. सिद्धम् ॥¹⁹⁰⁷कोट्टियातो गणातो ब्रह्मदासिकात [ो ] कुलातो
2. उ[थे] नागरितो शाखातो –ररिनातो सं [भ][गातो] अ [र्य्य]–
B. 1. जेष्ठहस्ति[स्य] शि [[ष्यो]]¹⁹⁰⁸अर्य्यमहलो¹⁹⁰⁹अर्य्यजेष्ठ [इस्तिस] [[शिशो]]¹⁹¹⁰अर्य्य[गा]ढक [[ो]]¹⁹¹¹ [त] स्यशिशिनि [अर्य्य–]
2. शामये निर्वतना। उ [स] –प्रतिमा¹⁹¹²वर्मये धीतुं [गुल्हा] ये जयदासस्य कुटुंबिनिये दानं

TRANSLATION.

Success ! The pupil of the venerable Jeshtahasti (Jyeshṭhahastin) out of the Koṭṭiya gaṇa, the Brahmadâsika kula, the Uchchenâgarî śákhá and the – ârina sambhoga (was) the venerable Mahala; the pupil of the venerable Jeshṭahasti (Jyeshṭhahastin) (was) the venerable Gâḍhaka; at the request of his female pupil, the venerable Śâmâ, (was dedicated) an image of Usabba (Ṛishabha), the gift of Gulhâ, the daughter of Varmâ (and) the wife of Jayadâsa.

No. XV.¹⁹¹³

– शे¹⁹¹⁴एत [स्यां] पूर्व्वायां कोट्टियातो गणातो ……….

TRANSLATION.

On that (date, specified as) above, out of the Kottiya gana………….

No. XVI¹⁹¹⁵

L. 1…………….अरहंतानं¹⁹¹⁶. The lost portion of the inscription no doubt stood on the other side of the pedestal.")वधमानस्य [क] लस्य¹⁹¹⁷ धितु¹⁹¹⁸सिनविषुस्य भ [स] [ा ] य¹⁹¹⁹
2……………….. [श] ति] स्यि[नव] र्तनं[ \।\। ]

TRANSLATION.

……[an image] of the worshipful¹⁹²⁰Arhat Vadhamana, [ the gift ] of ……….. the daughter of Kala, the sister(?) of Sinavishu (Vishṇusheṇa?) ; the request of Śati (?) ..

No. XVII¹⁹²¹.

L. 1. –मा अहंतानं¹⁹²² श्रमणश्राविका [[ये]]¹⁹²³

2.– लहस्तिनीये तोरणं प्रति [[ष्ठापि]]¹⁹²⁴

सह माता पितिह सह¹⁹²⁵

सश्रू–¹⁹²⁶शशरेण¹⁹²⁷

TRANSLATION.

Adoration to the Arhats ! A Toraṇa has been erected by order of … lahastint (Balahastiní), a lay-pupil of the ascetics, together with her parents, together with her mother-in-law (and) her father-in-law¹⁹²⁸ and in other Buddhist documents.").

No. XVIII.¹⁹²⁹

L .1. सिन्धं [ सं ]––––[ दि ] ५¹⁹³⁰एतस्यं पू [ र्व्वाय ]

भगवती नागेन्द्रस्य दधिकर्म्मस्य स्त [ ा]–
ने शिलापट्टो प्रतिष्ठापितो माथुरा [ णं]
शैलालकानं चान्दका भ्रतृका इति वि [ ष्ट]
यमानानं तेषं पुत्रेहि नन्दिबलप्र–
मुखेहि दारकेहि मातापितृणं अग्र–
प्रत्ययताये भवतु सर्व्वसत्वा [ नं हित– ]
सुखा [र्थं ] भवतु[ \।\। ]

TRANSLATION.

Success! In the year…….., on the fifth day,-on that (date sperified as) above, a stone slab was set up in the place sacred¹⁹³¹to the divine lord of snakes Dadhikarṇṇa by the boys, chief among whom was Nandibala, the sons of the actors¹⁹³²of Mathurá, who are being praised as the Chandaka brothers. May (the merit of this gifl) be by preference¹⁹³³for their parents; may it be for the welfare and happiness of all beings!

No. XIX.¹⁹³⁴

L. 1. [ सिद्धम् ॥ ] महाराजस्य राजातिरास्य देवपुत्रस्य षाहिकणिष्कस्य¹⁹³⁵सं ७ हे १ दि १० ५ एतस्य पूर्व्वायां

    अर्य्योदेहिकियातो

गणातो अर्य्यनागभुतिकियातो कुलातो गणिस्य अर्य्यबुद्धशिरिस्य शिष्यो वाचकोअर्य्यस [ न्धि ]–कस्य

भगिनि अर्य्यजया अर्य्यगोष्ठ–– –

TRANSLATION.

Success ! In the year 7 of the great king, supreme king of kings, the son of the gods, Sháhi Kanishka, in the first ( month of ) winter, on the fiftecnth day, – on the (lunar day specified) above, the preacher Aryya[ sandh ] ika, the pupil of the ganin Aryya-Buddhaśiri (Ârya- Buddhakri) of the Aryyodehikiya (Arya – Uddehikiya) school (and) of the Aryya Nagabhutikiya ( =Ârya–Nägabhittiktga) line of teachers, his sister Aryya–Jaya (Arya–Jayā), Aryya–Goshtha………

No. XX.¹⁹³⁶

[ सि ] द्धंसं २० (१) [ २ ] ग्रि २ दि ७ वर्धमानस्य प्रतिमा वारणातो गणातो पेतिवामि [ क ]–

TRANSLATION.

Success ! In the year 22 ( ? ), in the second (month of ) summer, on the soventh day, – a statue of Vardhamâna, from the Varana gana, from the Petivamik [ akula ]……..

No. XXI.¹⁹³⁷

L.1. – धम् सव ५० ४¹⁹³⁸हेमंतमासे चतुर्थे ४ दिवसे १० अ–

स्य पुर्व्वायां कोट्टियातो [ ग ] णातो स्थानि [ य ]ातो कुलातो

3.वैरातो शाखातो श्रीगृह[ा] तो¹⁹³⁹संभोगातो वाचकस्यार्य्य–

[ ह ] स्तहस्तिस्य शिष्यो गणिस्य अर्य्यमाघहस्तिस्य श्रद्धचरो¹⁹⁴⁰वाचकस्य अ–

र्य्यदेवस्य निर्व्वर्त्तने गोवस्य सोहपुत्रस्य लोहिककारुकस्य दानं
सर्व्वसत्वानां हितसुखा एकसरस्वती प्रतीष्ठाविता अवतले रङ्गान[ र्त्तन ]ो
मे [ \।\। ]

TRANSLATION.

Successedḷ In the year 54 (?), in the fourth, 4, month of winter, on tlhe day,– on the (lunar day specified) as above, one (statue of ) Sarasvati, the gift of the smith Gova, son of Siha, ( made ) at the instance of the preacher (vâchaka) Aryya-Deva, the

śraddhacharo of the gaṇin Aryya-Mâghahasti, the pupil of the preacher Aryya–Hastahasti, from the Koṭṭiya gaṇa, the Sthâniya kula, the Vairâ śákhá and the Śrîgṛiha saṁbhoga,–has been set up for the welfare of all beings. In the avaiala my stage dancer(?).

No. XXII.¹⁹⁴¹

L. 1. [ि] सङ्घं सं ८०५ (१) ग्नि२ दि १० ८ कोट्टि[य]ातो गणातो ठानियातोकुलातो वडर [ातोशा ]खातो

     अर्य्य अरह–––

शिशिनि धाम [ था ] ये [निर्वर्तन [?]]¹⁹⁴²ग्रहदतस्य धि [तु] धनहथि¹⁹⁴³– ––

TRANSLATION.

Success ḷIn the year 95 (?), in the second (month of) summer, on the 18th day, –at the request of Dhâmathá (?), the female pupil of Aryya-Araha [ dinna ] from the Koṭṭiya gaṇa, from the Thâniya kula, from the Vaïrà śákhá………… [the gift] of……….. the daughter of Grahadata, the wife of Dhanahathi (Dhanahastin) …………..

No. XXIII.¹⁹⁴⁴

वारणातो गणातो अर्यकनियसिकातो कुलातो ओद– – ––

TRANSLATION.

From the varana gana, from the worshipful kaniyasika kula, [from the] Od ……… (sakha) ………

No. XXIV.¹⁹⁴⁵, 4 feet 4 inches by 3 feet 3 inches, found in the north-east of the mound near the first temple.")

L. 1. [[सिध]]¹⁹⁴⁶महरजस्य वासुदेवस्य सं ८० हण¹⁹⁴⁷व १ दि १२ एतस पूर्व्वायां– – ––
2. धितु संघनधि [ स्य ] वधुये बलस्य– – ––

TRANSLATION.

[ Hail ḷ ] In the year 80 of Mahârâja Vâsudeva, …….. in the first month of the iny season, on the twelfth day,–on that (date specified as) above, the daughter of …………. the daughter-in-law of Saṁghanadhi (?), the …… of Bala…………

No. XXV.¹⁹⁴⁸

MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS: Nos. XII-XVII.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710242773EP-10.png"/>

MATHURAINSCRIPTIONS: Nos. XVIII-XIX
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710243539EP-13.png"/>

MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS: Nos. XX-XXVII.
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710243460EP-12.png"/>

MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS: Nos. XXVIII-XXXII.
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710243369EP-11.png"/>

TRANSLATION.

………….. In the first month of the rainy season, on the thirtieth day, at that time (or, on that festival)……

No. XXVI¹⁹⁴⁹.

दासस्य पुचो चीरि तस्य हन्तिः[ \।\। ]

TRANSLATION.

Chiri, the son of Dâsa ; his gift.

No. XXVII¹⁹⁵⁰.

L. 1. [प्रतिमा] वधमान [स्य] प्रतिथापिता¹⁹⁵¹

[–––ठानियातो– ल––––[त आर्यग ]]¹⁹⁵²––

TRANSLATION.

An image of Vadhamana (Tardhamána) has been set up ………….. out of theThâniya (Sthaniya) …………….

XLIV. — FURTHER JAINA INSCRIPTIONS FROM MATHURA.

BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.

Impressions of the following seven inscriptions were forwarded by Dr. A. Führer. The first three among them are Sir A. Cunningham’s Nos. 6, 7 and 10, in the collection of the third volume of his Archeological Survey Reports, while the remaining four were found by Dr. Burgess and by Dr. Führer during the excavations undertaken at the Kańkâlî Tïla in 1888 and in January and February 1890.

The re-edition of Sir A. Cunningham’s inscriptions yields at least the confirmation of a number of conjectural emendations which I proposed in the Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde d. Morgenlandes, vol. I, p. 170ff., and permits us to make some corrections. Among the latter, the most important is the removal of the reading bhattifo in No. IB, 1.1, to which Sir A. Cunningham’s facsimile pointed, and the substitution of …… gáto, t.e. sambhogdto, which all the other inscriptions offer after Sirikáto.

The new inscriptions confirm the readings of the names Váraṇagaṇa (No. XXX), Arya-Háttiyakula and Vajanagarí śákhá (No. XXXIV) and of a number of names of ascetics and laymen, found in the preceding series. With respect to the Siriku sambhoga it deserves to be noted that No. XXXIV offers the varia lectio–Aryya-Širikiya, and thus makes it probable that its name means “founded by the Arya-Śrí” or the venerable Śri, which latter seems to be an abbreviation of a longer name, made bhímavat.

In addition to these interesting contributions to the history of the Jaina sect, some valuable historical information may be extracted from No. XXXIII, which records a gift

by Kośiki Śi[va]mitra, [the wife] of Gotiputra, a black serpent for the Pothayas and Sakas. Both Gofiputra and Kośiki Sivamitrà were of noble or royal descent. That is indicated by their family.names. Kośikt, in Sanskrit Kausikí, means ‘she of the race of Kusika.‘Kapsika is the nomen gentile of Visvamitra and of his descendants, the Visvamitras, who form one of the ancient Vedic gotras. Numerous instances in the northern and southern inscriptions show that the queens and princesses were frequently called by the Vedic gotra–names, such as the Gautami, the Vâtsî, the Vâkishthi, the Gârgi, etc. And the explanation is no doubt that these gotras originally were those of the Purohitas of the royal or noble families, from which the queens were descended, and that the kings were affiliated to them for religious reasons, as the Srautasútras indi- cate. It seems, therefore, impossible to explain the epithet Kosikî otherwise than by the assumption that Śivamitrâ was descended from a royal race, which had been affili- ated to the Kausikas. With respect to Gotiputra, in Sanskrit Gauptiputra, it may be pointed out that this name, which means the son of her of the Gaupta race, is borne by the second king of Sir A. Cunningham’s inscription on the Torana of the Bharhut Stupa, where we read¹⁹⁵³Gotiputrasa Agarajusa puteņa, in Sanskrit Gauptíputrasya Angára–dyutaḥ putrena¹⁹⁵⁴. Though I am not prepared to identify the two Gotiputras, it is evident that the name was borne at least by one royal or princely personage. The epithet of our Gotiputra, ‘ a black serpent for the Pothayas and Sakas,’ points also to his belonging to the warrior tribe. For, according to the analogy of other well-known epithets, such as vairimattebhasimha, it can only mean that he fought with the Pothayas and Sakas and proved to them as destructive as the black cobra is to mankind in general. The Sakas are sufficiently well known. The Pothayas¹⁹⁵⁵are the Proshthas, whom the Mahábhárata, VI, 9, 61, and the Fishnupurána (ed. Hall), vol. II, p. 179, name among the southern nations. In the latter passage they appear together with the Sakas and the Kokarakas. As both works include in their enumeration of the southern nations the Trigartas, who are known to be inhabitants of Northern India, the accuracy of their statements with respect to the seats of the Sakas and Proshṭhas may be doubted. But it remains interesting that the two names are placed closely together in the Vishnupurāṇa, and this juxtaposition is, as our inscription shows, not without foundation. The wars, to which it alludes, may have occurred either before the Skythians conquered Mathurâ, i.e. before the time of Kanishka, or when their domination had passed away. The letters of the inscriptions, which are particularly old-fashioned and may belong to the first century B. C., speak in favour of the first alternative. If the inscription was incised before the Skythian conquest, it also furnishes valuable testimony for the antiquity of the Jaina temple in which it was found.

In the epithet Tevanika of the donor Namdighosha, mentioned in No. XXXV, we have probably a derivative from the name of a nation or country called Trivarna or Traivarṇa. I conclude this from the fact that one of the queens in the old Pabhosâ inscriptions is called Tevani, ’ the Traivarna ’ (princess).

The new inscriptions finally furnish confirmation of some of the curious words and con structions noticed ante, pp. 373f. In No. XXXI, we have again the abnormal expression

kshuṇe, which I take to be an equivalent of kahane. In some others, e.g.*No. XXX, we find another indisputable instance of the use of the nominative in conjunction with genitives.

No. XXVIII.¹⁹⁵⁶. Dr. Führer’s impression seems to show that the inscription has suffered in the beginning, since Sir A. Cunningham’s fac-simile was prepared.")

A. L. 1. सित्र स [[२०]]¹⁹⁵⁷गृमा दि १० ५ कोट्टियातो गणतो [ठ]णियातो¹⁹⁵⁸ कुलतो वेरितो¹⁹⁵⁹तो शखतो शिरिकातो

B. L. 1. ––गातो¹⁹⁶⁰ वाचकस्य अर्य्यसङ्घसिंहस्यनिर्वत्तना¹⁹⁶¹ दातिलस्य– – – – – – मति–

C. L. 1. श्राविकाये दि–

 2. \[ ना \] ये दानं ॥[^2267]

TRANSLATION.

Success ! The year 20, summer month 1, day 15,–at the request of the preacher (váchaka) Aryya-Sanghasiha (Arya-Sanghasimha) out of the Kottiya school (gana), the Thâniya family (kula), the Veri (Vajri) branch (sakha) and the Sirika sambhoga, an image of Vardhamâna, the gift of the female lay-hearer (śráviká) Dinâ (Dinnâ) ; the……… of¹⁹⁶² and the daughter-in-law of ………. is to be restored.")Dâtila ………… the housewife of Matila, the mother of Jayavâla (Jayapála), Devadâsa, and Nâgadina (Nágadatta) and Nâgadinâ (Nágadattá).

No. XXIX.¹⁹⁶³, and Dr. Führer places the second line as first. I arrange them according to their natural order. Sir A. Cunningham’s fac-simile Blso gives L. 2 as the first. If this is correct, the inscription begins from below, like the Pallava pillar inscription, deciphered by Dr. Hultzsch.")

L. 1. सिद्ध सव २०२ ग्नि१ दि–– स्य पुर्व्वायं वाचकस्य अर्य्यमात्रिदिनस्य णि–¹⁹⁶⁴

सर्त्तवाहिनिये¹⁹⁶⁵ धर्म्मसोमाये दानं ॥ नमो अरहंतान

TRANSLATION.

Success ! The year 22, summer (month) 1, day … –on the (date specified as)‘above, at the request of the preacher Aryya-Mâtridina (Arya–Mátridalta), the gift of Dharmmasomâ, the wife of a caravan-leader¹⁹⁶⁶.Adoration to the Arhats !

No. XXX.¹⁹⁶⁷ ; stone 1'10")

L. 1. म ४० ७ ८ गृ २दि २० एतस्य पुर्व यं वरणे गणे पेतिवमिके कुले वाचकस्य ओहनदिस्य¹⁹⁶⁸शिमस्य सेनस्य निवतना सवकस्य

पुषस्य वधुये गिई– – [कुटिबिनि¹⁹⁶⁹]– – – [मुष¹⁹⁷⁰] दिन [स्य] [मातु]– – – र्य

TRANSLATION.

The year 47, summer (month) 2, day 20, –on that (date specified as) above, at the re quest of Sena,,a teacher in the Varaņa (Fároņa) school and the Petivamika (Praiti- virmika) family, and a pupil of Ohanatli (Qhanandin), [the gifl] of … daughter-in-law of the lay-hearer Pusha ( Pushya ), the housewife of Giha ………., themother of Pushadina (Pushyadatta).

No. XXXI¹⁹⁷¹.

A. 1. – – – – – – ५ अस्यि क्षुणे – – – – – –

तो, आर्यसुकरस्य¹⁹⁷²शिषिनि– – – – – – – – अय¹⁹⁷³ – – – –

B. 1.– – – – – –– – – – – –– – – – – – –[अर्य] नागदत्ता[[या]]¹⁹⁷⁴ and of two names, that of an ascetic Arya-Sukara or Årya-Akara, and of a female name Aryya–Nâgadattâ.")

No. XXXIII.¹⁹⁷⁵

L. 1. [न] मो अरहतोवर्धमानस्य गोतिपुत्रस पोठयशक–

कालवालस
– – –¹⁹⁷⁶कोशिकिये शिमित्राये¹⁹⁷⁷अयागपटो प्रि– – –¹⁹⁷⁸

TRANSLATION.

Adoration to the Arhat Vardhamâna ! A tablet of homage¹⁹⁷⁹. and is explained by the eonmentator as ynjanigudrratd, a deity to he worshipped, ic. an object of homage. The Petersburg Dict. s. o. explaing it by a present obtained by a sucrifice, ’ quoting the corresponding passnges of Schlegel’s edition. In the Ramayane either explanation will suit, but bere only the aymological one, There may, of we be a partienlar technical meaning, which for the present is not to be got at")was set up by Śivamitra (of ) the Kauśika (family), [wife] of Gotiputra ( Gunptiputra), a black serpent¹⁹⁸⁰for the Pothayas and Śakas.

MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS: Nos. XXXIII-XXXV,
<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710321972EP-15.png"/>

No. XXXIV¹⁹⁸¹

L. 1. [सि] द्ध नमो अरंहताण––– धनु¹⁹⁸² वारणे गणे अयहाट्टि [[ये]]¹⁹⁸³
2. कुले वजनागरिया शाखाया अर्यशिरिकिये संभो¹⁹⁸⁴––

TRANSLATION.

Success! Adoration to th Arhats! [Adoration to the Siddhas]! [At the request of] in the Vâraṇa school, Aya–Hâṭṭiya (Árya–Hálíya) family, the Vajanâgari (Várjanágarí) branch, the Arya–Sirikiya sambhoga……

No. XXXV.¹⁹⁸⁵

L. 1. [ते] –रुसनंदिकस पुत्रेन नंदिघोषेन [ते] वणिकेन अ – – त– अ ले––
2. णानं मंदिरे¹⁹⁸⁶[आ] यागपटा प्रतिथापित [ा]– – – – – –

TRANSLATION.

By Namdighosha, the Tėvaņika¹⁹⁸⁷ (Iraivarṇika), son of Tc..rusa (?)-Namdika, tablets of homage¹⁹⁸⁸ 37 wore set up in the bhamdira of the……

XLV.–A PLATE OF A PALLAVA COPPER–PLATE GRANT.

By E. HULTZSCH, PH. D.

This fragment was found lying in a tobacco field at the village of Darsi¹⁹⁸⁹in the Nellûr district of the Madras Presidency and is now in the Madras Muscum. It consists of the beginning of a Sanskrit inscription engraved on one side of a copper-plate, which measures 8¼by 2 5/8inches. The remaining plates of the grant have not been found. On the left of the inscribed side of the preserved plate is a hole for the lost ring, which must have borne the royal seal. The name of the king, who issued the grånt, is lost; but the plate contains the name of his great-grandfather, Sri-Vira-Korcha-varman¹⁹⁹⁰, extracts from which were recently published at Paris by Professor Vinson. I am endeavouring to obtain a loan of the original of this important inscription, which appears to establish the connection between the earlier and the later Pallavas."), whose laudatory epithets agree literally with those attributed to the Pallava kings Skandavarman I. and Skandavarman II., respectively, in two published copperplate grants¹⁹⁹¹. The plate ends with the first syllables of a compound with which, in the

same two grents, the description of the next king opens. This close agreement and the archaic alphabet of the fragment leave no doubt, that it belongs to one of those ancient Pallava kings, whose grants are dated from Palakkada¹⁹⁹² is untenable, as the latter name is an Anglo-Indian corruption of Palavêrkaḍu, the old forest of vél trees.’"), Daśanapura¹⁹⁹³,and KAñchipura¹⁹⁹⁴.This view is further confirmed by the first line of the plate, according to which the king’s order was dated from the prosperous and victorious residence of Daśanapura.

TEXT.

L. 1. खस्ति जितन्भगवता [॥ *] श्रीमहिजयदशनपुराधिष्टानात्म¹⁹⁹⁵–

रमब्रह्मण्यस्य खवाहुवलार्ज्जितोक्षाचतपोनि
धेर्व्विधिविहितसर्व्वमर्याद्वस्य स्थितिस्थितस्यामितात्म–
नो महाराजस्य श्रीवीरकोर्च्चवर्मनः प्रपोौन्न[अ*] भ्यर्च्छि¹⁹⁹⁶–

TRANSLATION.

Hail ḷ Victorious is Bhagavat ! From the prosperous and victorious residence of Dasanapura. The great-grandson of the mahárdja Śri-Vîra-Korchavarman, who was very pious, who acquired by the power of his arm a mighty treasure of such penance as becomes the warrior-caste, who ordained all laws according to the sacred scriptures, who was constant in virtue, and whose mind was immeasurable…………………..

No. XLVI.-KRISHNAPURA INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNARAYA,

DATED SAKA 1451.

BY E. HULTZSCH, PH. D.

The original of this inscription is engraved on the south and north faces of a rough stone tablet, which is set up in front of the Ugranarasimhasvâmin temple¹⁹⁹⁷at Kṛishnapura, a deserted village at the western extremity of the ruins of Vijaya- nagara. A very inaccurate abstract of the inscription was published in 1836 by Mr. Ravenshaw¹⁹⁹⁸. The subjoined transcript is prepared from an estampage made iu 1889. The inscription is in the old Kanarese character. About two thirds are in Kanarese prose, and the remaindler (lines 33 to 46) is in Sanskrit verse.

The Kanarese portion (lines 1 to 33) records, that Vira-Krishnaraya-maharaya gave two villages to the image of Lakshmî–Narasimhadêva, which he had caused to be consecrated in the village of Krishnapura by Arya Krishna Bhatta, who appears to have been his domestic priest. The date of the grant is :–“Friday, the 15th of the

bright half of Vaisakha of Salivahana-Saka 1451 [expired], the Virôdhi-samvatsara " (lines 1 to 3) ; and again:–“the time of an eclipse of the moon on Friday, the 15th of the bright half of Vaisakha in the Virôdhi-samvatsara” (lines 22 and 23). Mr. Fleet informs me that the eclipse referred to occurred on Friday, the 23rd April, A.D. 1529¹⁹⁹⁹, that is at 8 hours 24 minutes P.M. of 23rd April 1529, at Hampe, and was a large partial one.–J. B.] “). “As stated ante, page 362, hote 6, this is the latest known date of Krishnaraya. The two villages granted were Vanganuru in Henne-nâḍu, a division of Gutti-sime, and Belachinte in the simes of Uruvakonde. The two simes are evidently named after Gutti (Gooty) and ‘Vuravakonda in the Gooty tâlluqa of the Anantapur district²⁰⁰⁰. The fort of Gooty (Gutti-durga) bears on its summit three rock-inscriptions of the Western Châlukya king Vikramaditya VI. and one of king Bukka \of [Vijayanagara²⁰⁰¹]. As Kanarese h corresponds to in the other Drâviḍian languages, the term Henne-nâḍu may be derived from Penna (Vaḍa-Peņņai in Tamil), the Telugu name of the river " Pennar,” which appears in “Penner,” Pennakoṇḍa, and other local names.

The Sanskrit portion consists of three imprecatory verses and of a verse in the Sragdhará metre, which records that Krishnaraya, the son of king Narasa²⁰⁰², caused the image to be consecrated at Krishnapuri by Arya Krishna in the year preceding the grant. The date of the consecration was the day of Uttara-Phalgunf, Thursday, the lunar day of Madana, in the bright half of Chaitra of Saka 1450 [expired], the cyclic, year Sarvadhårin, i.e. 1528-29 A.D. To the kindness of Mr. Fleet I am indebted for the following calculation of this date. “The European equivalent is Thursday, the 2nd April, A. D. 1528. On this day the moon was in Uttara-Phalgunt at sunrise and up to 13 hours 8 minutes after mean sunrise. The expression Madana-tithi may apparently denote either the twelfth, the thirteenth, or the fourteenth tithi of the bright fortnight of Chaitra²⁰⁰³.Here it denotes the thirteenth tithi. For, that tithi ended and the fourteenth commenced at 18 hours 40 minutes on the Thursday; and the nakshatra, having ended 5 hours 32 minutes before then, can be connected only with the thirteenth tithi.”

TEXT.

*** A.-South face.***

स्वस्ति श्रीजयाभ्युदयशालिवाहनशकवरुषंग–
लु१४५१ नेय विरोधिसंवत्सरद वैशाख शु–
द²⁰⁰⁴१५ शदलू²⁰⁰⁵ श्रीमन्महाराजाधिराजरा–

जपरमेश्वर अरिरायविभाल मुरायर²⁰⁰⁶

गंड संगीतसाहित्यसमरांगणसार्व–
भौम श्रोवीरप्रताप श्रीवीरकृष्णरायम²⁰⁰⁷–

हारायरु भार्यक्रुष्णभट्टर कैयलु क्रुष्णापुर–
दक्ष प्रति [ ष्ठ ] य माडिशिद²⁰⁰⁸श्रीलक्ष्मीनरसिंहदेवर

अमृतपडिगे²⁰⁰⁹समर्पिशिद²⁰¹⁰[गुं] त्तिसोमियोकगण हे–
नेनाडयोलगण वंगनर ग्राम १ उ०७० वकों-
11, डेय सीमयोलगण बेलचित ग्राम १ उभये
ग्रामवेरडक पालिशिद²⁰¹¹धर्मशासनद क्रमवे–
तंदरे [॥ ] नाउ²⁰¹²विजयनागरद²⁰¹³सिंहासन–
दक्षू. स्थिरराज्यं गेयिउतिहु²⁰¹⁴ क्रुष्णापुर–
दक्षआर्यक्रुष्णभट्टर कैयक्षूप्रतिष्ठे
य माडिशि चितैशिद ²⁰¹⁵श्रीमत्सकलभुवना–
धीश्वर अखिलांडकटेटि ब्रह्मांडन्म²⁰¹⁶–
यकराद श्रीलक्ष्मोनरसिहहदेवर²⁰¹⁷नैवेद्य–
के गु [ त्ति ] सीमेयोलगण हनेनाड ओलगण
वंगनूर ग्राम १ दं²⁰¹⁸उ वकोडेयं
सीमे ओलगण बेलचिंतेय ग्राम १दं
विरोधिसंवत्सरद वैशाख शु १५ शुद–
भू²⁰¹⁹ सोमग्राहयपुंण्यकालंदलू²⁰²⁰
24: सहिरंण्योदकदानधारापूर्वकवा–
गि धारेयने दु त्रिवाचा समर्पिसिदे–
वादकारण²⁰²¹\ [इ²⁰²² ] ग्राम २कं²⁰²³सलुव²⁰²⁴च–
तु [ सी ] मेयोलगण निधिनिक्षेपजलपाषा–

Br- North fuce.

एअक्षिणोश्रगामिसिध्धसाध्यंगलेब²⁰²⁵अष्टमो–
गतेज [:*] स्वाम्यसर्वो [ त्पत्ति ] सकलबलिसहितवागि सुंक–
सुवर्नादायतलवा केसहितवाद सकलखा–
म्यगल सर्वमान्धवागि आचंद्रार्कस्थाइ²⁰²⁶ –
यागि त्रिवाचा धारयने दु समर्पिसिद
ग्रामगल धर्मशासन \।\।स्वदत्ताहिगुण²⁰²⁷ पुं–
ण्यंपरदत्तानुपालनं[ \।] परदत्तापहारेण
स्वदत्तं निष्फलं भवे [ त् ] \।\। [ सा ] मान्योयं धर्म²⁰²⁸–

KRISHNAPURA INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNARAYA.

36. सेतुर्नराणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भि [:] [।*] सर्वा
37. नेतान्भाविनः पार्थिवेंद्रान् भूयो भूयो या-
38. चते रामचन्द्रः ॥ स्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यो
39.हरितेरामचंद्रः ॥ स्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यो
40. यां जायते क्रिमिः ॥ श्री . श्री श्री [॥ x]
41. शाके “सार्दै (:) चतुर्भि (:) मभिरपि शतैः
42. संमिते सर्वदारिण्यवेचैत्रायमासे.
43. सितमदनतिथौजीववारर्यमर्णे। कु[ ष्णा ]
44. पुर्यौयशखी” नरसनुपसुतोका
45. रयत्क्रुष्णरायःकृष्णेपार्येणल
46. मीसहितनरहरेः स्वाचितेन प्रतिष्ट[+] \। ]

TRANSLATION.

A. —Kanarese portion.

(L. 1.) Hail! The following are the contents of the religious edict (dharmaśásana), by which the illustrious mahárájádhirája and rájaparaméśvara, the conqueror of hostile kings, the destroyer of the three kings (of the South), he who was unrivalled on the battle-field (as well as) in music and rhetoric, the illustrious Vîrapratâpa, the illustrious Vira-Kṛishṇarâya-mahârâya, protected the two villages, (viz.) 1 village (called) Vanganûru, which belonged to Henne-nâdu, a division of Gutti-sîme, (and) 1 village (called) Belachinte, which belonged to the sime of Uruvakoṇḍe, which (two villages) he gave, on Friday, the 15th of the bright half (of the month) of Vaisakha in the Virôdhi-samvatsara, which was the 1451st year of the illustrious, victorious and prosperous Salivahana-Saka, for (providing) the daily oblations (amritapad) to (the image of) the blessed Lakshmi. Narasimhadêva, the consecration (pratishtha) of which he (viz, king Krishnarâya) had caused to be performed by Arya Krishna Bhatta at Krishnapura :—

(L. 13.) “While we were firmly reigning on the throne of Vijayanagara, we gave,—at the auspicious time of an eclipse of the moon (somagrahana), on Friday, the 15th of the bright half (of the month) of Vaisakha in the Virôdhi-samvatsara, having given away gold and poured out water, with threefold repetition of the words (” Not Mine !”)" and with a libation, for (providing) oblations (naivedya) to (the image of) the glorious lord of the whole world, the chief of the universe with its crores of minor worlds, the blessed Lakshmi-Narasimhadêva, the consecration of which we had graciously caused to be performed by Arya Krishna Bhatta at Krishnapura,-1 village (called) Vanganûru, which belonged to Henne-nâḍ u, a division of Gutti-sîme, (and) 1 village (called) Belachinte, which belonged to the aime of Uruvakonde. Therefore (ice issued this)

religious edict (which refers) to the villages, which (we) gave as rent-free (sarvamánya), with threefold repetition of the words (“NotMine!”) and with a libation, to last as long as the moon and the sun, endowed with all the taxes (bali), all the produce (utpatti) and the right of the power over the eight kinds of possession²⁰²⁹,viz. buried treasures, deposits, water, stones, the akshiní, future additions (? ágámin), actuals (? siddha) and outstandings (? sádhya), which obtain within the four proper boundaries of these 2 villages, and (with) all rights (svámya), as tolls (sunka), the land-rent in money (suvarṇádâya) and the village-watchman’s quit-rent.²⁰³⁰, a village-watchman.’ Compare Ind. Ant. vol. XII, p. 165.")"

(L. 33.) “The preservation of the gift of another is twice as meritorious as one’s own gift; by the confiscation of the gift of another, one’s own gift will become fruit less.”

(L. 35.) "Râmachandra again and again implores all future lords of this earth : This bridge of merit, which is common to (*all*) men, must be preserved by each of youin his time."

(L. 38.) "He who shall confiscate land given by himself or given by another, is born as a worm in ordure for sixty thousand years."

(L. 41.) In the Saka (*year*) measured by fourteen and a half hundreds (i.e. 1450) (*which was*) the (*cyclic*) year Sarvadhârin, on Thursday, the lunar day of Madana in the bright half of the month called Chaitra, under the Aryamarksha," Krishnaraya, the renowned son of king Narasa, caused to be performed by Aryamarksha[^2337], Krishnaraya, the renowned son of king Narasa, caused to be performed by Arya Krishna,who had placed himself under his protection, the consecration (*of the image*) of Lakshmi and Narahari (i.e. Narasimha) at Kṛishṇâpuri.

THE COMPUTATION OF HINDU DATES IN INSCRIPTIONS, &c.

BY PROFESSOR HERMANN JACOBI, PH. D., BONN.

Intoductory

** **If we compute the moment of expiry of a tithi by the elements of two or moreSiddhántas²⁰³¹,the results may differ by an hour or even more. This difference will affect the calculated date only where the end of the tithi falls near the beginning or end of a day. But in such cases even a small difference may carry the end of the tithi to the preceding or following day, and thereby change the date by a whole day. For these cases, then, it is desirable to be able to compute the tithi according to more than one Siddhánta. Besides, the moment of the Samkránti, or the true beginning of the solar month, varies with the different authorities, and this difference may affect the name of the lunar month according as the new-moon falls before or after the beginning of the Solar Month²⁰³²;and hence the necessity of tables for all available Siddhantas.

The following tables are based, as far as possible, on the Hindu solar year. Thisarrangement recommends itself by facilitating the finding of the lunar month, and by abridging the calculation of the tithi.
A close study of the subject proves that the several Siddhántas furnish the elements on which a date depends nearly correct (i.e. compared with the results of modern science) for the time of their composition. Some Siddhantas yield tolerably correct results for a long period extending over several centuries, while others diverge sooner from the truth. Now of course it is always uncertain which Siddhanta was followed by the unknown almanac-maker who furnished the date recorded in any historical document; but it may be presumed that he used the karava most in vogue, i.e. one which was not very old, and which therefore yielded correct results for the time being. These considerations have induced me to construct a General Table in which the value of the quantities necessary for the calculation of dates, viz. the relative position of sun and moon, and the moon’s anomaly, are set down in accordance withmodern science.
The General Table is to be first used; and only when by that table the end of the tithi falls very near the beginning of the day, and the week-day comes out in error by one day only, need the Special Tables for the several Siddhantas be tried to see if one of them will furnish the desired result.

Hindu Chronology.

The difficulties which beset the verifying of Hindu dates are of two kinds: one, caused by the strictly astronomical basis of the calendar, will be as far as possible removed by the present’ tables. The other is due to the intricacy of the calendar-system, which is further enhanced by the variety of usages adopted in different parts of India as regards some of the elements. It may therefore be convenient to preface these tables by a short description of the principles of Hindu chronology.

The Solar and Lunar Calendars.

The solar year is the same all’over India. It commences with the instant of the sun’s entrance (Saṁkránti) into the Hindu sign of Mesha-Aries, which is, at the same time, the beginning of the solar month Vaisakha. The beginnings of the other solar months are similarly determined by, the entrance of the sun into the different zodiacal signs (sce Table III). The moment of the entrance (Saṁkránti) however is not the same if calculated according to different authorities, but this calculation is reduced to a very easy process by the tables. The solar years are recorded in the era of the Kaliyuga, the years of which are converted into those of the Christian era by subtracting 3101 from the number of complete years elapsed since the beginning of the Kaliyuga; and,vice versá, the corresponding complete, or expired, year of the Kaliyuga is found by adding 3101 to the Christian year²⁰³³.

The items of the solar calendar most frequently recorded in documents are the Samkrântis, which, as stated above, are identical with the true commencements of the several solar months; and of which the Makara-Samkrânti is also called Uttarâ-yaṇa-Samkrânti, because with it the sun erters upon his northern course, and the Karkata-Samkranti is called the Dakshinayana-Samkrânti, because with it the sun enters upon his southern course²⁰³⁴. Otherwise the solar calendar is seldom used by itself; a knowledge of it however cannot be dispensed with, as the solar year is the scale by which the lunar calendar is regulated.

A lunar’ month corresponds to one lunation. It is reckoned either from new moon to new-moon, or from full-moon to full-moon. The first scheme is called the amánta, darkánta, or southern scheme; the latter the púrnimánta or northern scheme.²⁰³⁵

Each month consists of two pakshas, usually translated by fortnight’. The bright fortnight (sukla, suddha or sita paksha, or śudi, sudi, śuti) is the period of the waxing moon; the dark fortnight (krishṇa, bahula or asita paksha, or badi, vadi, vati) that of the waning moon. As indicated above, the bright fortnight in the amânta or southern scheme is the first paksha of the month; in the pûrnimânta or northern scheme, it is the last. But in either case it denotes the same space of time. It is different with the dark fortnight; for the dark fortnight of an amánta month corresponds to that of the following month in the purnimánta scheme, e.g. the dark fort

night of Chaitra in the amánta scheme is the dark fortnight of Vaisakha in the púrnimánta scheme, and vice versa.

The name of the lunar month is now invariably determined by the new-moon forming the true beginning of its bright fortnight. For the lunar month. takes the name of the solgąr monthin which that new-moon occurs, e.g. the new moon in the solar month of Chaitra always inaugurates the bright fortnight of the lunar monthChaitra²⁰³⁶. If two new-moons occur within one solar month, there will be two lunar months of the same name: the proper one (nija) and the intercalated one (adhika²⁰³⁷). In the south the intercalated month precedes the proper one; in the north it is inserted between the two pakshas of the proper month. Usually, however, the two homonymouspakshas are marked prathama and dvitiya. If po new-moon occurs in a solar month, there will of course be no lunar month of that name, and that mouth is considered expunged (kshaya²⁰³⁸, its name is compounded with that of the following month.")).

Each paksha is divided into fifteen tithis. A tithi is the time required by the moon to increase its distance westward from the sún by twelve degrees of the zodiac. As the true motions of the sun and the moon vary with their position in their orbits, the length of a tithi is variable; but the General Tables enable us to determine the limits of any tithi within about one ghaṭiká (24 minutes) of the truth, and the Special Tables to within about a pula (24 seconds).
The tithis are named or numbered by the Sanskrit ordinals–prathamá, dvitíyá,&c., up to pañchadaśí, but the 15th tithi of the bright half is also called the full-moontithi-paurnumási, and the 15th tithi of the dark half, the new-moon tithi–amávásí oramâvasyá²⁰³⁹;" and the first tithi of either half bears the name pratipad or pratipadá. The instants of new and full-moon are the terminal points of the dark and bright fortnights. In civil reckoning, the tithis are coupled with the civil days in such a way that the civil day (from true sunrise to sunrise) takes the name, i.e. number of that tithi which ends in it;e.g.Mágha-śuddha-pañchamyám (usually abbreviated Mâgha-sudi 5) means the day on which ends the 5th tithi of the bright fortnight of Mâgha.

It sometimes happens (on an average once in 631f tithis) that two tithis end in one civil day; in that case the tithi which falls within the civil day is considered as expunged (kshaya), and the day is named (or numbered) after the first tithi ending in it, the name (or number) of the second being omitted in the numbering of the civil days; e.g.if tithi 5 and 6 end in one day, that day is called the 5th, and the following day the 7th. On the contrary, if a tithi begins on one day, runs over the following, and ends on the next again, the day on which notithionds takes the same number as the preceding day, which is thus repeated (adhika or dvitíya); e.g. if the 4th tithi ends on one day, and the 5th on the day next but one, the three days are numbered respectively 4, adhika or dvitiya4, and 5.
In connexion with civil réckoning it may be remarked here that the Hindus have adopted the planetary week current in Europe since about the 2nd century A.D. The Indian week-days are named in the same order as ours, Ravivára, Somavára, Mangala or Bhaumavára, Budhavára,, Guruvára, Sukravára, Saniváru, being our Sunday, Monday, &c. In documents, the week-day is frequently noted together with the lunar date, which enables us to verify the latter. The mean civil day is divided into 60 għatikás, of 60 palaseach.The ghatiká is therefore = 24 minutes, and the pala = 24 seconds²⁰⁴⁰ is divided into 60 nadís, ench of 60 vinddis, each of 6 asus. The difference between civil and sidereal time may be neglected, whenever the time is sufficiently small, say less than 3 ghaṭikâs. This will always be the case in this paper. Correctly speaking, the Hindus employ true civil time, so that the ghatikas are not of invariable length. This difference, however, may safely be neglected in the operations with which we are concerned.").

Astronomers begin the lunar year with the new-moon in Chaitra; and this reckoning also, prevails in Northern India. It will be remarked that the beginning of the lunar year thus falls in the middle of the lunar month of Chaitra according to the púrnimánta scheme, the first or dark fortnight of Chaitra belonging to the preceding year. In the amánta scheme, however, the beginning of the lunar year coincides with that of the month. In Southern India the lunar year usually begins seven months later, i.e. with new-moon in solar Kârttika. The part of the year from Kânttika to Phâlguna is the same in the north and south of India; but the months Chaitra to Âśvina of the southern yoar stand one year in advance of the northern account.
The most common éras in which the lunar years are reckoned are the Śaka²⁰⁴¹ " and Vikrama eras. By adding 3044 to the Vikrama year and 3179 to the Saka year, the concurrent year of the Kaliyuga is found. The northern lunar year coincides with the concurrent solar year (K.Y.), except in the first part (of varying length) of the lunar month Chaitra, which always falls in the preceding solar year; but of the southern lunar year only the first part, viz. Kârttika to Phâlguna, coincides with the concurrent solar year,– the lunar months Chaitra to Âsvina falling in the following year.

Usually the year given in a date means the expired year, e.g. Śaka 735 means in full phrase “after 735 years of the Śaka era had clapsed,” and the year denoted is actually the 736th year current. In conformity with this, the tables always give expired years. The Hindus however occasionally use the current year, the number of which is, of course, in advance by one of the expired years.
In interpreting a date, we must keep in mind all possible cases. The year may he either the expired or the current year; it may be either the northern or the southern lunar year; and the date may be recorded either in the northern (purnimânta) scheme, or in the southern (amánta) scheme. Therefore, if the first calculation of a date yield an unsatisfactory result, we must try the other possible cases before deciding upon it^(1)."

