Vedic God and seer

A VEDIC GOD AND A VEDIC SEER1

Varuṇa

Lecture One “ VEDIC GOD VARUNA "

(Let me at the outset pay my tribute of piety and friendship to the reverently cherished memory of Professor VISHVA BANDHU, who, through his selfless and dedicated service extend. ing over half a century has done more than any other person 10 recent times for the promotion of Vedic studies and research We are all quite familiar with the various aspects of his magisterial work, and to dilate upon them on this occasion wovid be like the proverbial painting of the lily, guilding of refined gold, and adding of perfume to the violet VISHVA BANDHUJI was one of those rare personalities who built their own monuments during their life time We do not need to erect any fanciful memorial for VISHVA BANDHU, all that we have to do is solemnly to pledge oursclves to the task of ensuring that the activities of the great Institute for which he lived and died—the Vishveshvarananda Vedic Research Institute-progress uphampered, solidly and fruitfully Nearly twenty years ago, while Professor VISHVA BANDHU and I were serving on the Government of India’s Sanskrit Commission—he as a member and I as the Member Secretary we had several occasions to travel together VISHVA BANDHUJI then noticed that I was in the habit of occasionally humming verses from the Rgieda-and these, more or less exclusively drawn from the Varuṇa hymns of the seventh Mandala He asked me why those particular hymns enchanted me I replied that Varuṇa was the special god of the Vāsiṣṭhas and then added with a hint of mock seriousness, that I was a Vasistha (1 ani a Vasistha) Two Vishva Randhu Memorial I ectures delivered under the ausp cct of the Panjab University, at Chand gaib, on February 28 and March 1, 1975 VEDIC GOD: SARUNA 313 VISHVA BANDHU evinced great interest in that observation of min’, which eventually came to be a topic of frequent friendly discussion Vhen I was invited to deliver there Vishra Bandhu Memoral Lectures, I thought that this would, indeed, be a proper theme for any discourse, namely, “A Vedic god (that is, Varuṇa) and a Vedic seer (that is, Vasistha)” I do not think that it is necessary to recount to an audicace such as this all that is said in the Raieda about Varuṇa I shall, honeser, say this much, namely, that any theory regarding the personality and character of Varuṇa, to be convincing, must fulfil two minimum conditions (1) it should take into account the basic and essential features of the Rgsedic Varuṇa, and (2) it should be possible, on the basis of that theory, to orginize those features into reasonably well structured religio-mythological pattern These basic and essential features are Varuṇa as the special guardian of rta, Varuṇa as Asura par excellence, Varuṇa’s letters, Varuṇa’s maja, Varuṇa’s unisersal sovereigoty, Yaruna’s intimate association with Mitra, and the rivalry between Varuda and Jadra Some years ago in a comprehcnsive paper on Asura Varuṇa," I had critically examined various vcws about Varuṇa, such as, Varuṇa 25 the shy god (ROTII, SCHROEDER, BLOOMFIELD), Varuṇa as the god of night (JJ MEYER), Varuṇa (like Vr̥tra) as the restrainer of water (BERGAIGNE, JOHANSSON), Varuṇa as the chtlionic fertility god (JJ. MEYER), Varuṇa as the moon god (OLDENDERG, HILLCR ANDT), and Varun as the occan god (PISCHEL), and had shown them to be quite unacceptabic Today I shall examinc some other theories about Varuny, which have been advanced in recent times, and then set forth my own Vicws on the subject One of the most outstanding works on Varuṇa, published in recent times, is that of Heinrich LUDERS’ Luckily for us, it was possible to salvage this magnuni opus, to a fairly large extent, 2 DANDEKAR Asura Varuṇa, publ sled elsewhere in this Volume. 3 11 LULDERS Iasuna laruto un do I assur, Cutlingen, 1951, II, Varuga bord das Ria, Cotungen 192314 vedic MYTILOLOGICAL TRACTS from the ncar devastation which its manuscript had suffered at the hands of mindless marauders after the sccond world war LUDERS begins by setting forth some of the main features of his methodology He does not accept the principle enunciated by several carlier Vedists, likc OLDENBERG and HILLCBRANDT, Damely, that the Veda ought to be interpreted primarily with the help of the Vedi itself He does not approve of ‘isolating’ the Veda by ignoring in this manner the traditional scholastic interpretation and the subsequent literature He believes that pre classical and classical Sanskrit texts have grown in the same spiritual climate as the Veda and may, indeed, be regarded as representing a dependable continuity of Indian tradı tion Further, it is always expedient to try to intcrpret the “unknown’ by relating it to something which is definitely known According to LUDERS, one must needs approach the text of the Veda without any preconceived notions concerning the Vedic religion and mythology In this context, he strongly objects to the assumption of a physical phenomenon as the basis of each and every Vedic god, which assumption has given rise to a perplexing multiplicity in the Veda of sun gods and moon gods and rain gods * He also insists that the etymological analysis of the name of a Vedic god is by no means a sure starting point in the matter of investigating the true nature of that god Further more, LUDERS says that it is wrong to suppose that the Vedic Rsis always meant something other than what they actually said, that, in other words, they used language only to conceal their thoughts He criticises the eclectic method of many earlier Vedists and takes to tash such of them as were wont to brand Vedic thought as primitive All this is, no doubt, more or less unexceptionable But the conclusions which LUDERS has arrived at after an apparently thorough going study of all the Vedic passages referring to Varuṇa are, unfortunately, not so LUDERS line of argument, as I understand it, is something like this 4 HILLEBRANDT, on the other hand, criticises the “Begriffsmythologen” VALI, 6 ff) veDIC GOD VARUNA 315 In the Vedic as well as the post Vedic and the classical Sanskrit literature, Varuṇa’s dwelling place is said to be waters At the same timc, in the RV, Varuṇa is also associated with the heaven According to LUDERS, these two beliefs are by no means mutually contradictory For, the Vedic cosmology regards the heaven as the proper home of waters Indeed, the heavenly and the earthly waters are identical and Varuṇa is connected with both 5 Varuṇa is also most closely connected with rta LUDERS devotes the major part of the second volume of his great work to the lexical and conceptual consideration of rta He asserts that rta is the exact equivalent of satya and means nothing more than Wahrheit or truth In classical Sanskrt, the word satza, in such compounds as satyanrte, is clearly used to denote the opposite of anrta, that is to say, to denote ria LUDERS traces back this very sense, namely rta=satya=truth through the Brāhmaṇas, to the RV He claims that, in all the Rgvedic passages where the word rta occurs, the meaning truth’ fits in very well Of course, this basic meaning does show various secondary ramifications, but, LUDERS insists, the word rta in the RV ncver denotes any. thing like cosmic order Varuṇa resides among waters and 15 the guardian of truth There is another concept which is closely associated with truth and waters simultaneously, and that is the concept of oath An oath is a solemn affirmation, made usually with an appeal to God for the truth of what is affirmed, and, according to the ancient Indian tradition water had to be invariably used while taking oaths LUDERS, therefore, concludes that Varuṇa, who is asso ciated with truth and waters, is the god of oath, which too is 5 Incidentally. Luepers alds that Varuṇa is nowhere ident ficd with water, nor is he anywhere represented as a water god According to him, there is no masculine water god in the Veda G LUEDERS had propounded thus theory as early as in 1910 (SBAI. Berlin, 1910, 931) Scef n 50 in " Asura Varuṇa Incidentally, god of oath may be understood as the presiding god of the concept and action of oath or as the god by whom one swean 316 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS associated with truth and waters He points out that it is in Varuṇa’s nature as the god of oath that we have to seek the