______________________________

1. I subjoin in a tabular form the various ways in which, as Professor Kielhorn has shown (Ind. Ant. vol. XIX, page

22), a date may be interpreted–

I. Dates in the five months from Karttika to Phâlguna–

(a) dates in bright fortnights; two possible cases:

(1) expired year,
(2) current year;

(b) dates in dark fortnights; four possible cases: expired year and current year according to both the purnimânta and amânta scheines.

II. Dates in the seven months from Chaitra to Âsvina–

(a) dates in bright fortnights; three possible cases:

(1) northern year current,
(2) northern year expired = southern year current,
(8) southern year expired ;

(b) dates in dark fortnights; six possible cases: the same three years according to both the purumánta and amanta schemes.

The Tables: the Julian ‘Calendar.

The tables are based, as far as possible, on the Hindu solar calendar; but for simplicity a solar calendar is employed in them in which the dates may differ by one day from the Hindu solar dates. As the Hindus scarcely ever used the solar calendar by itself, this difference is of no practical moment; in the sequel, however, will be shown how the true solar date may be elicited from the tables. It is only necessary here to show how a date in the tables may be converted into the corresponding Christian date, old style. For this purpose the subjoined tables may be used.

PART I.— CURRENT CENTURIES OF THE KALIYUGA.

[TABLE]

PartII. — ODD YEARS OF THE CENTUARY K.Y.

For the years 1, 2, 5, 6, 9, 10, 13, 17, 21, 25, 29, 33, 97, 41, subtract 1." " " 72, 76, 80, 84, 88, 92, 96, add 1.

Years not entered here take the equation of the century without any alteration

PARTIII. — FOR HINDU MONTHS.

[TABLE]

Rule for finding the Julian date corresponding to a date in the Tables : Ex. 1. for 8940 K.Y. 25th Bhadrapada. Take the equation of the century K.Y. from Part I, in this case 7; make the alteration prescribed by Part II, here none; add the result to the Julian date placed below the given Hindu month, here 7 + 17 = 24th July. 24th July. This is the Julian date corresponding to the first day of the solar month, which in the table is numbered 0. Add to the above result the number of the given day, here 25; the sum is the corresponding date of the given day, viz. 24 + 25 = 49th July, i.e. 18th August. Accordingly 3940 K.Y., 25th Bhadrapada is A.D. 839, 18th August, 0.8.

Example 2:* 4237 K.Y., 28th Magha.
10-1=9. 9 + 14th December + 28= 51st December 1136, 2 i.e, 20th January, 1137, 0.$.
Example 3*: 4584 K.Y., 13th Kârttika.
12 + 1 + 17th September +13= 43rd September, i.e. 18th October A.D. 1488, O.S.

To find the date corresponding to a given Julian date:Ex. 1: A.D. 889, 18th August. Convert the year A.D. into the corresponding year K.Y. by adding 3101. (Take care, however, to select the year K.Y, in which the Julian date actually falls); 889 + 3101 = 39140 K.Y. Take the equation of the corresponding year K.Y. viz. 7. Add it to a date in Part III, so that the sum, or resulting date, is still less or earlier than the given Julian datė: 17th July + 7 = 24th July = 0 Bhâdrap. and if July 24th = 0Bhâdrap. the 18th Aug. (25 days later) must be 25th Bhâdrapada, 3940 K.Y.

Example 2: 1137 A.D., 20th January. The date falls in 4237 K.Y. 10-1=9. 14th December or 0 Mâgha + 9 = 23rd December.
20th January = 51st December. 51- 23 = 28th Mâgha 4237 K.Y.

Example 3*: 1483 A.D., 13th October.
4584 K.Y. 12 + 1 = 13. Kârttika 0, or 17th September + 13 = 30th September; 18th October=43rd September. 43 - 30 =13th Kârttika.

Description and use of the General Tables.

Tables I-IV serve to verify lunar dates coupled with the week-day. The tables are based on the solar calendar, and indirectly indicate the lunar date. This must always be borne in mind in order to understand the application of the tables.

Tables I and II refer to the years of the Kaliyuga. Table I contains the centuries; Table II the complete odd years of the century; Table III gives the days of the solar
months approximately; and Table IV, the ghaṭikás of a whole day.

To the right of the Index the three columns headed Feriæ (i.e. week-day), Tithi, and’moon’s mean anomaly’, furnish the elements on which the verification of a lunar datedepends.

To convert a date of the tables into a lungr date :– First convert the given year of the Śąka, Vikrama (or other) cra into the corresponding year of the Kaliyuga, by applying the proper equation. As an example take–Śaka 1503, Vaiśâkhu-sudi 11 Friday. Here we have 1503 + 3179=4682 K.Y.

The quantities contained in the columns in the different tables must be summed up,e.g., with the date 4682 K.Y. 18th solar Vaisakha, we proceed as follows:–


By Table	I	4600	(0)	17-60	15
" "	II	82 Years	(5)	7-09	971
" "	III	18th Vais K.Y.	(1)	15-26	544
	Svan, 4682	18th Vais	(6)	39-95	560

The week-days are counted from Sunday=1 (Saturday being 7 or 0 ) Therrefore, if the Feria is greater than 7 (or 14), retrench 7 (or 14); the remainder indicates the week-day. In this case it is the 6th, or Friday.

The tithis are counted from 0 to 30, the order of the numbers being that of theamânta scheme; 0 to 15 are the tithis of the bright fortnight, 15 to 30 (or 0) those of the dark fortnight. Therefore, if the sum of the tithis is greater than 30 (or 60), retrench 30 (or 60). In this case we have 3995–30 = 9.95. This is the sum of the complete tithis elapsed and the decimal fraction of the current tithi, at the moment to which the tables refer, viz. the beginning of the day of Hindu astronomers, i.e. mean sunrise at Lańk (supposed to be situated on the Equator under the prime meridian). Tithi 9.95, therefore, means that 9 complete tithis and 0.95 of the tenth tithi of the bright fortnight have elapsed at mean sunrise at Lankâ. If the tithi (or remainder)

is above 15, retrench 15; the remainder indicates the complete tithi of the dark fort-night, e.g. 17·60 denotes that 2.60 lithi of the dark fortnight have elapsed.

This, however, is not the true tithi, but always.less, and a correction must be applied to obtain the true tithi. This correction, which is always additive, depends on the mean anomaly of the moon, which is here expressed in thousandth parts of a revolution. Therefore, if it exceeds 1000, the first figure, if it has more than three, is to be rejected. With the remainder as argument turn to the Auxiliary table III, and take out the equation for this argument. The equation added to the mean tithi gives the truetithi.

Thus the data already found, viz., (6) .9.95560 :—

** C’s an. 500, gives equation +0.26
true tithi.
~~———-~~

10.21**

Accordingly, on the day under consideration; which was a Friday (as shown by Fer = 6), the 11th tithi was running at mean sunrise at Lanka. Of the 11th tithi 0.21 had elapsed, 0.79 tithi being wanting to complete it. Table IV shows that 0·79 tithi is equal to about 46 ghaṭikás. Accordingly the 11th tithi ended at about 46 ghaṭikás after mean sunrise at Lankâ, and therefore that day (18th solar Váiśâkha) was sudi 11. New-moon occurred about 11 days before the 18th solar Vaiśâkha, or on the 7th; and since it fell in solar Vaiśâkha, it commenced the lunar month of Vaisakha. The lunar date corresponding to 18th Vaisakha 4682 K. Y. is therefore Vaisakha-sudi 11, Friday.

[TABLE]

To find the day of new-moon preceding or succeeding the day under consideration": subtract the tithi found, viz. 25-92 from the tithi of 22nd Pausha, viz. 29.38=3·46; on the day whose tithi is equal to or near this remainder of 3.46, new-moon occurred. The next preceding new-moon fell on the 26th Mârgaśira; the next following new-moon on the 27th Pausha. Therefore the lunar date corresponding to 4327 K. Y. 22nd Pausha is, in the aménta scheme, Mârgasira badi 11, Gurau or Thursday; in the Púrņimântascheme-Pausha badi 11, Gurau or Thursday.

But the problem which the historian is called upon to solvę, is the converse of this: viz, the tithi being given, to find the day on which it ended, or more correctly, thetithi and the week-day being given, to find whether they really went together or not in a given year. The majority of dates in all kinds of documents give rise to this question when we have to test their genuineness, or to elicit circumstantial or other general information. The problem must be solved indirectly, i.e., we ascertain approximately the day on which the given tithi was likely to end, and then calculate, in the way stated above, thetithi that really ends on that day; and the solution of this problem may be so managed that the first approximation leads at once to a definite result. The method will be best explained by an example.

The date 8585 K. Y., Âshâḍhæ-sudi 12, Thursday, being given,–we calculate first,the Feria, tithi, and C’s anomaly for the beginning of the given year, viz. 3585, K. Y.


	Fer	Tithi	C’s an
3500 K.Y.	(1)	25.96	585
86 Years	(2)	10.52	747
3585 K.Y.	(3)	6.48	332

We next ascertain the new-moon in solar Âshâḍha, as by it the lunar month Âshâḍha is determined. New-moon being equal to tithi 30·00, we find (by subtracting the tithifor the beginning of the given year, viz. 6.48 from 30) that 23.52 tithis have to elapse before the next new-moon. Therefore all days in Table III, whose tithi is 23.52 or the next lower figure, are approximately new-moon days in 3585 K. Y. Call ’ Index of new-moon,’ the difference between the tithi for the beginning of the given year and 30, and ‘Index of the tithi,’ the sum of the index of new-moon and the number of thetithi given in the date to be verified. In this example the Index of new-moon is 23·52, and the Index of the tithi is 23-52 +12 = 35-52 or 5.52.

We now look out in Table III, in the column of the given month, for the day whosetithi is nearest to, ‘but smaller than, the Index of new-moon. In this case we find that this occurred on the 24th Ashâḍha. We then select the day whose tithi is nearest tosmaller than, the Index of the tithi. If the date belongs to the bright fortnight, or if it is a date in the amánta scheme, the day selected must be the nearest day pointed out by the index of the tithi, which comes after new-moon; but if the date belongs to the dark fortnight of the púrnimánta scheme, the day is to be sought before the new-moon day. The date in the present case belonging to the bright fortnight we look out the index of the tithi, 5.52, after the 24th Âshâdha (the day of new-moon); and the tithi of the 2nd Sravana being 4.70, we select it, and add the corresponding elements to those calculated for the beginning of K. Y. 3585, thus :—

[TABLE]

Accordingly, at the beginning of the day, the 12th tithi was current, 0.80 tithi being wanting to complete the 12tk. Table IV shows that 0.80 tithi is equal to about 47ghatikás. Therefore the 12th tithi ended on the day in question, about 47 ‘ghaţikás after mean sunrise at Lańkâ; that day was a Thursday as the corresponding Feria is (5). It follows that the date-3858 K. Y. Ashâdha-sudi 12, Thursday, is correct, or that in 3858 K. Y. Ashadha-sudi 12 fell on a Thursday. The above operations may be expressed in the following-

Rules

(1). Sum up Feria, tithi, c’s an. for the century (Table I) and the odd years (Table II) of the Kaliyuga corresponding to the given date. The result is the Feria,tithi, and C’s an. for the beginning of the given year.

____________________________________

Though this notation of the solar day is artificial, still it should always be recorded in the calculation; for it will be of use in rome cases, as will be seen in the sequel.

(2) Subtract from 80 the tithi for the beginning of the given year. The remainder is the Index of new-moon. Add to it (i.e. to its complète tithis) the number of the tithigiven in the date; the sum is the Index of the tithi. It should however be remarked that, if the tithi belongs to the dark fortnight, 15 must be added to the above sum to find the Index of the tithi, both for the amánta and púrnimánta schemes.

(3). Then look out, in Table III, in the solar month synonymous with the lunar month given in the date, the day whose tithi is nearest to, but smaller than, the Index²⁰⁴² of new-moon. Now, if the date belong to the amânta scheme, or if it belong to the bright fortnight of either scheme, look out, afternew-moon day, the day whose tithi is nearest to, but smaller than, the index of the tithi. But the tithis of the dark fortnight in thepúrniimânta scheme precede new-moon. Add the Feria, tithi, and c’s an. of the day indicated by the Index of the tithi, to the quantities found for the beginning of the given year, and add to the tithi thus found the equation for c’s an. from the Auxiliary Table III. The result shows what tithi was current at the beginning of the day at Lanka. The end of the tithi can be found approximately by Table IV.

Ex.1. Samvat 1232 Bhadrapada-sudi 13, Raviu (northern year Sam 1232=K.Y. 4276, Ravau = Sunday=1.)

[TABLE]

Ex. 2 Samvat 1011, Bhâdrapada-badi 11, Śukradine (púrnimánta, northern year), sam1011=4055 K.Y.


	Fer.	Tithi	C’s An
4000 K.Y.	(1)	8.98	523	Ind• = 30-17.31=1269
55 Years	(6)	8.33	63	*Ind badi 11,* is 15+11+12.69-30=8.69**
4055 K.Y.	(7)	17.81	586
4th Bhadr	(0)	8.31	573
	(7)	25.02	159
		+0.77
C’s An. 159, eq.	(7)	26.39

Accordingly, at the beginning of Saturday (= 7) the 27th tithi, or the 12th tithi of the dark fort night, was running; and the 11th tithi ended on the preceding day, a Friday, which therefore was the day intended in the date.

Ex. 3*. Samvat 1236, Vaisakha-sudi 15, Sukre, southern year; hence Vaisakha does not belong to the corresponding solar year, 4280 K.Y., but to the following year 4281; see above §15.


	Fer.	Tithi	C’s An
4200 K.Y.	(1)	2.19	699	Ind• is 1.52
81 Years	(4)	26.29	725	*Ind sudi15 = 16.52*
4281 K.Y.	(5)	28.48	424
19 Vaishakha	(2)	16.28	581
	(7)	14.76	6
C’s an. 5, eq.		+0.43
	(7)	15.19

The 15th tithi having ended on the preceding day, which was a Friday (6), the date is correct.

Ex. 4. Samvat 1154, Chaitra-sudi %, Ravau (sonthern year), Samvat 1154=4198 K.V. Chaitra belonging to the corresponding solar year, K.Y. 4198, we use the second Chaitra of Table III (see § 16).


	Fer.	Tithi.	C’s An.
4100 K.Y.	(1)	5.58	111	Ind• = 20.43
98 Years	(4)	3.99	59	*Ind sudi* 2 = 22.43**
4198 K.Y.	(5)	9.57	170
15 Chaitra	(4)	22.52	593
	(2)	2.09	763, ey = 0

The 2nd *tithi* ended on the preceding day, Sunday, as required.

Ex. 5. Samvat 1194, Chaitra-badi 5, Gurau. Northern year, *purnimánta.*We must use the second Chaitra of Table III (see § 15). Samvat 1194 = 4238 K.Y.


	Fer.	Tithi.	C’s An.
4200 K.Y.	(1)	2.19	699
38 Years	(6)	0.63	728
4238 K.Y.	(7)	2.82	427
9th Chaitra	(5)	16.42	375
	(5)	19.24	802
	C’s an. 802, eq	= 0.02
		19.26

Thus the 20th tithi, or 5th tithi of the dark fortnight, ended on Thursday as required.

If a doubt be entertained, whether the tithi actually ended on the day whose tithihas been calculated, calculate for the following day; thus—


4238 K. Y	(7)	2.82	427
10th Chaitra	(6)	17.64	412
	(6)	20.28	839
	C’s an. 839eq =	= 0.07
		20.33

Hence at the beginning of Friday (6) the 21st tithi was running and therefore the day could not be badi 5.

We may however dispense with a second calculation whenever the running tithi isbetween 10 and 90.

Corrections for true time.— The tables yield the date in mean Lankâ time; to convert it into mean local time, add to or subtract from it the difference in time between the prime meridian—that of Ujjain, or 75° 51′ 45″ (5 hours 3 minutes 27 seconds) east of Greenwich,— and the place from which the document is dated, one degree being equal to 6 vinádís. If the place lies to the east of Ujjain, the amount must be added; if to the west, it must be subtracted, for local time. Table XXV furnishes, for the principal towns in India, the latitudes, longitudes, and difference in time expressed in ghatikásand palas. The sign + or - indicates the amount that is additive or subtractive.
A second correction (the Equation of time) is required for converting mean local time into true local time. A method for finding the exact value of this correction will be given below. For the present it will be sufficient to know in which way the correction influences the date. The rule is that true local time is in advance of the mean time (i.e. the correction is additive) from about solar Vaisakha to Kârttika, but behind it (or subtractive) from about Kârttika to Vaisakha. The correction is at its maximum about the ends of solar Ashâdha and Pausha, and at its minimum about the Âshâḍha beginnings of Vaisakha and Kàrttika.
To find the beginning of a solar month. —Whenever new-moon occurs on one of the three first days of a solar month, viz. on one of the three days marked 0, 1, 2, in the

tables, it becomes doubtful whether the new-moon belongs to the current or to the preceding solar month. For the true beginning of each solar month*, i.e.* the instant of the samkránti, or entrance of the sun into the zodiacal şign, usually falls near the beginning of the second day of the solar month of the tables, i.e, on one of the two days marked0 and 1; it may however also fall on the day marked 2, and still more rarely on the last day of the preceding month. It will therefore, in these cases, be necessary to ascertain the precise beginning of the solar month.For this purpose the column headed “Solar Cor.” in Tables I and II, and a similar element placed under the names of the solar months in Table III, is used. The figures entered in this column of Tables I and II denote, in ghaṭikás and palas; the time by which the beginning of the mean solar year (according to the different authorities named in Table I) precedes (–), or follows (+), mean sunrise at Lankâ (i.e. the beginning of the day throughout these tables) of the 3rd Vaisakha of Table III. E.g-According to the Arya Siddhánta the “Solar Cor.” for 4000 K. Y. is-16 gh. 40p,; for 30 years-14gh. 23p.; for K. Y. 4030, therefore,– 16gh. 40p–14 gh. 23p*. or–31gh. 3p.; for 36 years + 18gh.45p for K.Y. 4036=–16gh. 40p +18gh. 45p=2gh.5p 45p*., for K. Y. 4036 denote that the mean solar year according to the Arya Siddhanta began in 4000K. Y. 16gh. 40p. before mean sunrise at Laňkâ; in 4030 K. Y. 31gh. 3p. before; and in 4036 K. Y. 2gh. 5p. after mean sunrise at Lankâ of the 3rd Vaisakha of the tables. In Table III the Solar Cor.’ placed below the names of the several months, as the correction of the month, shows by how much the true beginning of the month is separated from the mean sunrise of the second day of the same month (marked 1 in Table III), the beginning of the mean solar year being supposed to coincide with the beginning of the 3rd of Vaiśâkha. In all other cases the ‘Solar Cor.’ for the year must be combined with the ‘Cor.’ of the month, in order to find the true beginning of the latter, e.g., 4030 K.Y.= — 31gh. 3p.; Âśvina = + 17gh. 51p.: the sum, 13gh— 12p. indicates that Âśvina in 4030 K. Y. began 13gh. 12p. before the 1st Âśvina in Table III. As however the beginning of the solar year, and consequently that of the solar months, varies with the different authorities, four columns are given under Corrections for Solar dates in Table I, headed by the name of the Siddhántas from which the elements are derived. The ‘Cor.’ in Table II strictly applies only to the Arya Siddhánta, and for other Siddhantasit requires a small correction; this however may be neglected in calculations with the General Tables, as the exact calculation can only be made with the Special Tables. In using the Brahma Siddhânta, we must use the day 0 of Table III, in place of the day 1, as according to that Siddhanta the beginning of the solar year precedes by about one day the beginning of the solar year employed by the other Siddhantas.

The “Cor.” for the months differs also with the different authorities. It is given according to the Árya Siddhánta²⁰⁴³" and to the Sûrya Siddhánta, which yield the greatest and the smallest amounts. As the General Tables give only approximate results, *i.e.*results correct only to within one or two ghatikás, it would be needless to strive after greater accuracy in the ascertainment of the beginning of the solar months.

As the beginning of a solar month is the moment of the samkránti, the rules givenabove serve at the same time for calculating the samkrántis

Doubtful cases.— When the index of new-mooh points to one of the first three days of a month in Table III, compute the true beginning of the solar month as above, and then calculate the tithifor the moment thus found. The result shows at once whether new-moon followed or preceded the true beginning of the month, and consequently whether that new-moon belonged to the same or to the preceding month.

Rule.— Sum up the tithi, c’s an. and Cor. for the given year; add the tithi and c’s an. for day 1 of the given month, and the Cor. for the given month. Add to, or subtract from these sums thetithi and C’s an, for the ghaţikás of the sum of Cor. (Table IV) according as the latter has the sign + or -. Then proceed as usual and interpret the result (i.e. the true tilhi) as explained above. This will be best illustrated by examples.

Ex. Suppose a date in Pausha 3844 K.Y. be given, we calculate as usual :–


	Fer	Tithi	C’s an
3800 K.Y.	(1)	15.17	348	Ind• = 8.37
44 Years	(6)	6.46	243
3844 K.Y.	(7)	21.63	591

The index of new-moon points to the first Pausha and to the first Mâgha, both these days belonging to the doubtful days; hence it is uncertain whether the first new-moon belongs to Mârgasira or Pausha, and whether the second belongs to Pausha or Mâgha. We therefore determine first the true beginning of the solar months Pausha and Mâgha. Cor. for 3800 is —Ogh. 50p., for 44 years +22gh. 55p.; consequently for 3814 K Y. it is + 22gh. 5p. Add ‘Cor.’ for Pausha (+9gh. 44p.) = +31gh. 49p., and for Magha (+ 30gh. 37p.) = + 52gh. 42p. We then add to the result for 3844. K. Y. the tithi and C’s an. for 1 Pausha and 1 Mâgha, and the increase of tithi and C ’s an. for the calculated Cor. of Pausha and Mâgha.


	Tithi	An
3844 K.Y . .	21.63	591
1 Pausha . .	8.11	855
32 gh (Table IV) .	0.54	19
	0.28	465
C’s an. 465, eq. .	0.51
	0.79


	Tithi	An
3844 K.Y . .	21.68	591
1 Magha . .	7.48	908
53 gh . .	0.89	32
	0.00	531
C’s an. 581, eq. .	0.34
	0.34

The true tithi for the beginning of both months shows that, in both cases, new-moon had passed consequently the first new-moon belonged to Mârgasira and the second to Pausha.

Intercalary and expunged months.— If in the above example the first new-moonhad occurred after, and not before the beginning of Pausha, there would have been two new-moons in the same solar month, and consequently there would have been an intercalation of Pausha. If on the contrary the second new-moon had occurred after the beginning of Mâgha while the first occurred before that of Pausha, there would have been no new-moon in Pausha, and consequently lunar Pausha would have been expunged.The preceding remarks lead us to the following rules :—

(1) If at the beginning, as well as at the end, of a solar month, the moon is either waxing or waning: or, in other words, if both the current tithis belong either to the bright or to the dark fortnight, there is an ordinary and no intercalary or expunged month.

(2) If the moon is waning at the beginning, but waxing at the end of a solar month there is an intercalary month.

(8). If the moon is waxing at the beginning, but waning at the end of a solar month, the homonymous lunar month is expunged. These rules are expressed in the subjoifled scheme.

At beginning of a solar month, and “At end of the same solar month.


Sudi and Sudi .	Ordinary Month
Badi and Badi .
Badi and Sudi .	intercalary month
Sudi and Badi .	expunged month

Examples for intercalary months—*
Ex. 1.* Samvat 1218 (northern year) dviº Ashâḍha sudi 5, Gurau.,
Samvat 1218 = 4262 K. Y.


	Fer	Tithi	An	gh p.
4200K.Y.	(1)	2.19	699	Cor–32 30
62 Years	(1)	25.98	861	+2 17
4262 Years	(2)	28.17	560	-30 13

Cor.’ for Ashâdha, + 10gh. 51p. added to Cor.’ of the year, -30gh. 13p. makes-19gh. 22p.;Ashâḍha began 19gh. 22p. before 1 Ashâdha of Table III. Cor.’ for Srâvaṇa, 12gh., 31p. added to 30gh. 13p. makes -42gk44p.; Srâvaṇa began (or Âshâḍha ended) 42gh, 44p. before 1 Sravana of the Table.


	Thithi	An
4262 K.Y.	28.17	550
1 Ashadha	1.07	177
	29.24	737
—19gh	-0.32	11
	28.92	726
C’s an, 726, eq	0.01
	28.93, Moon Wraning


	Thithi	An
4262 K.Y.	28.17	560
1 Shravana	3.68	339
	1.85	899
	0.73	26
	1.12	873
C’s an 873, eq	0.11
	1.23, Moon warning

Accordingly there was an intercalary Ashâdha. We now calculate sudi 5, of the intercalated month.


	Fer.	Tithi	An
4262 K.Y.	(2)	28.17	560	Ind• = 1.083
4th Sravana	(4)	6.74	448	Ind Sudi’s 5 = 6.83
	(6)	4.91	8
C’s an. 8, eq. =		0.44
	(6)	5.55

Accordingly the 5th tithi ended on the preceding day, which was a Thursday, as shown by its Fer. being (5). The sadi 5 of the regular month fell on the 6th Ashadha, which was a Wednesday.

Ex. 2.,Samvat 1298, dviº Bhâdrapada-badi 7, Gurau.

The year being the southern year, Bhadrapada fell in 4343 K. Y. (not in 4342 K. Y.) See§ 16. We proceed as above-


	Fer	Tithi	An	gh	p.
4300 K.Y. . . . . .	(0)	27.28	251	+9	35
48 Years . . . . .	(5)	25.06	997	+7	24
4343 K.Y . . . . .	(b)	22.94	248	+16	59

Bhadrapada Cor. + 15*gh*.41*p* + 16*gh*. 59*p* = +32*gh*.40*p*

Asvina Cor. +17*gh*.51*p* +16gh.59*p* = +34*gh*. 50*p*


	Tithi	An
4343K.Y.	22.94	248
1 Bhadrapada	5.26	464
+33gh	0.56	20
	28.75	732
An. 731, eq =	0.00
	28.76, Moon Waning


	Tithi	An
4343 K.Y.	22.94	248
1 Asvina	6.80	589
+35gh	0.57	21
	0.31	858
An. 858, eq	0.09
	0.40, Moon

Accordingly, there was en intercalation of Bhadrapada. We calculate the tithi:-


	Fer	Tithi	An
4343 K.Y.	(5)	22.94	248	Ind• 7.06
22nd Asvina	(0)	28.14	351	Ind badi 7-29.05
	(5)	21.08	599
An. 599, eq.		0.17
	(5)	21.25

Accordingly the 22nd tithi, or badi 7, ended on Thursday (5), as required.

We have selected the day according to the amánta scheme, which comes out correctly;” had we tried the púrnimânta scheme, the week-day would not have come out correctly,viz. 24th Bhadrapada, Wednesday, in the first month, 25th Sravana, Monday. If we had tried the northern year Sam 1298, whose Bhadrapada fell in 4342 K. Y., we should have found that there was no intercalary Bhâdrapada in that year. As the character of a given date is not usually known beforehand, all these calculations must be made in order to decide the case.

Though an expunged month cannot occur in a date, still it may be interesting to see how an expunged morth can be proved by calculation to have been duc. If it be suspected that in 4012 K. Y., Pausha had been expunged, we calculate the tithis andanomaly for the beginning of Paucha and Magha:–


	Tithi	C’s an	gh	p
40000 K.Y.	8.98	523	-16	40
12 Years	12.67	66	+6	15
4012 K.Y.	12.65	589	-10	25
1 Pausha	8.11	855
-10gh	0.17	-6
	29.59	438
an. 438, eq.	0.57
	0.16, Moon Waning


	gh	p	gh	p	gh	p
Pausha	-10	25+	9	44=	-0	49
Phalguna	-10	25+	30	37=	+20	12
402 K.Y.	21.65		589
1 Magha	7.48		908
420gh	0.34		18
	29.47		509
an. 509, eq=0.30	0.30
	29.86, Moon Waning

The calculation shows that no new-moon occurred in solar Pausha: accordingly Paushawas expunged in the Lunar calendar of 4012 K. Y.

The following general rules will be found useful :-

(1) The months Kârttika up to Phâlguna only can become expunged.
(2) There can never be an intercalary Pausha, and the intercalation of the months Mârgasira and Phâlguna is possible only under favourable circumstances, depending the moon’s anomaly.

It may sometimes be desired to know in which years of a given century a certain month was intercalary. This may best be explained by an example. If it be required in which years of the 40th century of the Kaliyuga, Sravana was intercalary: we add the elements of the 40th century to those of the 1 Śrâvaṇa and 1 Bhadrapada, and calculate them for the beginning of those months in 4000 K. Y., viz.—


	Tithi	C’s an	gh	p
4000K.Y.	8.98	523	-16	40
1 Sravana	3.08	339	-12	31
	12.66	862	-29	11
-29 gh	-0.49	-18
	12.17	844


	Tithi	C’s an	gh	p
4000 K.Y.	8.98	523	-16	40
1 Bhadr	5.26	464	+15	41
	14.24	421	-0	59
-1 gh	-0.02	1
	14.22	420

Now it is evident that, as 18·17 + 17·88 = 30, and 14.22 + 15·78 = 30, those years in Table II whoße tithi. is larger than 15.78, but smaller than 17.83, may have had an intercalary Śrâvana; for such a tithi added to that for the beginning of Śrâvaņa of 4000 K. Y., viz. 12·17, will give less than 30, indicating wane of the moon, and added to the tithi for the beginning of Bhadrapada, viz. 14.22, give more than 30 or indicate, waxing moon as required for an intercalary month. Running the eye over Table II, we select the years whose tithi is between 15.78 and 17·83, viz 7, 15, 84, 53, 64, 72, 91.

In these years, therefore, an intercalation of Sravana was possible: Those years whose tithi is very near the limits must be calculated, as for them the intercalation is doubtful*, e.g.* 7, the Cor. of 7 being -12 gh. 21p. subtract the equivalent (Table IV) from the result. As 29.78indicates waning moon, the month was intercalary, for without calculation we see that the 1st tithi of Bhadrapada comes out larger than 30 or 0.


	Tithi	An
K.Y. 4000	12.17	844
7	17.85	798
4007	29.82	643
-12gh	-0.20	-7
	29.62	635
an 635	+0.11
	20.73

But, if we compute for 4061, we find that the new-moon had occurred before the beginning of the Sravana,–there being consequently no intercalary month of that name.

As the beginning of the solar year, and consequently of the solar months, depends on the length of the solar year, and as the different authorities vary in this particular, Table I exhibits columns for the solar correction according to the differentSiddhántas most in use. By using the different columns we get, different beginnings of .the solar months. Usually the difference amounts to a few ghatikás only; but the Brahmasiddhánta yields a date differing by about one day from that of theothers.

It is obvious that the difference in the beginning of the solar months, even if it amounts to few ghaṭikás only, may occasionally make one month intercalary according to one Siddhánta, while others would make a preceding or following month intercalary. For instance, if we calculate Bhadrapada in Samvat 1467, that month is an ordinary one according to the Árya Siddhanta, but intercalary according to the *Súrya Siddhánta.*while Âśvina is intercalary according to the Arya Siddhánta.

1st.* The calculation according to the Súrya Siddhánta—


	Tithi	An	gh	p
4500	20.99	428	+9	15
11 Years	1.87	820	-9	16
4511 K.Y.	22.86	248	-0	1
Bhadra	5.26	464	+17	57
	28.12	712	+17	56
18gh	+0.30	11
	28.42	723
an. 723, eq. =	0.01
	28.43, Moon Waning


	Tithi	An	gh	p
4511 K.Y.	22.86	248	-0	1
Asvina	6.80	589	+19	30
	29.06	837	+19	30
10gh	+0.32	11
	29.98	848
an. 848, eq. =	0.08
	0.08, Moon Waning

16 The two factors which influence the preliminary result are Cor. of the year and C’s an. The former may even extend the limits under certain circumstances: if Cor. of the odd year is,— the limit for the beginning of the month may become extended, if +, that for the end of the month; but never by more than 0.60.

Now compute Asvina and Karttika according to the Arya Siddhánta.


	tithi.	An.	gh	p
4500 K.Y.	20.09	428	+3	45
11 Years	1.87	820	-9	16
4511 K.Y.	22.86	248	-5	31
Asvina	6.80	589	+17	51
	29.66	837	+12	20
+12 gh=	0.20	7
	29.86	844
An.844, eq =	0.08
	29.94, Moon Waning

The calculation proves that in Samvat 1467, Bhâdrapada was intercalary according to the Surya Siddhánta, and Âśvina according to the Árya Siddhánta. However, to decide such cases beyond doubt, the tithi should be calculated by means of the Special Tables for the Siddhánta in question.

[TABLE]

On mean intercalations.²⁰⁴⁴ It is probable that, in ancient times, besides the system of true intercalations as described above, that of mean intercalations was used. The difference between the systems consists in this, that in the latter mean solar and lunar months are used instead of true ones. As a mean lunar month is shorter by 54 ghaṭikás 28 palas than a mean solar month, it follows that a mean intercalation is due whenever mean new-moon occurs within 54gh. 28p. after the beginning of the mean solar month, or, expressed in a form more convenient for calculation,— when at the beginning of the mean solar month the mean tithi is between 29.08 and 30.00. From this, it follows that, when at the beginning of a mean solar month the mean tithi is found to be between 0.00 and 0.92, the preceding month was intercalary.

In computing mean intercalations we sum up the tithi and Cor. for the century and the odd years, from Tables I and II, and add the mean tithi current at the beginning of the mean solar month under consideration from the table here given.

Ex.1*—The Khera plate of Dharasena IV mentions an intercalary Mârgasira. It has been proposed by Dr. Schram" that this was a mean intercalation which occurred in 3749 K.Y. Let us calculate the mean tithi for the beginning of mean Mârgasira according to the above rules.


		tithi	gh	p
Table I	3700 K.Y.	19.17	+7	5
" II	49 Years	2.50	-19	29
	Mean Marg	7.06
		28.73	-12	24
" IV	-12gh	-0.20
		28.53

As the *tithi*, 28-53, does not come within the limits prescribed above for a mean intercalation (*viz*. 29-08-30), Margasira could not have been intercalary.

Now, as a mean solar month is longer by 54*gh*. 28*p*. than a mean lunar month, it follows that at the beginning of a mean solar month the *tithi* will be larger by 0.92 than at the beginning of the preceding one. By this rule 'we and that in this case the mean *tithi* at the beginning of mean solar Pausha (the month after Margasira) was 28·58+0.92=29.45. .And as this *tithi* makes the month intercalary, it follows that there was a mean intercalation of Pausha; if, however, we have recourse to Brahmagupta's way of naming intercalary months (see § 10, note 7), the intercalated month was Mârgasira[^2351]."


	Tithi	gh	p.
3700 K.Y.	19.17	+13	7
41 Years	3.04	+36	21
m.Pausha	7.98	-00
	0.19	-10	32
11gh	-0.19
	0.00

The *tithi*being just within the prescribed límits, the month was probably intercalary. See below § 57.

On Karanas.

36. Half a *tithi* is called a *Karaṇa*, sixty of which make up a lunar month. Their names and numbers are as follows:—

[TABLE]

The first tithi of the bright fortnight is composed of the karanas Kimstughna and Rava, the second of Bâlava and Kaulava, and so on. The karaṇas therefore do not denote a particular day, but a certain part of a day, about 294 *ghaṭikás.*

*Ex. In the date Sam. 1275 (i.e. 4319 K.Y.) Mârgasira-sudi 5, the karaṇa Balavais given. What time of the day is intended? We calculate first the tithi.


4300 K.Y.	27.78	251	Ind● = 1.90
19 Years	0.82	864	Ind sudi’s = 6.90
4319 K.Y	28.10	115
23 Maragasira	6.09	783
	4.19	898
An eq 898, eq. =	0.17
	4.36

From the above scheme of *Karaṇas* we make out Bàlava No. 10 to have been the second half of sudi 5. By 'table IV we find that the difference between the *tithi* for the beginning of the day 4:36 and that for the beginning of Bâlava 4.50, *viz.* 0.14, is equal to about 8 *ghatikas.* The time intended by Bâlava therefore was 28th Mârgasira 8 to 37 *gh.*

*** Place of the Mood.***

*** *37.Moon’s Nakshaira and Rási— Dates are frequently coupled with the name of the Nakshatra or asterism in which the moon was at the time of the date; occasionally the rási or zodiacal signalso is, mentioned. Table IX shows which part of the Hindu ecliptic is ‘attributed to each Nakshatra, and Table Y that of the single zodiacal signs, e. g. Table IX shows that the Nakshatra Viśâkhâ denotes 200°-213; 20’ .of sidercal longitude²⁰⁴⁵," and Table V that the sign Kumbha extends from 300° to 330° sidereal longitude. If we know the longitude of the moon, we can tell at once in which Nakshatra and zodiacal sign she stood. It will, therefore, be necessary to calculate the moon’s longitude. Now the longitude of the moon=longitude of the sun + distance of sun and moon,, The latter element is furnished by the tithi; for, as onetithi is equal to the time required by sun and moon to increase their distance by 12º we need only multiply the tithi for a given moment by 12, to find the distance of the sun and moon in degrees. We found above that, at the beginning of the 28th Mârgaśira 4319 K.Y. the true tithiwas 4.36; it follows that the distance of sun and moon is 12×4·36=52°32 or 52° 19.′

In this example we have—


Longitude of the sun	237° 35’*
+ Distance of sun and moon	52° 19
Longitude of the moon	289° 54’

According to Table IX the moon stood in Śravaṇa (280°—293° 20′), and would pass into

the next Nakshatra in between 15 and 16 ghatikás, the difference 293° 20’-289° 53’=8° 27’, being equal to 15gh. 43p. (the motion of the moon being supposed to be of mean amount), see Table XI. Table V shows the moon to have been in Makara, the Hindu Capricornus.

                        ***Yogas.***

*** ***38. A Yoga is the period, of variable length, in which the joint motion in longitudeof the sun and the moon amounts to 13° 20, being the extent of a lunar mansion. There

are therefore as many Yogas as these are lugar mansions, viz.. 27. Their names and the portions of each are giverf in Table IX, together with those of the Nakshatras.
Inorder to find the Yoga current at a given moment, add the longitudes of the sun and moon, and interpret the sum from Table IX.
Ex—For the beginning of the day, whose Nakshatra we have calculated above, 4319 K.Y. Margaśira-sudi 5, we have found :—

Longitude of the sun<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698657649Screenshot2023-10-30145017.png"/>
Longitude of the moon
Accordingly degrees of yoga

Table IX shows that 167° 29’ falls within the portion of the yoga Vyatîpâta (160°-173° 20’) which therefore was current at the beginning of the day. It ended, and Ilarshaṇa commenced, after about 25 ghaṭikás, as the difference 5° 53′ (=173° 20′-167° 29’) is by Table XI=24 gh. 55 p.
I shall now give the calculation of a date which contains all the particulars discussed in the foregoing paragraphs.
Vikrama 1531 (K.Y. 4575), Kârttika-sudi 9, Budhavâsare, Dhanishthâ-nakshatre Vṛiddhi-yoge, Kaulava karaṇe, Kumbha-râsi-sthite chandre.
Calculate first the lithi and weekday—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698657709Screenshot2023-10-30145129.png"/>

Accordingly, on Wednesday (4), at mean sunrise, the 9th tithi was current; it ended about 33 ghaṭikás (the equivalent of 0.56, see Table IV) later. At the same moment ended the karaṇa Kaulava, No. 18, being the second-half of the ninth tithi.
On the 20th Kârttika the longitude of the sun is 199° 15’ (Table VIII), Cor. for 4575 K.Y. is, as calculated above, + 23gh. 53p. Accordingly 23′ 53″, or say24’ must be subtracted from the O’s longitude. The remainder 198° 51′ is the true longitude of the sun at the beginning of the day under consideration.
The distance of sun and moon is 12×8-44=101°28°or 101° 17′. Add longitude O to find the O’s longitude=198° 51′+101° 17’=300° 8’. Table IX shows that the moon stands in the Nakshatra Dhanishṭhâ, and Table V that she had just entered Kumbha or Aquarius, when her longitude is 300° 8’.
The yoga is 198° 5’ + 300° 8’=498° 59’ or 138° 59’, and Table IX shows that theyoga Vṛiddhi was current.
This proves the date to be correct in all particulars. By the rules laid down in § 20 we find that the day corresponded to the 19th October 1474, (Old Style), a Wednesday.

The place of the Sun.

To find for any particular day the sun’s place in the ecliptic-either in zodiacal sign or in lunar mansion, we need only use the sun’s longitude for the given day (in Table VIII) for the Index of Tables V and IX, and in the same way as we have used the

longitude of the moonfor finding the Nakshatra and Rási. The Nakshatras divide the course of the sun into 27 equal parts which determine fixed periods of the year. These periods are commonly used for regulating agricultural labours; but I do not know whether they are mentioned in the dates of documents. The particulars most frequently mentioned in dates are the Samkrántis. As a Samkránti is the moment of the true beginning of a solar month, this element can be derived from the tables.
In connection with those Saṁkrántis, however, which determine the Uttarayaṇa and Dakshiṇâyana, it will be necessary to remark respecting the precession of the equinoxes (Kfántipátagati), that as stated above, the Hindus measured all longitudes on the fixed ecliptic, taking for its initial point the vernal equinox, as it was in 3600K.Y.²⁰⁴⁶ At that time the sidereal (ntrayana) signs coincided with the tropical (sáyana) signs, but afterwards they differed from each other by the amount of the precession (ayanâṁśa). This amount, in degrees, is found by multiplying the difference between the given year K.Y. and 3600²⁰⁴⁷by <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698658576Screenshot2023-10-30150601.png"/>, and dividing by 200; e.g. in 4572 K.Y. theayanáṁśa amounted to<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698658726Screenshot2023-10-30150800.png"/> =14°58 or 14° 34'8. By so much the beginning of every tropical (sáyana) sign preçedes that of the sidoreal sign. Hence to find a tropical (sáyana) Samkranti, we must subtract the ayanáméa of the given year from the number of degrees supplied by Table V for the beginning of the fixed (sidereal or nirayana) signs. Thus the beginning of the tropical sign Kanya in K.Y. 4572 will be at 150°-14° 35’=135° 25′ of longitude. Table VIII shews that the sun was at that point about the 17th Bhâdrapada. By means of Tables I-III, we find the day to have been a Friday, Bhâdrapada sudi 2, and we compute as follows:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698747697Screenshot2023-10-31155125.png"/>

We must, however, as explained above, § 37, add as many minutes to the longitude of the sun for the calculated day (in this case, 135° 10’) as the solar correction for the year (—18gh. 45p.) has ghaṭikás; 135° 10′ +19′ = 135° 29’. Accordingly the sáyanaSamkránti of Kanyâ, which should take place at 135° 25’, occurred just before the beginning of the day calculated, viz. about 4 għaṭikás earlier.
A calculation of this sort should be made whenever a date coupled with a Saṁkránti, does not come out correctly in all particulars. For, it is possible that a sâyanaSaṁkrántimay be intended, since these Saṁkrántitoo are auspicious moments.

Eclipses.

The solar and lunar eclipses from B.C. 1207 down to A.D. 2000 are registered in von Oppolzer’s Canon der Finsternisse²⁰⁴⁸.The details of solar eclipses can easily be derived from the tables of Dr. Schram (ib. vol. LI). To thesb works therefore the student is referred in all cases where actual eclipses have to be dealt with. But the

eclipses mentioned in inscriptions are not always actually observed eclipses, but calculated ones. My reasons for this opinion are the following:—Firstly, eclipses are auspicious moments, when donations, such as are usually recorded in inscriptions, are particularly meritorious. They were therefore probably selected for such occasions, and must accordingly have been calculated beforehand. No doubt they were entered in thepaṅchâṅgas or almanacs in former times as they are now²⁰⁴⁹. Secondly, even larger eclipses of the sun, up to seven digits, pass unobserved by common people, and smaller ones are only visible under favourable circumstances. Thirdly, the Hindus place implicit trust in their Sastras, and would not think it necessary to test their calculations by actual observation. The writers of inscriptions would therefore mention an eclipse if they found one predicted in their almanacs.
For determining the occurrence of eclipses the columns showing the sun’s distance from the moon’s nodes in Tables VI, VII, VIII, serve The quantities are given in thousandth parts of the semicircle. In Table VI,this quantity is given from modern European tables and also according to the Arya, Súrya, and Brahma Siddhántas, and the Siddhanta Siromaṇi.²⁸In the remaining tables the difference between the various authorities is so small that it is neglected.
According to Hindu science—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698844540Screenshot2023-11-01184526.png"/>

A solar eclipse can only happen at the time of new-moon, i.e. when tithi is 0 or 30, and a lunar eclipse only at the time of full-moon, i,e: when the tithi is 15.00. It is also obvious that an eclipse of the moon is visible only when the moon is above the horizon during the eclipse, i.e. after sunset; and a solar eclipse is invisible after sunset. Therefore, in computing lunar eclipses, we calculate the moment of mean sunset, i.e. 30*gh.*For this we must add 0.51 to the tithi, 18 to anomaly, 3 to node as shown below:—
Ex—Śaka 851, 4030 K.Y. Mâgha-sudi 15, Sunday, a lunar eclipse.
According to Tables I-III, and (node) Tables VI—VIII :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698844625Screenshot2023-11-01184652.png"/>

²⁸The limits of a solar edipso are approximate only. Thay determine eclipses that might be visible at some point of the whole earth. The Hindu method of calculating solar eclipses is cumbrous, and the results cannot be given in a convenient tabular form. It is different with lunar eclipses. In the middle of solar Âshâḍha a lunar eclipse occurs, as calculated by the Súrya Siddhânta, when at full-moon the anomaly is 500 and 0 and distance from node 75 or 925, or anomaly 0 and distance of node 62 or 938; in the middle of solar Pausha, when at full-moon the anomaly is 500 and distance from node 74 or 926, or anomaly 0 and distance from node 58 or 942. It will be seen that the limit is influenced more by the value of the anomaly than by the time of the year. Details need not be entered upon here; these remarks will serve for most cases.

The titht 15-01, shows that on the day calculafed, a Sunday, full-moon occurred before mean sunset at LAṅka (about 1/2gh. earlier, sce Table IV) and as ’node ‘=5 is within the limits of certain eclipse, there was therefore a lunar eclipse visible ‘in India. The date is 17th January,930 A.D. On that day, according to von Oppolzer’s Canon, the middle of a dunar eclipse occurred at 13 hours 8 minutes after mean midnight at Greenwich²⁰⁵⁰or 12 hours 12 minutes after mean sunrise ‘at Laṅkâ. Our tables make the middle of the eclipse fall about half an hour earlier than the true time.
*Ex.—*Was there a solar eclipse in 4730 KY. Jyaishṭha ?
Calculate first Jyaishṭha badi 15²⁰⁵¹:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698860106Screenshot2023-11-01225802.png"/>

New-moon therefore occurred 0·09 tithis or 51/2ghaṭikás = 2 hours 12 minutes later. There was a solar eclipse at that time, though we do not find by the tables whether it was visible in India or not. But we learn from von Oppolzer’s Canon and maps that the eclipse on the 11th June 1629 was so. The middle of the eclipse occurred at 3 hours after mean sunrise at Laṅkâ. Our result therefore is in error by 48 minutes.

The cycles of Jupiter.

A chronological datum not unfrequently met with in Hindu dates is the name of the year according to one of the cycles of Jupiter. We know of two Jovian cycles, one of twelve years, and one of sixty years; and there are two ways of applying either cycle. We begin with:
The *sixty.year cycle—*The names of the 60 years in the cycle are given in Table XXIII. They are applied, in the north, on strictly astronomical principles, while in the south this cycle has no longer any connection with the movements of Jupiter. The years in the sixty-year cycle in the south coincide with the civil (solar) year.

Rule*.—Subtract 14 from the year of the Kaliyuga, or 15 from the Śaka year, or 30 from the Vikrama year (or 33 from the year A.D.); divide by 60, and the remainder is to be looked out in Table XXIII as the number of the cyclic year; e.g.-For 3678 K.Y. 3678-14=3664.3664/60=61, rem. 4. No. 4 in Tablo XXIII is Hemalamba, which there- fore is the cyclic name of the K.Y. year 3678; that year is Saka 499, Vikrama 634, 577 A.D.; and going through the same operation as prescribed in the rule with these numbers, we always arrive at the same result.

The sixty-year cycle in the north.-The years in this cycle are Jovian years. The Jovian year is equal to the mean time (about 361 days 1 1/2 gh.), required by Jupiter to move through a zodiacal sign. Therefore one cycle contains five mean revolutions of Jupiter²⁰⁵² :- (1) Samvatsura, (2) Parivitoara (3) Idavatsarn, (4) Anuvalsara, and (5) Udvatsara,Brihat Samhita, VIII, 24")or about ‘59 1/3 civil years.

The columns headed ‘Jupiter’s Samvat.’ in Tables VI, VII, VIII, furhish the means of ascertaining the Jovian year for any given epoch. The numbers in them must be summed up for the parts into which the given, date is divided, e.g., we find for 3542 K.Y., 18th Kârttika :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698860514Screenshot2023-11-01231139.png"/>

The integers give the number of the current cyclic year, Table XXIII; in this case 44-Îśvara²⁰⁵³; the decimals show how much of the Jovic.n year has elapsed, here 9/1000 or about 20 ghaṭikás. This result however does not refer to the beginning of the day, but 10.a point of time removed from it by the same interval as separates the beginning of the mean solar year from the beginning of the day. We find the moment in question by the ‘Cor.’ of the given year; in this case for 3542 K. Y. the Cor.’ is (according to the Sûrya Siddhânta) + 32 gh. 52 p.−8 gh. 8 p. = + 24 gh. 44 p. Therefore the result above refers to 24 gh. 44 p. after mean sunrise at Laṅkâ, and the beginning of the year Iśvara occurred about 4 gh. after mean sunrise of the 18th Kârttika in K.Y. 3542.
The tables yield the Jovian years according to the Sûrya Siddhânta with bija. To find the same according to the Sûrya Siddhânta without bija, multiply the year of the Kaliyuga by 2, and divide by 9; the quotient is to be added as 10,000th parts to the value given in the tables. In the present instance 3542×2/9=787. Dividing by 10,000 gives 0·0787, and this added to 44.0009 makes 44:0796,-the value according to the SûryaSiddhânta without bija.
For the Árya Siddhânta, divide the year K.Y. by 3, and add the quotient divided by 10,000 to the tabular value. In the example this gives 44.1190.
For the Brahma Siddhânta, multiply the year K.Y. by 0.0000401528; add to the tabular value and subtract 0.0180.
For SiddhântaŚiromaṇi, multiply the year K.Y. by 0.0000273639; add to tabular value and subtract 0.0180.
For the Árya Siddhântawith Lalla’s correction subtract 420 from the Śaka year (or 3599 from the year of the Kaliyuga); multiply the remainder in 0.00010445; and subtract the product from the ‘Jupiter’s Sam.’ as found for the original Árya Siddhânta.
The tables yield the result correctly within about 2 ghaṭikás, which in most cases is an accuracy not needed. If, however, for special cases, still greater accuracy should be required, it can be found with a high degree of exactness for the commencement of the solar year, by the help of the above rules, for the various Siddhântas. But it must be calculated for the day of the year by multiplying the ahargana, or number of the day of the year, by 0.00276988 for Sûrya Siddh.; by 0·00276982 for the same Siddhântawithbíja; by 0·00276991 for the Árya Siddhânta:–the product is the ‘Jupiter Sam.’for the beginning of the day under consideration. The fractions here given are the increase of the element in one solar day (60 ghaṭikás or 24 hours). From these data the increase for any interval in ghatikás or hours can easily be found.

Ex.–To and the cyclic year surrent at the beginning of 4210 K. Y., and on what day that year ended. From Tables VI and VII, and Tables I and II, we have—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699862452Screenshot2023-11-13133040.png"/>

Jup. 59.257 shows that Nandana, the 60th or last year, of the cycle, was current. The fraction shows how much of it had elapsed according to the Sûrya Siddhânta withbija. The amount according to the same Siddhântawithout bija must be raised by of 4210 + 10000= 0.09355 and is 59-3506. For the Árya Siddhânta, we must add 4210 + 30000 = 0·1403 and obtain J.-59.3973.

Consequently, the end of the year Nandana, or the beginning of Vijaya, occurred after the beginning of the solar year 4210 K.Y.,–by theSûrya Siddhânta with bîjaafter 0-743; by theSûrya Siddhânta without bija after 06494; and by the ÁryaSiddhântaafter 0.6027. Now taking these figures as arguments in Table VIII, we find the days on which the Jovian year ended according to the three authorities, viz. by :—

(a) Sûrya Siddhânta with bija on 25 Pausha, when J.-0.7424, diff. 0·0006;
(b)Sûrya Siddhânta without bija on 20th Mârgasira, J. = 0·6482, diff. 0·0012;
(c) Árya Siddhânta on 3rd Mârgaśira, J.-0·6011, diff. 0·0017.

Multiplying the figures of the differences by 2 1/6, the result is the difference in ghaṭikás. In this case we have (a) 13 gh., (b) 26 gh., (c) 37 gh. Added to Cor. we get (a) 20 g h., (b) 33 gh., and (c) 40 gh. for the times after mean sunrise at Laṅkâ, of the above calculated days, when the year, Nandana ended according to the three different authorities.

It must, however, be noted that this calculation yields results correct only within two ghaṭikás, unless the calculation explained above should be resorted to, in which case any degree of accuracy may be attained.

The beginning of a cyclic year according to the Árya Siddhânta falls about three days earlier than if the same moment is calculated by the rule of Varâha Mihira (Bṛihat Saṁhitá, VIII, 20, 21) or the Jyotistattva. To find the time intervening between the beginning of the mean solar year and the beginning of the cyclic year according to these authorities we compute thus: Multiply the Śaka year by 44, add to the product 8589, according to Váráha Mihira, or 8582 according to Jyotistattva; neglect the quotient, and multiply the remainder by 365 days 15 ghaṭikás 31 vinâḍis²⁰⁵⁴,the product divided by 3750 shows the interval in days supposed to have elapsed since the beginning of the cyclic year, current at the beginning of the solar year, up to the latter moment. If it is proposed to find the end of Jupiter’s year current at the beginning of a given Śaka year, we must compute, not for the given year, but for the next following one, and find the part of the Jovian year elapsed up to the calculated moment. The result subtracted from 365 days 15½għuṭikás shows the interval elapsed from the beginning of the given Śaka year up to the end of the Jovian year which was current at its

beginning²⁰⁵⁵, vol. XVIII, pp. 193f, and 380ff., and in the Abhandlungen der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 1889, supply an easy method of computation.").If a few days do not influence the general result, as is usual, the tables here given may be used, applying the correction prescribed for the Árya Siddhânta.

46.The cycle of twelve years. The years in this cycle take the names of the common months with Mahá prefixed, e.g. Mahâkârttika; they are entirely regulated by Jupiter, but on two distinct principles.

The mean-sign system.-In this system the name of the Jovian year depends on the zodiacal sign in which mean Jupiter is at a given time. The end and beginning of the Jovian years are exactly the same as in the sixty-year cycle. We can therefore use the tables as before.

Rule. Find ‘Jupiter’s Saṁvat.’ for the given date according to the Siddhânta to be employed. Divide the figures of the integral part by 12, Aneglect the quotient, and the remainder is the index of the subjoined table :—


0 or 12. Áśvayuja,	4. Mágha.	8. Jyaishṭha.
1. Kârttika.	5. Phâlguna.	9. Áshâḍha.
2. Mârgasira.	6. Chaitra.	10. Śrâvaṇa.
3. Pausha.	7. Vaisakha.	11. Bhadrapada.

E. g. we have found above that ‘Jupiter’ according to the Árya Siddhânta about the beginning of 4210 K.Y. was 59.3973. By the above rule we find that then the year Mahâ-Bhâdrapada was running, which ended, as calculated above, on the 3rd Mârgaśira.’

The heliacal rising system. The year in this system begins with the heliacal rising of Jupiter i.e. his reappearing after his conjunction with the sun: the year is named from the Nakshatra in which the planet rises heliacally, in the same way as the lunar months were named after the Nakshatra in which the moon of a particular month became full. The 27 (or 28) Nakshatras are formed into twelve groups (indicated in Table IX by an asterisk placed after the last Nakshatra in each group). Of the two or three nakshatras in each group, only one (the name of which is spaced in Table IX) gives name to the lunar month or to the Jovian year.

The problem, therefore, is to find the apparent longitude of Jupiter at his heliacal rising, and the time of the rising. If we know the longitude of Jupiter when helfacally rising, we can readily interpret it according to the different systems of the Nakshatrasas specialised in Tables IX and X. A strict solution of the problem would entail fong and troublesome calculations. As, however, all dates as yet found in this cycle have already beeh calculated (by Mr. Dikshit, Corpus Inscrip. Ind. vol. III, p. 105), there will only be dccasion to solve the problem when new dates occur. We may therefore be content to ascertain the time of Jupiter’s heliacal rising within a day from the correct date, and the longitude of Jupiter at that time within a degree of the truth.

Ex.—Calculate ‘Jupiter’s Sam.’ for the beginning of the year; e.g. 3576 K. Y., 0.95 + 16-8892= 17.8392. For the Sûrya Siddhânta without bija add <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698940377Screenshot2023-11-02212240.png"/>= 0.0795, making 17.9187, or rejecting the 3rd and 4th decimals-17.92. Subtract 12 or multiples of 12 from the integers, and there results 5.92. Multiply thisby 0.083, add the product, 0.49, to the ‘Jupiter Sam.‘found above: 5.92 +049 = 6.41. With the sum apply to Table XII and add to or subtract from it (as directed in the table) the

equation; thus 6.41 -0.05, 6.36 Convert the last result into degrees by multiplying it by 30; 6.36 × 30=190°8 or 190°48’. This is approximately the longitude of Jupiter at his conjunction with the sun. Add 1°; the result will be approximately the apparent longitude of Jupiter at.his heliacal rising. Looking out this longitude of Jupiter in Tables IX and X, we find in which Nakshatra the planet stood, and consequently what was the name of the Jovian year which then commenced. In this case we find MahâVaiśâkha according to the Brahma Siddhânta, and Mahâ-Chaitra according to the other systems. But this is only an approximation.

The second part of the problem is to find the date of the heliacal rising of Jupiter. At the same time we can correct the longitude of Jupiter. Select in Table VIII the day on which the longitude of the sun is equal to that found for Jupiter at his conjunction, and calculate ‘Jupiter Sam.’ for that day, correct it by the equation, and convert it into degrees as above. The longitude of the sun is 191° 14’ on the 12th Kârttika; ‘Jupiter’ for that day is, 0.5429, which added to the value for beginning of 3576 K.Y.: 5.9187 makes 6.4616 or 6.46; subtract equation 0.05, and we have 6·41, or in degrees 192°3 or 192° 18′. If the resulting longitude of Jupiter is smaller than the longitude of the sun calculated for the day, the conjunction has passed; if larger, it is ’ still to come. In either case the conjunction is removed from the computed date by as many days as degrees intervene between Jupiter and the sun. About 14 days after the conjunction the heliacal rising of Jupiter takes place, and the new Jovian year begins In this case we find that the conjunction took place on the 13th Kârttika, and consequently the heliacal rising of Jupiter about the 27th, when his longitude was about 193° 18’. The 27th Kârttika of 3576 K.Y. is to be calculated by Tables I—III—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699069217Screenshot2023-11-04091005.png"/>

Mr. Dîkshita, who has calculated the same date, ascertained that the heliacal rising took place on Kârttika-sudi 1; this result therefore differs from the correct one by one day. If we calculate again the longitude of Jupiter for the 27th Kârttika we find it to be 193°30’, interpreted by Table X as the beginning of Svâti, according to ‘Garga and Brahmagupta. The year was therefore Maha-Vaisâkha.

The Ahargana.

An element constantly used in Hindu calculations is the Ahargaṇa, or the days elapsed since the beginning of the Kaliyuga. Column Ahar. in Tables VI-VIII, serves for finding the Ahargaṇa for any given date, by summing up the figures in the column for the three parts into which a date is divided; e.g. for K.Y. 4163, 19th Phâl- guna, we find—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699069277Screenshot2023-11-04091105.png"/>

By adding 588,466 to the Ahargaṇa, we get the corresponding day of the Julian period, in this case 2,109,359. Divide the Ahargaṇa or the day, of the Julian period by 7; the rest indicates the week-day, counting from Friday =0 for the Ahargaṇa, or Monday =0 for the Julian period.

If the Ahargaṇa is given, we find the date from the tables in the following way :— Find in Table VI the Ahar. nearest to, but smaller than, the proposed Ahargaṇa, and subtract it from the latter; with the remainder go through the same operation using Table VII; and with the second remainder apply to Table VIII for the day of the year. The entries of the Index put together will give the date sought.

E.g. the poet Narâyaṇabhaṭṭa mentions that he finished his Bhâgavata stotraon the 1,712,210th day of the Kaliyuga. We find the corresponding date according to the above rule, thus :—

1712210
1680190=4600 K. Y.

32032
31777=87 years.

243=0 Pausha.

The day intended was K.Y. 4687, 0 Pausha, or A.D. 1586, 28th November.

If instead of the Ahargaṇa the day of the Julian period be givèn, subtract 588,466 from the latter. The remainder is the Ahargaṇa with which we proceed as just explained.

THE SPECIAL TABLES.

The Special Tables are chiefly intended for calculating tithis and other items of Hindu dates according to different Siddhântas, after the day and time of the day when the tithi ended has been ascertained approximately by means of the General Tables. The General Tables serve as a key for the Special Tables; hence the general arrangement is the same in both. There is, however, this difference, that, while the General Tables refer to mean sunrise at Lanka, the Special Tables for centuries and odd years (XIII and XIV-XIX) refer to the beginning of the mean solar year. The time intervening between this moment and mean sunrise at Lankâ is furnished by the column ‘Cor.’ In order, therefore, to make the calculation for mean sunrise at Lańkâ by the Special Tables, we must add to, or subtract from, the elements furnished by the tables for the day under consideration, their increase for the time indicated by**’Cor²⁰⁵⁶.’**The amount of the increase, taken from the Table XXII for ghaṭikâs andpalas, must be added with the sign of ‘Cor.’ i.e. the amount must be added if ‘Cor.’ is additive, and vice versá.

The Special Tables furnish the astronomical data on which the tithi depends, viz. the mean distance of sun and moon, the mean anomaly of the moon, and the mean anomaly of the sun. The latter is composed of the anomaly of the sun for the beginning of the century²⁰⁵⁷and the mean longitude of the sun for the moment under con-

sideration. These three elements for the several parts into which a date is divided, must be summed up; and complete revolutions rejected.

With the resulting ’s anomaly and <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699071593Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s anomay, turn to the Table XXIV; for the equation; take the corresponding equations (interpolating for values intermediate between those in the table), find their sum or difference as the equations are additive or subtractive. The sum or difference, according to its sign, must be added to, or subtracted from, the mean distance to obtain the true distance of sun and moon for the moment calculated. As 12° indicate one tithi, we find the number of tithis elapsed since the instant of the. last conjunction or amâvâsyâby dividing the degrees of the equated distance by 12; the quotient shows how many tithis are gone²⁰⁵⁸.

Ex.- We have found above (§ 25) that Âshâdha-sudi 12 K. Y. 3585, occurred on 2nd Śrâvaņa. Mr. Dîkshit has calculated the same date according to several Siddhântaṣ, (Corp. Insc. Ind. vol. III, introd. p. 157), and he states that according to the SûryaSiddhânta the 12th tithi ended 51 gh 11 p. after mean sunrise at Laṅka.

First compute K. Y. 3585, 2nd Śrâvaṇa, according to the Sûrya Siddhânta :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699072164Screenshot2023-11-04095847.png"/>

As shown by ‘Cor.’, we must retrench the increase for 23 gh. 31 p. to find the value of the elements for mean sunrise at Laṅkâ. But as we have to calculate their amount for 51gh. 11p. after sunrise, we add that time to ’ Cor.’ viz.— 23gh. 31p. + 51gh. 11p.= + 27gh. 40p. We therefore add the increments for 27 gh. 40 p. (Table XXII forghaṭikás and palas) to the above result :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699072614Screenshot2023-11-04100638.png"/>

We have now to find the equation for the ’s anomaly. In Table XXIV, we have the equation for «’s anomaly 86° 15′ = −5° 2’ 9". The difference between the given <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699071593Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s anomaly and this is 3° 20’. The increase of the equation for one minute of anomaly A is 0.16, accordingly for 3° 20’ or 200’ it is 32’. Added to the above equation this makes—5° 2′ 41²⁰⁵⁹’.

In the same way we find the equation for the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699071593Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s anomaly 14° 52’ = + 0° 34′ 4". The sum of both equations = —4° 28’ 37, added to 148°29′ 28″ gives 144° 0′ 51" for the true distance of sun and moon. As a tithi is equal to 12° of distance, 144° marks the end of the 12th tithi, and the distance 51" is equal to about 4 palas (Table XXII), by which time the end of the tithi occurred before the moment calculated by Mr. Dîkshit²⁰⁶⁰.

Let us now calculate the same date according to the Brahma Siddhânta and the

Siddhânta Śiromani. Mr. Dîkshit finds that the 12th tithi ended according to theBrahma Siddhánta at 50 gh. 15 p. after mean sunrise at Laṅka, and according to theSiddhanta Śiromani at 58 gh. 21 p. For the Brahma Siddhânta (Tables XIII and XVI), we must select the 3rd Śravana and not the 2nd :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699094579Screenshot2023-11-04161229.png"/>

The corrections for Siddhânta Śiromani (Table XIX) are :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699094672Screenshot2023-11-04161421.png"/>

These corrections must be subtracted from the above résult:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699094750Screenshot2023-11-04161539.png"/>

Add the increase to the result for both authorities (Table XXII)—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699094803Screenshot2023-11-04161632.png"/>

Applying the sum of the equations to the above results we get by the Brahma Siddhânta, 144° 0′ 9″; by the Siddhânta Śiromaṇi, 144°1′ 1″. Accordingly the 12th tithi ended before the time stated by Mr. Dikshit, by less than one pala in the case of the BrahmaSiddhânta, and by four palas in that of the Siddhânta Śiromaṇi.

Other problems solved by the Special Tables:

All problems which depend on the position of the sun and the moon, and which are treated of in the preceding section can be solved, for the several Siddhântas, with the greatest accuracy by means of the Special Tables.

*True longitude of the Sun.—*A calculation of a date as conducted in the preceding paragraphs yields (1) the distance of the mean moon from the mean sun for a particular moment (Dist.), (2) the mean anomaly of the moon, (3), the mean anomaly of the sun for the same time, (4) the equation of mean moon to true moon, (5) the equation of mean sun to true sun, and (6) the true distance between sun and moon.

From (3), and (3) we derive the true longitude of the sun by adding to the mean anomaly of the sun the equation of the sun, but with the sign changed, and then subtracting the mean anomaly of the sun for the beginning of the century. E. g. we have found that K. Y. 3585, Ashâḍha sudi 12, ended, according to the Brahma Siddhânta, 50 gh. 15 p. after mean sunrise at Lańkâ, and that at that moment the mean anomaly of the sun was 15° 4'51"; the corresponding equation is + 33’ 58"; applying the equation. with the sign changed, we have 14° 30’ 53". By subtracting the mean anomaly of the sun for the beginning of the century, viz. 282° 6’, we have the sun’s true longitude 92° 24’ 53".

True longitude of the Moon.— If we add the true longitude of the sun to the true distance between sun and moon (5), we get the true longitude of the moon, on which depends the Nakshatra and Rasi(see § 6).

Here we have144° + 92° 24′ 58″ = 286° 24′ 53". The nakshatra is Jyeshṭira (Table IX) and the rási Tulâ (Táble XII). Adding the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699095666Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s long. to the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699095666Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s long. we find the Yoga, 236° 24′ 53″ + 92° 24′ 53″ = 328° 49′ 46″, Yoga: Brahman (Table.IX).

The Śamkrántis.-The time of all-Samkrântis according to the Súrya Siddhântais found in Table XX. If the time, according to another Siddhânta, is wanted, we can use the mean longitude of the sun as given at the same place; e.g. if it be proposed to find the moment of the Karkaṭa Samkrânti in K. Y. 4581, according to the secondArya Siddhânta, we calculate as follows:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699095834Screenshot2023-11-04163342.png"/>

At the moment assumed for the Samkránti, viz. O Śráv. 49 gh. 48 p., the Samkranti had passed, and the sun had advanced 2′ 15″ beyond the initial point of Karkata. According to Table XXII²⁰⁶¹, 2’ 15" is equal to about 2 gh. 17 p. by which time therefore the Saṁkrânti, according to the second Árya Siddhánta, preceded the moment calculated. The Samkranti occurred therefore on 0 Śrâvaṇa 47gh. 31p. This result however does not refer to mean sunrise at Lankâ, but to the beginning of the mean solar year. In order to reduce the result to Laṅkâ time, we must find the correction: 4500= -6gh.22p., 81 years = + 2gh. 45p., K. Y. 4581= –3gh. 87p. Sunrise at Laṅkâ preceded the beginning of the mean solar year by 3gh. 37p. Hence the Samkrânti occurred 47gh. 31p. + 3gh. 37p. = 51gh. 8p. after imcan sunrise at Lankâ according to the second Árya Siddhánta.

Intercalary months.—If we know the age of the moon at the beginning and end of a solar month, we can decide by the rules in § 31, whether there was an intercalated month or not. We compute the tithi at the time of the two Saṁkrântis which

form the beginning and the end of the solar month. As Table XX furnishes the elements on which the tithidepends for the time of the Samkranfi according to the Súrya**Siddhânta, the calculation for that Siddhânta will be easy. Let us compute the 2nd example in §31, Bhâdrapada, in K. Y. 4343.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699183103Screenshot2023-11-05164812.png"/>

Accordingly new-moon had passed. It follows that there were two new-moons in solar Bhâdrapada, and consequently there was an intercalary Bhâdrapada.

If the calculation is to be based on another Siddhânta, we still make use of the elements for the Saṁkrânti as furnished by Table XX. The same calculation will show by what time the Samkrånti and by what time the new-moon preceded or followed the moment calculated. It will then be easy to decide the case. To give an example we now calculate the same dates according to the first Arya Siddhánta.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699183274Screenshot2023-11-05165103.png"/>

From Table XXII (colamn <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699183300Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s long.) we conclude that the Saṁkrânti had occurred 4gh. 30p. before the moment calculated, and from the same (column–) that new moon will occur 32gh. later; consequently it fell in Bhadrâpada. We now compute the next Saṁkrânti :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699183438Screenshot2023-11-05165347.png"/>

Saṁkrânti occurred 2gh. 7p. Before the moment calculated, but new-moon more than a whole day; accordingly this new-moon too belonged to Bhâdrapada, and as there were two new moons in Ehâdrapada, there was an intercalary Bhâdrapadaaccording to the Árya Siddhânta as well as the Súrya Siddhânta.

The Special Tables may also be used for computing mean intercalations For this purpose the subjoined Table, which is similar to that given in § 35, should be employed. To show its working, let us calculate by it the second example in § 35, mean Pausha, in 3741 K.Y., according to the Brahma Siddhânta.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699183767Screenshot2023-11-05165914.png"/>

Accordingly mean new-moon occurred about 1.gh. later than the beginning of mean solar Pausha. At the end of the same solar mouth the distance will be larger by 11° 3’ 53". It follows that the distance will come out 10° 51′ 27" for the end of mean Pausha. By Table XXII it will be seen that this amount of difference corresponds to more than 58gh. by which time accordingly new-moon preceded the end of Pausha. As there were two mean new-moons in mean solar Pausha, there was due a mean intercalary month, which by the common rule was Pausha; but by the rule of the Brahma Siddhânta itself quoted above (§ 10, note 7), the month would have been an intercalated mean Mârgaśira.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699862283Screenshot2023-11-13132752.png"/>

Corrections for true local time.

57, The calculations taught above yield the astronomical data in mean Lańkâ time, reckoned from mean sunrise at Lankâ. The Hindus, however, actually employ true local time, reckoned from true sunrise at the place of the observer or computer. Therefore, in order to make the results square with the latter, we must apply to the result in Laṅkâ time the following corrections.

Correction for mean local time.—Mean local time is reckoned from mean sunrise at the point on the Equator which has the same longitude with the place under consideration. This correction is found by the difference in longitude between Ujjain and the given place. The difference in minutes is at once the interval sought in asus, six of which make a vináḍi. In Table XXV the interval between mean Laṅkâ and local time is given for a considerable number of places. If the place is east of Laṅkâ (i.e. Ujjain), the sign +is prefixed to the interval; if west, the sign—. The interval applied, according to its sign, to Laṅkâ time gives mean local time.

Let it be proposed to find the true tithi for 4300 K. Y. 28th Bhâdrapadaat Aṇhilwâd , on the basis of the first Arya Siddhânta , cofrected. Mean Aṇhilwâd time differs from mean Laṇkâ time by –40 vin.; therefore, the mean sun rises 40 vin. later on the meridian of Aṇhilwâd than at Laṇkâ. We combine these 38 vin. with ‘Cor.’ in

order to find the values of distance of sun and moon, &c., for mean sunrise on the meridian of Aṇhilwâd.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699184747Screenshot2023-11-05171536.png"/>

An element wanted for the further correction is the tropical longitude of the mean sun, which is equal to the sidereal longitude of the sun plus the ayanáṁśa for the year. The sidereal longitude of the mean sun is obviously equal to the mean anomaly of the sun for the date calculated minus the mean anomaly for the beginning of the cen- tury; here 69° 31′47″-282°=147°, 31'47". The ayanáṁśa are 3× (4300–3600)÷200=10° 30’ (see § 39). Accordingly the tropical longitude of mean sun is 147° 31′47″ + 10° 30=158° 1’ 47" or 5’ 8° 1′47″.
*Correction for terrestrial latituda—*This correction is combined with another which is necessitated by the obliquity of the ecliptic. Table XXVI gives the time in asus (6 asus = 1 vinádí) which each of the tropical signs takes in rising above the horizon on the parallel of latitude marked at the head of the vertical columns. We sum up the asus of the signs past, in this case 5 signs for 24° north, which is nearly the latitude of Aṇhilwâd. Signs I-V inclusive give 1353+1533+1829+2041+2057=8813. Now we have this proportion: as the 30 degrees of sign VI rise in 1987 asus, 8° 1'7 rise in 532 asus. Adding this to 8813 we get 9345 asus which the part of the ecliptic, through which the mean sun has passed, takes up in rising. Converting the sun’s tropical longitude into minutes, we find 5ª 8° 21′ = 9482’; this is the time in asus which an arc of the Equator equal to the mean longitude of the sun takes in rising. Subtracting the one from the other, 9482–9345 = 137, we obtain the interval in asusbetween the rising of the mean sun assumed to move on the Equator and that on the ecliptic. When the sun is in one of the first six signs, I-VI, he rises earlier in, a northern latitude than on the Equator; if in the last six signs, VII-XII, he rises later. In this case the sun, being in sign VI, rises earlier than calculated by 137 asus, which divided by 6 give the amount in vinádís, viz. 23. Therefore, we subtract from the element Dist. &c., as found above, their increase in 23 palas—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699185202Screenshot2023-11-05172313.png"/>

Thus we get 6° 9’ 50" as the true distance of sun and moon at the true rising of the mean sun at Aṇhilwâḍ.

True Sunrise.—In § 52 we have seen that the true longitude of the sun is derived from the mean longitude by adding the sun’s equation with the sign changed; consequently the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699185345Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s true longitude is greater or less than his mean longitude by the amount of the equation, according as the sun’s equation in Table XXIV has the sign—

or +. It is evident that the true sun rises later than the mean sun if the true longitude is greater than the mean, and vice vers. In the present case, the equation being additive, true sunrise precedes mean suprise.

We have now to find in how much time the part of the ecliptic equal to the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699283794Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s equation rises on the given parallel.

Convert the ‘<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699283794Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s equation into minutes, viz. 121; multiply this by the asus which the tropical sign, through which the sun is passing, takes in rising,. 1987, and divide by 1800. The result 135 is the interval in asus between the rising of the true and the mean sun. Divide this by 6, the quotient 23 is the interval in vinâḍís. The increase of distance for the interval thus found must be added to the corrected distance if the equation in Table XXIV is subtractive, or, subtracted if the equation is additive. Here—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699283920Screenshot2023-11-06204830.png"/>

This is the final result. It will be seen from Table XXII, that 26 p. (the time corresponding to an increase of distance 5′ 10″) before true sunrise, the first Karaṇahad ended.

It should, however, be remarked that if the interval between true sunrise and the end of atithi, &c. is very small, say a few palas, the case must be regarded as doubtful; for, though our calculations materially agree with those of the Hindus, still an almanacmaker avails himself of abbreviations which in the end may slightly influence the result (vide inf.)

Dates anterior to Bháskara (K. Y. 4251).—In the Siddhánta Śiromaṇi, Gold.dhyáya, iv, 20, Bhâskara states that the ancient astronomers assumed that at Laṅkâ (or on the Equator) the zodiacal signs rise in the same time with 30 degrees of the equinoctial, or, in other words, that the udayásu of all signs are 1800’. On this condition the entries in Table XXVI require a correction exhibited in column Chara, as explained at the foot of the table, e.g. the column 24° would, on this supposition, show the following figures—1483, 1538, 1694, 1906, 2062, 2127, instead of 1353, &c. It is obvious that in calculating dates anterior to Bhâskara’s time, the asus in Table XXVI should be corrected in the way explained.

If we knew the Hindu estimate of the latitude and longitude of the place for which the calculation is to be made, the result would of course be the same as that arrived at by a Hindu calculator. As yet, however, we do not know the Hindu latitude and longitude of any place, but substitute for them their true values. It is obvious that the error in the Hindu estimate of the geographical site of a given place influences the result, from which our result, calculated on absolutely correct data, may differ considerably. Therefore, so long as we ignore the Hindu latitude and longitude of the places for which almanacs were constructed, our calculation, though theoretically correct, must yield discordant results. I may therefore be allowed to appeal to native astronomers to collect and furnish us with a list of the latitudes and longitudes of the principal places of India, as employed by ancient Joshis.

Examples of General Application.

To find the European date corresponding to a given Hindu lunar one.

This may be effected by §§ 20-26. But we’may calculate also by means of the column for Julian Calendar’ in the tables. Thus in Ex. 1, § 26; we have Sam. 1233, Bhadrapada Sudi 13, Sunday, corresponding.to K.Y. 4276, 3rd Aévina, solar reckoning; and :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699285135Screenshot2023-11-06210843.png"/>

To convert a European date into a Hindu lunar date. Find (a) the corresponding Kaliyuga year by adding 3101 or 3100 as the case requires; (b) by § 21 find the date corresponding to the Julian day; and by § 23 compute the corresponding tithi; (c) the lunar month is of the same name as the solar month in which the new moon preceding the date falls, except when the date belongs to the dark fortnight and is to be interpreted according to the Pûrṇimânta scheme, when the lunar month takes the name of the following solar month; (d) if the Vikrama era, beginning generally in Kârttika, is used, the lunar months Chaitra to Kârttika in Table III belong to the preceding year; and (e) if the date is in New Style, it must first be converted into Old Style.

Ex. 1. To find the Hindu date corresponding to 1st June 1891. 1st June 1891 corresponds to 20th May (O. S.), K. Y. 4992. By §21, 16+1+14 April=1st May for 0 Jyaishtba. Hence 20th May 0.8. corresponds to 19th Jyaishtha of the Tablos. Now by Tables I-III :—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699625833Screenshot2023-11-10194658.png"/>

The date belonging to the dark fortnight, about the 24th day of the moon’s age, new moon must have occurred before 1st Jyaishṭha, or towards the end of Vaiśâkha; hence in the Amánta scheine the date isVaiśâkha badi 9, K. Y. 4992 or Saka 1813; but being before Kârttika, it is in Saṁvat 1947. In the Pûrnimánta scheme it is Jyaishṭha badi 9.

Ex. 2. For 11th February 1878.

11th February is 30th January O. S. and this falling before Chaitra, the year K. Y. is 4978. 0 Phâlguna =16+13 January=29th January. Hence 30th=January. 1st Phâlguna. Then—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699626145Screenshot2023-11-10195211.png"/>

Hence the 9th tithi sudi ended on Monday, 30th January O. S., or 11th February N. S., and new moon occurred about 23rd Mâgha; bence the date in both schemes is Mâgha sudi 9, Śaka 1799 or Saṁvat 1934.

ON THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE TABLES.

Tables I and II are so constructed that the common and leap years are distributed in such a way that the end of the tabular year differs from the end of the corresponding mean solar 7eur of the Hindus²⁰⁶²by an interval (indicated by Cor.’) rarely exceeding 60’ ghaṭikâs, but generally much less. As 100 solar years of the Hindus contain 36,526 days less about 1/2th day, the centuries in table Icontain 84 common and 26 leap years, except that in every eighth century there are only 25 leap years. The leap years in the century are so placed that Cor.’ is kept under 30ghaṭikâs.

Calculation of the correction.’— As ‘Cor.’ is the fraction of the day by which the sum of the solar years is more or less than an integral number of days, this fraction depends on the length of the solar yeår; and the latter depends on the days in one Yugaaccording to the different Siddhântas; that is, the sum of days in a yuga divided by the number of solar years in a yuga (viz. 4,320,000) gives the length of the solar year²⁰⁶³:Thus:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699859734Screenshot2023-11-13124522.png"/>

From these data is derived the mean duration of 100, 1000 and 3000 years according to the different authorities. Thus according to the Árya Siddhânta, 3000 years being 1,095,776d. 2gh. 30p., the ‘Cor.’ is + 2gh. 30 p. As the astronomical day in the SûryaSiddhânta begins with mean midnight at Laṅkâ, while common use makes it begin with mean sunrise at Laṅkâ from the duration 1,095,776d. 16gh. 10p., we must retrenclr 15ghaṭikás (the time between mean midnight and mean sunrise), the remainder + 1 gh. 10 p. is tlie required ‘Cor.’ as entered in the table. But according to the Brahma Siddhánta, 3,000 solar years contain 1,095,775d. 18gh. 45p. or about one day less than is given by the other Siddhântas; 3000 K.Y. therefore began on the day preceding that entered in the tables, and the ‘Cor.’ was + 18gh. 45p.

Calculation of the week day (Feria):—Kaliyuga began with a Friday, or according to our notation the Feria was (6). Now as 3,000 solar years contain 1,095,776 days or 156,539 weeks + 3 days, 3000 K.Y. began on (6) + (3) = (9) or (2) Monday. Again as a century of 36,526 days contains exactly 5,218 weeks, it follows that after the lapse of such a century the week-day will be found the same as at the beginning of it. But after a century of 36,525 days the week-day must retrograde by one day. In this way the Feria of Table I have been ascertained. In Table II, the week-day advances by one day after every common year (of 365 days), and by two days after a leap year (of 366 days). The advance of F. by 2 in Table II therefore shows that the proceding tabular year consists of 366 days.
Verification of a date in the Tables.—The Kaliyuga began on the 18th February 3102 B.C., after the 588,465th complete day of the Julian period. As 4,000 solar years

of the Hindus contain 1,461,035 days, they are equal to 40 centuries of Julian years plus 35 days. Therefore 4000 K.Y. began on 18th February + 35 days = 26thMarch²⁰⁶⁴. The same date will be fielded by the tables if the 3rd Vaiśâkha or beginning of the mean solar year of 4000 K.Y. is calculated. We may also test the Julian date bycalculating the ahargans, or oivil days from the commencement of the Kaliyuga, by tables VI, VII, VIII, and adding 588,465, the result being the corresponding day of the Julian period, which can readily be converted into the corresponding day of the Julian Calendar by the usual tables.

Construction of the Special Tables XIII-XXI.—The Special Tables are based on the mean solar year,.and not on the artificial year introduced in the General Tables. It is evident that ‘Cor.’ must denote the same interval of time in both sets of tables, but with a contrary sign, because in the General Tables, the artiffeial year being given, *‘Cor.’*serves to find the end of the solar year, and in the Special Tables the solar year being given, it serves to find the end of the artificial year, t.e. the interval between the end of the solar year and the beginning of the next preceding or following sunrise at Laṅkâ.
To calculate a given Tithi.—As a Tithi is equal to the time required by the sun and moon to increase their distance by 12° of longitude, we require the following data: (1) the true longitude of the moon, (2) the true longitude of the sun. According to Hindu astronomy, true long. <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699860927Screenshot2023-11-13130512.png"/>= mean long.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699860981Screenshot2023-11-13130606.png"/> equation of the a’s centre; and true long. <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699861049Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>=mean long. <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699861049Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>± equation of the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699861049Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s centre. The equations of the sun and moon’s centres depend on their mean anomalies. Now we have the equations: true distance ( <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699861049Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>=true long. ( -true long. <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699861049Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>= mean long. (mean long.©‡ equation «± equation o. The mean long.( mean long. o is equal to the place of the moon in her synodical revolution. Hence it follows that the tables must enable us to calculate accurately—

(1) the synodical motion of the moon,
(2) the anomalistic motion of the moon,
(6) the anomalistic motion of the sun.

Besides this we require tables furnishing the equation for (2) and (3).

The synodical motion of the moon (Tables XIII to XIX) in one solar year is evidently equal to the synodical revolutions of the moon in a yuga divided by the number of solar years in a yuga. The moon’s synodical revolutions in a yuga are, in theSûrya Siddhánta and Árya Siddhánta 53,433,336;²⁰⁶⁵2nd Árya Siddhánta 53, 433,334 ;Brakma Siddhánta 53,433,330. Ditiding these figures by 4,320,000 and multiplying by 360°, we find the mean synodical motion in degrees for one solar year, viz. Sûrya and*Árya Siddhânta–*rejecting complete revolutions or multiples of 360°, 132° 46′ 40-8″ in 100 solar years: 317° 48’, &c.

As the mean distance of the sun and moon at the beginning of the Kaliyuga was 0° (the longitude of both being supposed to have been 0°), the mean distance (—<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699861049Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>at 3000 K.Y. was 174° as given in column headed Distance’ (—<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1699861049Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>of Table XIII. From these data the value of the distance for centuries and for odd, years can easily be computed; in a similar way the corresponding’ values for the other Siddhántas have been computed.

The daily synodical motion of the moon²⁰⁶⁶ in degrees is, according to the SūryaSiddhánta, 12° 11′ 26″·69817, as given in the translation of the Surya Siddhánta (Journ. Am. Or. Soc.) i, 34. This value is practically the same for the other Siddhántas also, for the difference in a year amounts to 2 seconds only for the 2nd Arya Siddhánta, and to 1 second every month for the Brahma Siddhánta: For the latter Siddhánta therefore we get the correct value, if we add to that furnished by Table XIV one second for each month elapsed since the beginning of the solar year.

The calculation of the anomalistic motion of the moon is similar to that of the synodical motion. The anomalistic revolutions of the moon in one yuga—are (1) Súrya Siddhánta 57,265,133;²⁰⁶⁷ (2) Arya Siddhánta 57,265,117; (3) 2nd Arya Siddhanta 57,265,125.326; and (4) Brahma Siddhanta 57,265,194.142.

According to the Súrya Siddhánta, the anomalistic motion in one solar year is 92° 5′ 39′9″; and in 100 solar years,, 209° 26′ 30″, &c.