origin of his kingship The oath god Varuṇa, as the guardian of rta or truth, discerns truth and falsehood, he acts as a judge and punishes the violator of truth - he thereby comes to be regarded as the sovereign lord LUDERS accepts MEILLET’s suggestion that Mitra is essentially a god of contract and says that it confirms Varuṇa’s character as the god of oath, for, like Mitra and Varuṇa, contract and oath are closely connected with each other I find LUDERS’ reasoning quite unconvincing It is, indeed, difficult to accept that rta and salja are exactly synonymous In many Vedic passages, the words rta and satya are used side by side and this, not just by way of stylistic variation Comment ing on AV IX 5 21, sarjam ca rtam ca caksusi, LUDERS says that satja and rta are the two eyes, which latter are two exactly identical entities, therefore, satya and rta too must be regarded as being identical It may, however, be pointed out that the two eyes are not identical but that they are complementary Ria and satya also are not identical, but they are complementary This is confirmed by TS V 1 58 rtam salyam ity aha, ayam (that is Prthvi) 1ā riam, asau (that is Dyaus ) saryam In AV XII 5 10, rta and satja are celebrated with various mutually complementary pairs such as payas and rasa, anna and annadya, ista and pūrta, prajā and paśu In this context, W Norman BROWN suggests Rgvedic man saw the universe in two parts. One in which the gods and men live-sar, below the earth there is the place of horror inhabited only by demons - asar, to make the sat operate perfectly, every creature had its duty, his personal function (vrata), and when he lived by it he was an observer of ria One may not agree with all that BROWN says, but there is certainly a point in his suggestions that sat is, in a sense, the result of rta and that vraia and rta are closely related to each other 7 According to LUEDERS, the concepts of the oath god and the contract god have originated among the Aryans They do not go back to the Indo European period, nor can they be shown to have been borrowed from any forcago BOURCES 8 JAOS 62, 85 ff VEDIC GOD VARUNA 317 Again, it is not only in classical Sanskrit that we come across the compound sat, anrte, wherein the word satja is claimed to have replaced the word rta which had become more or less extinct in the mean time The compound occurs even in the RV (cf VII 49 3 sarjanrte aapasjan janänām), when the word rta was still quite alive And if ra and satja Wcre synonyms, why should only the word rta have almost disappeared in later litera ture? The reason obviously was that the two words denoted two different concepts, and that, in the course of the evolution of ancient Indian religio philosophical thought, only the concept of ria had been superseded by other newly arisen and equally signifi cant concepts like brahman and dharma Further, it is strange that LUDERS should have sought to determine the meaning of rta from that of anria, or to interpret the Vedic usage with the help of the classical Sanskrit usage And is druh not often used - both in the Veda and the Aresta -to denote the opposite of na? And druh certainly does not mcan only untruth’-t has a far wider connotation The Avestan aśa which is believed to be the exact equivalent of the Vedic sta— both linguistically and concep tually represents, according to NYBERG, the riche course of nature or the well regulated life The Vedic rta too has an unmistakable cosmic nuuoce which cannot be adequately expressed by translating that word with mere truth’ To connect Varuṇa with oath because he is said to have waters as his abode and water is used wlule swearing is patently farfetched These two ideas belong to two altogether different thought worlds LUDERS’ reference to oath water having been regarded, in the Indo European period, as a representative of the water of the world of the deid would, indeed, seem to vitiate his own argument One my also ask whether the characterisation of Varuṇa as the god of oath was not too much restricted It can certainly not be said to cover all the essential traits of that god’s personality It is also not understandable why the god of oath should have been clevated to such a pre cminent position in the II S MYTERO Du Re giorm der alten Iran, Leipzig, 1938 318 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS Rgvedic religion and mythology Why should oath have played such a prominent role in the Vedic thought complex? There are hardly any significant passages in the RV where oath’ as such has been even mentioned The concept of oath can by no means be considered to be of such vital importance that the god, who is believed to preside over it, should come to be regarded as the majestic Asura THIEME in his book Mitra and Aryaman,10 unquestioningly accepts MEILLET’s formula, namely, that the Indo Iranian god Mitra is nothing but contract deified He then goes on to say that, if Mitra is the personification of an ethical abstract, so must also be Varuṇa who is closely associated with him. He thus discoun tenances (and I fully agree with him in this respect the theories of BERGAIGNE, OLDENBERG, HILLEBRANDT, and others, who have sought to explain the two gods as the personifications of natural phenomena THIEME also whole heartedly supports LUDERS’ suggestion that rta means ’truth – and nothing but truth. He is indeed, so very enthusiastic about this that he hails LUDERS for having, once for all, banished from Vedic philology the equation rla cosmic order But THIEME is not inclined to accept LUDERS’ subsequent suggestion that Varuṇa is the god of orth LUDERS derives the word saruna from the root yrito enclose, and then asserts that varuna meaning that which closes in’ is a designation of the concept of oath’ and that Varuṇa is Oath personified THIEME would rather agree with MEILLET that the word varuna — and possibly also yrafa (which, according to THIEME means ’ vow’)- may be derived from the IE root ver ’to speak’. However, while going along with MEILLET on two points, namely, that Mitra personifies contract and that the word aruna may be derived from IE ver to speak’, THIEME doubts 111s conjecture that the appellative meaning of aruna can be law’ * order’ THIEME believes that a law’ is enforced by an orga 10 Transactions of the Copaccticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol 41, New Ilaven, 1957, VEDIC GOD VARUNA 319 aised political porer, its moral justification being secondary or even altogether lacking and that an undeveloped society, like the Vedic society, cannot rely so much on laws’ in a technical sense as on the recognition of ethical standards that are protec ted by gods In fine, THIEME combines parts of two distinct theories — namely, LUDERS equation rta = truth and MEILLET’s deri Talion of saruna from the JE ver ’to speak’ -and proposes that Varuṇa means “true speech His entire formula relatiog to the religious ideology centering round the three principal Adityas (which formula he claims to be of a systematic character is Varuṇa “True Speech’, Mitra “Contract’, Aryaman Hospita lity’ THIEME says that the common moral functions of God Contract and God True Speech arc, of nccessity, governed by one great principle they discover and punish untruth and protect truth in this statement, THIEME has at least used the words God Contract and God True Speech, actually, however, he seems to think that even the names Mitra and Varuṇa occurring in the RV can be adequately translated respectively with (mere) Con tract and (mere) True Speech For instance III 59 14 milto janan jalajanı brunanah ‘Contract, when named, males peoples array themselves III $9 10 mtro dadhara prthinum uta djam ‘Contract has earth and heaven in keeping VII 86 20 kada antar sarune bhuvanı When shall I get inside of True Speech ? : VII 82 5c Asemena mutro Tarunam durasjatı Through peara, Cantmet welzards Tree Sprechi I believe that these specimens of THIEME S translation! would suffice to establish the invalidity of his theories regarding Mitra and Varuṇa It may also be pointed out that MEILLET S derivation of the word mitra from me to exchange’ is by no means beyond Canonc imagine ruch extreme abstract on in Rgvedic hymns 320 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS doubt”: And the sociological sense of contract shich is superim posed on that word is neither vouchsafed by the Vedic texts nor is It compatible with the religio-philosophical ideology of the Vedic people Further, as has been recently pointed out by W LENTZ, the Iraniin evidence too does not support MEILLET’s suggestion that Mithra represents deificd contract According to that scholar, he rather symbolises man s striving to live a balanced, well regulated and co operative life Similarly, the derivation of varuna from IE ver to speak creates obvious linguistic difficul. ties”! For instance, the IE root ver to speak’ does not gene ratc any derivatives in u themes As for the word vrata, it cannot mean just verbal ‘Vow Vratas are not merely affairs of speech