As the position of the moon’s Apogee at the beginning of the Kaliyuga was 90° according to the Súrya and 1st Ârya Siddhántas, the mean anomaly was 270°; and as in 3000 solar years the increase of the anomaly, according to the Súrya Siddhánta, is 163° 15’, the mean anomaly of the moon at 3000 K. Y. was 73° 15’ as in the Special Table, XIII for the Súrya Siddhánta, in the column headed C’s Anom. From the above data the value of this element for the other periods is computed.
In calculating the mean anomaly of the moon for the 2nd Ârya Siddhántaand the Brahma Siddhanta, we must add to the increase of C’s an. 286° 9’ 36" and 234° 30′ 14respectively as the anomaly of the moon at the beginning of the Kaliyuga ; for the position of the moon’s apogee at that epoch was according to the 2nd Arya Siddhánta 123° 50′ 24″ and according to the Brahma Siddhánta 125° 29′ 46″.

The daily increase of the moon’s mean anomaly according to the ‘Súrya Siddhánta is 13° 3′ 53³.889; and the other Siddhántas yield nearly the same result. The difference accumulating to a few seconds in a year may be neglected, as it does not sensibly affect the calculation of the true place of the moon.

The mean anomaly of the sun is the sun’s mean longitude minus the longitude of the sun’s apogee. As the sun’s mean longitude at the beginning of a mean solar year is 0° (or 360°), we subtract long. o’s apogee from 360°, in order to find the sun’s mean anomaly for the beginning of the mean solar year.
The long. of O’s apogee, according to the Arya Siddhánta, is 78º and this quantity is regarded as constant²⁰⁶⁸. Therefore the mean anomaly of the sun for the beginning of every mean solar year is 282° according to this Siddhánta.

The other²⁰⁶⁹ Siddhantas²⁰⁶⁹ attribute a slow motion to the sun’s apogee, viz. :—

** The sun’s apogee.**


	Revol Sun’s Kalpa	Position at 0.K.Y.	Mean anom. O at 0.K.Y.
Sūrga Siddhânta :	887	77° 7′ 48″	282° 52’ 12"
2nd Árya Siddhânta	461	77° 45’ 36"	282° 14’ 24"
Brahma Siddhânta :	480	77° 45′ 36″	282° 14’ 24"

The motion in seconds in one solar year, according to the Sûrya Siddhánta, is thus 0'1161; similarly for the 2nd Árya Siddhânta it is 0'1383, and for Brahṁa Siddhánta0'144. Subtracting the amounts for 3000 years from the sun’s mean anomaly for 0 K.Y., we find the same for 3000 K.Y., viz. (1) 282° 46′ 24″;(2) 282° 7′ 29″ (3) 282° 7′ 12; a entered in Table XIII in the column headed O’s’an.

76. The tables for the equations of the centres of the sun and moon are calculated from the epicycles. Their dimensions are the following:—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1709045076Screenshot2024-02-27201404.png"/>

Now according to Hindu astronomy, sin. eq. : sin. an. :: minutes in the epicycle: minutes in the orbit.

In all these calculations the Hindu sines have to be used. Thus we find e.g. the eq. « for «’s an. =45° (sin 45°=2431’), according to the first Árya Siddhánta, 212'71=3 32′ 43″; according to the second Árya Siddh. 215'65=3° 33′ 39″.

77. The epicycles of the moon and sun, according to the Súrya Siddhánta, have circumferences of 32° and 14° respectively, and are assumed to contract at the odd quadrants by 20. The amount of the contraction at any other point, say at anom. a, is 20x sin/3438; hence the equation of the sun’s centre for anomaly a is= sin32/3000 a —<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698753359Screenshot2023-10-31172545.png"/>which formula will be found convenient for the calculation of the table. This has been done by Davies (As. Res. vol. II, p. 256); I have taken Davies’ tables from Warren’sKala Sankalita, Tables XXII and XXIII.

78. The General Tables yield approximately correct results with the smallest amount of calculation; but they do not conform strictly to the data of any Siddhánta, but are based on the European tables of Largeteau¹with this difference that while Largeteau expresses the mean distance of sun and moon, a, in 10,000th parts of the circle, these tables furnish the same element, called tithi, in 30th parts of the synodical revolution. But the mean anomaly of the moon is expressed in the same way in both. For 3200 K.Y.=99 A.D. 18th March, Largeteau’s tables give a=moon’s age 2575, and b=857, for mean midnight at Paris. Reducing this for mean sunrise at Lankâ we must add the increments of a and b for 1^(h)6^(m), viz. 15 and 2, which give a = 2590 and *b=*859. From a we subtract 200 (the sum of the equations of c and<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698753696Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/> at their maximum), multiply by 30, and divide by 10,000; which gives 7:17 the required tithi for 3200 .K.Y. as in Table I. The value of 6 found above, 859², is transferred to column ( ’s an. of Table I without further change. The same elements in Table II can easily be derived from Largeteau’s Table for the years of the 9th century, attention being paid to the leap years.

________________________

¹ Additions a la Connaissance des Temps, 1846, pp. 1-29, containing Tables pour le calcul des Syzygies écliptiques ou quelconques; par M. C. L. Largeteau. These short tables are founded on those of Delambre for the sun and of Damoiseau for the moon, and take only the larger equations into account. M. Largetean uses six quantities in his tables, but does not explain what each indicates; they are,-a = moon’s age (or distance from the sun) in 10,000ths of a lunation-300 (sum of negative equations); 6 = moon’s mean anomaly (Hansen’s g); c = 2a – b ; d b; d = sun’s mean anomaly (Hansen’s g’); e moon’s distance from the Node or Hansen’s g + w; and ƒ= sun’s distance from Moon’s Node or 20 2 a (that is Hansen’s 2g’ + 2w’). The last four quantities are given in 1000th parts of the circumferente. Similar handy tables, bnt sexagesimal, and with more equations were published in the seventh edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica, and others in Gummere’s Astronomy (Philadelphia 1858).-J. B.

^(2) If the degrees in ‘Distance (O’Table XIII, &c., be multiplied by 30 we obthin this element a according to the different Siddhantas; thus for K.Y. 3200 we have 89° 6 × 302688; or if we divide the same by 12, we have 7:47 tithi. Again for 6, from Table XIII, 182° 10′ × 100 ÷ 36 = 367, and 367-500 = 867, differing by about 3° from the European value, Hansen’s Tables de la Lune give for the value of the tithi here, 7-1637 and for (’s anom,= 858·11.–J. B.

79. As the beginning of the mean solar year (i.e., mean long.<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698751332Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>-0) always falls on the 2nd or 3rd Vaiśâkha of Table III, it is obvious that,on any given date in that table the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698751332Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s mean long. and consequently the <MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698751332Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>’s mean anomaly and the equation dependent on the latter will be nearly the same for every year. Accordingly the equation<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698751332Screenshot2023-10-31165149.png"/>has been coupled with the tithi of the several solar days, so that only the equation of the moon’s centre had to be exhibited in the table auxiliary to Table III. Sun from Node’ of Tables VI, VIÍ, VIII, denotes the distance of the true sun from the moon’s node expressed in thousandth parts of the semi-circle. This element has been derived from Largeteau’s tables²⁰⁷⁰=173 3123167 days.-J. B.")by coupling Largeteau’s values with the equation of the sún’s centre.

80. ‘Jupiter’s saṁvat’ is the Jovian year; according to the Súrya Siddhánta withbíja, twelve of which make up one mean revolution of Jupiter. Hence the increase of this in one solar year is evidently equal to twelve times the revolutions of Jupiter in ayuga divided by the number of solar years in the yuga, viz. 101.17,The increase for 100 solar years is 101.17, or, as 60 years make up one cycle, 41.17. In making these calculations according to the 2nd Arya Siddhánta and Brahma Siddhánta the mean place of Jupiter at the beginning of the Kaliyuga is to be taken into account, viz. 357° 7′ 12" according to the former, and 359° 27′ 36″ according to the latter Siddhánta.

81. The tables for finding true local time have been calculated according to the precepts of the Siddhánta Siromaṇi, Goládhyâya, IV, 19-24, and Súrya Siddhánta, III, 42ff.

** 82.** The Longitudes and Latitudes of the principal places in India have been taken partly from Johnston’s Index Geographicus, and partly from the list attached to theSáyana Panchanga of Bombay.

The longitude of Laṅkâ i.e. Ujjain is 5¹ 3^(m)27ª east of Greenwich.

** 83.** The following is a list of all the data required from the Siddhântas—

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1698752119Screenshot2023-10-31170504.png"/>
__________________________________

In the Sûrya Siddhanta with biju, this is-232,242 rev.; the apsides make 488,199 rev.; and Jupiter 364,228 rev. The modern value of the mean heliocentric motion of Jupiter in a Julian year being 30° 20’ 46"-72, his motion in a Yuga of 4,320,000 true sidereal years would be only 364195 406 revolutions; or, in the juge of the Súrya Siddhanta, 364,197-798 rev. and twelve times this divided by the years in a yuga gives 1011938328 instead of 1'0117 as in § 78.-J. B.

With bija this becomes 364212.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710479018SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710479278SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710479662SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710479834SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710480195SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710480602SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710480931SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710481177SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710481393SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710481783SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710481975SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710482130SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710482349SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710482541SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710482713SS.png"/>

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710482856SS.png"/>

COMPUTATION OF DATES:—SPECIAL TABLES.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710323288EP-3.png"/>

TABLE XXVI.—Showing the times of rising (in Arus or sixths of vinadi) in 10°-32° north latitude, or ullagna equivalentis in Oblique Ascension.

<MISSING_FIG href="../books_images/U-IMG-1710322808EP-1.png"/>

For the rule see above §60

In the column Chara are entered the Asus by which the equivalent in right ascension of the several signs differs from the minutes of each sign. This difference is combined with the ascensional difference in the above table. As the former difference, however, whofirst introduced by Bhâskara, the amount of Chara must be added to the equivalents in oblique ascension if the date calculated is previous to Bhâskara, A. D. 1150.

]

“For some account of the collections made and the work done in this department of research previous to 1878, see my remarks in the Introduction to Páli Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, arranged by Mr. J. F. Flest, Bo.C.S” ↩︎
“20 Sitzungsberichte, ut sup.” ↩︎
“The Inscriptions of the Madras Survey will be published separately by Dr. E. Hultzsch.” ↩︎
“The same anomaly is observable in Mr. Fleet’s edition of Sir W. Elliot’s grant of Viyayabuddhavarman’s queen, where, besides, plate IIb bears the figure 3, while plate III is not marked at all.” ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX, pp. 101-102. Unfortunately the greater part of the text of this grant makes no sense in Mr. Fleet’s edition. I at first suspected that his facsimile was not exact. But a comparison of the original plates, which were presented to the British Museum by Sir Walter Elliot, has convinced me that it is absolutely trustworthy. A repeated examination of the document and a comparison with our grant have led me, however, to differ from Mr. Fleet with respect to the reading of a number of words. I read— 1. 1. Bhâraddâyassu instead of Bhârattâyana. 1. 8. Amhaṁ for abúm (? ↩︎
“With respect to the elision of the second vowel compare Pâli chattârome instead of chattâro ime and other instances mentioned by Kuhn, Beiträge zur Pali Grammatık, p. 60.” ↩︎
“See also my remarks in the Zeitschrift der Deutsch-Morgenländischen Gosellschaft, vol. XLI, P. 250.” ↩︎
“See also my remarks on similarly lax construction in the Sanskrit Sûtras, in the Zeitschrift der Deutsch–Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, volume XL, page 532ff.” ↩︎
“Compare Mr. Flect’s grant, Indian Antiquary, vol. V, p. 155, line 17 of the transcript.” ↩︎
“Compare Mr. Fleet’s grants, Indian Antiquary, vol. V, p. 51, line 15 of the transcript, and ibidem, page 155, line 14 of the transcript, as well as vol. 1X, p. 101, line 2 of the transcript, where Bhâraddâyassa has to be read for Bhâraṭṭâyaṇa.” ↩︎
“Two verbs have been left out, one in the third person singular after Sivakhaṁdavamo, and one in the first person plural, or in the absolutive at the end of the list of officials. For the pronoun amhaṁ ‘our’ shows that a new sentence begins with line 3, and the words vitarâma chattha dâni prove that it must have stood in the first person plural or in the absolutive. The first verb was probably âṇaveti or some equivalent. The second may either have been a word expressing command, or, what I consider more likely, some expression implying greeting, such as are found in many other inscriptions.” ↩︎
“Vattha would correspond to Sanskrit vâstva or vâstra, the sense of which does not fit. Possibly it may be a mistake for vachtha or bandha, which both are explained in Hemachandra’s Deśikosha by bhṛitya, ‘servant’.” ↩︎
“I consider the correction mâṇḍabika as certain and take the word maṇḍaba or maṇḍapa, from which it has been derived in the sense of the modern mâṇḍavî, ‘custom house’–see Molesworth, Marâṭhi Dictionary, sub voce. The śaulkikas are frequently mentioned in Sanskrit inscriptions.” ↩︎
“That bhojaka does not mean ’temple priest,’ but ‘inâmdâr,’ or ‘freeholder,’ seemsto follow from its use in line 8, where the donees are called Chillarekakoḍuṁkabhojakas, who lived in Â piṭṭî, and in line 50, where the privy councillor Bhaṭṭisamma receives the title Kolivâlabhojake. Such a despised personage as a temple priest could hardly become a minister. Professor Fausböll points out to me that gâmâgâmabhojaka may be rendered as above, as repetitions of the same word with a lengthening of the final vowel of the first are commonly used in Pâli in order to indicate the vipsâ.” ↩︎
“The first of the three words left untranslated corresponds to Sanskrit gaulmika. As gulma means both ‘a thicket ‘and ‘a picket of soldiers,’ the derivative way denote either a kind of forest–official or the leader of a gulma of warriors. Tùthika may be connected with Prâkrit túha ‘a Tîrtha,’ and mean ‘overseers of fords’ or ‘of bathing places. With neyika compare naiyokâḥ in Mr. Fleet and Elliot’s grant, Indian Antiquary, vol. V, p. 52, line 28 of the text. Mr. Fleot changes it to niyuktâḥ, which now seems a rather doubtful emendation. I suspect that naiyokâḥ is a mistake for naiyikâḥ, which would exactly correspond to nayika, and that both words are corruptions of Sanskrit nâyaka, commonly pronounced nâiek. If this is correct, the term denotes a military officer of the rank of a corporal or a sergeant.” ↩︎
“Saṁcharantaka occurs also in Mr. Fleet’s graut, loc. cit., line 29 of the text. and Mr. Fleet has translated it by ’ travellers.’ I believe that royal servants are ineant, and that the word refers to the spies whom the Indian kings sent into the provinces to explore the behaviour of their officials,—sce Manu, VII, 122.” ↩︎
“The great king Bappa is probably the donor’s father,—sce Mr. Fleet’s article, Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 272ff.” ↩︎
“This may, of course, mean also ’ one hundred thousand cows and (the same number ↩︎
“Patti, patti, patî, and pati I take to be the representatives of Sanskrit prâpti, which means âya, ‘produce,’ or ‘income.’ It is, of course, possible that the garden was let and the rent divided among the donees.” ↩︎
“This name does not seem to be correct; perhaps it should be Harimita, i.e.; Harimitra.” ↩︎
“The word vâṭakaṁ has been left out by mistake.” ↩︎
“Milk, grass, firewood, vegetables, and so forth had to be furnished gratis by the villagers to royal officers and their servants. The custom still prevails in many native states.” ↩︎
“I do not venture to translate araṭṭhasaṁvinayikaṁ. The phrase is, of course, identical with that used in the Andhra inscriptions (Archæological Report, West. Ind., vol. IV. pp. 104-106, Nos. 13, 14 ↩︎
“In Sanskrit alavaṇaguḍakshobham. Digging for salt was a royal monopoly.” ↩︎
“I suppose this refers to the obligation of furnishing by turns draught–cattle for the progress of the royal officers.” ↩︎
“The addhikâ i.e., ardhikâḥ, appear to have been slaves,—see also Âpastumba’s Dharmasûtra, II, 28, 1.” ↩︎
“Kolikâ corresponds to Sanskrit kaulikâḥ, and may mean ‘weavers.’ But it is also possible to think of the well-known tribe of the Kolîs, who were slaves.” ↩︎
“The stone is now in the modern temple of Lakkhâ Maṇḍal, where it has recently been placed for safe custody; another shorter and almost obliterated inscription is built into a wall. The Tahsildar of Kâlsi brought both to my notice.—J B.” ↩︎
“Ind. Ant., vol. IX, pp. 163 seqq. ; vol. X, p. 34; and vol. V, p. 180. Compare also Anecdota Oxoniensia, vol. I, part 3, p. 72, note 2.” ↩︎
“A not quite correct analysis of the contents of this inscription has been given in Prinsep’s Essays, vol. II, Useful Tables, p. 245, note 2. According to Mr. Fleet’s letter in The Academy of January 7, 1888, it was also discussed or translated many years ago by Bâbu, Śivaprasâda in the Simla Akbar, a publication not accessible to me.” ↩︎
“This is the usual way of rondering the Chinese syllables. The latter agree, however, more closely with the form of our inscription, Siṅghapura, and I believe that this was the one known to IIiuen Tsiang.” ↩︎
“Si-yu-ki, vol. 1, pp. 143-147 (Beal ↩︎
“L1. Read श्री—The word brahma is indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 1-22, Âryâ.” ↩︎
“L.2 The syllable द in श्री [दत्त] वर्म्म is faintly visible. The restoration is certain, on account of the word दत्ताभय in line 3.” ↩︎
“L 4. Read कृतवान्—The first two syllabler of भवार्त्थानांare indistmet.” ↩︎
“L. 7. Read कृताश्-” ↩︎
“L. 13. Read करिणःस्कन्धा” ↩︎
“L. 14. ध्ये in दयोध्येशःis not quite distinct.” ↩︎
“Metre of verse 23 Anushṭubh.” ↩︎
“The deity meant is Śiva.” ↩︎
“The moon removes the torments of the heat of the day, and the king those inflicted by wicked men.” ↩︎
“Here we have the time–honoured pun on dâna ’liberality’ and ’the ichor of the rutting elephant.’” ↩︎
“i.e., who by his virtues counteracted the wickedness of the Kali–yuga, which on account of its destructiveness may be compared to a forest–fire. The other epithets, too, have a double sense, one applicable to water, jala, and the other to the king called Jala.” ↩︎
“I am unable to find in the Koshas and dictionaries accessible to me the word ghaṅghala, which occurs hore and below in verses 14 and 15. A comparison of the three compounds, samaraghaṅghula, mahîghaṅghala, and ripughaṅghala, makes it probable that its meaning is the conqueror:’ very likely it is a Deśì word, allied to ghaṅghota.” ↩︎
“Of course the heroine of the Sâritryupâkhyâna, Mahâbhârata, III, 293–299, is meant.” ↩︎
“This may either mean that he fell from his elephant and broke his neck, or meibly that he exchanged his princely pomp for a residence in heaven.” ↩︎
“In case kîrttisthânam might be taken as a synonym of kitanam, ’ temple’ (Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, pp. 228–229 ↩︎
“Ayodhyeśaḥ, the lord of Ayodhyâ,’ means, I suppose, only that Vasudeva was the owner of some village called Ayodhyâ.” ↩︎
“Ranhîtaka is the name of a town and district in Northern India, as may be gathered from Râjataraṅgiṇî, IV, 11-12. It probably corresponds, as Dr. Burgess suggests to me, to the modern town or district of Rohtak, or its homonymous capital, 43 milos north–east of Dehli.” ↩︎
“1.See e.g. Mr. Narmadâshankar’s remarks on this point in the preface to his edition of Premânand’s Daśamskandha of the Bhâgavatapurâṇa, p.8.I.C. The sign ( ↩︎
“There is a straight line on the right side of the lower end of ra and a slanting one on the right of ya, faintly visible on the facsimile. I believe that both are accidental.” ↩︎
“The vowel o is very faint on the facsimile, but plain, though shallow, on the impression.” ↩︎
“The anusrâra is doubtful.” ↩︎
“The va of devanaṁ shows a short upward stroke at the lower end of va. The little semicircle on the right of ma which on the facsimile is connected with the letter, appears detached from it on the impression.” ↩︎
“The last anusvâra is doubtful.” ↩︎
“A short line, slanting upwards, is attached to the lower end of ba.” ↩︎
“Only one half of the anusvâra is visible on the impression to the right of ya. The other, which was attached to the left limb, has disappeared in a great rent.” ↩︎
“The anusvâra is doubtful. Garana is probably a mistake for garaha The ra of this word shows below on the right horizontal line, which I believe to be accidental.” ↩︎
“Pra is tolerably plain on the impression.” ↩︎
“Na is better recognisable on the impression.” ↩︎
“The vertical line above va seems to be accidental, just as that below.” ↩︎
“On the facsimile the first letter looks like ya with a wrougly placed o–stroke. According to the impression eva is probable.” ↩︎
“The first twelve letters are with difficulty recognisable. Only the last two are almost entirely gone.” ↩︎
“The ra of para shows a small slanting line attached below to the right of the letter. The apparent anusvâra under ḍa is shown by the impression to be an accidental scratch.” ↩︎
“The last sign of karata is almost cutirely gone. The reading may have been karaṁtaṁ.” ↩︎
“The letter is very doubtful. One would expect chu or tu. In the following word the two anusvâras are doubtful,” ↩︎
“Possibly opashaḍasa.” ↩︎
“The o of kochi is visible on the reverse of the impression.” ↩︎
“Possibly opashaṁḍaṁ.” ↩︎
“Possibly savre.” ↩︎
“The e-stroke to the left of ya, where its proper position is, seems a little abnormal, and may be an accidental scratch” ↩︎
“The participial phrase has been repeated by mistake. The first anusvâra of the second karaṁtaṁ is doubtful.” ↩︎
“The anusvâra seems certain from the impression.” ↩︎
“This seems plain on the impression, but is a mistake for vu. It looks as if a ra-stroke were attached to sa of sadhu” ↩︎
“Dhra is perfectly distinct on the impression.” ↩︎
“This might be read also sruniyu, But there are some other cases where a diagonal stroke passes through the inside of the semicircle at the top of na.” ↩︎
“The top line of sru is not distinct owing to a large fissure.” ↩︎
“As the top of ṇa has been destroyed, it may have been dental.” ↩︎
“The last three syllables are not visible on the impression.” ↩︎
“The anusvâra is distinct on the impression.” ↩︎
“The final vowel is distinct on the impression.” ↩︎
“Va looks on the facsimile like eya. The Impression shows that the lower lines are scratches.” ↩︎
“The top line of sru is not distinct owing to a large fissure.The top line of sru is not distinct owing to a large fissure.The top line of sru is not distinct owing to a large fissure.” ↩︎
“Dhra is mutilated. Ha is perfectly distinct on the photograph; tra on the same and on the impression.” ↩︎
“Probably ithidhiyachha to be restored.” ↩︎
“The apparent e-stroke to the left of ya is, I think, an accidental scratch.” ↩︎
“Possibly imo.” ↩︎
“A line slanting upwards seems to be attached to the left of the lower end of the initial a. But it may be due to a fissure, the prolongation of which is plain on the impression.” ↩︎
“This line is not on the impression.” ↩︎
“The forms prashaḍa and prashaṁḍa, which appear both here and in edicts VII and XII of the unpublished Mânsabra version instead of the pâshaḍa, pâshaṁḍa, pasaḍa or pâsaṁḍa of the Girnâr, Kâlai Jaugads, and Dhauli inscriptions, fully confirm Professor Kern’s conjecture, who derives them from the Sanskrit pârshada, ‘a member of a (religions ↩︎
“I insert the word ’ ascctics’ according to the Kâlsi version, where the text offers pâshaṁdâni pavajitâni gahathâni vâ. The Girnar version has pavajitâni too, but places before it a superfluous cha. For it reads savapâsaṁḍâni cha pravajitâni cha gharistâni châ. The constitution of the Indian religious communities was in Aśoka’s times, as the correct reading of this and several other passages shows, throughout the same as in the present day. The heads were ascetics or monks who taught, and in return were supported by, a number of laymen, here and elsewhere called ’the householders.’” ↩︎
“‘The essentials’ are, of course, self-restraint and the purification of one’s disposition, sayamo and bhâvasudhi, as the seventh edict says.” ↩︎
“I translate in accordance with the emendation proposed in the notes to the transcript, so sayamo va sadhu, as vo for yougives no good sense, and the Kâlsi version has distinctly samâvâye va, i.e., samarâya eva. The varia lectio samavâye ‘concord, barmony,’ found also in the Girnâr inscription, is better than sayamo.” ↩︎
“Suśruseyu, they shall love to hear it,’ may possibly mean ’they shall obey’ (it, as far as it is worthy to be obeyed ↩︎
“The various reading teshaṁ confirms the explanation of the corresponding tehi, as a dative plural, which I have proposed in the notes to my German translation, Zeitschrift der Deutsch-Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. XXXVIII, 886.” ↩︎
“If vatavo is not simply a clerical mistake for vatava, it must be considered as an instance of the utter loss of feeling for the distinction between the genders. The readings of Girnâr and Kâlsi, vatayvaṁ and vataviye, show that it representa the Sanskrit vaktavyam.” ↩︎
“I leave the word untranslated, as I do not believe that the varchobhûmikâḥ, the inspectors of the latrines, can be meant, and as I am unable to find any other explanation.” ↩︎
“The law to which Aśoka refers here is the body of those moral doctrines which he has fully particularised in the third rock-edict, and constantly inculcates as the one needful thing.” ↩︎
“Kîrtikaumudî, pp. viiii-x. Professor Kâṭhvâte has also correctly transcribed the passage containing the date, and has recognised that the Dabhoi Praśasti contains several verses from the Kîrtikaumudî and one from the Praśasti in Tejaḥpâla’s temple at Âbu.” ↩︎
“This is according to Dr. Schram’s calculation, who informs me that in V. S. 1311 (current ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 190.” ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 190; and Bhâṇḍârkar, Report for 1883-84, p. 12.” ↩︎
“The square brackets between which the syllable Staṁ has been placed in the transcript merely indicate that it is badly damaged. In my opinion it is not really doubtful. A portion of the left limb of Sa, the ends of the vertical strokes of ta and the anusvâra are distinguishable.” ↩︎
“K. Forbes, Râs Mâlâ (second edition ↩︎
“K. Forbes, Râs Mâlâ, p. 181.” ↩︎
“In the case of Yudhishṭhira Salya must be taken as the name of the well-known hero; in the case of Lavaṇaprasâda it means simply ’thorn,’ i.e., foe.” ↩︎
“Kîrtikaumudî, App. A, p. 4.” ↩︎
“This is the same tribo to which Vastupâla and Tejaḥpâla, the ministers of Vîradhavala, belonged. At present it bears the name Porvâl. The Porvâl Vâṇiâs are well known in Northern Gujarât and in Râjputânâ. In an analysis of this inscription prepared from another facsimile by Mr. Consens, Dr. Bhagvânlâl Indrâji gave the first name as Sâṁga.” ↩︎
“The last pâda of this verse may also be taken very differently. " ↩︎
“Dr. Bhagwânlal Indrâji read the second name as Śriyânanda.” ↩︎
“Regarding the use of sûtra for sûtradhâra, seo Vienn Oriental Journal, vol. II, No. 4.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavîkriḍita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakâ.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Anushṭubh.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Âryâ (P ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Âryâ” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Upajâti.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikriḍita.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Rathoddhatâ.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śikhariṇî.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre Upajâti.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 76-77, Śârdûlavikrîḍita. Rend सा येन स्थायिः—” ↩︎
“Metre, Rathoddhatâ” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 80-81, Vasantatilakâ.” ↩︎
“Metre, Âryâ.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre of verses 92–96, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre, Pushpitâgrâ.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 104–105, Anushṭub” ↩︎
" Metre Śikharinî” ↩︎
“Metre,Âryâ” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakâ,” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 115-116, Anushṭubh.” ↩︎
“With Sir A. Cunningham’s epoch of A.D. 249-50, the corresponding date would be Saturday, November 27, A.D. 1115. On the other hand, with the epoch A.D. 248-49, and a year beginning with either the mouth Bhâdrapada or Âśvina, the week-days of the ten inscriptions mentioned in the Book of Indian Eras, page 61, come out as follows:— Chêdi 793, Phâlguna ba-di 9, Sômê, Monday, January 18, A.D. 1042. " ↩︎
“From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Burgess, Director of the Archæological Survey of India.” ↩︎
“Metro, Mâlîni. I believe that this correction has been made already in the original.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîdita.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Possibly this correction has been made already in the original.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“The akshara in brackets might possibly be kka.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“The aksharas in brackets may be ta u, or tumu.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śárdûlavikrîḍita.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śloka (Anushṭubh ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Ślôka (Anushṭubh ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita; and of the next verse.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“I am almost certain that these two corrections have been made already in the original.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdbarâ.” ↩︎
“I am very doubtful about this akshara; it looks ruther like sgru, or perhaps ggra.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vaṁśastha.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read âmraṁ.” ↩︎
“Metre, Ślôka (Anushṭabh ↩︎ ↩︎
“Originally jê, corrected to ja (F ↩︎
“I have taken the word niravidha in the sense of advaya or advitîya, but am unable to quote another passage in support of this meaning. When applied to heaven, some of the adjectives of the text have to be translated differently, thus; chosen by Indra (Satakratu ↩︎
“I have taken aina, as an adjective, derived from ina, ‘a lord, master, king,’&o.; but am doubtful about thispassage” ↩︎
“The word sârtha is ordinarily masculine, not neuter.” ↩︎
“I take mṛish, marshayati, to be used in the sense of mṛsiś, mṛiśati.” ↩︎
“From an impression supplied to me by Dr. J. Burgess.” ↩︎
“The aksharas in these brackets are broken away.” ↩︎
“This correction appears to have been made already in the original.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharâ.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śardûlavikrîdita.” ↩︎
" Originally-târkshô.” ↩︎
“metre, Sragdharâ.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharâ; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“See note 29 on the translation below.” ↩︎
“Metre, Ślôka (Anushṭubb ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdulavikrîḍita; and of the next five verses.” ↩︎
“I cannot quote any other passage in which the word ambu-pallava is used in the sense assigned to it here.” ↩︎
“In the original one would have expected Chôḍa-Gaṅga-nṛipa, instead of nṛipa-Chôḍa-Gaṅga, but that would not have suited the metre.” ↩︎
“Here, too, one would have expected pûjy-âṁhri-padma-dvaṁdvô,instead of pújy-âṁhri-dvaṁdva-padmô, but that again would have offended against the metre.” ↩︎
“This verse defiues the time when the temple, mentioned in verse 21, was built, and it has no referenco to the verse immediately following here.” ↩︎
“I leave these names as they are given in the original. According to the Âśnalâyana-srauta-sûtra, Calc. Ed., p.883, and the Dharma-sindhu, Bo. Ed., p.371, they really are Âtrêya, Ârchanânasa, and Śyâvâsva. It is evident that the writer of the inscription, who undoubtedly took the second name to be Ârchanâna, understood the third name to be Sasyâvâsa, joining the syllable sa, which belongs to the second name, to the third.” ↩︎
“On Kâsyapa, as another name of Kanâda, the founder of the Vaiséshika school of philosophy,-seo Cowell’s Translation of The Aphorisms of Sâṅḍilya, Preface, p. v.—Akshapâdais Gôtama, the founder of the Nyâya system. The sage Agustya is fabled to have swallowed the ocean.” ↩︎
“In the original the adverb aśrântam is made to qualify the substantive ôjasvitâm, contrary to the rules of garmmar.” ↩︎
“In the original one would have expected brahmâṇḍa-bhâṇḍ-ôdara, instead of brahmâṇḍôdra-bhâṇḍa.” ↩︎
“It will appear from the next inscription, that Râghava was the younger brother of Mâmê, and therefore the paternal uncle of Ratnasiṁha.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Arch. Sur. Reports, Vol. VII, p. 215. It has been edited before, by Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra, in the Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XXXII, pp. 277-279, 280-287.” ↩︎
“From an impression supplied to me by the Director of the Archeological Survey of India.” ↩︎
“This is expressed by a symbol.” ↩︎
“Of the aksharas in these brackets only the lower portions can be recognised in the impression.” ↩︎
“Dr. Râjendralâl has read here madhairyyâmbudhiḥ । sa ; and it is easy to conjecture that the following lost aksharas were ptâmbhô.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita; and of the next two verses.” ↩︎
“Dr. Râjendralâl has road here srî-Ratnadêvô nripa(paḥ ↩︎
“Dr. Râjendralâl has read here dharmmâmbudhiḥ । nâ-[nâ].” ↩︎
“Dr. Râjendralâl has read hero stavyavaṁśaśubhrâṁ-[śu].” ↩︎
“Dr. Râjendralâl has read here jâmala[ku].” ↩︎
“Dr. Râjendralâl has read here vi[stî].” ↩︎
“The missing syllable is of course Su.” ↩︎
“The missing syllable I suppose to be ya.” ↩︎
“The missing syllable is ka.” ↩︎
“Metre, Rathôddhatâ.” ↩︎
“The missing syllable is li.” ↩︎
“The missing syllable I take to be taḥ.” ↩︎
“The missing syllable is tô.” ↩︎
“Dr. Râjendralâl has read here the syllable va; and for the beginning of the next line he supplies ni.” ↩︎
“The figure in brackets is broken away.” ↩︎
“Read vidhattô.” ↩︎
“This date has not been written by the writer of the inscription, who [forms his numeral figures differently; and it appears to be scratched on the stone rather than properly engraved. Of the four figures, the first, second, and last are quite distinct; the third figure is indistinct, but it decidedly looks moro like 4 than 0. An examination of the stoue may possibly show, that the inscription originally was dated in a year of the Chêdi era; for, in the impression, the first syllable of the word saṁvat, which precedes the figures 1247 (P ↩︎
“Like verse 8 of the preceding inscription, this verse defines the time when the temple, mentioned in verse 24, was built, and it has no reference to the verse immediately following here.” ↩︎
“Compare Raghuvamśa, XV, 40, Bo. Ed., note.” ↩︎
“The usual form of the name is Indu-mauli; not, as in the text, Maulîndu.” ↩︎
“The play on the word târaka is lost in the translation.” ↩︎
“Lipsa in the original, I take to be used for lipsu; it is similarly used in a passage of the Kathâsaritsagara, quoted in B. & R.’s Dictionary, s.v. lipsâ.” ↩︎
“i.e. Kumârapâla; in the original, the second syllable has been shortened, to make the name fit into the verse.” ↩︎
“See page 49, note41.” ↩︎
“Verses 1, 3, 4, 8, correspond to verses 1, 12, 16, 18, of the grant of Dhruva III.—Ind. Ant., vol. XII, page 179.” ↩︎
“See Ind. Ant. vol. XIV, pago 197.” ↩︎
“The modern Kheḍâ (Kaira ↩︎
“This is probably the same as Kâśahraḍa, Ind. Ant., vol. XIV, p. 202.” ↩︎
“Among the towns and villages named in the grant the following can be readily identified : Karpaṭavâṇijya, “Rag-fair,” is the modern Kâpaḍvaṇaj. The village granted, Vyâghrâsa, is the Gaikavâdî village Vaghàs, situated north-east of Kàpaḍ- vaṇaj in Lat. 23° 6’ N. and Long. 73° 10’ E. (Trig. Survey Map, Guj Ser. No. 26 ↩︎
“Other inscriptions of Krishṇa II. are dated Śaka 822, 824, 826, and 831; see Ind. Ant., vol. XII, p. 221 f.; and Mr. Fleet’s Kanarese Dynasties, p. 36.” ↩︎
“This Nemâditya may have been a relation of Nemâditya, the son of the kulaputraka Dhurgabhata, who wrote the grant of Karka II. dated Śaka 734; see Ind. Ant., vol. XII, p. 165.” ↩︎
“Read साक्षाद्धर्म.” ↩︎
“Read ०रेणूर्ध्व०.” ↩︎
“Read ० सानुस्थेः.” ↩︎
“Read ० वैरि ०.” ↩︎
“Read यश्च प्रभीश्चतुर ०.” ↩︎
“Road रामीपरीor रामीपमी.” ↩︎
“Read सत्मुप्यनेक ०.” ↩︎
“Read ० माप ?.” ↩︎
“Read सुनुस्तस्या ०,” ↩︎
“Read भूपालान्कण्टकाभान् ?.” ↩︎
“Read ० न्वष्टयित्वा.” ↩︎
“Read यथाभिमानी निजमपि.” ↩︎
“Read ० दवाप.” ↩︎
“Read ० पञ्चाम०.” ↩︎
“Read ० रबो.” ↩︎
“Read तस्माहभूव.” ↩︎
“Read ० नामायम्.” ↩︎
“Read ० वर्षापरनाभा.” ↩︎
“Read ० कृतये.” ↩︎
“Read लक्ष्मीः” ↩︎
“Read ० कवीन्द्रे ०.” ↩︎
“The metre requires an additional syllable after श्रीशुद्ध०.” ↩︎
“Read शाश्वतं सिंहमेव.” ↩︎
“Read ० रचितं निर्भीक ०.” ↩︎
“Read विवखान् । येनानीता.” ↩︎
“Read पार्थेनेवारिचक्रप्रमथन ०.” ↩︎
“Read यशसा.” ↩︎
“Read सिंहोभूय.” ↩︎
“Read ० माणं.” ↩︎
“Read खखामिने.” ↩︎
“Read शेलुणलित०.” ↩︎
“Read समरे.” ↩︎
“Read कुल०.” ↩︎
“Read राजः” ↩︎
“Readºख्यातान्-” ↩︎
“Read घामक०.” ↩︎
“Read आकाटनानि.” ↩︎
“Read • बासष्यभरदाजस गोचवाजिमाध्यंदिन सब्रह्मचारि०.” ↩︎
“Read • भट्टाय.” ↩︎
“Read स्वात्वोदकातिसर्गेथ.” ↩︎
“Read ºदेवार्थ.” ↩︎
“Read ºअत्प्र०.” ↩︎
“Read सर्वेरेवाº” ↩︎
“Read अस्मदनुपº” ↩︎
“Read तिष्ठति.” ↩︎
“Read चानुमन्ता.” ↩︎
“Read • नात्.” ↩︎
“Read यानीह.” ↩︎
“Read ºल्यवान्तंप्रतिº” ↩︎
“Read सर्वानेवं” ↩︎
“Read ºवेन्द्रान्.” ↩︎
“Read ºखोलां.” ↩︎
“Read ● मशावर्त” ↩︎
“Read बुधा.” ↩︎
“Read ● कीर्तयी.” ↩︎
“Read • गुजाति.” ↩︎
“Road • चवी.” ↩︎
“Read लीकचर्य.” ↩︎
“Read भवेचु.” ↩︎
“Read नहीं.” ↩︎
“Read बहि.” ↩︎
“Read पचहलः १.” ↩︎
“Read चैव.” ↩︎
“Read सर्वेमानेव.” ↩︎
“Read हाटक” ↩︎
“i.e.,like Yudhishthira, the son of Dharma or Yama.” ↩︎
“On account of the metre, akâra is used for dkara.” ↩︎
" This verse alludes to the real name of the king, vir. Kṛishna.” ↩︎
" Literally: " ↩︎
“The meaning of the second half of this verse seems to be, that Râjahaṁsa dedicated the booty of his warlike expeditions to a temple of Śiva which he himself had built.” ↩︎
“This person seems to have been a brother of Prachaṇḍa and Akkuva.” ↩︎
“पlooks like प.” ↩︎
“In the transcripts, a small star x attached to a mark of punctuaticn, letter, or numeral in square brackets [ ], indicatesthat it did not exist in the original, but has been supplied. - Ed.” ↩︎
“Pârvatî calls Kâvîrî the wife of another, in order to prevent Śiva from coveting her.” ↩︎
“This whole verse has a double entondre. It contains allusions to the Indian logic (tarkasâstra ↩︎ ↩︎
“Satyasaṁdha must have been a biruda of Guṇabhara. A statue of the king is also alluded to in the first verse on theright pillar.” ↩︎
" Read गिरीन्द्र.” ↩︎
“Read गिरिभवन.” ↩︎
" Literally: ’this was the way.’” ↩︎
" Literally : ‘he made Sthâṇu ( i. e, the stationary one ↩︎
“In the inscription, the place is called Vodámayûtà (lines 1 and 11 ↩︎
“The beginning of this verse, together with the verse or verses which must have preceded it, is broken away.” ↩︎
" i. e., the Ganges.” ↩︎
“The mandâra, saṁtâna, and kalpa trees are trees of Indra’s paradise.” ↩︎
" The usual spelling of this word is Hammira; see, e.g., the Royal Asiatic Society’s Plate of Vijayachandra and Jayachchandra, lino 8, in Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 7. [For the application of Ilammiraḥ as used on coins, see Thomas’s Chronicles of the Pathân Kings of Delhi, pp. 50n. and 136n.-J. B.]” ↩︎
“From an impression supplied to me by Dr. Burgess.— Thefirst half of the line, preceding that here numbered 1, is entirely gone,and of the second half only the lower portions of theaksharas are left.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikriḍita; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakâ; and of the next six verses.” ↩︎
“i.e., dimajô.” ↩︎
“Originally kîrtyd-.” ↩︎
“i.e., anvitaa.” ↩︎
“i.e., atô-.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mâlinî; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“i.e., -śâstrâ-.” ↩︎
“i.e., tâpasô.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“This certainly is the original reading; but a caroful examination of the akshara rôshows that it has been altered, and I would suggest the reading vara-tanuḥ.” ↩︎
" Metre, Śloka (Anushṭubh ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śiklariṇî.” ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Upajâti; and of the next verse.” ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Mandâkrântâ; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
" Here, in the original, follow the aksharas thathuthathathathatha.” ↩︎
" Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Hariṇî.” ↩︎
“This akshara originally was bha.” ↩︎
" Metre, Upêndravajrâ.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharâ,” ↩︎
“Metre, Drutavilambita.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
" i.e., -niraṁ..” ↩︎
" Metre, Mandâkrântâ.” ↩︎ ↩︎
" Motro, Vasantutilakâ.” ↩︎
“Read prabhramaṇêna.” ↩︎
“Metre,Śloka(Anushṭubh ↩︎ ↩︎
" i.e., vi-.” ↩︎
“i.e., pari—” ↩︎
" Metre, Vaṁśastha.” ↩︎
" Here are about seven illegible aksharas which possiblycontained a date.” ↩︎
" Metre, Śâlinî.” ↩︎
“Here about 45 aksharas are broken away.” ↩︎
" Indian Antiquary, vol. IX, pp. 166 ff; ibid. vol. X, pp. 3.1 ff; ibid. vol. V, pp. 180 ff; ante, p. 10; Anecdota Oxoniensia, volt I, pt. ; Bendall’s Catalogue of Sans. MSS. from Nepâl.” ↩︎
“See Bendall’s Catalogue, last table.” ↩︎
" Anecdola Oxoniensia, vol. I, pt. 3, pp. 63 ff.” ↩︎
“Sir Å. Cunningham, Anc. Geog., p. 377, is right when he assorts that the French translation of Hiuen Tsiang’s Fri-she was wrong in making Karsha of the Vaisya caste, and that the intermarriages with the Rajput families of Valabhî and Mâlvâ (recte Kanoj ↩︎
“The word Pushpubhûti gives no good sense. Pushyabhâli is a Nakshatra-name, and means” ↩︎ ↩︎
“See Corpus Inscr. Indicarum, vol. III, plate xxxiiß. I owe a set of the plates and of a portion of the text of this unpublished work to the kindness of the author. Since writing the above, I have received Mr. Fleet’s text, from which (p. 232 ↩︎
“Srîharshacharita, p. 274 (Kaśmir edition ↩︎
“Srîharshacharita, p. 326, अथ कदाचिद्राजा राज्यवर्धनं कवचहरं हनान्हन्तुं ………उत्तरापथं प्राहिणीत् । The issue of this expedition does not seem to have been favourable, as Bâṇa speaks on Râjyavardhana’s return of hard fights, but not of booty brought back; see p. 376.” ↩︎
“Srîharshacharita, pp.391-392, पिशाचानामिव नीचात्मानां चरितानि छिद्रप्रहारीणि प्रायशो भवन्ति यतो यस्मिन्नहन्यवनिपतिरूपरत इत्यभूद्वार्त्ता तस्मिन्नेव देवो ग्रहवर्मा दुरात्मना मालवराजेन जीवलीकमात्मनः सुकृतेन सह त्याजितः । भतृदारिकापि राज्यश्रीः काङ्गायसमिगडयुगलचुम्बितचरणा चौराङ्गनेव संयता कन्यकुब्जे कारायां निक्षिप्ता । किंवदन्ती च यथा किलानायक साधनं मत्वा जिघृक्षुः सुतिरतामपि भुषमाजिगमिषतीति ॥ The speaker is Saṁvâdaka. a servant of Râjyaśrî. My interpretation of this passage follows Dr. Hall, Vâsavadattâ, p. 52, who says that Kanyakubja was Grahavarman’s capital. Grahavarman and his father Avantivarman are always spoken of by Bâṇa as independent princes.” ↩︎
“See e.g., pp. 273, 274, 275, 278, 279, 281 of the Kaśmîr edition. [Eight of the best MSS. of the Harshacharita, however, read ‘Yasomatt,’ which reading I have adopted in my forthcoming edition of the text and commentary.—A. F.]” ↩︎
“The story is told, Śrîharshacharita, p. 399, and frequently alluded to, e.g., in the second introductory verse of Uchchhvâsa, VI, 376. Hiuen Tsiang’s account occurs in Beal’s Si-yu-ki, vol. I, p. 210, and St. Julien, Vie, p. 112. Sir A. Cunningham, Ancient Geography, makes the name of Śaśânka’s country to be Kiraṇasuvarṇa. Neither this nor M. St. Julien’s transliteration is certain.” ↩︎
“Bâṇa says, p. 396 : अतिक्रान्तेषु बहुवासुरेषु कदाचित्तयैव भ्रातृगमनदुःखासिकया दत्तप्रजागरस्त्रिभागशेषायां त्रियामायां धामिकेन गीयमानाभिमामायो शुश्राव ॥ The listener is Harsha. The news of his brother’s death came on the following day. It seems impossible to understand the phrase “when many days had passed” otherwise than that some months, not a full year, had elapsed since Râjyavardhana’s departure.” ↩︎
" Śrîharshacharita, f. 472. I may add that Bhaṇḍin was not the minister of Râjyavardhana, as Hiuen Tsiang says, nor “a subject of high rank” entrusted with the two brothers’ education, as Dr. Hall ( Vâsavadattâ, p. 52 ↩︎
“Beal, Si-yu-ki, vol. I, p. 212. Doubts about Hiuen Tsiang’s veracity have been emitted by Mr. Boyd, Nâgânanda, pp. ix—xi, who correctly states that the events narrated by him do not bear out his assertion that Harsha was a thoroughgoing Buddhist.” ↩︎
“Śrîharshacharita, p. 417.” ↩︎
“It may be mentioned that Gurjara sûtradhâras are met within the present day.” ↩︎
“Journey to Nepâl, pp. 74-76.” ↩︎
“L. 1 Read ओं. L. 2 Read अप्सरो०; ० श्रीमदादित्य ० L. 5 Read ०प्रवण०, It looks as if the engraver had tried to remove the vowel i.” ↩︎
“Metre of the verse, śârdûlavikrîḍita.” ↩︎
“L. 9 Read समुपगतान्; the Sanskrit form of प्रमातार is प्रमातृ. Read जनपदांश्च; the reading of the plate may be जनपदान्श्च.” ↩︎
“Read संविदितमयं सोमकुण्डिकां The dot above त may, however, be accidental.” ↩︎
“L. 17 Read हर्षेणैतत्स०.” ↩︎
“The ablatives must be construed with samâjñâpayati below. II. 9-10.” ↩︎
“Though I am unable to prove my supposition by the quotation of parallel passages or of Koshas, I think that the sun is meant, the single wheel of whose chariot may here, as in the Ṛigveda, represent the year. The next two kings are likewise compared with those gods whom they particularly worshipped.” ↩︎
“Pravaṇa cannot here have its usual meaning “inclining towards.” I take it in the sense of udâra which is given in some Koshas, and as a synonym of pravara. The latter torm is sometimes found in parallel passages of inscriptions.” ↩︎
“Literally “those charged with the accomplishment of what is difficult to accomplish.” If this term, which occurs also in other inscriptions (see e.g. Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p. 167, 1, 28 ↩︎
“Regarding the term pramâtri, found here and below, 1. 16, see the note on verse 36 of the second Baijnath Praśasti (inf ↩︎
“The text has bhuktakaḥ. The addition of a meaningless affix ka to participles in mâna, na and ta, which, I think, is owing to the influence of the Prâkrit dialects, occurs very frequently in the Central Indian inscriptions of the fifth and sixth centuries. See e.g. Mr. Fleet’s volume, quoted above, page 136, 1. 9, utpannakotpadyamânaka, p. 137, 1. 11, kâritaka and so forth.” ↩︎
“Analogous expressions such as samuchitarâjâbhâvyakarapratyâyâ na grâhyâḥ occur in the Karitalai copper-plate inscription of M. Jayanâtha (Fleet, Corpus Inscr. Ind., vol. III, p. 118, ll. 11-12 ↩︎
“Pratigrahadharmaṇâ, i. e., pratigraho dharmo yasya tena.” ↩︎
“I understand by bhoga ‘(objects of ↩︎
" Both verses are Composed on the model of ancient ślokas, the first according to some commonly quoted in other grants, the second according to one from the Mahâbhârata, see Böthlingk, Indische Sprüche, No. 1560.” ↩︎
“The document was first published with a translation in the Jour. As. Sor. Beng., vol. VI, p. 777, by Mr. J. Prinsep: according to a copy taken by Colonel Stacy. A facsimile of i. 1 and of the greater part of 1. 2 accompanies Prinsep’s paper. See also Prinsep’s Essays, vol. I, pp. 321-324. Later a complete facsimile was published by Sir A. Cunningham, Archeological Reports, vol. I, p. 354ff. The subjoined edition has been prepared according to an excellent paper impression taken by Dr. A. Führer, of the Archeological Survey, North-Western Provinces, and sent to me by the Editor.” ↩︎
“Aufrecht, Cat. Sansk. MSS. Bodleian Libr., p. 354. The addition of the affix ku to names is extremely common, especially in Jaina Sanskrit.” ↩︎
“See Ind. Off. Lila No. 286, p. 2 (Sansk. MSS. Bühler ↩︎
“Archeological Reports, vol. I, pp. 353 ff.” ↩︎
“[Dewal is called ‘Illâhâbâs or ‘Illâhâbâd by the Muhammadans : the Katuî is also known as the Kâvâ.—J. B.]” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharå. Only the व्व of the syllables र्व्वतो is distinguishable.” ↩︎
“Metre, Indravajrâ.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Šárdulavikrîḍita.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre,Śârdûlavikrîḍita; the first letter of I, 8 is destroyed.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakâ; the second syllable of the verse is mutilated, but recognisable.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilaka.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Sardúlavikridita; read ●मनः विग्धा सीमा.” ↩︎
“Metro, Sardūlavikridita.” ↩︎
" Metro, Sardalavikridita. The last ldestroyed. I do not correct • उज्वल ०, because the spelling is permissible.etter of line 13 in” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdhara.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Motre, Sragdhara.” ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilaks.” ↩︎
“etre, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakh” ↩︎
“Metro, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubh.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Malini.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilaks” ↩︎
“Metro, Malini.” ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilake; the letters pets are hulf destroyed.laced between braok.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtabh. Read सुकीर्त्तिना.” ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilake. The last letter of line 24 is damaged.” ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatileks.” ↩︎
" Metro, Ârya.” ↩︎
“Motre, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“The word is superfluous and ought to be expunged. The mistake seems to have been caused by the author having originally intended to give the date both in words and in figures.” ↩︎
“Idhave rendered the first huge epithet of Siva as literally as possible, because I do not know the myth to which it refers. Siva’s encounter with Râvana is frequently alluded to in the Kayas.” ↩︎
“The demon who assumed the shape of an elephant is no doubt Mahishasura. According to the Devîmâhâtmya, Márkandeya Purâṇa, LXXIII, 30, the Asura turned himself also into a Mahâgaja. When speaking of the halo which surrounds the face of Pârvati, the poet may have thought of representations, such as are found in Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, plate vii, where her head is surrounded by a glory. Chandropanita which I have taken as equivalent to chandraya upanita, may also stand for chandreņa upanîta. In the latter case it would indicate that the moon, found on Siva’s crest, transferred bis halo to the goddess who is closely united with her husband in the form of Ardhanârî.” ↩︎
" This refers to the quarrel of, Indra and Chyavana, caused by the latter’s appropriating a share of the offerings to the Aévins; see H. H. Wilson’s Vishnupurâna, vol. III, p. 248, and Dr. F. E. Hall’s note thereon. I am unable to find the story in the Kaushitaki-Brāhmaṇa where it ought to staud according to the scholiast.” ↩︎
“Or, " ↩︎
“-Bhushana, left out in Mr. Prinsep’s translation, not the monstrous M&mschanda-pratâpa, which owes its origin to a wrong division of the syllables of two epithets and to a mislection, is the name of the second chief. Bhashapa is still a very common proper namo, usually spelt and pronounced Bhûk han. By the epithet chandapratāpaḥ, Bhúshaṇa is compared with the sun and this comparison suggests that of his enemies to the mud which the sun dries up and prevents from sticking.” ↩︎
“The translation of the third and fourth Pâdas is not certain. In Pâda 3, I have taken vikshepa in the sense of ‘camp’which it certainly has in the inscriptions of the Gurjara king Dadda II. If that is correct, it must be assumed that the armies are represented as having required, on account of their magnitude, the whole contents of the oceans for drinking water. Indian poets frequently speak of the soldiers of their heroes drinking from the ocean, apparently forgetting that the thing is impossible (see c.g. the great Andhra inscription of Pulumâyi, Arch. Reports of Western India, vol. IV, p. 108,1. 3 ↩︎
“Dhavala, resplendent (with fame ↩︎
“One would have expected chakraḥ. But the actual reading may be defended on the supposition that the compound is an aryayîbhâva modifying âvabhára. It would seem that Malhaṇa had to fight for the succession or possibly took the chiefship by force from his brother.” ↩︎
" This is the feminine of the word Anahila, which forms the first part of Anahilapaṭak a or Anhilvâd. The masonline occurs aldo as Anahila in the Valabhi inscriptions, Indian intiquary, vol. VII, p. 76.” ↩︎
" I am afraid durbhagâ is put in order to make a most indecent pun. At all events the poet is guilty of grâmyatva.” ↩︎
“The elephants guarding the quarters are white, just like the fame of Lalla.” ↩︎
“Sattra means here annasattra or sadâvrata, see also below, verse 26.” ↩︎
" i.e., who surpasses her rivals in beauty or, to use the oriental phrase, blackens their faces like a snow-shower the” ↩︎
“Devi, i.e., Pârvati.” ↩︎
" The May û tâ of Bhushana has not been identified. Possibly it may be the town or suburb of the capital, mentioned above in verse 10.” ↩︎
“I am unable to render the pun in hridaye, which, if referred to the string of pearls, means ‘ou the heart’ or ‘on the breast;’ if referred to the verses in the heart’ or ‘in the mind.’” ↩︎
“Karaṇika ‘clerk,’ i.e. Kayastha, is derived from karana, which means both a written document’ (see the Petersburg Dict. sub voce ↩︎
" Ante, p. 52.” ↩︎
“Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 76.” ↩︎
" Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 79, where the reading of the facsimile is Tara, not in as the transcript has it.” ↩︎
“Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 76, and vol. XI, p. 306.” ↩︎
“Ind. Ant., vol. I, pp. 17, 45f., and vol. VII, p.73.” ↩︎
“•According to Professor Bühler (Ind. Ant., vol. XV, p. 337, note 10, and vol. XVII, p. 197, note 50 ↩︎
" Read ● संहतिः.” ↩︎
" Read ●थिया..” ↩︎
“Read ● सुख” ↩︎
“Road ● शाभिमान..” ↩︎
“Read सत्यसंपदा.” ↩︎
" Read ●लीकचरित०.” ↩︎
" Read विषयाणां.” ↩︎
" Read ●पूर्ण विदधानः.” ↩︎
“Read ● शालातुरीय” ↩︎
“Read प्रथमो” ↩︎
" Read यशस.” ↩︎
" Rend • श्रियमर्पयन्याः क..” ↩︎
" Read ● शिलौ..” ↩︎
“Read पुनःः. " ↩︎
“Boad ● सैत्युक्त.. .” ↩︎
“The earlier Valabhi grantमच्चचामप्रहार ‘battle’ for ग्रडार wyre ‘blow.’” ↩︎
“The last translator of the above passage has been Professor Kielhorn (Ind. Ant., vol. XIV, p. 329 ↩︎
" On these technical meanings of maula, bhrita and freni, see the Hon V. N. Mandlik’s note, Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XI, p. 346.” ↩︎
“The last sentence might also mean: " ↩︎
“On the abhigamika gundh see Jour. Bombay Br.R.As.SOC.VOI.xi,p.348” ↩︎
“The author seems to have formed pratyala from the root al, which the compilers of the Dhâtupatha had invented in order to explain the derivation of alam.” ↩︎
“The second meaning of this passage is as follows :-“ As he made an affix following roots or crude forms (Pâņini, III,1,*2 ↩︎
“देरभट (not देरभट ↩︎
“The second meaning of this passage is as follows: " ↩︎
“In a notice published in the Vienna Oriental Journal (vol. I, p. 138 ↩︎
“A Devanagari transcript, prepared (for Mr. J. G. Delmerick ↩︎
“This upithel (? * the truthful one ↩︎
“Rightly identified by Rajendralala Mitra with Sultan Shahāb-ad-dinMuhammad Ghori,A.D. 1325-1351. " ↩︎
" Muḥammad-bin-Tughlaq, reigned A.D. 1166-1206.” ↩︎
“Raj. Mitra takes this to be the original, or Sanskrit form of Agra, the merchants or baniyas of which place are well known all over India as the Agarwâlâ Baniyas.’ Perhaps it may be the name (derived from Agrå ↩︎
“Thus the inscription reads, instead of Sâvadova, as transcribed by the Pandit.” ↩︎
" ज्येष्ठः in the inscription, is of course a mistake for ज्येष्ठ :” ↩︎
“Here, and in ſloka 14, the Pandit (if his transcript has been faithfully reproduced ↩︎
“The inscription reads clearly अक्षयस्वर्गरप्राप्ति . What the Pandit took to be an anusvåra (अक्षय ↩︎
“Instead of षेतलः पैतलयेनं : dagdy the Pandit reads खेतलः पैतृकयैव au: da The anusvara is indeed very indistinct, and is perhaps even wanting; the letter itself, however, is undoubtedly , and not a. It scarcely needs to be remarked that the letter and are frequently interchanged; hence खेतलः in verse 13, and in 14.” ↩︎
“Rajendralala Mitra suggests that " ↩︎
“Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekhan, p.” ↩︎
“The next latest regnal year of this king in the sixteonth, see Arch. Rep. Western India, vol. IV, p. 79.” ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p, 331.” ↩︎
" Loc. cit., note 4.” ↩︎
“after भगवती five, possibly six, letters have been obliterated. The last two seem to have beenवस” ↩︎
“The lacuna after fe has to be filled up by fe(ad da ↩︎
“The slanting stroke above in महतरकेन each seems to be accidental. The next word may be मद्यो” ↩︎
“I take vɩm to be an equivalent of Sanskrit चर्यक wf which has the saine’ meaning as स्वामिन् if found in the same position in other Andhra inscriptions.” ↩︎
“महतरक is probably a title and the same as the Sanskrit महत्तर .” ↩︎
“Cunningham, Arch. Sur. Rep., vol. V, p. 178, says the mandapa is 48 feet square outside: this is probably a misprint for 28 feet.” ↩︎
“See also loc. cit., plate xlii, 5. Sir A. Cunningham refers to an article of Raja Sivaprasada, published in the Simla Akbar of 1849, a periodical which is not accessible to me.” ↩︎
“A transcript of the historical portions, together with a discussion of their contents in German, bas already been published at pp. 11-19 of the Festgruss an Otto von Bohtlingk, Stutte art, 1888. I have now been able to correct the text, given there, in various places, I, 33; II, 7, 14, 29, 31.” ↩︎
“The former name is given in the Kângra Gazetteer, p. 21, the latter by Sir A. Cunningham. The river is a tributary of the Vipâ§â or Biâs.” ↩︎
“This is a very common appellation of Siva, and many Vaidyanathas are found in the most different parts of India.” ↩︎
“Compare also the description of the temple in J. Fergusson’s History of Indian Architecture, pp. 315-18, and wood-cut, No. 178.” ↩︎
“Sudarmapura, which is also called Sudarmanagara, seems to have been a place of some consequence. The first part of the compound name probably refers to Sué armaohandia, the reputed founder of the dynasty of Jalandhara, see Cunningham, Archeological Report, vol. V, p. 155. According to the tradition given by Sir A Cunningham, this princo lived at the time of the Great War, and founded Nagarkot or Kot Kângra. Hence it is extremely probable that Sušarmapura is identical with the fortress at the town which is still the capital of the Kangra District.” ↩︎
“The title rájánaka, literally kinglet,’ is chiefly known from Kasmirian sources. The Rajatarangini, VI, 261, mentions that Didda bestowed it on Naraváhana, one of her generals. Later it has been given to various Kasmirian Brahmans,some of whose descendants still bear it.” ↩︎
“See the Gazetteer of India, sub vore.” ↩︎
“This seems to have been a name of more frequent occurrence. The real name of the last Rathor of Kanauj, who succumbed to the Ghoris, was also Jayachchandra-see Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 10ff. The Jainas, too, call him Jayantachandra, using the Prakrit form of the present participle.” ↩︎
“This ‘Atr Chand’ seems to be the result of a mislection of the word atulakula in No. II, verse 11” ↩︎
“The word occurs also in a Valabhî inscription, Indian Antiquary, vol. VII, p. 76. But its meaning is there probably different, because it stands before a female name.” ↩︎
“See abovo, p. 98.” ↩︎
“See my Kashmir Report, p. 59, and Sir A. Cunningham’s Book of Indian Eras, p. 6H” ↩︎
“All letters, which aro effaced or badly damaged, have been enclosed between square brackets. The numerala marking the verses are not found in the inscription.” ↩︎
" According to A the last words might also be read namo ganapaye ॥, i. e.,ganapataye. Bnt as clerionl mistak are rare in this inscription, and as the seeming first vertical stroke after the last akshara is not quite regular, I prefer the reading ganapayoh, to which B and C point.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakt. - The anusvdra of pyaham is not distinct. Possibly evam. The last vowel of " ↩︎
“Met.re, Bhrddlnvikridita. The last vowel of trinayane has run together with the û of kúpa in the apper line.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardûlavikridita” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati,” ↩︎
“Metre, Vansustha. 24The anusvara of speyushdhis not distinct.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati. The s of opyupars is almost gone.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mañjubhâshiņi.” ↩︎
" Metre, Âryk.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 11-13, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushçubh. Read ohañohachehdpa” ↩︎
" Mecre of verses 14-15, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubh. The anusvdra of sarm animanah has run together with the fire in the upper line” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubb.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 18-19, Arya.” ↩︎
" Metie, Rathoddhata The avagraha before kutorhatâ is indicated by a thin vertical line. The inscription has prima manu tâvskî, which has been corrected to tavaks. After this verse stands a sign which looks like a rude repre. sentation of a yoni and linga united. 45 40 41 . 4. - 39” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 21-22,upajati” ↩︎ ↩︎
“metre upajati” ↩︎
“metre vamsastha” ↩︎
“Metre Upajati.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre Indravajrs. Read dese.” ↩︎
“Metre, Indravaji&” ↩︎
“Metic. Upajati. Druvate is a conjecture and unoertain.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardulavikrilita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Arya” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre off verses 32-83, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre rathoddhata read sunund the ra of prangandya is indistinet” ↩︎
“Metre, Rathoddhats. Perhaps bhuruspatih. Possibly the stone has a mistake esa for eaha. A letter, probably ma. has been suratohed out between the two mas of samam. Read Sasanaiḥ. After this verse stands a sign which looks like the rude representation of a lotus.” ↩︎
“Motre of verses 36-37, Rathoddhata. The name in verse 36 may also be read Masmanasya or Sasmanasya.” ↩︎
" Metre, Anashtubh. Read kavisvarah, which is probable according to C.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upnjati. Regarding the end of the first Pada see above, the introduction. Possibly jyeshthasya may be the reading of the stone. This is the usual form for the name of the month in the inscriptions. As Râna evidently was a good grammarian, one may give him the benefit of the doubt.” ↩︎
“See the introduction, above, p. 103.” ↩︎
“The two rulers of the Ganas,” ↩︎
“I translate kumatidra on the analogy of madḥudra, “a beo” ↩︎
“The translation of this verse and the following ones, marked a, refers always to Siva, that marked 6 to Parvati. Påía,’the bond or fetter,’ is a term, commonly used in Saiva philosophy-seo Sarvadartana Saṁgraha, p. 118 (Cowell and Gough ↩︎
“Pârvatî is characterised as a deity of the forest by her name kântâravdsinî,” ↩︎
“Separate with the first translation, yasya ahimâlayd utkarshaposhiņí tasyâ namanti. yasya himalayotkarshaposhini….tasya dhamanti:” ↩︎
“Separate with the first translation, ugra vadhún kleś&pahariti manoharábbih with the second ugravadhúk klesûpahû rítimanoharabhih. As Abhirama is a name of Biva, see Goldstücker, Sanskrit Dictionary, aub voco. I take the compound bhaktibharabhiramain in the first translation to mean bhaktibharah abhirdme yeshim taip. In the second I have rendered its usual sense, bhaktibharendbhirdmaih. But I should not wonder if Abhirama were a name of Parvati and the real sense were " ↩︎
“Separate with the first translation in pâda 3, satyam bhavân íta raṇābhildshiṇâm; with the second satyam bhavâní tarandbhildehindm.” ↩︎
“When the verse refers to Siva, Hari means Visbņu, who every year reposes during four months on Sesha in the ocean who slew the Asura Hiraṇyakasipu in the Narasimha Avatara, and who, being also a solar deity, possesses a fierce brilliancy unbearable to the eye. When the verse refers to Pârvati Hari denotes her lion; samudrásin stands for samudram, i. e. mudraya sahitaṁ yathô syật tathâ and Asin, and finally đsura means blood and dhâman the abode or location.” ↩︎
“Separate with the first translation malddihrit-aydhladi-darsanatoh with the second bahudehantarastha-anuḥ. The darsana intended is the Saiva philosophy of the Kasmiriana.” ↩︎
“Separate with the first translation in Pâda 3, bahusaḥ animadiguṇasampadâlayau; with the second, the line forms one compound as it is printed. Animan, " ↩︎
“Separate with the first translation, girijela adhikhinnaḥ; with the second, girije Iddhi khinnaḥ.Separate with the first translation, girijela adhikhinnaḥ; with the second, girije Iddhi khinnaḥ.” ↩︎
“Separate with the first translation, sivâya ekavinantavyaº, with the second Sivayai kavinantavyaᵒ.” ↩︎
“With the second translation it is necessary to read the second line, as it is printed; with the first to separate trailokye astrijano. I take astré, literally not female, as an equivalent of vira. For the second meaning compare Bálarâmdyaṇa, X. sl. 46.” ↩︎
“With the first translation separate mrida anisaraṇaishinâm, with the second mridâni śaraṇaishiņām.” ↩︎
“With the first translation separate in the second line, gaurîsa asti, with the second g aurî §deti.” ↩︎
“With the first translation separate sarva animânam with the second sarvâņi mânam. The word mana, rendered by " ↩︎
“With the first translation separate in the second line yasya áste, with the second yasydh te.” ↩︎
" Iscarabhaktimantaḥ " ↩︎
" The perfect vinarjaydmdsa probably indicates that this praiseworthy conduct began after his pilgrimage to Kedarnath.” ↩︎
“A saha is equal to four dronas and the meaning is that ralhanas land in navagrama required four dronusof seed-corn” ↩︎
“This must be the name of some writer on architecture.” ↩︎
“A verb has been intentionally left out in this sentence. It must have been either wtoirnd or samdpta: probably the former. With the feading prasiddhe (see above p. 108 ↩︎
" Metre, Sragdhar&; —gajdsyo and kurutdh are very uncertain.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubh” ↩︎
" Metre, Garddlavikridita. The w of °vibhuk is visible. 1 x” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardalavikridita..” ↩︎
" Metre of verses 5-7, Arya.” ↩︎
“Metre, Âryà.” ↩︎
“Motre, Arya. The first ma of prathamama looks like sa” ↩︎
“u Metre, Sardalavikrldita. Mr. J. F. Floet reada prdka-rapratibimbakam instead of svâkâraº. Read chintândhakam.” ↩︎
“Meáre, Sarddlavikrilita. The Anusvärs of sevanam is indistinct. Prakriptavanam is meant for praklipta..” ↩︎
" Motre, Apuruvuktra. The Anusvāra of dhirohanath is indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre Upajati. Tho ma of námadheya looks like sa.” ↩︎
“Metre, Arya.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Giti.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre of verses 20-21, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 22-23, Arya.” ↩︎
" Metre, Arya. Read mohahantri.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 26-28, Arya.” ↩︎
" Motre, Arya Rend pyuchchheshd, instead of the sense-lese pyurydeaha.” ↩︎
" Metre, Rathoddhat&.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“as Probably praśastir uthirpt.~E. H.” ↩︎
“The first three relative sentences in the first and second Pådas of verse 3 have each a double sense, and they refer to-I. fire, sun and poon; II water and the sacrifice, III, the earth and air or akdsa, while the wind is described in the fourth relative sentence. The use of the word paksha in the sense of fin’ is easily explained by its meaning side’ and ’ wing.’ Mr. Âpte’s English-Sanskrit Dictionary is the only lexicographical work which mentions this rare meaning of paksha.” ↩︎
“The wording is rather obscure. By ’this’ seems to be meant the third eye of Siva, the fire of which, the so called Sarâgni or arrow-fire (see Srîkanthacharita, I, 16; V, 18; XXIV, 7ff ↩︎
“The text has a pun on tasa’ milk and sentiment’ which has not been rendered in the translation.” ↩︎
“From him’ refers, I believe, to Buddha. If it referred to tanayam, it would be necessary to assume that an unnamed son, who perhaps died in his father’s lifetime, intervened between Buddha and Vigraha. The latter explanation is, of course, by no means impossible,” ↩︎
" Rohana is really the name of the mountain in Ceylon, called Adam’s Peak. The poet seems to have chosen it as the instance of a big mountain, most suitable for his purposes:” ↩︎
" These two verses, as also the next two, forin a Yugma or Fugaluka. The epithet sadhu, ‘holy’ which Lakshmaṇa receives, ja explained by verses 21-26 of No. I.” ↩︎
“Lingas, standing in the open, are frequently found in the north of India. Thus I remember having seen three very large ones not far from Ushkar in Kašmir, which stand in the middle of the forest. If purî means here a temple, that is easily explained by the tower-like shape of the adytum of the Indian temples.” ↩︎
“The verse refers to the belief that a particularly pious deed ensures the joy of heaven to the performer as well as to ten ancestors and ten descendants. All the latter may reach this goal, but the donors themselves desire moksha.” ↩︎
“The European dictionaries do not give for mandapikd the meaning a custom-house.’ But its existence is proved by various passages in the inscriptions, compare, e. g., the term maṁḍarika ante p. 7 and by the analogy of its modern represent. ative mandavi which is a common term for custom-house’ in Marathi, Gujarati and other vernaculars.” ↩︎
“The meaning is that the Telis who worked the oilmill had either in lieu of rent to furnish gratis the oil for the lamps of the temple or that the whole net income of the oilmill was to go to the temple for the purpose stated.” ↩︎
“I am unable to find the word in the dictionaries and to say what the office was. According to its etymological import it ought to denote some kind of spiritual councillor. See ante, p. 97. The present edition of the inscription has been prepared according to a very good paper impression, furnished by the Panjab Archaeological Survey through the Editor.” ↩︎
“See Klatt, Indian Antiquary, vol. XI, pp. 248 and 254.” ↩︎
“General Cunningham recognised that it could have no connexion with the history of the temple of Siva-Vaidyanatha.” ↩︎
“प्रतिष्ठितं ओर्च चभ्रों the and य of कोरयामि cur are connected and form a misshaped group; read व्रह्म above श्व a mâtra out by mistake, has been obliterated; possibly the correct reading is मातृपुत्राभ्यां waarat, & and being absolutely undistinguish-able in the alphabet of the inscription.” ↩︎
“L. 2.-The □ of it has been destroyed; the ar of warſ has been damaged.” ↩︎
“I translate वर्षे by ‘in the (civil ↩︎
“The form of the text w is half Prakrit and half Sanskrit.” ↩︎