• they imply definite observances and rules of conduct, they are vitally concerned with the ordering of the world and human life That ria does not signify mere truth. has already been shown above To justify the cosmic implications of the ethical concepts - contract, true specch or oath — by suggesting that truth is the psyot on which the unuscrse turps or that the source of creation is to be sought in the magic of primordial true words is too strained and roundabout I im personally inclined to think that, in primi. tive religious thought, cosmic matters always have a precedence Oser personal or social morality as we understand it As a matter of fact, the primitive man hardly ever thought of himself as being separate or distinct from cosmos 15 And as for THIEME’s odd insistence on translating the names Mitra and Varuṇa occurring in the Rgvedic serses respecticly with Contract and True-Speech (which practice he defends by referring to Schiller’s Ode to Joy’) it may be pointed out that the function of the ancient Vedic scets 75 vastly different from that of a modern poct like 12 C VAYRHOTTx, hur storm lo lobuch dot di wned kil 633 IT 13 IUNT? The scual funcions of the old Iranian Mihra, Ilroy ng Wome lol 1990 245 2,5 11 Toen Tinut arcms 10lait accrped thus derivat m only tentatively 15 ! locul cic( Van in ln’u thought , INORI 43 IIT) 1) are treil to show that he will kew of the ancirnt inuun was not enthropocentric Incidentally human 1255r1t(writis 9 27 ) Hat Vis Vithra Lol w czyme contract VEDIC GOD VARUNA 321 Schiller and that for the Vedic Rsis as GONDA has rightly poin tcd out 16 the powers invoked and addressed were ad awesome and majestic reality determining their conditions of life and their very cxistence in this world and the hereafter’ The French Mythologist, G DUMÉZIL, Persists in upholding the equation Varuṇa = Ouranos 17 However, he derives the words not from uer— ’to encompass, to enclose’, but from der-’to fasten’, and thereby connects the tivo gods not, as is usually done, with the concept of the encompassing sky but with that of the sovereign power He believes that both Ouranos aod Varuṇa symbolise the ancient myth of the first world king, who opposes his subjects and casts his sons in fetters and is deprived of his manly vigour, wbich latter cvcnt then results in the fructifica tion of nature According to DUMEZIL, all this is substantiated, on the one hand, by the ritual of the Rājasuya of which Varuṇa is the god, and, on the other by the Ouranos saga It is hardly necessary to emphasize that the relations which DUMEZIL seeks to establish are quite tenuous (for instance, he tries to relate the isolated and late legend of Ouranos having cast his sods in chains to the equally isolated legend, narrated in the JBr ( 44 ) of Varuṇa’s having punished his conceited son Bhrgu - the moti vation of the two legends is quite different ) and call for much violence to the texts At any rate, they can by no stretch of imagination be derived from the Rgvedic evidence In his subsequent monograph on Mitra Varupa, 18 DUMÉZIL paints the characters of these two gods in very sharp colours He asserts that Mitra and Varuṇa represent a double concept of sovereignty, which, incidentally, he tries to fit in into his famous pattern of the tripartite mythological ideology of the Indo Euro peans and consequently of the Aryans consisting of the three basic functions, namely, that of priests or divine rulers (Mitra Varuṇa ), of warriors (Indra or Vayu) and of producers 16 17 18 J GONDA Theld’Col Witra, 101 G Dustin Ouranos druya Parus 1934 G DUNÉZIL, Nr 1 orupa, Fasu 1910 322 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS (Asvinau ) 19 Mitra, according to DUMÉZIL, is the sovereigo 10 his clear, regal, calm, (I am quoting DUMÉZIL clear, regal, calm,) benevolent, sacerdotal aspect, while Varuṇa represents the assailant, sombre, inspiring, violent, terrible, warlıke aspect Mitra is braliman, Varuṇa king of Gandharvas 20 One, indeed, fails to understand on what text ual evidence DUMÉZIL bases his theory of such ‘marked contrast between the two gods One would search in vain for the Rgvedic indications of the cogency of the long array of adjectives which the French scholar has used As a matter of fact, in the RV, Mitra and Varuṇa have never been presented in any clear-cut distinction from each other 21 I am tempted to characterise KUIPER’s views about Varuṇa23 as somewhat chimerical To me they sound too abstract and alien According to KUIPER, Varuṇa is the god of the primeval waters which belong to the pre-Indra world of Chaos These primeval waters are enveloped by the earth as a receptacle and are, accord ingly, to be identified with the hidded ocean’ under the earth It is, indeed, these waters which Iodra is said to have delivered at what KUIPER calls the second creation’ Varuṇa can thus be regar ded also as the god of the nether world–verily, as the personifica tion of the regressive force of the nether world (as against Mitra who personifies the progressive force) KUIPER explains the term ānujayara employed with reference to the Devas 10 KS 279 through the assumption of the older gods of the nether world (Varuṇa, etc ) and the newer gods of the upper world (Iadra, etc ) 19 ELIZARENKOVA thinks (UZTGVU Vypusk 201, 113-122 ) that, in the pre-RV state, the level of magic power represented by Mitra Varuṇa modelled all the three functions of the gods 20 COOMARASWAMY (AOS 22 1942 ) looks upon Metra Varuṇa as reprt senting the union of sacerdotium or sp ritual authority and regnum or temporal power, which is so very essential for the sustenance of Dharma (VIDENGREN (Numen I, p 23 ) speaks of Mitra representing the juristic priestly aspect of sovereign power and Varuṇa the magical aspect 21 For further d scuss 00 of DUMEZIL S Views, see “Indo Europeaoism and Vedic Mythology Some Notes , published clsewhere in this Volume 22 F BJ KUIPER, Remarks on the Avestan Hymn to Mithra, 117 5 36-GO, ‘The bliss of ağa, 11J 8, 96-129 23 Aluseum 52 VEDIC GOD: VARUNA 323 Varuṇa and Mitra and Varuṇa arc often described in the RV as supporting the heaven and the earth (IV 42 4 dharayam dnam sadana rtasja, V 62 3 adhāraj atam prthivun uta djam mitrarājānā sarunā mahobhih) KUIPER vnderstands such passages too literally and suggests that the support can be given to the heaven and the earth only from below, that is, from the nether world, which, according to him, is Varuṇa’s abode He apparently forgets that the root dhr in such contexts is not to be interpreted in its physical’ sense, but that it is to be interpreted in the sense of keeping alive’, ’eosuring the proper functioning’, guarding against disintegration. As in such words as dhrtai rata Similarly, when Adityas arc said to be gabhira (II 273 ta idijāsa urojo gabhira) it is certainly not intended to suggest that they dwell in the depth of the earth As against this, there is a clear mention in the RV of Varuṇa’s abode being in the heaven (I 136 2 duk sam mulrasja sādanam aryamno varunassa ca, [ 1371 : rajana divisprśa, II. 41 5 râjânay anabludruha dhrme sadası utame asāte, VII 34 24 dyukso sarunah, VIII 257 adhi jā brliato dno ‘blu jūtheia pasi atak) We also come across references to rta, which is Varuṇa’s special charge, operatiog in the heaven (V 621 rlena riam apıhutan dhiriam vam süryasya Jatra imucanty asian, V 631 rtasja gopā adhı tisthaiho ratham satj adharmāna parame Jamanı) KUIPER’s characterisation of Varuṇa as the god of the primeval waters under the earth can hardly be substantiated And where is the Ravedic evidence to support the peculiar cosmological roles which he assigos to Varuṇa and Indra? Equally far