“I leave the expression मूलविवं af literally ‘root-image’ untranslated, because I am not certain about its technical meaning. I suspect that it means ‘chief image’ and is intended to distinguish this statue, which stood in the adytum, from the numerous smaller ones in the bhamti or the cloisters,” ↩︎
“प्रतिष्ठितं चis bad Sanskrit, but common in Jaina books. The correct expression would be प्रतिष्ठा कृता च or प्रतिष्ठापितं च” ↩︎
“Read रिरंभूद-” ↩︎
“. Read त्यादाभीजं; तती ढङ्गो” ↩︎
“Possibly जिन; read धर्मपरायणी, -” ↩︎
“Possibly नाम कं” ↩︎
“As the characters of this inscription are ancient Saradâ, closely resembling those of the Baijnath Prasastis, the year 30 of the Saptarshi or Laukika era, which is mentioned in our document, probably falls in the ninth century and corresponds to 854” ↩︎
“See -Archeol. Survey of India, vol. XXI, p. 65. A photolithograph of this inscription was published by Sir A. Cunninghamy ib., vol. XXI, plate xvi, B; and an impression of it has been supplied to me by Dr. Burgess.” ↩︎
“An edition this inscription, which has been lately re-discovered by Dr. Burgess, will be given at page 162.” ↩︎
“Seo Archaol. Survry of India, vol. IT, pp. 426 and 426; vol. XXI, pp. 66 and 84. [ Burt in 1888 (J. A. 6. Ben. vol. VIII, p. 165 ↩︎
" Metre, Sārdūlavikridita.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh” ↩︎
" Motre, Upajati.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sragdhars.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sloka ( Anusbtubh” ↩︎
" Metre, Sragdhara.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
" Read तबाच्छौ..” ↩︎
“Metre, Sloka (Anashtubh ↩︎
“Motre, Sardalavikridita.” ↩︎
“i.e. स्थापित.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Rathoddhata.” ↩︎
" I have for some time been in possession of three rub-bings of this inscription, taken by or for Sir A. Cunningham and kindly made over to me by Mr. Fleet; but onl, the two impressions supplied to me by Dr. Burgess have enabled mo to edit the inscription critically.” ↩︎
“[See Dr. Bühler’s remas on the Dewal Prasasti, antc p.`73.-Ed.]” ↩︎
“See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 202.” ↩︎
" See ib. vol. XVII, p. 9." ↩︎
" Indische Alterthumskunde, 2nd VOL I.P 523" ↩︎
" from impressions taken by Dr. Bargens." ↩︎
“Metre sikharini” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardalavikridita; and of the two next versen.” ↩︎
" Read ● साम्हने." ↩︎
“The akshara was originally omitted, and is engraved above the five.” ↩︎
" Originally ●संभक्तं" ↩︎
“Metre, Sikharini; and of the next verse.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“The two aksharas कल्प were originally omitted, and are engraved above the line.” ↩︎
" Metre, śarddlavikridita ; and of the next verse," ↩︎
" Roda • र्ध्वंशः" ↩︎
" Metre, Mandakrants." ↩︎
" Metre, SardalavikrMdita; and of the next verse." ↩︎
" Originally • वितयोषि." ↩︎
" Metre, Upajati." ↩︎ ↩︎
" Originally क्षौरीब्ध०; read क्षौराब्धे०." ↩︎
" Metre, Arya." ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read ये विचिन्त्य” ↩︎
" Metre, Sloka (Anushtubh ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Shrddlavikrilita." ↩︎
" Rend • तां बरिष्ठः" ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilak&” ↩︎
" Metre, Šarddlavikrklita." ↩︎
" The first of these two aksharas is quite illegible in the impressions." ↩︎
" Road सवयर्णा वि०." ↩︎
“Motre, Sloka (Anushtubh ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilrke.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sragdhari.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sikharint." ↩︎
“Metre, ŚArdúlavikridita.” ↩︎
" Read हंसर." ↩︎
" Metre, Sragdhará; and of the next verse." ↩︎
“The first akshara in [लकल] in the impressions looks like ह.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sarddlavikridita." ↩︎
" Metre, Mandakranta." ↩︎
“Metre, śardalavikriilita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Bragdhara.” ↩︎
“Metre, S&rdalavikridita.” ↩︎
“This and the following three aksharas might be read मं भ्रमति; but I believe that कम has been altered toसु and ति to स, and the two aksharas भ्रम are so similar to ट्रग, that they may be rend either way.” ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilaka." ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Sarddiavikridita." ↩︎
“Metre,Sragdhara.” ↩︎
" This akshara looks like of, altered to र ." ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilsks.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sardūlavikridits and of the next two verses." ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharand of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardûlavikridita and of the next verse” ↩︎
“Thevowel of thisakshara (ते ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilaké; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Here from 10 to12 akeharas are illegible in the impressions.” ↩︎
“Ofthe aksharas in thesebrackets only नandकृ appear to me to be certain.” ↩︎
“This वे was originally बः” ↩︎
“The abovegives the general meaning of the verse, I believe, correctly ; but the first half of it doesnot admit of a proper construction.” ↩︎
“Compare, e.g., the Sănkhya Aphorisms of Kapila, translated by Ballantyne, 3rd Ed., p. 71; Davies, HindûPhilosophy, pp. 20 and 21, 35, 64. The word उपग्रहof the text appears to denote the five organs of sense, the five organs of action” ↩︎
“According to Manu, III, 158, those who undertake voyages by sea, deserve censure and should be avoided.—I should have expected the particle इतिto connect the two halvesof the verse, and am inclined to read यस्येति पौरुष, instead of यस्यातिपौरुष.” ↩︎
“See Cunningham’s Archol, Surv. of Ind. vol. IT, p, 433, and vol. XXI, p. 67. The inscription has been edited by Dr. Réjendralal Mitra in the Jour. As. Soc, Beng, vol. XXXII, p. 279, and a photo-lithograph of it was published by Sir A. Cunningham in Archaol. Survey of India, vol. XXT, plate xvi, J. I now re-cdit it from an impression prepared by Dr. Burgess.” ↩︎
“This, too, appears formerly to have been the opinion of Sir A. Cunningham : see Jour.Beng. As. Soe,vol, XXXII, p. 274. In Archaol. Survey of India, vol. XXI, p. 67, the same scholar has taken the truedate tobe “Saṁvat 1111, orA.D. 1054, in which year Vaiśâkha su.di 7 did fall on Monday, the 18th April.” in reality, however, Vaiśâkha su.di7, inA.D. 1054, fell on Sunday, April 17.” ↩︎
“From the impression taken by Dr. Burgess.” ↩︎
" Expressed by a symbol. " ↩︎ ↩︎
“The word धवल‘white’ is used in the sense of ‘rendering white’ (or bright, or famous ↩︎
" I do not understand this word.” ↩︎
“From impressions taken by Dr. Burgess.” ↩︎
" Read निस्क्रि" ↩︎
" The akskara र्ग्गा,in the original, looks like र्ल्मा." ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîdita; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Metre, Âryâ. " ↩︎
“Meter, Mâlinî” ↩︎
“Metre, Śikhariṇî. This verse has been omitted inJour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VII, p. 168.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mandâkrâutâ.” ↩︎
“This sign of punotuation is superfluous.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîdita ; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
" Iam doubtful about this akshkara ; in the original, it looks like वां or मां” ↩︎
“This akehara again, in the original, is rather र्ल्मthan र्ग्ग.” ↩︎
“The akshara न had originally been omitted, and isengraved below the line.” ↩︎
" Read सीमन्ताः, and compare, e.g.,Vâsavadattâ, p.127 and p. 247" ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîdita .” ↩︎
“Metre, Rathoddhatâ,.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikrîdita” ↩︎
“Metre, Rathoddhatâ,” ↩︎
" Metre, Mâlinî." ↩︎
“Originally विहिततमा, altered to विहिततमा.” ↩︎
" Metre, Âryâ." ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“The akshara ङ्गा ismere guess; on the stone it is entirely gone.” ↩︎
“Metre,Śârdûlavikrîdita .” ↩︎
“Read बहिष्कृत.” ↩︎
“This akshara, पा, isalmost entirely gone.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read ° निख्यन्द०.” ↩︎
" Read सचंद्रोत्पलं - ‘herpair of eyes was a lotus illuminated by the moon." ↩︎
“This akshara, in the original, appears to be णि, altered to ण.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikridlita.” ↩︎ ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantutilakâ." ↩︎
“Originally ०सुखादा०, altered to सुखदा.” ↩︎
" Metre, Śârdûlavikrîḍita; and of the next verse." ↩︎
“Originally खaltered to ख.” ↩︎
“Perhaps this akshara is engraved below the line.” ↩︎
“This akshara, in all the impressions, is rather वे than घ॑ ; but see below.” ↩︎
“Read क्षल” ↩︎
“Originally तस्य स्था.” ↩︎
“Metre, ŚârdûlavÎkridita.” ↩︎
“Originally क.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mandâkrântâ.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre,ŚârdûlavÎkridita .” ↩︎
“Metre, Harinî.” ↩︎
" Metre, ŚârdûlavÎkridita., Compare verse 39, above." ↩︎
“Metre, Âryâ; and of the next verse,” ↩︎
" In the original, this akskara looks more like ध." ↩︎
" Originally ०रताः रताः." ↩︎
" Read पञ्चाङ्गवी." ↩︎
" Metre, Śârdûlavikriḍita." ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakâ; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikriḍita,.” ↩︎
" Metre, Śikbarinî." ↩︎
“Originally प्रशादः.” ↩︎
“This akshara might be read नाor ता.” ↩︎
" Read ०द्विपानां." ↩︎
“प्रीक्षिणत्‌ wrongly for प्रोदलिखत्‌.” ↩︎
“The town of Padmavat!, which is the scene of Bhavabhiti’s Mdiatimddhava, is identitiod by Sir A. Cunningham with the modern Narvar; see his Archaeol. Survey of Indie, vol. 11, p. 307; and Dr. Bhandarkar’s edition of the Mãlacmdhava, notes, p. 6.” ↩︎
“From the impressions taken by Dr. Burgess.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardulavikridita;and of the two next verses.” ↩︎
“Thesign of punctuation is superfluous, here and in other places bciow which it is unnecersary to point out separately.” ↩︎
“i.ereligion, wealth, and pleasure.” ↩︎
“This akehara, and whatever may have preceded it, is broken away.” ↩︎
“Expressed by a aymbol.” ↩︎
“This inscription bas been published by Sir A. Cunningham in Archaeol. Survey of Indiu, vol. XXI, p. 61, and I now re-edit it from an impression taken by Dr. Burgeas.” ↩︎
“Expressed by a symbol” ↩︎
“One expects प्रभृतयः” ↩︎
“Read प्रणमतिः” ↩︎
“This paper is a revised version of one which I published in the Zeitschrift der Deutsch. Morgeniiind. Gesellach. vol. XL, p. 26. j” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Archeological Survey of India, vol. I, p. 355,” ↩︎
“Ibid. p. 335.” ↩︎
“Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, vol. XXXI, p. 407.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Archeol, Sur. of India, vol. HI, p. 382.” ↩︎
“Read किनु.” ↩︎
“Read चरणमिति. " ↩︎
“Read चमत्कारः.” ↩︎
“द isobliterated and therefore looks like व.” ↩︎
“Read .द्वाधकौ ?” ↩︎
“Read गां.” ↩︎
“Read गृह्णाति” ↩︎
“Read योषितो.” ↩︎
" Read पुण्यस्य.” ↩︎
“Read शाश्वतम्.” ↩︎
“Read द्वाविंश.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“The s of the akshara स्त्रिis incomplete; read त्रयस्त्रिंश.” ↩︎
“The crack over त is perhaps the remains of an e” ↩︎
“The letter तis entered below the line.” ↩︎
“Read स्वभुज्यमानचूडा०.” ↩︎
“The crack behind स्तis perhaps the remains of an â.” ↩︎
“Read पुण्येहनि.” ↩︎
" These two aksharas are injured by acrack and doubtful," ↩︎
“The rover ग्नोis indistinc” ↩︎
“हू might be alsoread instead of द” ↩︎
“Readनन्नुमाकसुतवा०.” ↩︎
“Read यथाकालौपयिक” ↩︎
“Read दाताव्या इत्य.” ↩︎
“There follows an illegible scrawl, which fills the remaindor of line 23 and four further lines.” ↩︎
“See Journ., Beng. As, Soc., vol. XXXII, p. 227.” ↩︎
“The inscription (or rather Dr. Hall’s short account of it ↩︎
“I consider it sufficient to state this andsome of the following points once for all, and shall not cousider it necessary to correct every error of this sort in the transcript of the text.” ↩︎
“Compare the common सन्मान for संमान.” ↩︎
“one case-termination suffices for several nouns, as it already does, occasionally, in the Rigveda.” ↩︎
“In कैेसिपावारु च्छितरावारु, line 4, we seem to have ApabramsaNominative cases; seeInd. Ant., vol. XVI, p. 207.” ↩︎
“From impressions supplied to me by the Editor.” ↩︎
“Expressed by a symbol.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Here about 8 aksharas are gone.” ↩︎
“Here about 96 aksharas aregone.” ↩︎
" Here about 8 aksharas are gone,” ↩︎
“Were about 12 aksharas are gone.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Here about 12aksharas are gone.” ↩︎
“Here about 15aksharas are gone” ↩︎
“Here about 5 aksharas are gone.” ↩︎
“Here about 7 aksharas are gone.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Here about 9aksharas are gone.” ↩︎
“Read बुद्धा.” ↩︎
“This akshara, न, was originally omitted, and is cugraved above the line.” ↩︎
“This word, which has no case-termination, qualities thefollowing श्रीनारायणभट्टरकस्य” ↩︎
“Read either श्रुतेor श्रुतं.” ↩︎
“Originally धिरज.” ↩︎
“Readकल्याण.” ↩︎
“Read भवतां.” ↩︎
“Read निःश्रेयसार्थं.” ↩︎ ↩︎
" one of two verbs is superfluous; read स पञ्चमहापातकैर्लिप्यति." ↩︎
“Read अस्मिन्नेव.” ↩︎
“This akshara, पा, originally was प.” ↩︎
“This akshara, मा, originally was म.” ↩︎
“One would expect तेन तेन” ↩︎
“Read द्रम्मार्ङ्गिका.” ↩︎
“Read यङ्कश्चि.” ↩︎
“All these aksharas arequite clear in theimpression,but I do not understand them.” ↩︎
“Read कुम्भकाराङ्कल्लपालाश्च.” ↩︎
“Oneexpects मासे.” ↩︎
“This akshara, र,was originally omitted, and is engraved above the line.” ↩︎
“Read हट्टरथ्या.” ↩︎
“Read स्वोलिकापातमुत्तरेण.” ↩︎
“I.e. वैश्वानर,” ↩︎
" One विधारण appears superfluous." ↩︎
“The akshara संof this word was originally omitted, and is cngraved above the line, before न.” ↩︎
“Probably for waTfeare or शुभादित्यस्य or शुभादित्यसत्क.” ↩︎
“One would expect अमूषामाघाटानि or असामाघाटानि.” ↩︎
" Onewould expect here लक्षितं or below प्रदत्ता." ↩︎
“Read हृद्वये” ↩︎
“Read कैर्ल्लिप्यति.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“One would expect ०विशुद्धा.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read कौर्ल्लिप्यति” ↩︎
“One would ‘expect अवलिप्तौ, and below ०लक्षितौ, and प्रदत्तौ.” ↩︎
“Read षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि षष्टिं.” ↩︎
" Read उपार्ज्जयित्वा for उपार्जय." ↩︎
“Originally ०लिप्तासच्छन्ना” ↩︎
" One would expect शुक्लपक्षपञ्चम्यां." ↩︎
“Read ०टपरि०., Before, one would expect त्मीयडोणिपत्तने (as in lines 29, 30, and 36 ↩︎
" Read श्रीमदादि.” ↩︎
“One would expoot पार्ज्जितं.” ↩︎
“Read हेतोर्दोसि.” ↩︎
" Originally कादिनां." ↩︎
" Originally उपार्ज्जित." ↩︎
“One expects अमूषां or आसां.” ↩︎
“Originally °पन्थाना ; read श्चित्परिपन्थना.” ↩︎
“One expects पार्ज्जिता.” ↩︎
“Read लिख्यन्ते,” ↩︎
“Read पुनः.” ↩︎
" Read त्रिभागं त्रि." ↩︎ ↩︎
“One would expect hereअनीयाघाटानि, and below लक्षितौ and प्रदत्तौ.” ↩︎
“Read त्रिभुवन०.” ↩︎
“One expects सुखं,” ↩︎
“Read हेतोः..” ↩︎
“Read भित्तिः.” ↩︎
" Read संक्रान्तौ." ↩︎
" One expects the Instrumental case, here and before," ↩︎
“Read भीक्तव्यमिति-” ↩︎
“Read अवलिप्ता.” ↩︎
“One would expect here अस्या आघाटानिand below०विशद्धा.” ↩︎
“This akshara, थौ, was originally omitted, and is engraved above the line.” ↩︎
“Read त्रिभुवन०” ↩︎
" Read “कैर्लिप्यति," ↩︎
“Read उपार्ज्जना.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“In my opinion, one would expect either प्रति प्रतिदिनं, or only प्रति ; see below, line 31.” ↩︎
“Read ०ध्यातपरम०.” ↩︎
“Read ०लङ्कपरि०.” ↩︎
" Read विक्रमेण." ↩︎
“One would expect here the Instrumental case.” ↩︎
“Read त्रिभागं त्रि१ आच०” ↩︎
“Here again I should have expected the Instrumental case,” ↩︎
“Read हेतोर्घा०” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Originally उत्तरीभि०.” ↩︎
“Comparing line 7 above, one would expect hereअवासनिकायाश्चाघाटानि, and below प्रदत्ता.” ↩︎
“Read नागाकः वाण्डू०.” ↩︎
“One would expect hereअस्याश्चाघाटानि, and below अस्या अभ्यन्तरे समस्तगृहसमेता समस्तवीथीसमेता च.” ↩︎
“Tho akshara in brackets looks rather like दघ्नं, or वघ्नं(or दघ्नं ↩︎
“This is wrongly repeated here.” ↩︎
“Read रुदाकी जाजूसुता एभिः.” ↩︎
“Read ०हटे.” ↩︎ ↩︎
↩︎
“Read मर्यादा.” ↩︎
“Read ०सन्मार्ज्जन०.” ↩︎
“Read श्रीमदादि०” ↩︎
" One would expect अस्या आघाटानि.” ↩︎
“Read अनुरूपा.” ↩︎
“Originally ०वर्न्मेणा.” ↩︎
“Read बलि०; the second syllable of this word is used as a short syllable, not withstanding the following च्छ; and in the following line is used as a short syllable before the conjunct अ.” ↩︎
“Read स्वर्ग्ग [ बभाम?].” ↩︎
“Read बस्ति०.” ↩︎
“Read लब्धः.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sloka (Anushţubh ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read ब्राह्म०” ↩︎
“Read सुबहु०.” ↩︎
“Read बभूव.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Indravamsa.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Sardulavikridita.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read सिंह०.” ↩︎
" Metre, Indravajra, and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Readब्धिबन्धात्.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardūlavikridita; read ०बाहुपंजरबृह०” ↩︎
“Read ०जम्वा.” ↩︎
“Metre, Svágata&; the Iast akshara, गा, appears to be engraved above the line.” ↩︎
“Originally वणिजोणिजी, but the second णिजो is struck out.” ↩︎
" Here about 10 aksharas are illegible in the impression." ↩︎
" Hereabout 11 aksharas are illegible." ↩︎
“Hereabout 6 aksharas are illegible.” ↩︎
“Here about 8 aksharas are more or less illegible.” ↩︎
“Here about 13 aksharas areillegible.” ↩︎
" Here about 11 aksharas are illegible." ↩︎
“According to the Imperial Gazetteer, vol. VIII, p. 329, tradition asserts that an underground passage connected Kudarkot with Kanauj.’ [See Gazetteer of North-Western Provinces, vol.IV, p. 365, where an attempted transcript and translation of this inscription is given.-J. B.]” ↩︎
“See my edition, vol. I, p. 455, गवोधुमतः साकाश्यं चत्वारि योजनानि.” ↩︎
“From an impression supplied by the Editor.” ↩︎
“Metre, Ârya.” ↩︎
“Read ससिंहगुहा.” ↩︎
“The three aksharas वधृतare quite clear in the impression, but they offend against the metre and yield no suitable sense. I would suggest reading भृदनादृतभुजङ्गं.” ↩︎
“Readआर्ज्जनं.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sloka(Anushtubh ↩︎
“Metre, Upendravajra.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read सदा.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilak&; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Read ०संविधि.” ↩︎
“Perhaps छान्दोग०.” ↩︎
“Here about five aksharas are brokon away or injured.” ↩︎
“These two aksharas are illegible.” ↩︎
“There appear to be traces of some aksharas after this stop, but nothing is legible.” ↩︎
“The lion is the vehicle of Durga, Karttikeya her son.” ↩︎
“soil., when the ocean, the inine of jewels, was disturbed, when the mountain Mandara was used as churning-stick, and when the serpent Vasuki was put in requisition.” ↩︎
“महीभृतः,the word for‘ rulers ’, also means‘ mountains.’” ↩︎
“i.e., Takshadatta died in battle.” ↩︎
“viz., Mamma, the father of Takshadatta.” ↩︎
“सुबधृत् for सूबधार is not given in the dictionaries.” ↩︎
“The dictionaries give कीहडand कोहल, but not कुहल.” ↩︎
“The name is illegible.” ↩︎
“[While this paper was in the press a translation appeared in the J. As. S. Beng., vol. LVII, pp. 77 ff., by Dr. A. Führer.-J. B.]” ↩︎
“Dr. Rajendralal Mittra has given his reading and translation of 11. 1-8, in Jour.As. Soc. Beng., vol. XXII, pp. 673 ff. He has also published a facsimile of these eight lines, ibidem, vol. XXXII, p. 96, which seems to have been prepared according to a very inferior impression or rubbing.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Archeological Survey Reports, vol. X, p. 102.” ↩︎
“The editions have the faulty form यक्वियक०” ↩︎
“Read ओं.” ↩︎
“Read संवत्सर० twice and संवत्.” ↩︎
“L. 3. The first letter of राणक is nearly destroyed.” ↩︎
“L. 4. Read चिण्हसुत; the original may have ०मुत.” ↩︎
“L. 5. The त of मृगाहसुत is a correction and standsbelow the line, its place being indicated by the sign +. The first letter of वामुक is nearly destroyed. Possibly लाहटto be read.” ↩︎
“L. 6. Possibly सौहरुद्धक्ककेत्य to be road. The last two syllables of सूरसुत arenearly effaced; the last seems to have been added above the line.” ↩︎
“L. 7. The consonant of the second syllable of सिंधुकis blurred and not quite certain. Restore सौह. Three or four letters have been lost before कशिलि.” ↩︎
“L. 8. The first letter is not certain. Possibly भेटा or हयto be read; the following letter is haf preserved and seems to have been a compound one, consisting of a त orनand somothing else, possibly a ट.Read व्यवहारक.The sign rendered व्यु is damaged and abnormal. The first consonant of र्दशौis uncertain; the word may have been वेर्शी. Of स्थानस्यonly the initial स and the top ends of स्य are visible.” ↩︎
“L. 9. The first letter is nearly effaced, only the ोis recognisable Only thesecond न ofthe two bracketed signs in कन्याकुमा[सन्न] is distinct. The reading may have been ०सन्ने.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“L. 11. The bracketed letters in the beginning of the line are blurred, but recognisable. The quantity of the first vowel of ०रूपा०and रूपं is doubtful. The last vowel of ०जनपदाद्यु०is doubtful.” ↩︎
“L. 12. The letters bracketed are blurred, but recognisable. Read ०चतुर्विंशति०.” ↩︎
“L. 13. The bracketed letters areblurred, but recognisable with the exception of the syllable क. which is entirelygone” ↩︎
“L. 14. The bracketed letters are all blurred, but recognisable.” ↩︎
“L. 15. The bracketed letters are blurred, but recognisable with the exception of षट् त० do, which are gone, The restoration is made certain by the calculation, 12-4-2 = 6.Read यज्ञवराहाय.” ↩︎
“L. 16. The following among the bracketed letters are not recognisable, but conjectural:-नुमान्धं । चन्द्रा । का । त्,likewise the bracketed Visarga. The word यावत् is superfluous.” ↩︎
“L. 17. The bracketed letters are nearly all unrecognisable. But the restoration is nevertheless certain.” ↩︎
“Instead of " ↩︎
“I translate the crude form of the participle samâyâta by the preterite, " ↩︎
“Adhishthâna, ’town,’ may also mean capital. But there is no evidence to show that king Bhoja resided in Prithudaka.” ↩︎
“Though yâtrâ usually means ‘pilgrimage’ or ‘religious festival,’ the statements in the sequel show that it here means fair. The fair may have been connected with a religious festival.” ↩︎
“Pisachichaturdasi, literally the fourteenth (lunar day ↩︎ ↩︎
“In chúțavârshiketya, and further on in utpaliketya and so forth the affix tya, which denotes the inhabitant of’ or means ‘found in,’ has been erroneously added to the locative instead of to the crude form of the names. The same anomaly occurs in the Chaulukya Inscriptions, Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 204, No. 7, plate ii, I. 2, etc.” ↩︎
“Rajyavala is perhaps the modern name Råjbal which occurs in Kasmîr.” ↩︎
“With Chonaraka compare the modern name Chonda, Indian Antiquary, vol. VII, p. 165.” ↩︎
“Kalluka is the modern name Kalu, Indian Antiquary, loc. cit., p. 166. Dada is perhaps a variant for Dadda, the modern Dâda.” ↩︎
“Jayaraka may stand for Jayarâûka and be equivalent to the very common name Jeraj, Indian Antiquary, loc. cit.,p. 166.” ↩︎
“Âdityarâka probably stands for Âdityarâûka and corresponds to the modern Âdit or Âditraj.” ↩︎
“Vâmuka is known as a Brâhmaņical name; Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. Soc., vol. XII, extra number, p. 67.” ↩︎
“Compare the modern name Dhana, Ind. Ant., loc. cit.,p.165.” ↩︎
“Manikka is the very common modern name Mânek from mâņikya, ‘a ruby.’ Uehari is a very peculiar compound,but perfectly distinct on the impression.” ↩︎
“Śârankadika may possibly be the modern Shârakpur in the Pañjâb; see Imperial Gazetteer,sub voce.” ↩︎
“Nâra is probably, like the modern name Naru which is frequently used in Gujarât, an abbreviation of Nârâyaṇa. If Lâhata is the correct reading, its first part may be connected with the modern name Lådhâ, Indian Antiquary, loc. cit., p. 166.” ↩︎
“Compare the modern name Pomlâ, Indian Antiquary, loc. cit., p. 167.” ↩︎
“As the preceding word is mutilated, it is not rertain if I have divided the syllables correctly. But Mana seems to be the equivalent of the modern name Mânà, Indian Antiquary, loc. cit., p. 166.” ↩︎
" I do not dare to propose any correction for the mutilated word bhaṭa- or haya- which I do not understand and hence leave it untranslated. As vyuvaharaka no doubt stands for vyavaharaka, trader, dealer,’ it is, however, not improbable that the immediately preceding word referred to that in which the traders dealt, and that some word meaning horses’ or ‘animals’is hidden under the meaningless syllables. The word desi, which I have translated by foreman,’ means literally, ‘guide, instructor.’ It would seem that the dealers had appointed a manager, who acted in their name. Though this is possible, I should have expected at the end of the compound Srent or some equivalent term.” ↩︎
“Sthana, literally ‘a place,’ is frequently used in the sense of a place sacred to a particular deity,’ see, e.g., the inscription from the temple of Bhadra Kålf in Somnath Pattan, Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. III, p. 7, verse4, 6, p. 8, verse 9, etc. Here the sanctuary of the chief deity in Prithůdaka is probably intended.” ↩︎
“Though the god is not named to whom this and the next mentioned temples were dedicated, it may be conjectured that Vishnu is meant, because the other two temples are Vaishnava buildings.” ↩︎
“Nagara is either the name of the subdivision of the Brahmans to which Prabhakara belonged, or an honorific title indicating that he was the Chief Bhatta of the town of Kanauj.” ↩︎
“The sacrificial boar’ is Vishnu in the boar-incarnation.” ↩︎
“Rûpa has the meaning ‘an animal’ according to the Koshas, and is used in that sense by Bâņa.” ↩︎
“The Thakkuras are the Thâkurs or Rajput landholders; by janapada,’ the provincials,’ the common people must be understood.” ↩︎
“Dharma denotes here and further on, where one dharma is mentioned, a kind of tithe set apart for religiouspurposes. The exact amount cannot be ascertained. It no doubt was regulated by custom, and so well known that its specification seemed unnecessary. In the translation the relative pronoun yad which precodes dharmmadvayam has been left out intentionally, and the word and has been inserted in its stead, in order to make the sentence more intelligible.” ↩︎
“When it is stated that the two dharmas are given as a perpetual endowment, the meaning probably is that the sum was to be paid at each of the annual horse-fairs in Prithûdaka, Traighâțaka and other places where the traders dealt. This follows from the further exhortations addressed to the sellers and buyers as well as to the Goshthikas.” ↩︎
“Bhâgaikaḥ, ‘ one share,’ which occurs here and further on, as well as dharmaikaḥ, ‘one dharma,’ is bad Sanskrit caused by the vernacular expression bhag ek.” ↩︎
“The ablative prithúdakasthânát is altogether wrong; it ought to be the dative or the genitive, as further on.” ↩︎
“The Goshthikas are the members of the Panch or committee entrusted with the management of the religious endowments; seealso Indian Antiquary, vol. IX, p. 171, note 26, where the modern Nepalese name of such a committee, guṭṭhi, i.e., goshthi, is given.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 1-9, Sragdharâ. The word क्षीभin Pâda 3 is not certain. The consonants of the first syllable look like dhchh, an impossible combination,” ↩︎
“Read०कषौजाः.The original had originally at शौर्योंwhich has been corrected. The last syllable of खङ्गाद्य stands above the line. Perhaps विततto be restored; रय stands above the line.” ↩︎
“Read स्थित्यासु. ०दत्यीन०stande above the line.” ↩︎
“The text had in Påda 3 originally यतिनियतिनियतिनिरोक्षा, but syllables 7-9 have been deleted by means of kåka-padas. Add at the end of the foot समक्षा.” ↩︎
“Read at the end of Pada 3प्रसत्ति०. Probably गोःप्रकीकूयिषोटto be read.” ↩︎
“At the end of 1.8 the syllables र्त्तिवोhave been deleted. In Påda 2 the text had originally कलिमदाला, of which the third and fourth syllables have been deleted, while another म has been writtenabove the line.” ↩︎
“विवाधत्य०seems to be wrong.” ↩︎
“Read ०पतिर्मेघ०. विजित्वा is a grammatical mistake for विजित्य, which the author committed in order to escape a metrical fault.” ↩︎
“Metre, śārdūlavikridita. Read चंद्रकलात्.” ↩︎
" Metre, Upajati. Read वौरप्रतीहार०and रणोप्रतीहार०.” ↩︎
“Metre, Giti. Read मंतत्स्ती; सूत्रधारेद्य.” ↩︎
“I omit verses 1-9 as they possess little general interest.” ↩︎
“The use of ativelam, literally ’excessively,’ which seems to mean ‘(filled ↩︎
“Satkumudvachchandraḥ, ‘a moon for (that ↩︎
“Lekhtiam, ‘has been caused to be written,’ probably has been put, instead of likhitam or utkirṇam, ‘has been written or incised,’ neither of which would fit the metre.” ↩︎
“This translation contains one serious error inintroducing a second king Sallakshanavarman after Jayavarmadeva-an error which has not been hitherto rectified.” ↩︎
“See ante, page 153.” ↩︎
“See note 62 on the translation of verse 3.” ↩︎
“From an impression taken by the Editor.” ↩︎
“Here there are, preceding the first verse, traces of about twelve aksharas. One would expect ओंनमो भगवते वासुदेवाय, or some similar phrase.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mandakranta.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“It is impossible to say exactly how many aksharas are effaced at the end of this and the beginning of the next line.” ↩︎
“The back of the impression shows aistinctly that this name is here गण्ड, not मण्ड.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sloka ( Anushtubh ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Aupachchhandaaika.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sárdūlavikridita.” ↩︎
" Metre, Sikharini.” ↩︎
“Metre, Pushpitagra.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdhara ; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Read शुभ्रांशु०.” ↩︎
“Read ०दंशः.” ↩︎
“Read ०दंशे.” ↩︎
“Read ०मांसकरूपिणा.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sārdúlavikridita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Svagata.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardúlavikridita.” ↩︎
“Here, again, the first akshara of this word, on the back of the impression is distinctly ग, not म.” ↩︎
“Metre, Dratavilambita. " ↩︎
" Metre, Sloka ( Anushtubh ↩︎
“Metre, Śārdūlavikridita. " ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdhara. " ↩︎
“Metre, Sarddlavikridita ; and of the next verse. " ↩︎
“Read यत्रांग. " ↩︎
“Read बंशजा. " ↩︎
“Metre, Arya. " ↩︎
“Metre, Śloka (Anushtubh ↩︎
“Metre, Gitā” ↩︎
“Metre, śārdūlavikridita.”
↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilnka.” ↩︎
" Metre, Arya. " ↩︎
“Metre, Sarddlavikridita. " ↩︎
“Metre, Mandakrautà. " ↩︎
“Read सदंश०.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdhar ; and of the next verse. "
↩︎
“Metre, Sārdūdlavikridīta.” ↩︎
“Metre Śikhariṇī " ↩︎
“Metre, Arya. " ↩︎
" Metre, Mandakranta. " ↩︎
" Metre, Aupuohchhandasika. " ↩︎
" Metre, Arya. " ↩︎
“The aksharas here omitted may possibly be made out on the original inscription. " ↩︎
“Hero, at the end of line 28, from 35 to 40 aksharäs are alinost completely effzoed; and of the following line only three or four aksharas are legible in the impression.I am unable to say whether there was more writing below line 29. " ↩︎
“Judging from the following verses, one would expect here some such phrase as " ↩︎
“Comparing verse 21, there can be no doubt that the king here spoken of is Dhanga, whose name would fit well into the metre. The beginning of the verse probably contained some reference to the fact that this king belonged to the Chandratreya (or Chandella ↩︎
" Desire, wrath, covetousness, bewilderment, pride, and envy. " ↩︎
" Compare Manu, IX, 294: " ↩︎
“I need hardly say that I do not mean this to be a literal translation, although it gives exactly the sense of theoriginal. " ↩︎
" i.e., the whole universe. " ↩︎
“An allusion to Gautamma’s other name Akshapâda; see the next verse. " ↩︎
" Or, perhaps, " ↩︎
“Virtue, wealth, and pleasure. " ↩︎
" i.e., Brihaspati, the preceptor of the gods.” ↩︎
“i.e., Yudhishthira. " ↩︎
“A portion of the verse being altogother illegible and the reading of the last line being doubtful, I am unable to give a proper translation. The general sense no doubt is that the minister was frequently engaged in sacrificial acts. " ↩︎
" A son of Dhritarashtra.” ↩︎
“I believe that the personage here spoken of is GadAdhara, one of the sons of Ananta. See verses 36 and 43. " ↩︎
“i.e., at the confluence of the Gaugâ and Yamunâ. Compare verse b5 of No. IV of the inscriptions from Khajurâho, ante, p. 146. " ↩︎
" Peace, wur, marching, sitting onenmped, dividing his forces, and seeking the support of a more powerful king. " ↩︎
" i.e., he made the king the one supreme ruler of the whole earth. " ↩︎
“The text of it has been previously published by Dr. Hultzsch in the Zeitschrift D. Morg. Ges., vol. XL, pp. 51-51, and his transcript has been very useful to me. But my text will be found to differ in several places from Dr. Hultzsch’s, especially in verse 22; and I differ from Dr. Hultzach in the interpretation of the date contained in the last verse. I am somewhat doubtful about this; for the inscription appears to be the one mentioned by Sir A. Cunningham in Archæological Survey of India, vol. XXI, p. 82, No. 52, as found on the bank of a lake at " ↩︎
“I am somewhat doubtful about this; for the inscription appears to be the one mentioned by Sir A. Cunningham in Archæological Survey of India, vol. XXI, p. 82, No. 52, as found on the bank of a lake at " ↩︎
" Imperial Gazetteer, vol. II, p. 216; and Cunningham, Archæological Survey of India, vol. VII, p. 5.” ↩︎
“From impressions supplied to me by the Editor. " ↩︎
" Metre, Śloka (Anushţubh ↩︎
“Metre, Upendravajra. " ↩︎
“Read वंश०.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakā.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre,Śārdūlavikrīḍita.” ↩︎
“of the three aksharas in brackets only the consonant of the first is absolutely certain, but above it at least one line of the superscript vowel is visible; the third akshara was originally WT, . which appears to have been altered to W. There can be no doubt that before if we require a masculine adjective, qualifying both करनाबदच्यः and तुः.” ↩︎
“Read इवाम्बुधेः.” ↩︎
“Metre, śloka(Anuśhṭubb ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre Upajāti; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Read पर्यासि” ↩︎
“Metre, Pushpitāgrā.” ↩︎
“Read निरंकुमं स..” ↩︎
“Read • रधिकं हरि०.” ↩︎
“Metre, Rathoddhatā.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati. " ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read हंसीवतंसित०” ↩︎
" This akshara originally was वि. " ↩︎
“The aksharas in these brackets are doubtful. The first of them looks more like than like ; of the second, the consonant appears certainly to be , not; and the third, in the impression, is quite indistinct. Dr. Hultzsch has read सर्सतुः " ↩︎
“Metre, Malini. " ↩︎
" Metre, Āryā. " ↩︎
" Read ०हंसस्त० " ↩︎
“Metre Upajati. " ↩︎
“Metre, Svagatā. " ↩︎
" Metre, Sloke (Anushtubb ↩︎
“Metre, Sloks (Anushtubh ↩︎
“Metre, Upajāti; and of the next verse. " ↩︎
“Read पुमांसम०. " ↩︎
“Metre, Pushpitāgra.” ↩︎
" Metre, Slokā(Anushṭubh ↩︎
“Raad विद्यावतांस. " ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakā. " ↩︎
“Metre, Upajāti. " ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śloka(Anushṭubh ↩︎
“i.e., Visḥṇu—Krisḥṇa. " ↩︎
“Virtue, wealth, pleasure, and final liberation. " ↩︎
“i.e., Lakshmī.” ↩︎
“¡.s., the moon, borne on the head by Śiva, the husband of Pârvati. "
↩︎
“The bees had sat before on the temples of the elephants. " ↩︎
“The demon who is supposed to seize the sun and the moon and thus to cause eclipses.” ↩︎
“i.e., who died before the temple was fiuished.” ↩︎
“i.e., the moon. " ↩︎
“Siva is called Panchamukha, ’the five—faced’. " ↩︎
" i.e., on Sunday.” ↩︎
“I hope soon to have an opportunity to treat fully of the history of the Chandella and Chedi rulers. For UdayAditya of Málava also an absolutely certain date is now available..” ↩︎
“The impression shows that the line here numbered 1, was preceded by one or more other lines.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardalavikridita. " ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharā. " ↩︎
॑# " Metre, Śârdûlavikr̥īḍita. " ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakâ. " ↩︎
“Metre, Mandâkrântâ. " ↩︎
" Metre, Śârdûlavikr̥īḍita.. " ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilakâ. " ↩︎
" Metre, Śârdûlavikr̥īḍita…” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharā.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śardūlavikrīḍita.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharā..” ↩︎ ↩︎
“.Metre, Vasantatilakā.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śārdalavikriḍita.” ↩︎
“.Metre, Sardúlavikrīḍita.” ↩︎
“Metro, Vasantatilakâ.” ↩︎
“26.Metre, Sragdharā.” ↩︎
“From an impression supplied to me by the Editor. From the published photo-lithograph it will be seen that all lines are incomplete at the end, and all lines, except 21-24, incomplete at the beginning. The original full length of the lines may be seen from lines 21-24 of this transcript, from which it appears that each line originally contained about ninety aksharas.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Archeological Survey of India, vol. XXI, p. 71; see also vol. II, p. 447.” ↩︎
“Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. L, p. 10.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Arch. Sur. India, vol. XXI, p. 72.” ↩︎
“Ibid, plate xxi.” ↩︎
“Zeitschrift d. Deutsch. Morg. Ges. vol. XL, p. 47. This paper contains a mistake in line 11 of the transcript, where I read the name of one of the Chandella kings as we. In two new impressions, which I owe to the kindness of Dr. A. Führer, the reading is clearly 7, as anto, pp. 197 and 199. 2 E” ↩︎
“Ante, p. 121. The affix ka seems to be added, in order to make the two Hindi names look like Sanskrit words. Similar masculines in & are Mâhâ, Melhá, and Ghik& in a Delhi inscription, which was published by myself in the Zeitschrift d. Deutsch. Morg. Ges. vol. XL, p. 56, and by Professor Eggoling, ante, p. 93.” ↩︎
“Ante, p. 123.” ↩︎
“Ante, p. 138.” ↩︎
“Ante, p. 34.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Arch. Sur. India, vol. X, plate xxxii, No. 10; vol. XXI, p. 174.” ↩︎
“Ibid. vol. II, p. 412; the same author’s Ancient Geography of India, vol. I, p. 481. Alberâni’s India, translated by Sachau, vol. I, p. 202. Elliot’s History of India, vol. I, p. 57.” ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, vol. XV, p. 304. The form Tirahuti occurs in Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India, translated from Tibetan into German by Schiefner; see the Index.” ↩︎
“See ante, p. 62, note 5, and Thomas’ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, passim. The Hammira, who is mentioned in Kalhaņa’s Râjataramginî (taraṁga vii, verses 53 and 64 ↩︎
“Ante, pp. 135 and 137; Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 202.” ↩︎
“Translated by Briggs, vol. I, p. 18.” ↩︎
“Ante, p. 128, verse 31.” ↩︎
“In three grants published by Professor Kielhorn (Ind. Ant. vol. XVI, p. 201 ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Arch. Sur. India, vol. II, p. 452; Firishta, translated by Briggs, vol. I, pp. 63 and 66; Elliot’s History of India, vol. II, pp. 463 and 467.” ↩︎
“See note 14, above.” ↩︎
“Ind. Ant. vol. XVI, p. 204.” ↩︎
" Ibid. vol. VI, p. 51. Dr. Bühler in the Wiener Sitzungsberichte, 1888, p. 630.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Arch. Sur. India, vol. IX, p. 105.” ↩︎
“.Ante, page 172.” ↩︎
“Ind. Ant. vol. XVIII, p. 10.” ↩︎
“Cunningham’s Arch. Sur. India, vol. IX, p. 106; Alberûnt’s India, translated by Sachau, vol. I, p. 202.” ↩︎
“See note 20.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Ind. Ant. vol. XVIII, p. 237.” ↩︎
" प्रमथ्य goverus two accusatives. Compare सुध चीरनिर्धि fa, quoted by Drs. Böhtlingk and Roth, s. v. , from the Siddhantakaumudi.” ↩︎
“According to Professor Kielhorn, Karpa’s Benares grant is probably dated in Chedi-Samvat 793 or A. D. 1042; Ind. Ant. vol. XVII, p.216.” ↩︎
" Page 5 of the Calcutta edition: – गोपालो भूमिपालाम्पसभमसिलतामात्रमित्रेण जित्वा साम्राज्ये कोर्तिवर्मा भरपतितिलको येन भूयोभ्यषेचि ॥” ↩︎
" Cunningham’s Arch. Sur. India, vol. II, p. 453; vol. IX, p. 108. Page 8 of the Calcutta edition :-9991 विवेकेनेव निर्जित्य कर्ण मोहमिवोर्जितम् । श्रीकौर्तिवर्मनृपतेबधस्थेबोदयः कृतः ॥” ↩︎
“Page 7 of the Calcutta edition :-qurgavquaranfucĉa Ofeufarm agyford marquunfdarat afuerar धिपत्यं स्थिरीकर्तुमयमस्य संरम्भः ॥” ↩︎
“The Sanskrit translation of the end of this passage (p. 6 of the Calcutta edition ↩︎
“Ante, p. 139.” ↩︎
“Thus the Western Chalukya Pulikeśin II. and the Pallava Narasiṁhavarman I.—the Western Chalukya Vikramāditya I. and the Pallava Parameávaravarman I.—the Westorn Chalukya Jayasimha Ill and the Chola king Rajendra Chola-claiin to have conquered each other; see my first volume of South-Indian Inscriptions, p.145, note 2.” ↩︎
“Here 21 syllables of verse 1 and 54 of verse 2 are lost.” ↩︎
“Here the remainder of verse 3 and 27 syllables of verse 4 are lost.” ↩︎
↩︎
“Here 23 syllables of verse 8 and the commenoement of verso 9 aro lost.” ↩︎
“Here 20 syllables of verse 10 and the commencement of verse 14are lost.” ↩︎
“Here 7 syllables of verse 12, the wholo of verse 13, and 6 syllables of verse 14 are lost.” ↩︎
“Here 18 syllables of verse 14 and 37 of verse 16 are lost.” ↩︎
“Here 46 syllables of verse 18 and 7 of verse 17 are lost.” ↩︎
“Here 49 syllables of verse 18 are lost.” ↩︎
“Read पल्लवैः.” ↩︎
“Here 32 ayllables of verse 21 and 18 of verse 22 are lost.” ↩︎
“Here 29 syllables of verse 23 and 19 of verse 24 are lost.” ↩︎
“Here 37 syllables of verse 25 and 6 of verse 26 are lost.” ↩︎
“HerE41 syllables of verse 27 are lost.” ↩︎
“Here 47 syllables of verse 28 are lost.” ↩︎
“Read मृगाङ्कार्कयी..” ↩︎
“Here 46 syllables of verse 29 as well as the remainder of the inscription are lost.” ↩︎
“G. Bühler and Th. Zachariae, Ueber das Navasdhasan- kacharita, Sitzungsberichte, der phil. hist. Classe der Wiener Akademie, Bd. CXVI, S. 583 ff. }” ↩︎
“Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXXI, p. 114, note.” ↩︎
“Cunningham, Arch, Surv. Rep. vol. VII, pp. 82-83.” ↩︎
“Ueber das Navasáhasánkacharita, p. 35 (613 ↩︎
“Jour. Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc. vol. I, p. 259; Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. VII, pp. 44 ff.” ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 48; and vol. XIV, pp. 159 ff.” ↩︎
“8A great portion of the following remarks is a revised reproduction of Part VI of the German paper Ueber das Navasáhaáṅkascharita.” ↩︎
“9Kirtikaumudi, App. A, pp. 4-6, and 14-15.” ↩︎
“10 सदागतिप्रवृत्तेन सौती सितहेतुना । हनुमतेव यशसा यस्यालयात सागरः [In the case of Hanumat, sadágatipraoṛitta also means ’the son of the wind.’-E. H.]” ↩︎
" 11 E.g., Prabandhachintámani, p. 108 f. (Bombay edition. ↩︎
“12 The lattor probably was the poetical form of the namo, futetus, which Pandit Ramchandra considers the correct and Krishna or its Prâkrit equivalent was that used in every one, is of course to be rejected. day life. " ↩︎
“13 Prabandhachintamani, p. 55 (Bom. ed. ↩︎
" 14 This has been first pointed out by Dr. F. E. Hall, Jour.” ↩︎
“15 Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, page 255. The date is perfectly certain, because the week day is also given. The 22nd October of 971 A. D. corresponds according to Oppolzer, Canon der Finsternisse, p. 208, to the day 2076010 of the Julian period, and hence is a Sunday. The middle of the eclipse happened at 3 hours 45 minutes, Greenwich time, or about 9 ▲.M., Lanka time. According to the map No. 104 in the same work, the beginning of this eclipse was visible in Central India.” ↩︎
“16 The Karda grant was issued on Wednesday, Âévaynja, full-moon day, Saka Samvat 894 (Indian Antiquary, loc.cit., p. 263 ↩︎
“17 Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, p. 256, and Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekhan, p. 54. With the latter I agree in considering Krishnaraja to be Khottiga’s elder brother.” ↩︎
“18 Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 51.” ↩︎
“19 Ueber das Navasâhasâňkacharita, p. 5 (585 ↩︎
“20 Ueber das Navasdhasáňkacharita, pp. 27, 33 (607, 613 ↩︎
“21 Dasarupa, last verse, p. 226 (Hall ↩︎
“22 Datarúpa, p. 3, note, and H. H. Wilson, Hindu Theatre, vol. I, p. 20 (ed. Rost ↩︎
“23 Peterson, Vallabhadova’s Subhâshitâvali, p. 115.” ↩︎
“24 Prabandhachintamani, pp. 90 ff. (Bombay edition. ↩︎
“25 Jour. Am. Or. Soc. vol. VI, pp. 516, 517, and Cunuingham’s Arch. Surv. Rep. vol. IX, p. 105.” ↩︎
“26 Prabandhuchintamani, p. 58 (Bombay edition. ↩︎
“27 K. Forbes, Râs Mâlâ, pp. 87 ff. (2nd edition ↩︎
“28K. Forbes, loc. ०८,, pp. 38, 46; Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, pp. 196 ff.” ↩︎
“29Nos, 296 and।297 of the Prabandhachintâmani (Ind, Off. Libr. Sans, MSS. Bühler ↩︎ ↩︎
“30J. F, Fleet, Zhe Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 40.” ↩︎
“31This approximate date has been found by Dr. Bhâṇdârkar, Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1882 83, p. 46. He, however, differs a little, because he places the beginning of the Vikrama era in 9, ©, 66, The land-grants show, however, that the Vikrama years began in Mâlvâ with Chaitra Sudi I. Hence it seems advisable to refer Amitagati’s date to A, 7, 998-94 instead of to A. 10, 994-95. *” ↩︎
“32 Ueber das Navasâhasâṅkacharita, p. 19 (599 ↩︎
“33 Cunningham’s Ancient Geography, pp. 519 ff.” ↩︎
“34 See the map prefixed to the account of Mahikântha in the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. V, page 355. According to the Rajputând Gazetteer, vol. I, page 276, the language of Dungarpur is called Bagar. This word, too, is probably derived from the old name of the country. When I wrote my German article on the Navasdhasánkacharita, I was not aware of the existence of this Vagada and identified the country, named by Padmagupta, with eastern Kachh, which is also called Vagad.The greater distance of the latter district from Malva makes the identification now improbable.” ↩︎
“35 See Zachariae’s analysis of the poem in the article quoted, pp. 14 (594 ↩︎
“36 See Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p. 75, and Sir A. Cunningharn, Archeological Survey Reports, vol. II p. 310.” ↩︎
“37 Ueber das Navasdhasáňkacharita, p. 15 (595 ↩︎
“38 Prabandhachintamani, pp. 56ff. (Bombay. ↩︎
“39Râs Mâlâ, p. 64.” ↩︎
“40Ueber das Nav. Char. p. 6 (588 ↩︎
“41 Indian Antiquary, vol. V, p. 17; compare also Dr. Bhâṇḍârker, Early History of the Dekhan, p.60.” ↩︎
“42.Prabandhachintdmani, p. 80.” ↩︎
“44 No. 356 of the Collection of 1880-81.” ↩︎
“43 Nos, 342 and 343 of the Collection of 1879-80, and No. 108 of 1873-74” ↩︎
“45 Ueber das Leben des Jaina Méuches Hemachandra, 63( 251 ↩︎ ↩︎
" I ordered a copy to be made, which, however, has never been sent.” ↩︎
" Prabandhachintâmani, pp. 117 ff.; K. Forbes, Rds Mâlâ, p. 68 f.” ↩︎
“Sir A. Cunningham’s Arch. Surv. Rep. vol. IX, p. 107.” ↩︎
" Vikramâṅkadevacharita, p. 23.” ↩︎
“See Professor Sachau’s Translation of Al-Berûnî’ş”Indica, vol. I, p. 191.” ↩︎
" According to my copy of the Jesalmir MS. it is arst decaed-.शक्तो वेदतुंनन्दी This is the initial point for the calculations in the Karana.” ↩︎
" See Vikramâňkadevacharita, p. 23. According to the Râjatarańginí, VII, 936, Bilhaṇa left Kasınîr“ during the reign of Kalaga.”” ↩︎
“Jour, Am. Or. Soc. vol. VII, p. 35.” ↩︎
" have before mo two impressions prepared by Dr. Führer. From these the accompanying plate has been photo-lithographed; the title of the plate should be corrected into- Udepur Prasasti of the reign of Udayâditya.’” ↩︎
“Metre, Indravajra. In Pada 3 श्रे is blurred and f ह abnormal. The reading is therefore not certain.” ↩︎
" 56 Metre, Vasantatilaka. Read ‘त्यवश्यम’; बेश्या; शिवः The first consonant of नृत्यंति is destroyed and the second looks likel ठ्या; अनिशं is not certain.” ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilaka. Read गंभीर; वयतां.” ↩︎
“Metre Anushțubh. The bracketed letters are almost completely gone. After this verse follows a ruds symbolical figure and then another two vertical strokes, indicating that the Mangala is finished.” ↩︎
“59 Metre, Sragdhars. The shape of the second sign is a little abnormal. The left half of the bracketed letter is gone.Read ‘दांपत्यसिद्धे..” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubh. Restore परमाराख्यः पार्थिवेन्द्री. ‘” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajáti. Read ौर्या’. The last syllables look like : ने” ↩︎
" 64 Metre, Vasantatilake. Read ‘शतमानुकृतिं.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Indravajra. Read वैरिसिंह’.” ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilake. Read ‘शत्रु जो.” ↩︎
“Metro, Salini The bracketed lettersare badly damaged.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilaka. Read ‘नरेश्वर’; सेना.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, sardulavikridita. Read विभूषिता; the भू is not recognissble; read शौर्याा; शत्रुविभवाधिन्याय्यवित्तीदयः” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubh, Read खड्ग ऊर्ध्यीकृती” ↩︎
“Metre, Upujati.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Mandakranta. The first syllable of गणा is very doubtful; read चापयक्षा” ↩︎
" Metre, Vasantatilaka. The bracketed letters are all more or less doubtful, •तोग्ग• may have been •भोग्ग• or •सोग्ग•.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Upajâti. Read .रामेश्वरThe first syllable of संडीरis doubtful; ut looks like waard.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdharà. Read विस्रस्तां, दंडांशु in the eighth syllable of the last Pada only the is quite certain.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Âry. The bracketed lettors are partly very difficult to recognise.” ↩︎
“The bracketed letters are doubtful.” ↩︎
“Sesha being coiled rouud Siva’s neck, forms an alavala or basin which retains the water of Ganga when it flows from the head of the deity. The crescent of the moon on Siva’s head elsewhere is compared with the bijan kura, the seed sprout, of the world; see, e.g., Bhoja’s land-grant, Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, p. 53, verse 1. Strictly gangâmbvityâdi qualifies murdhni.” ↩︎
" I.e., the Apsarases.” ↩︎
↩︎
" The verse alludes to the existence of Saiva mathas, or monasteries.” ↩︎
“Or the bonour of exalted kinghood.” ↩︎
“Coloured " ↩︎
“For the last phrase compare verse 7 of the Prasasti of Hemachandra’s grammar, Ueber das Leben des Jaina Mönches Hemachandra, p. 66 (234 ↩︎
“A sun for (those ↩︎
“By that king famous Dhârâ was indicated,” ↩︎
“The snake eater Garuda was the cognisance of the Paramaras; see the facsimiles of Vakpati’s aud Bhoja’s land, grants, Indian Antiquary, vol. VI, loc. cit. Naga is given in the Koshas as a synonym of någa.” ↩︎
“The translation follows the emended reading which I have proposed in the notes to the text.” ↩︎
" 89 The weighty crowd of earth-supporters,” ↩︎
“90 If my restoration mukhyân, ‘chief among whom,’ is correct, as I think it must be, the author has made a ‘bull’ which strongly reminds one of the late Sir Cowasjî Jahaugîr’s complaint in the Bombay papers that the unfinished Victoria Museum was inhabited " ↩︎
“91 Regarding the tochnical meaning of maula and bhritya see Kamandaki, Niti Sâra; XVIII, 4.” ↩︎
" 92 Jagati means both the world’ and ‘a site for buildings.’” ↩︎
" 93 In the text there is no finite verb, and the author probably wishes asit to be understood.” ↩︎
" 94 “By whom the primeval boar was restored,” ↩︎
“The letters placed between brackets are very faint and partly doubtful. The first title seems to have been राजाधिराजवाहि,originally suggested by Mr. Fleet, is plain on the second impression. Probably जऊण्लस्याभिhas to be restored according to a suggestion of Mr. Fleet. I read originally जऊ- - - - प्र.” ↩︎
“The bracketed letters are very doubtful with the exception of the syllable न्द्रऽuggested by Mr. Fleet.” ↩︎
" There is large blank space between देand वातिदेवस्य.” ↩︎
“The second sign of चतुवैशाग्द्य० is injured, and the reading may beअत्रवेशारद्य. In that case it would be a mistake for चत्वारिवै०. The Anusvára of प्रतिसंविदा is doubtful and the last two letters are very faint. But the reading is neverthe less certain.” ↩︎
“Some strokes are attached to the र्पूof वेणोका which may be meant as a correction, the usual form of the word being वेणिका.” ↩︎
“Between अ and नुत्तरज्ञानाo there are two short strokes —, as if something had been lost. But the word is complete.” ↩︎
" There is a vertical stroke to the left of the र्य of आचार्यं which either may have been an d-stroke or a continuation of the upright of य. Tho म of महोशासकानां is abnormal and looks like त्म. Novertheless the rending seems certain. The bracketed letters of the latter word and those following seem to have been written under a line of intentionally obliterated characters. It also looks as if the characters of line 13 had been defaced intentionally.” ↩︎
“In accordance with the usage of the mixed dialect, the Anusvâras of deyadharmoya and vihdrapratishṭhâpana have Leen left out. With respect to the word deyadharmoh I accept Mr. Fleet’s correction of the translation, Corpus Inscr. Ind. vol. III, p. 25, note, and now translate more olosely by appropriate and meritorious gift, though it may be doubted whether it conveyed to the ordinary mind any other meaning thau & gift which secnros merit. Viharapratishthapana, the erectiou of a Vihâra,’ is not an appropriate expression. It onght to bave been simply & Vihara.’” ↩︎
“The epithet devátidev&, ’the god of gods, is regularly applied to Buddha; see, e.g, Minayeff, Mahdogutpatti, I 15.” ↩︎
“Sarvapāpaparikshîṇa and sarvapunyasamudgata are compounds formed on the model of the classic agnydhita for athitagni, etc.; Bre Pánini, II, 2, 37.” ↩︎
“In tîrṇasasârârṇavasatvánāṁ, sasára stands for samsdra; see above, note &. Tarayitâ ought to be either târayituḥ or târayitri accordingly as it may be intended for a separate word or for a part of a compound. The latter is the more probable explanation. For the substitution of a nominative for the stem is common in the mixed dialect.” ↩︎
“I read originally samatvdgatasya. Samanvágatasya is Mr. Fleet’s suggestion.” ↩︎
“Dasabalabalina is either a new a-stem formed from dasabalin or a genitive with the omission of the Visarga ; compare below marapitro ( 1. 9 ↩︎
“See Cunningham’s Archaological Survey of India Reports, vol. II, p. 225; and vol. XIV, pp. 101, 102.” ↩︎
“Compare the position of the oulogy of king Jayachchandra in the Baijnath Prasasti, No. II, ante, p. 112, which likewise follows immediately after the mangala.” ↩︎
“See Burgess’s Archeological Surv. Rep. Western India, vol. II, pp. 169 ff. and Fergusson’s Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 232, where the building is called the temple of Vastupâla and Tejpala. Other examples occur in the Dekhan, as, for example, the temple of Mânakesvara at Lakkundi.-J.” ↩︎
“It may have been Muktaka, Muñjata, or Muñjaka. For the metre requires” ↩︎
“This form of the name is due to the influence of the vernacular Mahindpâl.” ↩︎
“6. Metre, Šârdûlavikrîḍita. The second, third, and fourth be filled up by स्मंसारसि, that in the last perhaps by दुरितगणं among the bracketed sigus, as well as the vowel of the last, चारु.are faintly visible.” ↩︎
“7 Metre, Mandakranta. In the first Pada the first, seoond,and fifth among the bracketed syllables, as well as the vowelof the third, are faintly visible. °भव° in the fourth Pāda isnot certain ; °रुच° only half visible.” ↩︎
“8. Metre, Vasantatilaka. It seems to me that faint tracesof the bracketed letters are visible.” ↩︎
“9.Metre, Sragdhara.The lacuna in the first Pada must” ↩︎
“10 Metre, Praharshini. The नof मानसं has an ornmontal tail, turned to the right, to which two small hoohs are attached. The lacuna in the first Pada may perhaps be filled by मनुग्रहीतु०.” ↩︎
“11. Metre, Sardulavikridita. The restoration in the first Pada is purely conjectural.” ↩︎
“12Metre, Sardulavikridita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mâliniî. Only the lower portions of the bracketed syllables are visible.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śâlinî.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushṭubh. Read नायिकेति.” ↩︎
“Metre, Praharshiṇî. The bracketed letters are veryindistinct, with the exception of the vowel i and î; the firsttwo look almost like ºर्गदिº.” ↩︎
“Metre, Pṛithvî. The bracketed letters are indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre, Drutavilambitâ. Read ºरश्रुº.” ↩︎
“Metre, Praharshinî. Read निशम्य.” ↩︎
“Metre, PṛithvÎ.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mandâkrântâ. Read विणोº. The bracketedsigns are very indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushṭubh. Read ºतमसच्छिदे..” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilakâ. The last syllable of the firstPâda is not very distinct.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushṭubh. The bracketed syllables have beenconjecturally restored.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sàvitrî Read दृद्दीशे :—” ↩︎
“For the enjoyment (of the god ↩︎
“I.e., future kings must not resume the grant.” ↩︎
“Notwithstanding Dr. Hall’s somewhat guarded statement to the contrary, Râjaśekhara had nothing to do withthe composition of this inscription.” ↩︎
“Sir A. Cunningham’s Aroheological Survey of India,vol. IX, p. 104.” ↩︎
“From two impressions, ono taken by Dr. Burgoss, andthe other by Mr. Fleet.” ↩︎
“Originally ºपतिः प्रº; but the sign for visarga isstruck out.” ↩︎
“Metre, ŚârdûlavikrÎḍita.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Śloke (Anushṭubh ↩︎
“Read °र वः; चाउखर is ordinarily used as a masculine noun.” ↩︎
“Read वंशेव.’” ↩︎
“Read ºवांविधति.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śârdûlavikriḍita. The reading श्रीयुवराजदेवनृपतेस्तº in the first line of this verse is quite distinct and certain, and is not ०नृपतिस्त०See also below, note on the translation of verse 46.” ↩︎
“Read तपांसि तेजांसि.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mâlinî.” ↩︎
" Readबंधवितता.” ↩︎
“Read भक्तिं विधिमाº.” ↩︎
“The two aksharas in brackets appear to have been struck out.” ↩︎
“Metre, Gîti; and of the next three verses.” ↩︎
“Metre, Âryâ and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Here about fourteen aksharas are illegible in the impressions.” ↩︎
“I take ulûkabhûtdn in the sense of ulûkodbhutdn, as the most natural interpretation " ↩︎
“The translation strictly follows the text.But I believe the poet meant to say " ↩︎
" I.e., who received the Saiva initiation at Kârttikarâsi’s hands.” ↩︎
“I.e., who proached well and performed many pilgrimages.” ↩︎
" I.e., to be preacher and head of the Saiva community.” ↩︎
“Sthana has both meanings.” ↩︎
“The use of a verb equivalent to abhût for ‘was made’ is not uncommon in the modern Indian vernaculars, and it is not improbable that our poet has fallen into a Gujaraticism.” ↩︎
“Though I consider the identity of Kârohaṇa and Kârvâṇ to be certain, I do not mean to say that the two names are identical. With respect to the word kârvân, I adhere to the opinion, expressed in the Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, p. 176, and consider Karohaṇa, like Kayavirohana, as an attempt at finding a Sanskrit equivalent for the Gujarâtî word.” ↩︎
↩︎
“Regarding the substitution of na for la and of la for na see Kuhn, Beiträge zur Pali-Grammatik, pp. 38 and 44; Hemachandra, I, 230, 257; Beames, Comparative Grammar.§248; Hoernle, Grammar of the Gandian languages, § 111. My reasons for considering Lakulîsa as the older form are, (1 ↩︎
"” ↩︎
“This must be the title of a high local official. For, below (verse 65 ↩︎
“Ghaṭikâlaya is the modern Gujarâtî għadiâl, the usual term for any kind of timepiece.” ↩︎
“The text has °vâsam adhishthitâni, literally ‛standing on the dwelling of.’ This may mean either that the five temples were built on the site of an ancient decayed temple or that the site was sacred to the god mentioned. Vasa seems to correspond here to the Jaina term vasahika, the ‘precinets’ of a sacred building.” ↩︎
“The word ‘statue’ does not occur in the text. But if a Hindu speaks of ‘a Sarasvati or a Gaņeša,’ etc., he usually means images of these deities. [Antarala is the second Mandapa of a temple, between the ardhamandupa and the shrine.—J. B.]” ↩︎
“Kavadi is apparently the Gujarati and Marathi kârad, which means the same as the Sanskrit riradha, ‘a bamboo or pole for carrying burdens,’ in this case pitchers which are attached to the ends by ropes. Two kavadis of water are therefore two loads, equal to four pitchers of water, which quantity was required for the daily ablutions of the Lingas.” ↩︎
“Kolini I take as an equivalent of kolamayf, made of kola or branches of the Zizyphus jujuba.” ↩︎
“Jagati has here the meaning vastu, given for the word in the Vaijayanti of Yadavaprakasa. Compare also the vernacular jago, jagya, ’ place, spot,’ etc.” ↩︎
“The verb kri is used here, just as in Gujarati and other vernaculars, in a very loose manner, and must be variously rendered, as the context requires, by ‘procure,’ ‘assign,’ etc. The meaning is here that the Batuka or Chelft is not only to procure the things mentioned, butalso to use them. It will appear in the sequel that he is to do all the manual work of the worship.” ↩︎
“Naivedya food are the offerings, destined for the meals of the deities, which are invariably made over to the temple-servants. See Ind. Ant., vol. XII, pp. 317ff.” ↩︎
“Regarding the allowance for the Chelâ, see below, verse 61.” ↩︎
“I am unable to explain this word, which looks suspicions. But the letters are perfectly distinct.” ↩︎
“Kanavira is the Prâkrit and vernacular form of Sanskrit karavira. The equivalent which the gardeners received for furnishing these flowers is mentioned below, vorse 65.” ↩︎
“I am unable to give a full translation of this verse, as I do not understand the words dhâtivdha and parikshipaṭṭa. Parikshi may be the Sanskrit for the modern Pârikh or Pârakh, a kind of money-changer.” ↩︎
“Mánaka was, according to Berûnî, Indica, vol. I, p. 166, in Somnâth, a measure equal to five mand. The word may be connected with Gujarâtî mâna, ‘a large earthen jar.’” ↩︎
“Choshaḥ is a bad spelling for Gujarati chokha, ‘husked rice.’” ↩︎
“According to some authorities a karsha is equal to two tolâs. If it had the same value in Kathiâvâd, the quantity is equal to eight tolàs. At presont ghf and oil are sold by the tolå of 110-180 grains according to local custom.” ↩︎
“The singular dipâyais probably used loosely for the plural. The lamps are required for the Arâtrika in the morning and evening.” ↩︎
“I have left out in the translation the word sthitake, which occurs also below in verses 60, 61, and 66, as neither the dictionaries nor the koshas accessible furnish an olue to its meaning. May it mean ‘in perpetuity P’” ↩︎
↩︎
“A maṇa, now commonly called a maund, is equal to about 40 pounds, or, if kâchâ, to 20 pounds.” ↩︎
“The Mehara probably belonged to the Kathiâvâd caste called Mer in the Bombay Gazetteer, and described there, vol. VIII, pp. 137-38. He was probably in some way, perhaps as watchman, connected with Tripurântaka’s temples, and received an allowance from him, though none is mentioned specially.” ↩︎
“A bijaka is the little three-cornered parcel of ground arecanut, lime, etc., which is wrapped up in a betel pepper leaf and held together by a clove stuck into the leaf, what is usually called pân-supárí.” ↩︎
“Pasupâla means usually ‛a herdsman.’ If the word is to be taken here in that sense, it is difficult to understand how a herdsman was connected with the Saiva worship. I suspect that it is the title of Saiva priest connected with the worship of Siva, the Pasupati.” ↩︎
“If the rostoration Somanatha is correct, it shows that the store-house mentioned above in verse 53 is that of the great temple.” ↩︎
“The person to whom the materials are to be given is the Saiva pupil; see verses 58-59.” ↩︎
“A pallikamust be a small measure, as the mung is only used for seasoning the rice.” ↩︎
“The materials were of course intended for the daily Naivedya of the five gods. Regarding the translation of iti by ‛and so forth,’ see the note to verse 59.” ↩︎
“Compareabove, verse 48. The mention of the bijakas shows that the enumeration of the materials in verse 57 is not complete, and that the word iti, which is added at the end, really means ‘and so forth.’” ↩︎
“The meaning is that Tripurântaka paid money in order to secure this grant and that mentioned in the next verse. For verse 71 declares that he purchased the sarana with his pure self-acquired wealth. Regarding mandapikâ, ‘ a customhouse,’ see ante, pp. 7 and 115. I have again omitted the word sthitake.” ↩︎
“‘There,’ i.e. (from the revenue ↩︎
“The pupil is the person mentioned above in verses 48, 58-59. The word sthitake has been omitted also in the translation of this verse.” ↩︎
“The Pasupâla is no doubt the person mentioned abows in verses 58-59, and below in verse 69.” ↩︎
“The translation of sammilitapottake by ‘in the treasury’ is merely tentative. I take pottaka to be an adaptation of the Persian fotah, which occurs in Gujarâtî as potumand means " ↩︎
“This was apparently the remuneration for which the guild of the gardeners furnished the flowers mentioned above in verse 50.” ↩︎
“I translate mahājanaḥ by ’the merchants in accordance with the usual acceptation of mahājan in Gujarâtî.” ↩︎
“I have left out the word viseshasthitake, which I understand as little as the technical meaning of the words pavitraka and vistaraṇa, which have not been translated.” ↩︎
“It is customary to offer pân-suparí to officials or heads of towns and villages on the occasion of great festivals.” ↩︎
“The translation of yugah by pairs (of garments ↩︎
“Rájapâţikā is frequently used in the Prabandhas in this sense.” ↩︎
“This rule, too, no doubt refers to the Sivaratri.” ↩︎
“Dharmasthâna must here mean ’land or money assigned for a religious purpose’ according to the analogy of devasthâna, which in the modern vernaculars commonly means land or payments of money in support of a templo ; ’ see, o.g., Molesworth, Marathi Dictionary, sub voce.” ↩︎
“I.e. probably that mentioned above in perses 60-61.” ↩︎
“As there were five temples, there must have been five Lingas.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vamsanthi,” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 2-5, Vasantatilakâ.” ↩︎
“The fourth consonant of क्षितिपाद्रिºis completely gone; the first and second syllables of जगर्द are blurred.” ↩︎
“Metre, śārdūlavikridita.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre of verses 7-9, Upajâti.” ↩︎
“Read ºमभुङ्गº ; the syllables ºमभुºare blurred ; नाक almost entirely gone.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 10-12, Vasantatilaka. The eighth letter of the third pâda and the second and bird of the fourth are not quite distinct.” ↩︎
“The first syllable of ºनिमग्रºis indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vaithaliya.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vamsastha.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre of verses 17-18, Auushtubb. The sixth and seventh syllables of verse 17 are blurred.” ↩︎
“Metre, Indravajra. The last three syllables of the verse are indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 20 and 21, Vasantatilaks. The bracketted syllable is only half visible.” ↩︎
“Metre,Vesantatilakh. The second and third brackettedsyllables ard half visible.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 24-27, Upajati.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasantatilaka. Read प्रेथोलितानि; कलशोद्भव°, निष्कम्बषाº.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati. The end of the verse probably was जंगमचयंबकमाससाद ॥” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati. Read बाल .” ↩︎
“Metre, Anusbtubh. Read षष्ठं.” ↩︎
“Metre, Svagata. Read उहरिष्यति.” ↩︎
“Metre. Varnsastha.” ↩︎
“Metre, Svagath. Read पुरुषोत्तमभूयं.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 41-43, Anushtubh. The brackettedsyllable is indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vamśastha. The anusváraof स्गोरमं is not distinct.” ↩︎
“Metre, Rathoddhala.” ↩︎
“Metre, of verses 47-48, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 50-55, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“The bracketted letters are very indistinct, and not certain. The second sign of घट्टे(verse 51 ↩︎
“Metre of verses 58-57, Arya. The laouna has probably to be filled up, as Dr. Bhagvanlal proposes, by ºसोमनाथº Read कोष्ठागाº.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 58-64, Anushtubh. The laeuna has probably to be flled upby इदमेव प्रदातव्यं. Read नैवेद्यº.” ↩︎
“Probably पूजाकर्मविधायिने to be read.” ↩︎
“The laouna has to be filled up by writing प्रतिमासमुदारधीः.” ↩︎
“Metre, Salini. Read पूजापुष्पº.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubh. Read कोष्ठागारिच.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 71-75, Vasantatilaka.” ↩︎
“Read तदव्विशेषº; संबद्धित्तेषु,” ↩︎
“Read " ↩︎
“Read प्रविहामहोत्सवः.” ↩︎
“Regarding his Jaina inscriptions see the Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. III, pp. 233FF.” ↩︎
“In the compound Sobharâtmâ, the word âtman seems to have been used for domaja, in accordance with the Vedic verse—dtmå vai putranâmâsi.” ↩︎
“I do not know what a gonîprasriti may be. A gonê is a late measure equal to four khârís (Colebrooke, Mise Essays, vol. I, p. 537 ↩︎
“The engines intended were probably the oil-mills, by each of which a small quantity of oil had to be furnished.” ↩︎
“Mâpaka means literally ‘a measurer.’It must have here a technical meaning. Possibly the mapårimay be meant, i.e., the official who had to measure the grain brought into the market; see H. H. Wilson, Glossary of Judicial Terms, sub VOCE. This man may have had to levy a small tax on the dealers in grain.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajâti; restore in the first half कौरवकुब्जलाभः प्रभा सिदंतो.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardůlavikridita. Restore in the first pâda स्विर वः कराThe dha of स्वर्गुणी is imperfectly formed and looks like da.” ↩︎
“Metre, Prithvi. Read ºभरलृº.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardulavikridita. The last syllable of the third pada is only half visible.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sârdûlavikridita. Only the upper parts of the bracketted syllables are visible.” ↩︎
“Metre, Indravajra.” ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Ŝardûlavikriḍita. Before नयोव्रतमतिःऽtands a letter which looks likeत्त and before that remnants of a sign like भू. The reading may have been तस्याभूत्तनयोन्नतमतिः, which, as the metre shows, would be a mistake for तस्याभूत्तमयो नयीन्नतमतिः. Complete the second pada by writing सवर्द्यैकरतः.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sârdûlavikridita. The fourth missing pâda is probably that noted in the margin; see below, line 30.” ↩︎
“Metre, śārdūlavikridita. Verse 9 is apparently that on the margin, which is given below at the end of the inscription.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushtubh. The verse may be completed by writing in the beginning तस्यात्तस्यां समुत्पन्नी and at the end ºमुदारधौः॥” ↩︎
“Metre, Mandakranta. • The third padamay be completed by writing कोजुलीभिः समर्थः .” ↩︎
“Metre, Indravajra or possibly Upajati.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vaanntatilaka.” ↩︎
“Metre, śārdūlavikridita. Read at the beginuing of the third pada शौलाचार.°” ↩︎
“Metre, Sârdûlavikridita. In the first pâda the bracketted syllables are uncertain, in the second the anusvåra of बर्गधुरा, in the fonrth the anusvâra of पटं.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śärddlavikridita.[The verse seems to consist of five pady–E. H.]” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 20-20, Anushtubh.” ↩︎
“The bracketted lettersin verses 20 and 21 arc mutilated and uncertain.” ↩︎
“Probably चतुर्थोंशे fit to be read.” ↩︎
“Probably यावदाभृतसंज्ञवःis meant. Tपाfourth syllable might also be read भूा. The phrase is of course incorrect.” ↩︎
“The श्री of श्रीमहि° is faintly visible, and I believe the lower part of dri.” ↩︎
“I am at a loss to say what this figure means. The pâda belongs without doubt to verse 8, which is incomplete.” ↩︎
“Bombay Gazetteer, vol. VIII, p. 624” ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, vol. VII, p. 81, and corpus Inserip., Ind vol. III, p.1718” ↩︎
“Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit MSS. of 1888-84, p. 20.” ↩︎
“Metre of verse 1, śardulavikridita Read : स्वसमये; ºब्रह्मांडपिº; सदा स्वच्छदमाº.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdhara. Read संध्यां; ºमनुहरत्येवहेतोः..” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 3-27, Sardúlavikrdlita. Read दधेंविपक्षीपि.” ↩︎
“Read मूलं; न्यायदुमीत्पादने; करै.” ↩︎
“Read क्षोणिपतेयथा; निनर्वशितः.” ↩︎
“Read ºर्जज्ञे; ºनिर्मितº; पिशुनयत्येतत्प्रयाणº.” ↩︎
“Read श्रीमद्दुर्लभराजº; निषण्णº; क्रोधपरायणस्य; लाटº.” ↩︎
“Read वसुधाकर्णावतंस .” ↩︎
“Read ºशिवीमूर्त्तº; सद्यःः ; ºजगद्गौतीपमानº; ºनृपतिः; सिद्धाधिराजलतःThe bracketted letters are not very distinct.” ↩︎
“Owing to the bad preservation of verson 12—13 I do hot think it advisable to propose any emendations.” ↩︎
“The lacuns in päda4 hns probably to be filled up by र्यःस्वº.” ↩︎
“Read ºव्रजं; चंडाै. The bracketted letters are not quite certain.” ↩︎
“Read सद्धर्मº; कलेर्सवयन्.” ↩︎
“It looks as if in the first illegible word there were & syllable in excess. Read ºपोज्झितº; ºमौलिकमलैः; प्रुच्छत् or शुश्चत् ; द्योतितन्छायां.” ↩︎
“Read ºविधिर्बिº; ºज्ञानं तु; विनोदोत्सवः .” ↩︎
“Read भुज्यमानसुभगा; ºरशनाै; ºसनाै; एषा; तिष्ठति; नकराद्वयं.” ↩︎
“Read कलिताº.” ↩︎
“Road अत्रान्तº; आरोपितः; शिक्षाघातैश्च; वाचः; ºशाहीषि.” ↩︎
“Read ºविभवोत्कर्षº,” ↩︎
“Read अस्मिन्नागरवंशणद्विजº; ºपौष्टिकर्विº; वप्रं.” ↩︎
“Read संप्रधार्थ सकल.” ↩︎
“Read इवेष्टकातरुचिरः .” ↩︎
“Read फणशतरुत्तंगतां; पुरमिदं; शेषः; वृत्तवान्.” ↩︎
“Read खच्छदःस्वनºorºस्वरº; अत्रातय बहिय; बिभति.” ↩︎
“Metre, Indravajrâ. Readºधिष्ठित• ; • वृष्टिर्वप्रश्च.” ↩︎
“Metre, Mandlkrantà Readनिदानं; एषः .” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati. Rend महाप्रबन्धः,” ↩︎
“Read संवत्.The bracketted figure is not certain, and may have been 2 or 3.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upajati of Vamsastha and Indravamsa. Read ºवारिकोपना.” ↩︎
“Metre, Anushțubh. The first foot of the second line is deficient by one syllable. Read प्रशस्तिर्लिखिता.” ↩︎
“Read सुतेन; प्रशस्ति .” ↩︎
“Regarding the creation of Chulukya compare also Vikramâňkadevacharita, i, 36, 39ff. The ‘cause’ is, of course Brahman’s pot, from which, owing to its sacredness, only a very famous, holy hero could proceed.” ↩︎
“Karaiḥ prakâmasisiraih means, of course, also by exceedingly cool rays.’ ‘As (becomes ↩︎
“See also Ueber das Sukritasamkirtana, p. 11.” ↩︎
“Bhara, used here as a meuter, is regularly a masculine. Perhaps we ought to write bhâram imam.” ↩︎
“The poet means to say that Karṇa made only lawful conquests (dharmya vijaya`, and by his adherence to the sacred law injured wicked Kali.” ↩︎
“The poets did not say ‘Jayasimha is as brave as a lion, but the lion is as brave as Jayasimha.’ Bhaktyákrishtedyádi may possibly also be translated ’to whom Siva, attracted by his devotion, personally appeared.’ Vv. 12 and 13 are too frag-mentary to be translated.” ↩︎
“L.e. probably Siva.” ↩︎
“1.e. the best among those kings whose reign was prosperous.” ↩︎
“The goddess Chandi always must be propitiated by blood, especially by human blood. She is said to be seated on the king’s aru, because he possesses chandapratāpa, ‘fierce prowess.’” ↩︎
“The Prabandhas mention that Kumarapala used to worship Kanteśvariand other Devis in the month of Âévina according to the custom of his family; see Ueber das Leben des Jaina Mönches Hemachandra, p. 45 f.” ↩︎
“Compare the expression in the land-grants, Umâpativaralabdhaprasâda, which invariably stands before Kunara. påla’s name.” ↩︎
“Srutydfrayam, ‘placed in its ear,’ must probably also be taken with Nagara in the sense of ’ a home of the Vedas.’” ↩︎
“Dharma loses in each Yuga one foot, and one-legged in the Kali ago.” ↩︎
“I take toyanilayaḥ as a synonym of prapaḥ.” ↩︎
“The occan yields many ratnas, the rampart enhances the security and the prosperity of the town.” ↩︎
“The lord of the Rakshasas is, of course, Råvaņa, who was conquered by Râmawith the help of the monkeys. The monkeys’ heads peeping over the rampart of Vaduagar are the ornamental projections in its coping, which are conventionally called kapisirsha.” ↩︎
“Sesha, too, is white.” ↩︎
“The hoods are the small domes erected at intervals over the towers of the wall.” ↩︎
“For brevity I omit the second translation of the first three padas, merely noting that—referred to the ground outside the town—ramaramaḥ has to be taken with the sense of lovely gardens,’ dvija as ‘birds,’ and sali as ‘rice.’” ↩︎
“I take this to mean that a temple of Lakshmi adjoined and partly rested on the wall. The epithets applied to the rampart fit the king likewise. But I intentionally omit the second translation.” ↩︎
“Prithu, finding the earth thickly covered with mountains, pushed then, ashnder with his bow.” ↩︎
“Compare with this Prabhavakacharitra, xxii, 206, quoted above.” ↩︎
“The inscription has been published before, with a translation which fairly gives the general sense of the original, by Mr. C. T. Metcalfe, and introductory remarks on the Sena kings of Bengal, by Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra, in the Journal As. Soc. Beng., vol. XXXIV, part I. pp. 128-154. I now re-edit it from an excellent impression taken by Dr. Burgess. The village of Deopârâ is in the Godâgâri thânâ in the west of the Rampur pargana. Godâgâri is on the Gauges, Lat. 24° 28′ N., Long. 88° 23’ E.; and on sheet 120 of Indian Atlas, there is a Daopoor’ north-north-east of Godâgâri, but no Deopârâ is marked near the place; there isother ’ Deopoor,’ 12 miles east from Godågåri in Lat. 24° 27’, Long. 88° 34}’ E.-J. B.J.” ↩︎
“Varendriis identified with that part of Bengal which is now called Rajshahi (or Rajasahi ↩︎
" See the extract from a commentary on Gîtagovinda, i, 4, in Lesson’s edition, p.72, ‘Lakshmaṇasenasya sâmājikān varṇayati;’ the first note on Govardhana’s Aryasaptasatî, in the Karyamala; Professor Peterson’s edition of Vallabhadeva’s Subhâshitâvaří, Introduction, p. 38; Merutninga’s Prabandhachintamani, p. 289; and Professor Aufrecht in Zeitschrift D. M. G., vol. XL, p. 142.” ↩︎
“Journal As. Soc. Beng., vol. XLIV, part I, p. 11.” ↩︎
“According to Dr. Rajendralâl Mitra, Notices of Sanskrit MSS., vol. I, p. 151, Ballâlasena in the Danasagara calls himself the son of Vijayasena, and grandson of Hemantasena; and according to the same authority, the Dânasdgara was composed in A.D. 1097. These statements I am unable to verify.” ↩︎
“See Indian Antiquary, vol. XIX, p. 6. My proofs are shortly the following :— (¹ ↩︎
“From an impression by the Editor.” ↩︎
“his akshara originally was यां, but the sign of anusvára is struck out.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sârdûlavikrîḍita; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sragdhara; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“Metre, Prithvi.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Read ºमांसº .” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardulavikridita; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
“This sign of visarga was originally omitted, and has been added afterwards.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sikharini,” ↩︎
“Metre, Malini” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Sardalavikridita; and of the two next verses.” ↩︎
“Read ● माझचान.” ↩︎
“Originally कथमं न्यथा, but the sign of anusvara is struck out.” ↩︎
“Metre,śārdūlavikridita.” ↩︎
“Motre, Sārdūlavikridita.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Metre, Sarddlavikridita.” ↩︎
" Metre, VasantatilakA.” ↩︎
“This akshara originally was ओं, but it seems to have been altered to अ.The (lingual ↩︎
“I. e. Siva, the five-faced (Pañchanana ↩︎
“Pradyumnesvara is here clearly a name of the god usually called Hari-Hara (Vishnu-Siva ↩︎
“I. e. the poet Vyasa.” ↩︎
“I. e. Rama.” ↩︎
“I. e. the ridge of rocks extending from the south of the Coromandel const towards the island of Ceylon.” ↩︎
“am not sure that this is the exact meaning of the word ekanga of the original; but ekânga-vira looks as if it were intentionally employed in opposition to chaturanga-bula,’ an entire or completę army, comprising elephants, chariots, cavalry and infantry.’” ↩︎
“I. e. Yama, the regent of the southern quarter.” ↩︎
“The original has máráňkaviraḥ, ’ a hero whose characteristic it was to destroy’ (? ↩︎
“I. e. because the breasts of the slain heroes, covered with red paint which was transferred to them from the breasta of their divine mistresses, looked as if they were still covered with blood.” ↩︎
“In the original, pratyarthi-vyaya-keli-karmaṇi has a double meaning. It means both in playfully bringing about the destruction of opponents,’ and also ‘in playfully expending (wealth, etc. ↩︎
“Because the heroes slain in battle are transferred to heaven.” ↩︎
“The next verse shows that Nânya and Vira must be taken here as proper names. Nânya we find again (as was first pointed out to me by Dr. Burgess ↩︎
“I. c. Siva’s.” ↩︎
“I understand this verse to mean that the wives of the Srotriyas, suddenly become rich in pearls, emeralds, etc., of which they had no knowledge before, had to be told by the wives of the townspeople, that the things looking like cotton-seeds were pearls, etc.” ↩︎
“As she is represented to be in the Kali-age. Compars Journal Amer. Or. Soc., vol. VII, p. 26, verse 10.” ↩︎
“Earth and heaven had their size reduced, the one by extensive lakes, and the other by the tops of temples which reached to and filled as it were part of the sky.” ↩︎
“Viz. the compact by which the Vindhya mountain, which had prostated itself before Agastya, was to remain in that position, so long as the sage should stay in the south. See e.g. S. P. Pandit’s note on Raghuvamsa, vi, 61.” ↩︎
“I. e. Šiva.” ↩︎
“Digambara ‘having only the sky or atmosphere for raiment, naked,’ is an epithet of Śiva; Ardháṅganâsvámin=Ardhandríša, a name of Siva represented as palf male and half female.” ↩︎
“Of course, chitrakshaum-obhacharmand and the following words in the original qualify veshas; ‘an attire in which the elephant’s hide was replaced by variegated silken clothes,’ etc.” ↩︎
“I. e. Valmiki and Vyasa.” ↩︎
“I. e. the Ganges.” ↩︎
" I. e.Šiva.” ↩︎
" [The accompanying facsimile reproduction of the impressions is of the size of the originale.-J. B.]” ↩︎
" This place is mentioned in a later Chaulukya grant; Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 210, and vol. XVIII, p. 178. [It is a considerable town, 7 miles south of Siddhapur, and the head-quarters, and probably the original seat in Gujarat of the Kadava Kulambis or Kunbis.– Burgess, Notes of a Visit to Gujarât in 1869, pages 58-61.]” ↩︎
" It appears from Oppolzer’s Canon der Finsternisse, that the lunar eclipse of May 1091 occurred at 3k. 14m. ▲.m. (Bombay time ↩︎
“Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 213.” ↩︎
“Ante, p. 151 and P. 295.” ↩︎
“Ind. Ant, vol. VI, p. 194.” ↩︎
“Tbid., vol. XVIII, p. 108.” ↩︎
“Thid, vol. VI, p. 186 and P. 218.” ↩︎
“See the facsimile, Ind. Ant, vol. X1, p. 73, and the drawing, vol. VI, p. 195, note.” ↩︎
“See the facsimile Ind. Ant., vol. XI, p. 73, and the drawing, vol. VI, p.195, note.” ↩︎
" Read ● चैषीकामज्ञ..” ↩︎
“Read बहली.” ↩︎
“Read षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि.” ↩︎
“Read eitherचाक्षेप्ताor पाच्छेता” ↩︎
" Read नरके.” ↩︎
" I owe this explanation of the words untat te adfa to Dr. Büper, who remarks on them :—“The translation is merely tentative. Pailam seems to be the Gujarati plural of páilum, which latter I take to be identical with the modern pdyali, ‘a measure of four sers’ (or 48 pounds ↩︎
“Regarding the temple and inscription of Burgess’s Notes of a Visit to Gujarat in 1869, pp. 105, 115 ff.” ↩︎
“Indian Antiquary, vol. XI, p. 248 ff.A complete edition of Kshamakalyâṇa’s Kharatura-Paṭṭâvuli will appearin the forthcoming volume of Professor Wober’s Catalog der Sanskrit urd Prakrit-Handschriften, p. 1030 ff. I have had the privilege of seeing the sheets.” ↩︎
“See also Dr. Bhâṇḍarkar’s Report of 1882-83, p. 46, where the story is told more fully according to Sumatigaṇin’s Lives of the Yugapradhânas.” ↩︎
“See also Bhâṇḍârkar, loc. cit., p. 47, where the list of Jinavallabha’s works is giver.” ↩︎
" Regarding the 64 Joginis, see Cunningham’s Archæot. Sur. Rep., vol. IX, p. 63 ff.” ↩︎
“None of these marvellous feats are mentioned by his pupil Buroatiganin, who speaks only of an exorcism; Bhâṇḍârkar, loc. cit. In explanation of the last, the Paṭṭârali says : Jalabhramagri kambulâstaranādiprakāreņa pañokanadísâdhâkaḥ.” ↩︎
“One of these libraries is,’ according to the present tradition, the Brihat-Jūânakosha at Jesulmir, which is kept in the temple of Pârsvanâtha consecrated by Jinabhadra.” ↩︎
“This is no doubt his successor, No. 62 of Klatt’s list.” ↩︎
“See Dr. Bhandarkar’s Report of 1883-84, p. 148 ff.” ↩︎
“Elliot’s History of India, vol. V, F. 528.” ↩︎
“He seems to have been an adopted son.” ↩︎
“Elliot’s History of India, vol. V, page 247, note.” ↩︎
“Metro Ârya, with a metrical fault in the first line,which may be corrected by writing ‘पार्श्वजिनः.” ↩︎
“Read स्त्रीजल, चर्हन्तः” ↩︎
“Read शुभ’.” ↩︎
“Read उपरिहारोझीति-उझीतन.” ↩︎
“Dele stop at the end of the line” ↩︎
“Dele stop at the end of the line. दम्पह° stands for तत्पप्रभाकर, as may be seen from 1.6” ↩︎
" Read शासनदेवी; कुष्ठ.” ↩︎
“Read कविता” ↩︎
“Read षट्विंशवाद.” ↩︎
“Read ‘बासः प्रचोपो” ↩︎
“Read श्रीलिभीदयसूरी” ↩︎
" Read वैशाष” ↩︎
“For Karna we have the date Chedi 793=A.D. 1042 (Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 215 ↩︎
" I follow here the authority of the commentator of the Prabodhachandrodaya. Judging from the wording of the text, I should say that Gopala was an ally of Kirtivarman, but I am not able to identify him with any prince known to me. I may add here that all the above dates prove that the Prabodhachandrodaya was composed during the second half of the 11th century A.D., not, as stated in English and German handbooks, towards the end of the 12th century. [Compare now also Dr. Hultzsch’s account, anto, pp. 217-222, where the Mahoba inscriptin, mentioned above, has been reedited.-J.B.]” ↩︎
“Sir H. M. Elliot’s History of India, vol. 11, p. 231.” ↩︎
" From the rubbing.” ↩︎
“Originally बौ; altered to बी.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sloka (Anushtnbh ↩︎
“Metre of verses 2-4, Upajati.” ↩︎
" Metre, Śloks (Anushṭubh ↩︎
“Metre of versen 6-12, Upajâti.” ↩︎
“The akshara in brackets may possibly be ची on चां.” ↩︎
“This correction may have been made already in the original.” ↩︎
“The sage Agastya is fabled to have,swallowed the ocean.” ↩︎
“Or, perhaps, ‘in creating new kingdoms.’” ↩︎
“In the original the passage is quite clear, and admits of no other interpretation than the one given above. The word madana itself is one of the synonyms of manmatha.” ↩︎
" i. e., Vishnu.” ↩︎
“i, e., Arundhatî.” ↩︎
“i. e., ’not growing old, never failing.’” ↩︎
“See Sir A. Cunningham’s Archæologiral Survey of India, vol. XXI, pp. 47, 53, and 88. The inscription has not bean previously edited, but a photo-lithograph of it was published by Sir A. Cunningham, ib., plate xv. I edit it from Sir 4. Cunningham’s own rubbing, kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. Fleet.” ↩︎
" Compare also Journal As. Soc. Dong., vol. VI, p. 665, and plate xxxii. This expression would lead one to look for some territorial name, such as Chhattispur, but I find only Chhattisgaḍh.” ↩︎
“A l’âstarya-vamsa is mentioned also in line 27 of the Malhâr inscription of the Chedi year 919 A.D. 1167-68,ante, p. 42; a Vâstavya-kula in line 5 of the Set-Mahot inscription of the Vikrama year 1276 A.D. 1219-20, Indian Antiquary, vol. XVI, p. 62; and a Vastavya-kayastha in an inscription at Garhwa of the Vikrama year 1199, Cunningham’s Archeological Survey of India, vol. 111, plato xxi, 1.” ↩︎
“See Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 234.” ↩︎
“See Archeological Survey of India, vol. XXI, plate xiv, F.” ↩︎
“Similar names are Vâjúka, Danduka, and Khojúku; Indian Antiquary, vol. XVII, p. 235.” ↩︎
“From the rubbing.” ↩︎
“Of the akshara in brackets only the vowel is indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metre of varses 1-11, Vasantatilaka.” ↩︎
“Probably altered, in the original, to षट्विंशतः The plural of the numeral is of course grammatically incorreot.” ↩︎
“Of this akshara only the sign of anusvâra is doubtful.” ↩︎
“The spelling of this word is quite clear and distinct in the rubbing.” ↩︎
“Originally भारध्य, altered to चाराध्य ap-” ↩︎
“Originally सकल वाङ्ममय; but the superfiuous म pears to have been struck out.” ↩︎
“Originally समेताम्, but altered to समेतम्.” ↩︎
“Originally कुञ्चिकतया, but clearly altered to कधु कितया.” ↩︎
“The akshara in brackets is somewhat doubtful and might possibly be read” ↩︎
“Metre of versee 12 - 14, Upnjati. G” ↩︎
“The akshara in brackets may be read बी or थी.” ↩︎
“Read नामधेये. This correction may have been made” ↩︎
“Metre of verses” ↩︎
"” Originally पद्मा०, but altered to भाजा..” ↩︎
" Metre of verses 21 and 22, Upujati.” ↩︎
“The rubbing looks as if this aksharaया were engravedabove the या” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 19 and20Śardalavikridits.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 21 and 22Upajati” ↩︎
“Originally बाधं, but altered to वच॑.” ↩︎
“Read fमनायव ०.” ↩︎
“Metre,Vasantatilake” ↩︎
“Road प्रबवासुरीवैविध्वंसिनों. The rubbing looks as if the changes from đ to AI, and from रौण to रीणै and from स to सिhad been . made already in the original. 18 Metre,” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 24-27, Upajsti.” ↩︎
“The akshara in brackets was originally , but it looks as if it had been altered to था..” ↩︎
“Of the akshara in brackets only the sign of the anusvâra is indistinct.” ↩︎
“Metro of verses 30 and 31, Śardúlavikridita. 31 I am very doubtful about the akshara in these brackets. In the rubbing it looks more like or Mor , than like त्या.” ↩︎
“I am very doubtful about the akshara in this brackets. In the rubbing it looks more like वा or व्या, than like त्वा” ↩︎
“Here the inscription wguld seem to have ended originally. The verse 32, which follows, appears the less oarefully engraved than the preceding. It is followed in line 16, by aucther Anushtubh verse engraved in very small letters (as may be seen from Bir A. Cunningham’s lithograph ↩︎
“Kedararhpa vidhrita I take in the sense of vidhrita-Kedararapa, and compare compounds like deha-baddha which by Indian grammarians would be placed in the gaņu agnyâhit-âdi.” ↩︎
" One of the meanings of karana being kayastha-karmun, ’the occupation of a Kayastha,’ I take karana-karman to be a Bahuvrihi-compound, equivalent to the word Kayastha which occurs below.” ↩︎
" The suffix kalpa in sprihaniyakalpâ appears to have been added merely to fill up the verse.” ↩︎
“i.e., the four Vedas, the six Vedângas, the Mîmâmsa, Nyaya, Dharmasastra, and the Purâpas.” ↩︎
“Literally, ’endowed with the nature of a Thakkura.’” ↩︎
“Tamraka, properly the copper-plate on which a deed is engraved, here clearly denotes the object granted by such a deed.” ↩︎
“Seeing no other way of explaining the above passage, I take the word dkula to be (wrongly ↩︎
“Literally, the body which has not the attribute of (eternity ↩︎
“In the original the construction is altogether ungrammatical, but there can be no doubt about the meaning of the verse.” ↩︎
“Here, again, the first half of the verse does not admit of a proper construction, and I can do no more than give the general sense which I think to have been intended by the writer.” ↩︎
" Ananda means ‘joy.’” ↩︎
“55. The original has the word abhâra, which I have not met with elsewhere.” ↩︎
“56. Here, again, a proper construction of the actual words of the verse appears impossible.” ↩︎
“5 From impressions supplied by the Editor.” ↩︎
“6 Expressed by a symbol.” ↩︎
“7 Originally सिद्धि or सिद्धि, but clearly altered to सिद्धin the original.” ↩︎
“Metre, Vasanta tilaks.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upagiti.” ↩︎ ↩︎
" In लाटोरस्क the suffix क has been improperly added.” ↩︎
“This word was originally followed by the sign of pisarga.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śardalaviksitita and of the next verse.” ↩︎
" Metre, Śloks (Annshṭubh ↩︎
“Metre,ŚârdūlavikrÎdita ; and of the next verse.” ↩︎
" Metre, śloka ( Anushṭubh ↩︎
" I am somewhat doubtful about the sign of anusvåra of सं.” ↩︎
" Metre, Upnjâti.” ↩︎
“Metre, VaitâlÎya.” ↩︎
“By the rules of grammar we should expect बर्राटकडीरवो; but the final vowel of the first member of the compound has been lengthened for the sake of the metre.” ↩︎
“Metre, ŚârdÛlavikrÎḍita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardalavikrdita.” ↩︎
" I.e. either Śiva or Ganesa.” ↩︎
“The verse being incomplete, it is impossible to say whether the word siddham’with which it opens should be construed with what follows or be taken separately. But it is clear that siddhamh is used at the beginning to make the inscription commence with a word of auspicious import.” ↩︎
“Or, possibly, ‘words.’” ↩︎
" Or, ’the gods.’” ↩︎
“I.e. Kumarilabhaṭṭa’s.” ↩︎
“I.e. ‘king of justice,’ an epithet of Yudhishthira.” ↩︎
“This is not the ordinary meaning of vidhûnita, but I see no other way of translating the word.” ↩︎
“The original has a play on the word Anaṅga, ’the bodiless one,’ which is one of the names of the god of love.” ↩︎
“I.s. Vishnu.” ↩︎
“I.a. Karṇa.” ↩︎
" Or, ‘whose band is to the enemies of the illustrious Simghaṇadeva what the lion is to elephants.’” ↩︎
“I.e. Vishpu-Krishna.” ↩︎
" The original has the prosent tense ‘he founds.’” ↩︎
“The following passage, which is not Sanskrit, I do not understand. Its general sense appears to be, that Soïdeva allowed the college to levy certain taxes from tradesmen and manufacturers, and also assigned to it the income from one or more villages, the name or names of which may be contained in the concluding lines of the inscription.” ↩︎
“From the inked estampage and the photograph combined.” ↩︎
“Represented by a plain symbol.” ↩︎
“The syllable nú is quite spoilt in the photograph, where it appears to be du. We have a similar instance of the lengthening of the w of nuta, in praṇûteyum, Ind. Ant. vol. XIX, p. 273, line 23 ; see also id, line 11 and note 11.” ↩︎
“Read tavad-adyº.” ↩︎
“Read chchhattra.” ↩︎
“The anusvára here is quite distinot; but we must strike it out, and read the genitive ndgattarana.” ↩︎
“Properly there should be the double pp in the fourth syllable of this name. It occurs again, however, with the single p, in line 17; and I have therefore left it without correction.” ↩︎
“The punotuation in this part of the record is rather capricious.” ↩︎
“The of the syllable ithas failed to appear in the photograph at all. But it is quite distinct in the estampage.” ↩︎
“i.e. ’ was reigning as paramount sovereign.’” ↩︎
“lit. ’ on its rising to, i.e. against.’” ↩︎
“lit. ‘on its swelling, or becoming very numerous.’” ↩︎
" lit.’ on the road.’” ↩︎
“See note 9, above.” ↩︎
“Compare the même-perjerepu-patta, which, with the title of Tribhovanáchâri, Vikramaditya II. presented to the architect of his temple at Paṭṭadakal; see Ind. Ant. vol. I, p. 164.” ↩︎
“The absence of any copulative suffix with the word kalnad, prevents our translating " ↩︎
" This is the only expression in the whole record, the meaning of which has remained at all doubtful. Savuchara, or more properly savuchara, must be a corruption of the Sanskrit sahachara, ‘a companion, a follower.’ And någarañge is I should think, a mistake for någattarange, ’to the Någattara.’” ↩︎
“See his Archæol. Survey of India, vol. II, pages 303-305. It will be seen below that the inscription mentions no king Somesa or Somesvara, and no town Mâyâpuras.” ↩︎
" My rubbing is so indistinct that I am unable to give an accurate account of the c so far as I can see, it records the construction of a tank and some buildings by a sage Praßântasiva, and their restoration by the gage’s disciple Prabodhasiva. The spiritual ancestors of Prasantasiva appear to be Puraudara, Sikhâsiva (who seems to be called Madhumati-pati, an appellation which may explain the name Madhumateya of the Bilhari inscription ↩︎
“From two impressions, prepared by Dr. Führer, and supplied to me by the Editor.” ↩︎
“Read बृंहिता.” ↩︎
“Metre of verwes 1 and 2, Śloka ( Anushtubh ↩︎
“Read श्रेयासि.” ↩︎
“Metre, śardülavikitḍita.” ↩︎
“Motre, Arya.” ↩︎
“Matre, Upajati.” ↩︎
“Read यच्छन्फलं वि.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 7 and 8, Vasantatilaka.” ↩︎
“Read शंसि.” ↩︎
“Metre,Vasantatilakâ.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sardalavikridita.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 12-15 Upajati.” ↩︎
“Metre, Upendravajrâ.” ↩︎
" Metre, Upajâti.” ↩︎
“Metre, Dhritaãrî (or Pañchakâvalî ↩︎
“Metre, Sârdûlavikrîdita.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 22-24, Sârdûlavikrîdita.” ↩︎
“The sign of anusvâra over the second akshara of this word is doubtful in the original.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 26 and 27, Vasantatilakâ.” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 29-32, Sârdûlavikrîdita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Sikharini” ↩︎
“Metre of verses 34-37, Sardulavikridita.” ↩︎
“2 Metre, Sragdhara.” ↩︎
“Metre, Bardalavikridits.” ↩︎
“Metre of venues 40 and 41, Vasantatilakh.” ↩︎
“Motre of verses 42 and 43, Sanddiavikridita.” ↩︎
“Metre, Śloka (Auushţubh ↩︎
“Metre, Vamaastha” ↩︎
“Metre of vergen 47 - 49, Upajati” ↩︎
“Metre of verse 51-56 Upajati” ↩︎
“Metre of verse 57 and 58, Upendravajra” ↩︎
“Metre of verse 59-63, Upajati ; read” ↩︎
“Metre, ŚikhariṇÎ.” ↩︎
" Metre,Âryâ.” ↩︎
“Metre of versen 68 and 69, Śloks (Anushṭubh ↩︎
“No. 13 on the Madras Survey Map of Hampe.” ↩︎
" Ind. Ant., vol. V, pp. 73ff. The photograph was published in the Inscriptions in Dharwar and Mysore, issued by Mr. (now Sir ↩︎
“Vol. XX, pp. 25 and 39 (fourth inscription ↩︎
" See, e g, Hultzsch’s South-Indian Inscriptions, vol. I, pp. 156 and 160.” ↩︎
“Ibidem, p. 131, No. 115, and p 182, No 119. In both inscriptions the king is called Narasimha” ↩︎
“The earliest date is that of the present inscription, and the latest that of another inscription at Vijayanagala, Asiatie Researches, vol XX, p. 29.” ↩︎
“Journal, Bomlay Br. R. As. Soc., vol. XII, p. 352, lines 17 to 20.” ↩︎
“Journal, Bombay Br.,R.,A. Soc., vol. XII, pp. 351, 376 and 377. Colebrooke’s Miscellaneous Essays, Madras edition, vol. II, p. 259.” ↩︎
“The second copy of the inscription agrees with this one in the different spelling of the name of the village at both places.” ↩︎
“According to the tables, the Śukla-saṁvatsara corresponded to Śuka 1432 ( A.D. 1509-10 ↩︎
“Read तुर्यसु” ↩︎
“Road बी.” ↩︎
“वद्वा” ↩︎
“यथाविधि.” ↩︎
“नृसिंहेन्द्रा०” ↩︎
" सिंहेन्द्र " ↩︎
“सिंहः सः” ↩︎
“सिंहां” ↩︎
“गोकर्णे” ↩︎
“राज्ञोन्नानासेना.” ↩︎
“मेयैः. " ↩︎
“श्चश्रयमिह” ↩︎
“धुन्धुमार” ↩︎
“नाटका” ↩︎
“वितीर्य” ↩︎
“Read नैवेद्यल्ले.” ↩︎
“34 Read समर्पिसिद.” ↩︎
“35 An easier reading wonld be चेलीक्यनगराबन्दमूलसम्भाव ’the principal pillar of support of the eity of the three worldn.’ Compare चावन्नसन्धमेकं त्रिभुवनभवनस्य, the single pillar of support of the houpe of the three worlda,’ ante, p. 310, verse 26.” ↩︎
“36 On the virodhdbhása between gaja and agaih. see Journal, Bombay Br. R. 48. S., vol. XII, p. 372, note 2. There is also a play on the word hari, which signifies Vishnu, and at the same time the lion, whioh is considered as the natural enemy of the elephant.” ↩︎
“37 Budha means ‘a wise man ’ or ‘a god.’” ↩︎
“38 With reference to mauliratna in its literal sense, atrâsa and agunabhramsa have to be taken in the second meanings ‘flawless’ and ’not losing its string.” ↩︎
“39 A class of terrifio Rakshasas, who were hostile to the sun and endeavoured to devour him ;’ Dowwon’s Clamical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology. According to banderson’s Canarese Dictionary, the sun has the surname Mandeha-…dann, the destroyer of the Mandehus.” ↩︎
“40 Śrirangapaṭṭaṇa, vulgo Seringapatam, which, later on, became the capital of the Maisûr Odeyars and of Ţîpû, is situated on an island of the Kåveri.” ↩︎
“41 Literally, ’ (that compound ending in ↩︎
“43Kanaka-sadas is a synonym of Kanaha-sabhd, ‘the folden Hall,’at the temple of Chidambaram in the South Aroot district.” ↩︎
“44 This old name of the Pampapati temple oocura also in lines 20, 30 and 34 of the north face of this inscription.” ↩︎
“45 This town is now the residence of a Zatofndar in the North Arcot district.” ↩︎
“46 Venkatâdri, ‘the hill of Venkata,’is the name of the holy mountain (t…umalai ↩︎
“47 In the Karnûl district.” ↩︎
“48Soginsaila oi Sonâchala, ’the red monntam,’ is the hill of Tiruvannamalas in the South Arcot district” ↩︎
“49This town is situated in the Maisûr territory on the frontier of Dhai wad.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“50 in the karnul destrict” ↩︎
“50 In the Karnûl district.” ↩︎
“51 H. Krishna Śástri, my Kanarese assistant, informs me, that Samgama-tirtha is commonly used as a designation of rameávara.” ↩︎
“52 This is the great island temple near Trichinopoly.” ↩︎
“53 In the Tanjore district.” ↩︎
“54 In the Karṇul district.” ↩︎
“55 A similar list of holy places is found in a copper-plate grant from Siiporumbudu: (Hultzsch’s South-Indion Inscriptions, vol. I, p. 83, note 4 ↩︎
“56 In the North Kanara distriot.” ↩︎
“57 Following a suggestion of Pandit Lakshmanacharya of Bangalore, I separate paksha-chhidâ.udyattara-Kulifadhara. utkanthitd. Indra’s eagerness was frustrated, as the water poured out at the king’s donations refilled the ocean, which the dust of his army had dried up, and thus saved the mountains from persecution.” ↩︎
“58 The above list of the sixteen kinds of gifts (skoduka dândni, voise 12 and note 55 ↩︎
“59 On these localities, seenthe notes on verse 16.” ↩︎
“60 Compare …….. in Brown’s Telugu Dictionary, s. v. šauṁḍuḍu.” ↩︎
“61 Thiş biruda is of frequent occurrence in Tamil insoriptions; see Hultzsch’s South-Indian Inscriptions, vol. I, pp. 80, 104, 111, 120, 128, 131, 132 (note 7 ↩︎
“62 vis., the Chera, Chola and Pandya; see ibid., p. 111, note 3.” ↩︎
“63 With Gajaughagaṇḍabherundacompare the biruda Rayagajagandabhorunda on certain coins of Devaraya (ibid., p. 162 ↩︎
“84 The expression kanaka-vasanta-mahotsava seems to refer to the custom, which is observed at the Holî or spring- festival, of throwing yellow or red powder and squirting coloured water at each other. Compare Ratnávalí, act I, versen 2 and 3.” ↩︎
“85 In verse 13, this queen was called Nagala.” ↩︎
“86 This must have been the name of the rock, at the foot of which the Pampapati temple is built. CompareColebrooke’s Miscellaneous Essays, Madras edition, vol. II, p. 259, and Journal, Bombay Br. R. A. S., vol. XII, p. 375 :-“The rampart that encompasses it (viz., Vijayanagara ↩︎
“87The following explanation of the two difficult compounds, which are contained in this verse, was, for the most part, suggested to me by Pandit Lakshman&ehárya of Bangalore:— अवन्धांये वर्गीपका याचकातैर्विज्ञतः स्तुती धरायामयी। वलशसनस्येन्द्रस्य तरुं वस्त्रवृक्षमत्तिक्रान्तिानि करदानानि स्वहस्रदानानिवस्त्र॥” ↩︎
“88This surname was borne by the kings of both the first and the second dynasties; see the Index of Hultzsch’s South-Indian Inscriptions, vol. I, p. 182.” ↩︎
“89 Arôgaṇé mâḍu, ’ to take a meal, to eat food * Sanderson’s Canarese Dictionary.” ↩︎
“70 Arati or ârti is a tadhhgua from the Sanskrit drâtrika, ‘ a lamp waved before an idol.’” ↩︎
“See my letter in the Academy of 19th April 1890, p. 270.” ↩︎
“2 The total of the inscriptions, forwarded to me by Dr. Führer, is twenty. One, a very small fragment, I ain unable to make out. Another I omit, because it is the already known inscription of the reign of the son of Kshatrapa Rajubula, published by Sir A. Cunningham, Arch. Suro. Rep., vol. XX, p. 49, and plate v, No. 4. The new impressions give less than the earlier facsimile, and soem to indicate that the stone has suffered considerably during late years.” ↩︎
“3 The collection referred to is that in Cunningham’s Archeological Survey Reports, vol. III, plates xiii-xv.” ↩︎
“4 The te with the upward curve occurs also in the Asoka edicts, especially in the Kalsf version, and has there been misrend sa.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“5 This form has remained in many southern alphabets.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“6 I have to add that in a former article, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. I, p. 176f., I have read erroneously gra instead of gri. The three forms in the new inscriptions leave no doubt that gri is intended. Gri is put for gri, which also occurs not unfrequently, e.g., in Nos. XX and XXII, just as priyasya (No. XII, 1. 1 ↩︎
“7 I omit Sir A. Cunninghant’s No. 8 from this enumeration, because I believe that its date is really samvatsare, 70 (+ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
“8 This may stand for ºbhati.” ↩︎
“10 The short i may be merely graphic.” ↩︎
“11When I wrote my article in the Wiener Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde des Morg., vol. II, p. 145, I was not aware that this anomaly occurred frequently, and hence proposed to correct the text.” ↩︎
“12Abhandlungen des VIIten Int. or. Congresses, Arische Section, pp. lff.” ↩︎
“13This is the Gujarati genitive.” ↩︎
“14 A pure Sanskrit form and inflexion; compare belowtasya.” ↩︎
“15 Gachchai, which recurs below, is the Marvadi spelling for gachchhe, which is both Gujarâtî and Sanskrit. Similarly we have in the next compound Daivachandra for Devachandra. The pronunciation is in all three ouses e, not ai.” ↩︎
“16 Sûritabimdire is the Mårvådiform for Suratabamdare.” ↩︎
“17 Formed from the Arabic.” ↩︎
“18 A common hybrid form composed of an Arabic and a Prakrit word.” ↩︎
“19 Usually spelt joitî, from Sanskrit dyolanti.” ↩︎
“20 Pronounce parshad, a common Marvadi and Hindi corruption of prasada.” ↩︎
“21 A hybrid form, representing Gujarâtî bharâvyum, which occurs in several other inscriptions.” ↩︎
“22An abbreviation of bhdí, brother.” ↩︎
“23 The form with ta is invariably used in these inscriptions.” ↩︎
“24 A few words giving the name of the author of this precious document are illegible.” ↩︎
“25This might also mean “a new temple of Parsvanatha (and ↩︎
“26 Regarding the single ja, see above, p. 373.” ↩︎
“27 Acharangasútra, Sac. Bhs. East, p. 84. The note explains the dame, in accordance with Silanka’s commentary, as an equivalent of Vajrabhúmi. But its Sanskrit etymon is Varjabhumi. The Vrijis, in Pali Vajji and in Aſoka’s edict XIII, Vaji and Varji, were settled close to the Suhmas (Subbha ↩︎
“28 Occasional substitutions of hard consonants for soft ones are found also in Asoka’s edicts, in the literary Pali, and in other Prakrit dialects.” ↩︎
“29 The name occurs, too, in Sir A. Cunningham’s No. 2, where on the second (recte first ↩︎
“30 Compare ante, p. 225, Styaka for Simhabhata, and ante, p. 272, Visvala for Visvamalla.” ↩︎
“31 Compare the Sanskrit names Uchchaiḥsravas and Uchchamanyu.” ↩︎
“32 See Wiener Zeitschrift f. d. K. d. Morg., vol. I, p. 176, note 1.” ↩︎
“33 See Indian Antiquary, vol. XI, p. 246.” ↩︎
“34 In further elucidation of the meaning of the term nirvařtana, I can now add, that many of the dedications, mentioned in the Pâlitana inscriptions, are said to have been made upadesát, by the advice, of monks.” ↩︎
“35Sir A. Cunningham’s Archeological Survey Reports, vol. XX, plate v, No. 6, 1. 3; Wiener Zeitschrift, vol. I, p. 172f.” ↩︎
“36 It is a characteristic Jaina doctrine that the Bråvakas and Srâvikâs form part of the Samgha. On this point the Jainas differ very markedly from the Buddhists” ↩︎
“37 This is prescribed in all the Grihyasûtras; see, c. g., Asvaldyana Gṛi. Sû. II, 1 14.” ↩︎
“38See Rão Saheb V. N. Mandlik’s article in the Jour, Bo. Br. Roy. As. Soc., vol. XI, pp. 169ff., where many interesting local customs are mentioned,” ↩︎
“39 Harivamsa, 1, 168, 17, where the Calcutta edition as the misprint nagaradadhi-karnasya; see also Langlois French translation, tome I, p. 507, where the prayer forms the 118th Adhyâys.” ↩︎
“40 Ipoised on the pedestal of a small squatted figure of a Jina,—the stone measuring 2 feet 1 inch by 1 foot 7 inches, and found in the west of the Kankali Tila at the second Jaina temple. The braoketted letters are more or less defaced but if nothing is stated to the contrary, I consider the reading nevertheless to be certain.” ↩︎
“41 Restore siddham” ↩︎
“42 Incised on the four faces of the pedestal of a small quadruple image of standing naked Jinas;-the stone, 2 feet high by 9 inches square, was found in the west of the Kankali Tila, at the second Jaina temple.” ↩︎
“43 The beginning of line 2 proves the existence of a lacuna; probably सिंचन्to be restored.” ↩︎
“44 Restore महिकातो, as proposed above.” ↩︎
“45Restore शिशैनिनं.” ↩︎
“46 Restore वधु.” ↩︎
“47 Probably वेणिस्य श्रेष्टिस्य to be restored.” ↩︎
“48 Restore कमरमितये” ↩︎
“49 Restore प्रतिमा.” ↩︎
“50 Sarvatobhadrika pratima,—literally ‘an image lovely on all sides,’ is apparently a technical termfor a ‘fourfold’ image, one being curved on each side of a four-faced column. Compare the use of sarvatobhadra deválaya, which, according to Varahamibira’s Brihat-Samh., LVI, 27, means “ a temple with four doors and many spires,’ i.e., such a one which looks equally pleasing from all sides.” ↩︎
“51 Incised on the pedestal of a four-faced image (ohaturmukha ↩︎
“52 The letters of the first three lines of B are much blurred and partly indistinct; but none are really doubtful except भु. One or two letters may have been lost at the end of B 3.” ↩︎
“53A 5 is separated by some ornaments from the other four lines. Five letters seem to have been lost.” ↩︎
“54 B 4 is separated from the other three linen by two rows of ornaments. Read अरहंतानं.” ↩︎
“55 If the much disfigured second syllable is nti, as I read it doubtingly, it appears certain that the Tirthamkara mentioned must be Sântinåtha.” ↩︎
“56 Incised on the pedestal of a large naked standing Jina, 7’feet 2 inches by 2 feet 3 inches, found at the same place. Very badly proserved.” ↩︎
“57 The figures are doubtful. The first may have been 50.” ↩︎
“58 First three syllables doubtful” ↩︎
“59 °मित्र doubtfal; restore शिष्य.” ↩︎
“60 The first letter might be read ज, and only the upper part of the second sign has been preserved. But in Mr. Growse’s No. 8, Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 218, we have plainly वाचकदत्तशिष्यस्त्रसौहस्म.” ↩︎
“61 First letter very doubtful; the third and fourth syllables are possibly जीवन or मिग्न.” ↩︎
“62 गौ may have been श्री; the last two syllables of the name are doubtful. a The second syllable is doubt” ↩︎
“the second syllable is doubt”
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  -----।
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↩︎
“64 The plural Sihd is a pluralis majestatis, and hence the attributes fishyo and váchako have been put ad sensum in the singular number.” ↩︎
“65 Compare below, No. XXI.” ↩︎
“66 Regarding the construction see above, p. 375.” ↩︎
“67 Incised on the pedestal-left side and back-of a small statue (destroyed ↩︎
“68 The letter व stands below the line. Possibly स्वस्ति may have been at the beginning of the inscription. Both impressions show a long horizontal stroke and that on thick paper some indistinot letters.” ↩︎
“69 The lower part of the second syllable has on the right a superfluous stroke, which makes it look like a hybrid of म and ब” ↩︎
“70 Restore निवतन..” ↩︎
“71 This may perhaps have been नांदिगिरितो” ↩︎
“72 The first syllable is not certain,” ↩︎
“73The phrase asmi or asma kshune occurs four times-here and in Nos. VI, XIII and XXV-in the place of etasyam or asyaṁ pûrvdyam. It also occurs once in a second collection to be published hereafter, and twice we have the corresponding life or sta chhunami in Kharoshtri inscriptions from the Pañjab; see Sir A. Cunningham’s Arch. Surv. Rep., vol. V, Pl. xvi, Nos. 1 and 2, and Jour. Asiatique, 8me série, vol. XV, Pl. i, No. 3. It must, of course, have the same or a similar meaning. The first word is without doubt the equivalent of Sanskrit asmin; the second I take to represent Sanskrit kehane, though there is no other instance in which the first vowel of this word becomes w; asmin kshane might mean either” ↩︎
“74 Vuruya (P ↩︎
“75Incised on the base of a large statue (lost ↩︎
“76 The last syllable and the vowel of the preceding are completely gone.” ↩︎
“77 The top of the letter is gone, and the reading may have been ग्रहहथिस्य, as the analogy of numerous other names requires.” ↩︎
“78The last syllable is nearly gone.” ↩︎
“79 The lower parts of the bracketted syllables are gone.” ↩︎
“80 The third syllable looks, on the obverse of two impressions and on the reverse of one, more like a damaged क्र. But the reverse of the second impression shows pretty clearly प्र.. The fifth syllable is damaged and not certain.” ↩︎
“81 See above, No. V.” ↩︎
“82 Compare the names Hastahasti, Mäghahasti, Jyeshtahasti, etc., below.” ↩︎
“83 I do not dare to propose any transliteration for this name.” ↩︎
“84.Incised (A, B ↩︎
“85 Faintly visible on one impression only.86 The figure is somewhat damaged, but certain.” ↩︎
“the figure is somewhat damaged, but certain” ↩︎
“87 Restore कु…तो.” ↩︎
“88 Restore कुलरमिन्ना.” ↩︎
“89 Restore दानं.” ↩︎
“90 The third syllable of सज्ञितis not quite distinct.” ↩︎
“91 Possibly अर्थ; the left-hand limb of अ is not joined to the vertical stroke.” ↩︎
“92 Restore निर्व्वतमं.” ↩︎
“93 I take sasita to stand for samsita, the past participle of si, and makhita to be a half Prakritic form for mrakshita.These two participles, which I have translated above according to their literal meaning, must no doubt be understood in a figurative sense. They probably refer to the sharpening and polishing of the understanding and of the character by study and penances.” ↩︎
“94 Incised on the pedestal of a large figure which has been destroyed; iedestal 2 feet 6 inches long by 9 inches high; found at the same temple.” ↩︎
“95The central stroke of शाis wanting.” ↩︎
“96 Possibly अर्य्यवेर्णस्य; the lower part of the fourth sign is blurred.” ↩︎
“97 Possibly अर्य्यमन; the tops of the third and fourth signs have been lost.” ↩︎
“98 Remnants of two signs are visible before the mutilated व. The first had a subscript ra and the second the vowel u.” ↩︎
“99 Before the slightly mutilated su stood a compound sign, the lower part of which is very distinctly pa.” ↩︎
“100 Restore दानधर्म्मो.” ↩︎
“1 This is the reading of the reverse; according to the obverse one might lead …….” ↩︎
“2. I do not correct this name, because I am doubtful whether the omission of the vowel i in the second syllable is due to a clerical mistake, or to the pronunciation. In the genitive, Huoashkasya, the stress falls on the third syllable, and the vowel of the immediately preceding one becomes very indistinct.” ↩︎
“3 It would appear from this wish that the statue was one of the first Tirthamkara, Rishabha or Vrishabha.” ↩︎
“4 Incised on the simhâsana or pedestal of a large seated Jina (head lost ↩︎
“5 The first sign might also be read.आThe second is very distinct, but not a complete letter, as it consists of a seinicircle, open to the left, with a horizontal stroke in the middle. I am inclined to believe that the whole is intended for स्वस्ति नमो शिरिमत्तममहाराजस्त्र.-” ↩︎
“6 The figure 4 has no cross-bar in the vertical stroke.गृस्य probably stands for ग्रीष्मस्य I cannot explain हन In No XXIV we have हन व १.” ↩︎
“7 Restore एतस्यां पूर्वायां वारणे, the latter according to No XI” ↩︎
“8 The right side of the last letter is slightly damnaged” ↩︎
“9 Restore शखायां वाचकस्य look here like वाचकी but the reading is certain in the facesimle marked No-32” ↩︎
“10 Possibly हिगº हेगº; at the end one would expect नंदिस्य. Compare the facsimile No. 32.” ↩︎
“11 The form Huviksha may be due either to a negligent mode of spelling or to a faulty pronunciation.” ↩︎
“12 Incised on the pedestal of a small squatted Jina head lost ↩︎
“13The signs of the date are blurred, but with the emception of the bracketted ones not doubtful.” ↩︎
“14 Some indistinot signs are visible before येबुद्धिस्य” ↩︎
“15 Regarding the meaning of Vadhu, daughter-in-law, compare Nos. II, IV, V.” ↩︎
↩︎
“17 Restoreसिहं सं . A second figure seems to have stood after the plain म.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“18. Restore संभीगतो” ↩︎
“19. Possibly दंतिस्व.” ↩︎
“20. The tops and lower ends of the signs are not distinet.” ↩︎
“21 The third and fourth signs are not certain.” ↩︎
“22 Only the second नis certain.” ↩︎
“23.The bracketted lettere seem plain on one impression, but possibly the reading is Sukarmaye.” ↩︎
“24. Possibly ग्रामिको जय.” ↩︎
“25. The last two consonants are only half formed. Restore शिवाथंभी.” ↩︎
“26. Regarding the meaning of grâmika see the Petersburg Dictionary, sub voce.” ↩︎
“As sadha is in Jaina-Prakrit the usual representative of śråddha, the term sadhachari corresponds to śråddha–churî, and is the fem. of fraddhacharo; see Nos. IV and XXI.” ↩︎
“Incised on the pedestal of a small seated Jina (head lost ↩︎
“The lost signs probably contained, besides the name of the donatrix, the word .” ↩︎
“Only two letters can have been lost before the half visible. From No. 11, where the names of Sangamika and of Fasuld occur, it may be inferred that the kula name probably was Mohika.” ↩︎
“Incised on the pedestal of a small squatted Jina (bead lost ↩︎
“32.Regarding चुणे, see above, No. V, note 73. P. 375.” ↩︎
“33. Compare the उच्चनागरी शाखा , and see abovę, p. 369.” ↩︎
“34. Incised on the pedestal of a small seated Jina, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 7 inches; from the same place.” ↩︎
“35.The stops are throughout expressed by horizontal strokes.” ↩︎
“36 The second syllable is much injured and its vowel not certain.” ↩︎
“37 Possibly, but not probably . महुली, The last three syllables of the following word are uncertain, with the exception of स.” ↩︎
“38. The consonant of the first syllable and the vowel of the second are doubtful.” ↩︎
“39.The first syllable may also be read differently.” ↩︎
“40. Restore उसभप्रतिमा” ↩︎
“41. Incised on the broken base, under the left knee of what has been a seated Jina; stone 1 foot 5 inches by 1 foot 3 inches; found at the same place.” ↩︎
“42.This must be the remnant either of fat of विशेor ofविशे.” ↩︎
“43. Incised on the pedestal of a small seated Jina; 2 feet 7 inches by 1 foot 6 inches’; same locality.” ↩︎
“very indistinot letter, possibly मा , is visible at the beginning of the line. Heuce I propose to restore (प्रतिभा ↩︎
“45.The vowel of the first letter is doubtful, as the top of the sign is damaged.” ↩︎
“46.The stroke seems to be connected with the left-hand limb of ta.” ↩︎
“47 The second sign is very doubtful ; I suppose भगिनीवis meant.” ↩︎
" “ Worshipful " ↩︎
" Incised on the upper portion of a sculptured Torana, 9 feet 2 inches by 1 foot.” ↩︎
" Read नमो अरहंतान.” ↩︎
" The last letter is blurred.” ↩︎
" Read प्रतिष्ठापित. Possibly more letters have been lost at the ends of lines 1 and 2.” ↩︎
" Lines 4 and 5 stand between three figures of Toranas,” ↩︎
" Possibly the reading is , i. e .,” ↩︎
" I. e ., श्वशुरेण .” ↩︎
“The association of the parents and of the parents-in-law is probably intended to secure for them a share of the scriptural merit. Compare the analogous phrases in the Kanheri inscriptions Nos. 14, 15, 16, 17 (Archæological Surv. Rep. W. Ind., vol. V, page 79ff. ↩︎
“Incised on a large sandstone slab, 3 feet 10 inches by le foot 4 inches, found on the floor of a brick stúpa, 47 feet in diameter, to the east of the first Jaina temple, on the east of the Tila. Well preserved, with the exception of the loss of the date and of slight injuries at the right end of the lines, which, however, do not make any letter really doubtful.” ↩︎
“Not more than four signs have been lost; the tail only of दिis visible. After the half-preserved सं appear the lower portions of two numeral signs.” ↩︎
" Stâna, which stands for Sanskrit sthâng, may also mean " ↩︎
" I take sailâlaka as an equivalent of the Sanskrit Sauildlin ; see above, p. 381.” ↩︎
" Regarding the meaning of agrapratyakatûye, i. e., agropratyaṁśutdye, see above, p. 241, note 21.” ↩︎
“These inscriptions, Nos. xix–xxii, were discovered by Dr. Burgess on first commencing the excavation at Kankali Tila. No. xix is from the base of a large seuted Jinn, & feet 4 inches by 3 fort 2 inches, found on the sonth–east of Kniikali Tila. February 1888. I do not reprint the notes given in the Wiener Zeitschrift. The notes now given contain additional corrections.” ↩︎
“he former transcript gave, by a lapsus calami, Kanishkasya, though the lingual na is very distinct.” ↩︎
“On the base of a sented Jins, 3 feet 6 inches by 2 feet 2 inches, found near the same place. The second line is lost” ↩︎
“On the base of a sented inmage of Sarasvati, 1 foot 10 inches by 1 foot 8 1/2inches, found near the first temple on the south-east of the mound.” ↩︎
“The former transcript gave the first figure as 80. On comparing the date of Mr: Growse’s No. 5, which is given in words and figures, I think it more probable that the sign is intended for 50.” ↩︎
“67 Formerly read Sriguh[4]:0; but see above, p. 372.” ↩︎
“68 Formerly read fraddhachari,” ↩︎
“On the upper part of a sculptured panel, 1 foot 10 inches by 1 foot 8 inches; the panel has carved on it astûpa and four worshippers, one being a Nâga. From the south-east part of the mound.” ↩︎
“70 The third letter is doubtful.” ↩︎
“71 Possibly धनहठि” ↩︎
“Discovered by Dr. Führer on January 20th, 1889, incised on a broken panel 1 foot 2 inches by 1 foot 5 inches.” ↩︎
“On the base of a seated Jina (head lost ↩︎
“I do not feel certain whether this seeming letter is not some kind of ornament. If it is a letter, it is probably a monogram for सिद्धं” ↩︎
“This might be read, but the lower stroke seems to belong to the letter f in line 2, and in No. IX we have before गृस्य.” ↩︎