fetchediy conceived are KUIPER’s notions that during the right the nether world is thought of as hanging over the earth o an inverted position, that Varuṇa’s nether world thus cxtends over the earth as the night sky, and that therefore, Varuṇa is also the god of the night sky After having thus shown that the theories about Varuṇa, recently put forth by LUDERS, THIEME, DUMÉZIL, and KUIPER are untenabic, I may now briefly state my own view regardiag the personality and character of that Rgvedic god I shall start324 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS with the assumption which, I believe, will be readily accepted by all, namely, that the character of the religion of a people 13 generally determined by the kind of life which that people lives And, since mythology is the most convenient medium through which the primitive man seeks to express his religious ideology, the mythology of a people also reacts and responds to the various vicissitudes in the cultural history of that particular people In other words, mythology is not a static phenomenon Vedic mythology also is not static-Vedic mythology, according to me, is essentially an evolutionary mythology Its general character has changed in accordance with the vicissitudes in the cultural life of the Vedic people For instance, it would be seen that a certain specific god was regarded as having been sovereign and supreme in a certain specific period The reason for this was that the character and personality of that god were in full conformity with what may be called the ethos of that period This is one aspect of the evolutionary mythology The other aspect of it is that, though the basic character of a particular god was determin ed by the peculiar environments in which he had come into being, that character did not remain static and stagnant through out That god necessarily possessed what may be called a growing’ personality With the different vicissitudes in the Vedic way of life and thought, many new features gradually accumulated round that god so that his total personality presented a highly complex and heterogeneous picture I, however, believe that it is not altogether impossible to analyse the complex character and personality of a Vedic god, generally isolate from one another and thereby identify the various elements in that character, and then broadly mark out, with the help of compara tive philology, comparative mythology, anthropology and ethno logy, and the cultural history of the Vedic Aryans, the different stages in the evolution or the entire becoming’ of that god In an early period of their cultural history, the Aryans, that 1s to say, the ancestors of the Vedic Indians and the Avestan Iranians lived in the closest proximity and relationship with pature—they, indeed, lived as a part of (and not apart from ) VEDIC GOD VARUNA 325 nature It was, therefore inevitable that their primary religious ideology should have been conditioned by the peculiar manner in which they reacted to nature Their overwhelming experience of nature-the impact on their sensations and emotions of nature’s vastness, brilliance, and bounty must have given rise to the religio mythological concept of the cosmic parents Dyāvāpsthivi the Father Sky and the Mother Earth It needs to be emphasised, in this context, that this was not a case of the desfication of the powers and phenomena of nature that is, in other words, of naturalistic mythology, but that it was a case of the concretisation and symbolisation of an independent religious feeling This concept of the cosmic parents thc Aryans seem to have had in common with several of their Indo European brethren The vital difference, however, tyas that, in the Aryan mythology, Dyauh pitar had his growth arrested–he did not attain the paramount position of the All Father like bis Greek and Roman counterparts The same was the casc with Prthivi who did not develop into anything like the Mother Goddess The reason why this aspect of the cosmic religion, namely, the one represented by the COSIDIC parents, did not become prominent in the Aryan mythology presumably was the fact that it had been soon superseded by another significant aspect of the cosmic religion Vastoess, as we kpow is usually associated with the ideas involving something that is haphazard, disorganized, unmotivated, and unregulated The Aryans, however, observed that the universe, vast though it was, was not disorganized or unregulated in all the functionings of the universe-big and small gross and subtle - they discovered a definite order and harmony, a regular pattern and scheme In other words, they realised that the universe, though vast was not chaos, but that it was cosmos There must be, they believed, a definite cosmic law which governed the universe, and there must also be a cosmic god who ensured the proper operation of that law This cosmic law is represented in the RV as ria, and the god who administers that law is Varuṇa That the word rta in the RP docs not signify more truth of speech (as suggested by LUDERS) but that it cssentially has a 326 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS definite cosmic ethical connotation is too obvious to need any elaborate demonstration Onc has only to consider such passages as à pas latāna rodasi rlena (V I 7), aham apo apinvam uksa. mana dhāras am diam sadana rtasia Irtena puro aditer rläro la fridhātu prathaj ad vi bluma (IV 42 4), risro bhumir dhārajan frir uta dj in recrī dni (II 27 8), rieng visam bhuvanam 1 rājarah (V 63 7), rlam asasrann usaso nbhalih (IV 2 19 ), disādasiran nahi taj jarája variarii cairam pari djam riasya (1 164 11 ), to bc convinced of the nature of ria as a cosmic potence which creates and sustains the world and which cosures the health and strcogth of life in thc AV (VI 114 1,2, 134 1, X 8 31, etc ), rta is actually represented as a universal magic potence which is involed to overpower the spirits of cvil and disorder The oppositc of ria, namcly druh, implies, more than anything else, the violation of the cosmic and moral order, that is chaos” Only secondarily, and presumably at a later stage, rta may have come to denote the kind of specch and action which is in unison with the cosmic order ria, which facilitates, manifests, and con firms the operation of that rta The ctymology of the word la would seem to support the basic sense of that word suggested above The word ro is to be derived from the IE root ar-’ to bind’, ’to unite’, to join to gether’ According to BRUGMANN, Gk eirené (or iranā) 15 the reduplicated derivative from that IE root and means ‘well joined together, holy bond’, ‘clever bringing together* There are some further derivatives from the IE ar - with an additional in the base, such as Gk artus systematically ordered’. Lat artus ‘well integrated in time and space’, Mhd art inherent disposition’, Arm arder ‘Deatly structured’ It is to this series that the Vedic word rta belongs it means the holy bond – the unbreakablc, invulnerable law - which is the foundation of all natural phenomena and which binds them down to form a well ordered whole The phrase rtasja tantu (AV II 1 5, XIII 3 19) — the threads of ria — IS very suggestive in this context 24 The words, niti (= chaos) and ytu (= regularly occurring season ), pay also be profitably considered to this context VEDIC GOD VARUNA 327 Elsewhere, the path of rta is said to be spun out by means of the threads of light (panthā rtasya samaj amsia rasmibhih , I 1362). It is, indeed, suggested that the words rta apd cosmos are semasio logically connected with cach other, for, the latter word also cap be traced back to the root kent - meaning ’to bind together 25 Varuṇa (and Mitra) are rtarrdh (I 23 5), the promoters of rta, Varuṇa 15 riasja gopå or rrayān par excellence He regulates the course of waters (II 28 4, rtam sındhavo varunasja Jantı) and controls and directs all the happenings in the universe. He is dlirtavrata - he sternly upholds his ordinances, no one dare oppose his great prowess (V 85 6 mājām malum nakır ädadharsa) Even gods obey Varuṇa’s law (VIII 41 7 saril pasya sve deva anu vratam) Varuṇa is enabled to accomplish the enormous feat of establi shing od sustaining the cosmic order, ria, because he is Asura The word asura 18 made up of the noun asu and the possessive ination ra (as in srira dhira, etc ), thus yielding the possessor of asu". At an early stage in the evolution of human thought, man believed that a cosmic magical fluid penetrated into all the aspects of creation and thereby invested them with the capability of being and becoming This all pervading cosmic magical potence was variously called as Mana, Orenda, etc Elsewhere I have tried to show that the Vedic asu is just another representative of that prinutive orendic concept 26 One who possesses this ast in the largest possible measure is, verily, the Asura Many gods arc rcferred to in the RV as asura, but there is no question that the Vedic pocts have clearly suggested that Varuṇa alone is the original and prccmincnt Asura (1 24 14, II 27 JD, 28 7, VJUI 42 1) Varuṇa, being thus endowed with the largest share of the cosmic magical potence, asu, is eminently Gitted to act as the efficient implementer of the cosmic law na It may be incidentally added, in this context, that the special power which Varuṇa derives on account of his being the Asura is 25 For A detailed discussion, ke" Alara Varuṇa 26 DANDEKAR, Da riduchy Vlasce, 24 IT 320 YLLIC MYTHOLOUICAL TRAUIO often referred to as maja (111 61.7 mahi mitrasja varunasja māja, V 634 majā vām muraiarunii dni śrtā, V 85 5: malum māsām sarunasia pra vocam. V 85 6 imam u nu havi. lamasja majam, Y 63 3 djam sarsaj alho asurasja mājajā, V 63 7. vratā rak selle asurasya mājajā ) The word maya may be derived from mumani or primite, which root means not only to measure’ but also to create’, ’to arrange’, etc Mājā thus represents, as GONDA suggests,the incomprehensiblc capa. city to plan or to orgadise something which is beyond the intelligence and powers of man t 15, indeed, from this point of view that Varuṇa is called jakṣın (VII 88 6), thc awe inspiring miracle working magician And the working of the magic of Asura Varuda is picturesqucly described in V 85 2-6 How does Varuṇa establish the cosmic order? How does hc control and regulate the working of the universe? The etymology of the word jaruna would help us in answering these questions According to the most natural primitive vicw, one can effectively control and regulate a thing by binding it down, by confining it in fetters And this is exactly what Varuṇa is believed to be doing The word vartına is to be derived from the IE root ver ’to biod’. The other derivations, which have been suggested, such as from the root vr ’to cover’, ’to enclose or from ver ’to speak’, can be shown to be linguistically untenable Varuṇa is basically the binder god who controls and regulates all the happenings in the universe - cosmic as well as human —- by binding down their operators It is in tlus very concept that we have to seek the origin of the famous paśas of Varuṇa Varuṇa’s paśas may be said to serve a double purpose — on the one hand, working in a subtle intangible way (setrblur arasubhik VII 84 2), they hold down the various entities in the universe in their proper places and thereby ensure their integrated functioning, and, on the other, they are employed by Varuṇa, the guardian of the cosmic ethical law, as instruments of punishment to the perpetrators of druh or anrta

27. Op H,p 19 VLDIC GOD VARUNA 329 It would now be clear why Varuṇa is often referred to as Wielding supreme sovereign power (1 24 6 nahı te ksatram apuh, I 25 5 kada ksatraśrıyam naram a varunam karamahe, VII 34 11 anultam asmai ksatram sayu, VII 89 I mrla suksatra mirlaja) He is king (VII 64 1 raja suksatro varunah), the king of all dominions (VII 34 11 raja rastranam), the king of both gods and men (II 27 10 tvam vesve sam varuna ‘st raja je ca dava asura je ca martah), the king of the whole world (V 85 3 visvasj a bluvanasja raja), iodced, the king of all that exists (VII 87 6 sato asya raja) He is the imperial ruler (11. 28 6 varuna samal raiah) Not even the minutest activity 10 nature and in human and animal life passes unnoticed by him The rising and the setting of the sun, the falling of rains, the growth of vegetation, the flowing of rivers, the flying of birds, even the winking of the eye (AV IV 16 5 Samkhyata asya nimiso janunam) are governed by the subtly working law of Varuṇa In his capacity of the world sovereign, he commands a large band of spies (1 25 13, VI 67 5, VII 61 3, 87 3 ), who, being undeceived, undismayed, and wise, keeply observe all the happenings in the universe and report to their master all cases of transgression of his law Varuṇa is the unfailing witness of men’s truth and falsehood (VII 49 3 satyante ai apaśyan jananām), no one can escape from him even by fleeing far beyond the heaven (AV IV 164 ula yo dyan afisarpal parastan na sa mucyatai Tarunas) a rajñal) Varupa s very intimate association with Mitra served as the starting point of several theories regarding the personality and character of Varuṇa It was taken for granted that the Vedic Mitra, like the Avestas Mithra was the sun god and on that basis, it was suggested that Mitras close associate Varuṇa was either the sky god or the moon god However, it is now more or less generally agrecd (as would be clear from GONDA’s recent monograph, The Vedic God Mitra, 1972) that Mitra is not the sun god As a matter of fact, the Vedic evidence clearly points to the fact that Mitra docs not possess any individuality on the physical side In the RV there is only onc hymn, namely III 59, 330 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS which relates exclusively to Mitra I think that the initial words of that hymn, mitro janān jātajatı bruvānah, express the true character of that god “Mitra through his commands, sets people in their proper places" It is needless to point out that the other interpretations of the word yātayali, such as, helps people to discharge their debts., * unites the people’, ’exerts for the people’, ‘attaches himself to the people’, are lexically and contextually unacceptable The analogous TBr passage (III 7 2 3.), mitro janan kalpayatı, would confirm the meaning of yātayatı suggested above Mitra is jātaj ajjana (III 59 5, VIII 102 12) and his main function is to control, regulate, and direct the affairs of men The word mura is to be derived from the IE root m(e) i - which also means ’to bind’ The original nominal derivative mitram (neuter means a bond - later a bond of friend. ship, and Mitra (mas ) is the name given to the god who esta blishes such bonds among the people and organises them more particularly in the moral sense The fact that the concept of mitra 15 connected with the concepts of dharing and rta (Y 81 4 mtro blavası deya dharmablul, VIII 52 3 yasmai visnus frını padā vicakrama upa mitrasya dharmabhih, X 8 4 rtaya sapta dadhise padāni jana yan nutram tanve siāyai) would confirm that god Mitra represents the personification of an ethical moral abstraction One, indeed, gets the impression that the Vedic Mitra has been conceived as a sort of alter ego of Varuṇa He shares Varuṇa’s sovereign function Broadly speak ing, what Varuṇa is in respect of cosmic ethics, Mitra is in respect of human morality It is quite understandable that the binder gods, Varuṇa and Mitra, should have themselves been represented as the sons of Aditi (from the root da ’to bind’) who personi fies ‘unboundedness’ Indeed, organization and regulation through bondage’ is the central motif of an entire mythological complex involving rta, Varuṇa, Mitra, Aditi, and Adityas The mythological concepts of the cosmic law rta and its ad ministrator the binder god Asura Varuṇa developed among the ancestors of the Vedic Indians and the Avestan Iranians presum ably when they lived together in the region of Balkh That VEDIC GOD VARUNA 331 religio-mythological ideology was in full conformity with their peculiar way of life Soon, however, a significant cvent occurred in their history Some tribes from among the Aryans left their home in Ballh in scarch of nex adventure and fresh glory They set out in the direction of the land of seven rivers on a march of conquest and colonisation la this new phase of their cultural hfe the Vedic Aryans had to encounter various forms of opposi tron and obstruction irtrani — both natural and human They, therefore, yearned for a nen religion which would be consistent with their new way of life, to take place of their old cosmic reli gion A people on the war path needed a war god to inspire them This is briefly how Vr̥traha Indra came to be born and how, soon after he had beco born, he became the foremost among the gods of the Rgredic pantheon (11 12 1 jo jata era pratha mah) 29 As was but to be expected, there arose, in course of time, a kud of rivalry beteen the ancient Varuṇa religion and the new Indra religion indications of which are not wanting in the RV (IV 42, X 124) This rivalry could have adversely affected the future of the Vedic culture if a Vedic seer with a refreshingly practical and realistic outlook had not made special efforts to bring about compromise and harmony between those two religions That seer was Vasistha 1