“Incised on the middle portion of the base of a statue, 10 inches by 12 inches, found near the first temple.”

    – – ––र्षमासे १ दीवसे ३० अस्मि क्षु– – –[^2253]

↩︎

“78 Incised on the base of a small standing Jina, 8 inches by 10 inches, found near the first temple.” ↩︎
“79 Incised on the base of a seated Jina, 2 feet 4 inches by 1 foot 7 inches, found near the first temple.” ↩︎
“80 The third syllable is doubtful.” ↩︎
“Only the upper portions of the letters of line 2 have been preserved, and they are, with the exception of ठाº, all very indistinct and mostly doubtful.” ↩︎
“1. See Indian Antiquary, vol. XIV, p. 138f.” ↩︎
“Angdradyut means ‘ shining like the planet Mars,’i. e. ‘being as harmful for his enemies as the baleful light of Angâraka.’” ↩︎
“3. Pothaya correspouds literally with Proshthaka or Proshthiya.” ↩︎
“This is Sir A. Cunningham’s No. 6, Archeological Survey Reports, vol. III, pl. xiii. It is ou a base, measuring 1 foot 4 inches by 11 inches, which has borne a standing Jina (destroyed ↩︎
“According to Sir A. Cunningham’s fac-simile, the date is clearly स २०. The figure is not distinct on the impression.” ↩︎
“6 The vowel–strokes of this and the preceding words are mostly indistinct.” ↩︎
“7 The vowel of the first syllable is distinct on the reverse ; the second is indistinct.” ↩︎
“8 Restore संभोगाती ; a portion of भो is faintly visible.” ↩︎
“9 Read निर्व्वर्त्तना.”
1. लस्य कुठुबिणिये जयवालस्य देवदासस्य नागदिनस्य च नागदिनय च मातु
↩︎
“Probably the daughter of Dâtila (i.e. Dattila ↩︎
“This is Sir A. Cunningham’s No. 7, Archeological Survey Reports, vol. 111, pl. xiii. It is from the base of a seated Jina (partly gone ↩︎
“13 Restore निर्वर्तना.” ↩︎
“14 Regarding the substitution of सर्त्त for सार्त्य ref ses ante, p. 376.” ↩︎
“With the feminine सार्यवाहिनीcompare the similar सेनापतिनी fact “Mrs. General,” विहारस्वामिनी ‘ wife of a manager of a Vihara,’and so forth.” ↩︎
“Sir A. Cunningham’s Archeological Sureey Reports, vol. III, pl. xiv, No. 10. It is on the hase of & Jinn (figure lost ↩︎
“17 Possibly दंहमदस्य, as Sir A. Cunninghan reads.” ↩︎
“18 The first vowel is conjectural.” ↩︎
“19 Only the upper parts of the two letters have been preserved, and the following vowel is conjectural.” ↩︎
“20 On the base of a standing Jina, of which only the feet are left ; 1'0” ↩︎
“21Or आर्यसकरस्य.” ↩︎
“22 Possibly अर्य.” ↩︎
“The whole gain from this fragment is another instance of the use of the curious form kshune for kshant (svo ante, page 372 ↩︎
“After the plates had been printed off. Dr. Führer pointed out that No. XXXII is only a duplicate of No. IX 72. ante, p. 387. No. XXXIII is on & flat slab with surfaer carving, 17” ↩︎
“25Restore भार्याये.” ↩︎
“26 Read शिवमित्राये.” ↩︎
“27 Restore प्रतिष्ठापितो.” ↩︎
“Ayága ocenrs in the R&máyena, J, 32, 12 (Bo. ed. ↩︎
“Kâtorál › is certainly the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit kalavydla or more correctly kâlavyáļa, the ancient formu, which is found in inscriptions and survives in Southern MSS.” ↩︎
“On the base of a seated Jina, of which the head is lost, the stone measuring 3 ft. by 2 1, found west of the second temple.” ↩︎
“31 Restore नमो सिद्धान” ↩︎
“32 possibly होलिये” ↩︎
“33 Restore संभोगे” ↩︎
“On the border of a carved square panel, 2′ 10″ by 2’ 6” ↩︎
“35 One is tempted to read मंदिरेin the temple. But the first consonant seems plain.” ↩︎
“36 See above, p. 394.” ↩︎
“37 See the remarks on No, XXXIII, note 28, above.” ↩︎
“1 Mr. Sewell’s Lists of Antiquities, vol. I, p. 135.” ↩︎
“The correct Sanskrit form of this name, Vira-Kûrchavarman, ocours in a Pallava copper-plate grant at Kasakuḍi near Karaikkâl (Karikal ↩︎
“3 Indian antiquary. Vol. V, p 51; and vol VIII, p. 168” ↩︎
“Ibid vol. V, p. 52. Dr. Furnell’s identification of Palakkada with the modern Pulicat (South-Indian Palæography, second edition, p. 36 ↩︎
“5Ibid. vol. V, p. 154.” ↩︎
“6 Ibid. vol. VIII, p. 169.” ↩︎
“7 Read ष्ठानात्म,” ↩︎
“8 Read अभ्यर्च्छि” ↩︎
“No. 26 on the Madras Survey Map of Hampe..The olossal image of Narasimha in this temple has baffled the attempts of the Musalmân iconoclasts and is perhaps the most remarkable of the relics of Vijayanagara.” ↩︎
“2 Asiatic Researches, vol. XX, p. 29.” ↩︎
" [According to Oppolzer’s Canon, this eclipse occurred at 15 hours 18 minutes (universal time ↩︎
“4 Mr. Sewell’s Lists of Antiquities, vol. I, p. 116.” ↩︎
“Hultzsch’s South-Indian Inscriptions, vol.” ↩︎
“See ante, p. 362. p. 167.” ↩︎
“See Böhtlingk and Roth’s Sanskrit–Wörterbuch, s. v. मदनचतुर्दशी, मदनत्रयोदशीand मदनद्वादशी.” ↩︎
“Read गुह·” ↩︎
“i. eशुक्रवारदक्षु” ↩︎
“Read मूरायर.” ↩︎
“Read क्रुण forक्रुणthroughout the inscription” ↩︎
“Read प्रतिष्ठेय माडिसिद.” ↩︎
“13 Read अमृत.” ↩︎
“14 Read समर्पिसिद.” ↩︎
“15 Read पालिसिद.” ↩︎
“16 Read नावु.” ↩︎
“17 Read नगरद.” ↩︎
“18 Read गेय्युतिहु.” ↩︎
“19 Read माडिसि चित्तैसिद.” ↩︎
“20 Read ‘ब्रह्माण्ड .” ↩︎
“21 Read ‘नरसिंह.” ↩︎
“22 I. e. औदन्नु.” ↩︎
“23. See page 399, note 9.” ↩︎
“24 Read सोमग्रहण” ↩︎
“25. I. e . समर्पिसिदेव । आटकारण.” ↩︎
“26. Read ई.” ↩︎
“27 I.e. एरडकं.” ↩︎
“28 Read सलुव.” ↩︎
“29 Read सिध्ध” ↩︎
“30 Read ‘स्थायि.” ↩︎
“31 l Read स्वदत्ताहिगुणं.” ↩︎
“32 Read धर्म.” ↩︎
“On ashṭabhoga-tệjaḥ-svâmya see Ind. Ant. vol. XIX, p. 244, and Mr. Rice’s Mysore Inscriptions” ↩︎
“The term talavarike is derived from talavara or talâri (Tamil talaiydri
```
      **B— Sanskrit portion.**  
```
↩︎
“The tables published by me in the Indian Antiquary. vol. XVII, pp. 147-181, are based on the Sûrya Siddhanta as now current. They yield therefore the end of a tithi, the principal item of a Hindu date, in accordance with that Siddhanta only.” ↩︎
“My previous tables give the beginning of the solar month according to the Arya Sildhanta only; the present furnith the same also according to the other Siddhantas available to me.” ↩︎
“It should however be kept in mind that the Christian year does not quite correspond to the year of the Kaliyuga. For, roughly speaking, the three first months of the corresponding Christian year belong to the preceding year Kaliyuga; and the same mouths of the following Christian year form the end of the given year of the Kaliyuga.” ↩︎
“Compare however § 39, on the tropical Samkrantis.” ↩︎
“Though the purnimânta or northern scheme is decidedly the older of the two, yet for practical reasons the lunar tables are primarily intended for the amânta scheme.” ↩︎
“It is evident that generally only a part of the lunar month falls in the eponymous solar month; in the amântascheme the last part of the lunar month extends into the next solar month; in the purnimânta scheme either the beginning of the lunar month falls in the preceding solar month, or the end of the lunar month in the following solar month,” ↩︎
" According to a verse quoted from Brahmagupta, a lunar month which begins and ends in the same solar month receives the name of the preceding solar month. This custom however has long since gone out of use. See Fleet’s Corp. Insor. Ind. vol. III, p. 88, note 5.” ↩︎
" According to Warren (Kalasankalita ↩︎
“For full-moon and new-moon form the end of the bright and dark fortnights respectively.” ↩︎
“The sidereal day which is shorter than the civil day by about 10 vinddis or pålas (correctly 3 minutes 56.555 seconds ↩︎
“It may perhaps be worth while to note that in Saka 0, the mean solar year began with full-moon.” ↩︎
“We may also take the tithi which is equal to the Index or even a little larger.” ↩︎
↩︎
" The calculation of mean intercalations is easier by the Special Tables, as will be seen from the example in § 56. Sitzungsberichte der phil, hist. Classe der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien 1885.” ↩︎
The true longitude of the sun for the beginning of every day of the solar year is furnished by the column headed O’s longitude in Table VIII, but a correction must be applied for the interval between the beginning of the mean solar year and the beginning of the given day.

Rule.— Having found ‘Cor.’ for the year under consideration, add as many minutes to the longitude of the sun as ‘Cor.’ contains ghatikás, if ‘Cor.’ is negative; if positive, subtract the amount from the sun’s longitude.

Thus for the 28th Mârgasira 4319 K.Y. we must subtract 14’, for ‘Cor.’ (+19gh.35p.— 5 gk. 6p.) +14 gh..29p. from the longitude of the sun given in Table VIII for the day under consideration, viz. 237° 49’. The result, 237° 35’, is the sun’s longitude at the beginning of 28th Margasira 4319 K. Y.

To the longitude of the sun must be added the distance of sun and moon; the result, ; retrencbing 360° if necessary, will be the truc longitude of the moon. Turning with the longitude of the moon to Table IX, we find in which Nakshatra the moon was at the moment calculated. In the same way Table V shows through which zodiacal sign she was then passing through. ↩︎
“According to the Siddhanta Siromani, however, in 3628 K.Y.” ↩︎
“The rule for the Siddhanta Stromani is-subtract 3628 from the given year K.Y.; the remainder in the ayanâmica in minutes. Subtract from this result, if a high degree of accuracy is wanted, the tenth part of the above remainder taken &A seconds.” ↩︎
“Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, math. natur. Qlasse, Wien, fol. LII.” ↩︎
“An eclipse which was not visible in India is recorded in Professor Kielhorn’s paper, " ↩︎
" Greenwich time from midnight, lesa 56 minutes, gives inean Laila time from sunrise.” ↩︎
“Compare note 9.” ↩︎
“These five minor cycles, contained in one whole cycle, are named (after the five years of the Vedic yuga ↩︎
“If they are larger than 60, subtract 60. The value of ‘Jupiter’ in Tables VI and VII, it must be noted, refer to the beginning of the mean solar year.” ↩︎
“This part of the rule, which is wanting in Varsha Mihira, is absurd. The remainder should be multiplied by 381 days 1 gh. 21 p. The Kshepa too does not correspond with the results of the Arya Siddhanta, on which the rule is based; it ought to be 8626 instead of 8589 or 8582.” ↩︎
" For such problems, however, Professor Kielhorn’s tables published in the Indian Antiquary (1889 ↩︎
“The sign of ‘Cor.’ in the Special Tables will be found to be the converse of that in the General Tables. But the numerical value is the same in both.” ↩︎
“As this is practically the same in odd years, the corresponding column has been omitted in the table for odd years.” ↩︎
“In all these calculations care should be had to take the tables for the same Siddhanta throughout the process; only Tables XXI and XXII equally apply to all Siddhfintas.” ↩︎
“In this instance it would have been easier to start from anomaly 90°, and subtract the increase for 25’; the resulting equation will then be found to be 5% 42” ↩︎
" I cannot account for the difference in the result, but I should think that the native method of calculation sdruits of various abbreviations of the process which in the end bring about a slightly different result.” ↩︎
“It may be remarked that the minutes and seconds of the mean motion of the sun nearly correspond to as many ghaṭikás and palas.” ↩︎
“The Hindu solar year is the sidereal year. The tropical year on which European Chronology is based is hardly ever used by the Hindus. So also, in Hindu astronomy the revolutions of the planeta, &c., are sidereal, and not tropical. The precession of the equinoxes is taken into account in such cases an are affected by it, but it is neglected in all others.” ↩︎
“The European value of this sidereal year is 365-2563744 days, while the tropical year consists of 365-24224 days; and taking the precession of the equinoxes at 180 revolutions in a yuga, according to the Súrya Siddhdnta, the Hindu tropical year would be 1,577,917,8284,320,180 = 365243599667 days.-J.B.” ↩︎
“The Julian date advances by one day after each century of 36,526 days, but remains the same after a century of” ↩︎
“Hence the synodical period of the S. S. is 1,577,917,828 d. + 53,433,336 r. = 29-53058795 days.—J.B.” ↩︎
“This is found by dividing 360° by the synodical period; ses preceding notg.–J. B.” ↩︎
“Hence the anomalistic revolution takes place in g.= 1577,917,8284.+57,265,138 rov. = 27.5545999 days; and the daily motion = 360° + g = 13° 3′ 53″·889.—J. B.” ↩︎
" In European astronomy the longitude increases by about 11 " ↩︎
“Sûrya Siddh. N. S. 1. 44.” ↩︎ ↩︎
“Largeteau’s f. or Hansen’s 2g’ + 2 w’ is the mean value, independent of the Sun’s equation of the centre, the correct period of which is 173-30998176 days; or, from the Sûryd Siddhanta elements it may be found thus: 1577917828÷2(4320000+232238 ↩︎

PRASASTI FROM LAKKHA MANDAL AT MADH

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JHĀNSI; CHANDEL INSCRIPTION OF SALLAKSHANAVARAM

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“Metre, śārdūlavikridita.”

“Metre, Sragdhar ; and of the next verse. "

“¡.s., the moon, borne on the head by Śiva, the husband of Pârvati. "