First published Panjat Underaty Re, Bul (Aria) 6 (2), 1975, pp. 102-114) 28 Tor a dela led discuss on see in this Volume stralia Indra , published elsewhere

vasiShTha

A VEDIC GOD AND A VEDIC SEER Lecture Two " VEDIC SEER VASISTHA"

Vasistha, the seer of the seventh Mandala of the Rgveda, has played a very significant role in the cultural history of Vedic India Indeed, there is hardly any period of ancient Indian history as a whole on which Vasistha and his family have not left the special stamp of their almost inimitable individuality Vasi stha’s position in the Rgvedic period is quite remarkable in this connection, a mention may be made of his divide origin and double birth, his active inyolvement in the Dasarajña which proved to be a more or less decisive factor in the socio political history of that period, and his outstanding contribution to the evolution of the Rgvedic religion and mythology As for the Athanaveda, Vasistha was believed to have been an expert in the Atharyanic practices and tore and was, therefore, regarded as having been specially qualified to officiate as Purohita Perhaps for the same reason, the office of Brahman in the Brahmanic ritual (which schematically belonged to the Atharvaveda) was usually assigned to a Vasistha (though he formally belonged to the Rgveda ) Like most of the other Rgvedic seers, Vasistba too was not prominent in the Upanisadıc period, presumably because the Upanisadic speculation developed in a milieu different from that of the Saniutās and the Brālimanas A well known Dharma sutra is ascribed to Vasistha, and, in the Epics and the Puranas, Vasistha is often represented as a major character However, in my talk of this evening I shall restrict myself only to the consi deration of some salient aspects of Vasstha’s special contribution to the religious ideology of the Rgvedic period Vol, 1 DANDEKAR · The two buths of Vazıṣtha “, H Günlet Com 425-432 2 DANDEKAR, “The Disarijna’, CASS Slud 1, 127-129. VEDIC SEER’ VASISTHA 333 It is suggested that every regular family-book (Mandala ) of the Rgreda contains what may be called a family hymn, the main purpose of which is to glorify the progenitor of the family and to celebrate some special attainments and characteristic exploits of that family as a whole Such family-hymns usually occur at the end of the group of hymns relating to lodra, for, it is believed that the peculiar distinction achieved by that family is essentially the result of Indra’s benign favour The thirty third hymd ja the seventh Mandala of the Rgveda is the family hymn of the Vási sthas who are the authors of that Mandala 4 The Anukramani of Katyāyana characterises this hymn as a samstava, which tertu is explained by the commentator Sadgurusisya as sahastuti In other words, according to Katyāyana, the hyma embodies the mutual laudation by Maitrāvaruni Vasistha, the progenitor of the family, and his descendants The commentator elaborates this by adding that, in the first nine stanzas, Vasistha praises his descendants, while, in the last five, the descendants praise their great ancestor. The Sarvantkramanı alternatively also suggests vasisthasya saputrasje ’ndrena vā samvādah By way of an intro duction to his translation of this family-hymn of the Vāsiṣṭhas, GELDNER says A Vasistha as the spokesman of the whole family proclaims, in the presence of lus ancestor, the latter’s glory and indirectly that of his descendants Indra joins in this glori 3 The other family hymn in the RP arc 111 53 (or 33 ), IV 18, V 10, VI 47 According to gome scholars VII 18 may also be regarded as a family hymo of the Vāsiṣṭhas 4 Katyuyana San&nukrammi says saplamah mandalash dastho ‘pagal This 13 confirmed by Sadgurusisya and Sāyan Also cf Arsanukraman’ agruth nara ili tv claf saftoman mandalat prali 1511 rasistho iñigo miracartipa Joh stufah It may be noted that agnan narah are the ribal words of the first bymn of the seventh Mandala Apart from this Avidence from the ancillary literature attention may be drawn to the facts that a majority of the hymns in the seventh book end with the tradit onal refrain of the Vāsiṣṭhas (namely, Jyor para srastbhsh sadi nch), that the name Vasha (whether in Singular or 10 plural) occurs in this book as many as 43 times, and that the imprint of Vasisha’s personality, style, and ideology is quite unmutakable in many of the passages in this Mandala 5 Der lig leda, Part II, p 211334 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS fication and supplements, as it were, the narration of that Vāsi stha According to Saunaka’s Brhaddevata (V 163 ff ), VII 33 is a samvada sukta or, alternatively, it is merely a hymn in praise of Indra Actually, however, the thirty third hymn in the seventh Mandala, which incidentally, is relatively late (it may be noted, for instance, that this hymn does not have the usual refrain, Pujam pāta siasuhih sada nal), is a kind of ballad which seeks to glorify Maitrāvaruni Vasistha the progenitor of the family of the Vāsiṣṭhas Like a ballad, this hymn is made up partly of direct speech, whereby either the bard himself assumes the roles of the different characters and speaks out their speeches (eg of Indra in stapzas 1 and 4 and of Agastya in stanza 14 ) or he rhetorically addresses the person who is being glorified, namely, Maitrāvaruni Vasistha (as in stanzas 10 and 11 ), and partly of Darration in the third person Other characteristics of a ballad, which can be noticed in this hymn, are repetition, ellipsis, ab sence of proper sequence of stanzas, impromptu addition, and parenthesis That the central theme of this hymn is the glorifica tion of Vasistha is skilfully brought out by the poet by means of the deliberate use of the word vasistha, in different numbers and in different cases, in all its stanzas This literary device, which is but rarely employed in the RV, may also be regarded as confirm ing the ballad character of the hymn Further it may be pointed out that, even where the word occurs in plural, it has to be under stood as referring to the progenitor of the family himself, the plural having been used as a token of respect (ādarärihe) The only exception is stanza 4 (indre fusniam adadhata yasisthāh) where the plural vassthāh unequivocally denotes the descendants of Maitruvarunt Vasistha ( who is referred to with the words sah pitrnam) However, even here, the plural pitrnam refers to the great ancestor This family hymn of the Vāsiṣṭhas may be conveniently divided into three clear cut sections (a) 1-6 Vasistha personally called upon Indra ( abhi pra manduh) and won him over to the side of the Trtsus and the Bharatas, In this context, it may be VEDIC SEER VASISTHA 335 incidentally added that the Taittirija Samhitā (III 5 2 1) and the Gopatha Bralimiana (2 2 13 ) also say that Vasistha was the only seer who had personally seen Indra raja jā indranı pratja Ksam nå ‘pasy ams tam 1asistha ea prat; ak sam apaśyat Through Indra’s favour and Vasistha’s priestcraft, prayers, and leadership, the Titsu Bharatas became victorious in the Daśarajña, (b) 7 8 Vasistha was a master of mystic knowledge and 10mitable priestly prowess (na ’nj ena stomo vasistha an elave vah), and (c) 9 14 the two births of Yasistha It will be easily realised that the sequence of these sections should have properly been reverse It will be further realised that the story of Vasistha’s double birth is intended to be the core and kernel of this whole hymn For, it is, Verily, the peculiar nature of the birth of Vasistha which distinguishes him essentially from the other Vedic seers More oeyr, while the other two topics, namely, Vasistba’s priesteraft and his successful intervention in the Dasarajna have occurred in many other passages in the seventh Mandala a more or less detailed description of his miraculous birth is to be found only in this hymn One of the most important features of this account of Vasistha s two births from the point of view of religio philosophi cal ideology, is the emphasis put on the cosmic ethical motivation for Vaststha s taking birth in this phenomenal world The bard of RV VII 33 begins by proclaiming that the great Vasistha, on account of the light of his heart (hrdayasya praketaih) or inner vision (cf suryasye ‘ra raksatho jjour esam jo st 8), was manifold and multifarious phenomenal world was (ta i minyam hrdajasja praketail sahasraialsam abhi sam caranti) It is thereby suggested that Vasistha could not have felt any special curiosity or urge for being born in this world and thus actually experiencing the various vicissitudes of th s worldly life He could have as well kept himself aloof in serene isolation from the vagaries of samsara Jodced, such non entanglement in the affairs of worldly life was tlie goal which was anxiously sought after by many thinkers (particularly by the adherents of the 336 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS Muni-Yatı cult as against those of the Rsi cult) But Vasistha took the initiative in the matter of being born in this world-he, of his own accord, approached the celestial nymph Urvaśī with a view, as it becomes clear from the latter part of the hymn, to inducing her to mother him (cf st 9 apsarasa upa sedur vasisthah, st 11 · uta ‘si maiträvaruno vasistho ‘riaśjā brahman manaso ‘dhi jätah, st 12 apsarasah pari jajne vasisthah) And the motivation for this as the poet tells us was that Vasistha felt obligated to weave further the garment which Yama had started weaving (st 9 yamena tatam parıdhim vayantah) According to the Vedic mythology, Yama was the first ancestor of the human race 7 The idea of the procreation of the human race by him is here expressed through the imagery of the stretched out garment It is the bounden duty of every one to see that the Weaving of the garment initiated by Yama continues uninterrup tedly—in other words, to see that the human race does not become extinct from the face of the earth It is a kind of cosmic ethical obligation, which, incidentally, developed, in course of time, into the concept of pitr rna As the Tarttırıya Sam says (VI 3 10 5) Jayamano vai brahmanas tribhur rnava jayale bralımacar yena ribhjo jajñena deiebhyah prajaya pirrbhah Vasistha thought of taking birth in this world not because he was, in any way, enamoured of the mysteries of samsāra-he already had the inner vision of all the secrets of the world without having had to get physically involved in it He did so because he was acutely conscious of his duty to the human race and did not want to run away from it The cosmic process would be seriously disturbed if the continuity of the human race was, for any reason, disrupted That Vasıstha wished to be born in this world and procreate only in order to be able to fulfil this cosmic ethical purpose seems to be the key note of the entire account of Vasistha’s birth, for, this idea is repeated once more in VII 6 For the Mluni lali cult and the Rṣi cult see DANDERAR, “Vaspanism and Saivism, RG Bhandarkar as an Indologist p 26, also Ch I in Some Aspects of the History of Hinduism (particularly p 11) 7 Sce DANDEKAR “Yama in the Veda’, published elsewhere in this Volμπιε VEDIC SEER I VASISTHA 337 33 12 cd (zamena tatam parıdhm sayısyann apsarasah pari jajne sasisthah) & The cosmic-ethical motivation of Vasistha’s first birth at once elevates his character The first birth of Vasistha, in which Mitra Varuṇa and Urvaśí were involved as divine parents, may be said to possess mainly biological import It is, accordingly, linked up with the cosmic ethical obligation of ensuring the continuity of the human race, which too, is essentially biological in import But, apart from living as an individual and procreating for the sake of the continuity of the human race, man has also to live in the society and do his duty as a responsible member of the society in conformity with his ionate endowments and cultivated faculties It is this socio ethical obligation which underlies what is represent ed as the second birth of Vasistha Incidentally, the later concept of dvija has its roots in this very way of thinking The Manusmrti ( II 147 48 ) uses two significant terms to denote the two kinds of birth, namely, sambhuti and jalı The second birth of Vasistha, according to this family hymn, consisted in Vasistha’s being introduced and recommended by his elder brother-and, therefore, perhaps his Acārya-Agastya to the Titsu Bharatase for appointment to the office of Brahman Purohita " (This one, here) “, says Agastya to the Trtsus (st 14), “supports the supporter (or the employer) of the Ukthas the Hotr) and the supporter (or the employer) of the Samans (= the Udgatr ), (and he also supports him who ) 15 the supporter or the operator of the Soma crushing stone (= the Adhvaryu ), and (he alone) may speak with authonty in front of all of them Do you receive him entertaining good will (for him) Here would Vasistha come unto you, O Pratrds " (ththabhırtan sānabhrtam bibhartı graanam bibhrar pra jadaty asisthah) It will be clear that this entire description applies aptly to the Brahman That Agastya should have recommended B 9 10 The de derative sense of capijan is obvious and particularly u gnificant VII 33 10c lat i janmo lai kan rotstha VII 33 10d agastro per fad jabhira 338 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS Vasistha to the Trtsus in such glowing terms is quite understand able, for, Vasistha, though a seer of the RV, has been traditionally recognised as a master of the Atharyanic lore and practices, and, therefore as being best qualified to officiate as Brahman and Purohita The Taittiriya Sam (III 5 2 1) confirms this tradition tato vasisthapurolitah prajah pra Jayanta tasmad vaststho brahma karyah prai ‘ra jayale Eventually Vasistha did adequately fulfil his duty in the socio political sphere by competently playing his role as the Purohita of the Trtsu Bharatas in connection with the Dasarajña 11 The concepts of the cosmic ethical obligation and the socio ethical obligation which are adumbrated in RV VII 33, perhaps for the first time in Indian literature, must, indeed be regarded as a significant feature of Vasistha’s contribution to the religio philosophical thought of the Vedic India It is, indeed difficult to make any definite statement regarding Vasistha’s exact role in the Daśarajña for, in the Vedic literature, the Dasarajña has nowhere been described in a consis tent and connected narrative in the Rgveda apart from a few stray allusions in the third and the sixth Mandalas fairly detailed references to it occur in hymns 18, 33, and 83 of the seventh Mandala The Dasarajña is also referred to, directly or indirectly, in the Maitrayanı Samhuta III 37, the Kathaka Samhita 21 10, the Jainimija Brāhmaṇa 3 244, the Tandya Brāhmaṇa 15 37, the Kausitaki Upanisad 3 ], and the Great Epic I have collated the relevant material from the various versions of the Dāśarajña have tried to eliminate the inconsistencies and deficiencies in them as far as possible and have reconstructed a plausible history mainly with the help of what may be called constructive imagination There seem to have been two major waves of migration of the Aryans into India The early tribes left the region of Baikh (where their ancestors had lived for a fairly long time) and, after a long and arduous journey in the course of which they had 11 for a fuller treatment of RI VII 33 9 14 see the paper mentioned info1 VEDIC SEER VASISTHA 339 to encounter various impediments (both natural and human ), eventually reached the land of the Seven Rivers (Sapta Sindhu) The fertility of the soil, the abundance of water, the regularity of seasons, the bright sun shine — these were among the many ecological factors which prompted them ultimately to settle down in that region In that process, tribal organization came to be gradually transformed into territorial states Five such Aryan states became particularly prominent in the early period of the Aryan settlement in Sapta Sindhu, namely, Puru Anu, Druhyu, Turvaśa, and Yadu It was presumably after these five that the early Aryan settlers were collectively called Panca Janāh (Five Peoples) Side by side with these Aryan settlements, there seem to have been in existence also a few non Aryan (indigenous Indian ) settlements as well The second wave of the Aryan immigrants was more homogeneous in character in that it was constituted of a single major tribe – the tribe of the Bharatas The leader of the Bharatas, Sudas, was a very ambitious man He aimed at bring ing the early Aryan settlements (collectively called Panca Janah) and the indigenous non Aryan principalities under his control and thereby establish the sovereignty of the Bharatas throughout the Aryandom (Sapta Sindhu) Sudās was as much an intrepid Warrior as a wise statesman He was convinced that, 10 order to achieve his goal, diplomacy and military strategy would both be equally necessary To the north-west of the early Aryan settlements there was the fauly powerful state of the Tștsus It would seem that the Titsus mic independent of the Panca Janah and had, indeed, OSV Wally been distantly related to the Dhuratas The new comes, Sudas, realised that, with a view to overpowering the Pafica Janīh and the neighbouring non Aryan pracipalities, he wouid have to win over the Titsus to his side Accordingly he devised a shrewd stratagem to establish a political and military alliance with them In the socio political orgapization of the early Vedic Aryans, flic Purohita played a role which was as important as - if not 340 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS more important than that of the king or the tribal leader It can be seen from the Rgveda that, in the initial stage, the Purohita of the Bharatas was Bharadvaja However, while they were advancing into Sapta Sindhu, Bharadvaja s place was taken by Viśvamitra Vasistha was the Purohita of the Tștsus, and was accordingly, the most influential person in the clan of the Titsus Sudās knew that, if he could sway Vasistha in favour of the Bharatas his purpose would be adequately served By a bold stroke of diplomacy, he managed to dispense with the services of Visvamitra and offered to Vasistha the office of the Purohita of the victoriously advancing clan of the Bharatas Vasistha accepted the offer and, as the result of this, an alliance was established between the Bharatas and the Trtsus, with Sudas as their military commandant and Vasistha as their Purohita - the ultimate aim of the alliance having been the Bharata sovereignty in the Aryandom But Visvamitra was not a man to take such things lying down Enraged at the supercilious treatment meted out to him, he went over to the Panca Janah, woke them up to the danger of the impending invasion by the Bharatas, and eventually manoeuvred them into forming a kind of loose military confederation for the purpose of arresting the Bharata onslaught He thereby also hoped to avenge the indignity which he had been made to suffer It may be presumed that this confederation, which came to be known as the “Ten Kiogs” (Daśa Rajanah ), consisted of the five states of the early Aryan settlers and some neighbouring non Aryan principalities Obviously, the number ten in this context has to be understood as being only generally descriptive rather than definitive The pames of some of the leaders and member tribes of the confederation - Aryan (Puru, Turvaśa, Druhyus, Anava, etc) and non Aryan (Paktbas, Bhalapases, Visanins Sivas Simyu, etc )- are actually mentioned in the Rgvedic hymns relating to this subject The two sides arrayed themselves against each other - the Bharatas and the Trtsus led by Sudas and Vasistha on the one side and the “Ten Kings “, assisted by Viśvamitra, among others, “VEDIC SEER , VASISTHA 341 as their Purohita, on the other - for the eventful war which has been described in the Veda as the Dasarājna or the War of the Ten Kings (Incidentally, the word dasarājña itself occurs only three times in the Rgreda ) The war consisted of many battles and skirmishes (though there is no evidence to suggest that it extended over several generations, but the decisive battle seems to have been fought on the bank of the river Parusni. Under the benign patronage of lodra (VII 33 5 rasisthasya stinata indro aśrol) and with the help of Vasistha’s efficacious priestcraft (VII 83 4 ; safyā irisinām ablavat purohitin), Sudás won the final victory and thus succeeded in establishing the sovereignty of the Bharatas in the region of Sapta-Sindhu (VII. 33 6. ad if trtsūnām viso apraihanta) So far as the evolution of the Rgvedic religion and mythology is concerned, two aspects of Vasistha’s contribution to it become specially conspicuous (1) the essential elements of the classical doctrine of Bhakti are more or less clearly anticipated in the hymns of the seventh Mandala of the Rgreda, particularly in those relating to Varuṇa (VII 86 89),” and (2) Vasistha seems to have made special efforts to bring about a kind of religious conciliation between the ancient Varuṇa cult and the new Indra-cult 18 The theory that the doctrine of Bhakti was originally borrowed from some non-Indian sources has now become obsolete and is hardly given any credence On the contrary, it can be clearly demonstrated that perhaps the earliest Indian literary evidence of Bhakti is provided by the Varuṇa-hymos in the seventh Mandala of the Rgreda The peculiar relationship between Varuṇa and Vasistha, as envisaged in those hymos, Icflects most of the essential characteristics of the classical doctrine of Bhaktı- though by no means in any systematic form or order Onc of the basic features of Bhakti is that the Bhakta 12 See DANDEKAR, «Varuṇa, Vasuttha, and Bhaku !, WVyasekara fede lot, 77-62 13 Set DANDEKAR, " Asuna Varuṇa’ and " Vr̥trahi Indra “, pullshed elrwhere in this Volume, and also. Vasimha as rcligious conciliator KR Cam Or Iul. C7 lol, 237-210. 342 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS or devotee, on the one hand, realises the almost insuperable distance between the supreme majesty of God and his own lowly station, and yet, on the other hand, anxiously longs for an intimate personal communion with Him This feature of Bhaktı may be said to have been very well brought out in the two jpitial stanzas of RV VII 86 On the face of it, the first stanza of that hymn, which speaks of the cosmic greatness and functions of Varuṇa (dhira tv asya maluna janamsi vi yas tastanibha rodası cid urvi / pra nakain rsvam nunude brhantam dyita naksatram paprathac ca bhuma), appears to be rather incompatible with the general tenor of the hymn as a whole Again the word tu in the very first pada of the first stanza is not quite apropos, for, as it is, its adversative sense does not become clear The same may be said of the word uta zz the first pada of the second stanza (wta Fiajo tanya sam vade tat), for, apparently it does not help to establish any logical connection between the first stanza and the second stanza It is, however, possible to suggest a cogent interpretation of these two stanzas The first stapza may be regarded as presupposing the thought which had ever been uppermost in the mind of Vasistha as a Bhakta, namely, that he should be vouchsafed the privilege of a personal communion with his special God Varuṇa A constant and caracst longing such as this is, indeed, the starting point of Bhaktı But (tu) Vasistha at once became conscious of the wide gulf which separated him from Varuṇa ’through whose cosmic majesty (mahina ), the creatures (janumsı) become stabilised, who props asunder the two worlds, even though they are enormous (VII 86 1 ab) And yet (uta) Vasistha persisted in his longing for being within the innermost presence of Varuṇa’ (kada ny antar varune bhuranı) This kind of mental struggle in which the emotional urge for participation’ in the divinity ultimately gets the better of the intellectual doubt arising out of the sense of distance’, may be said to constitute the very preparatory stage of Bhakti Another factor which tends to dissuade a Bhakta from his efforts to share the divine presence is his feeling of moral ineligi bility In RV VII 86, we find Vasıṣtha harping upon bus enas VEDIC SEER VASISTHA 343 (3a proche tad enah), āgas (4a, him aga āsa saruna), drugdha (5ab . ava drughant srja nah) But bis inger urge for a close communion with God was so strong that, even like a Bhakta of the classical tracts, Yasistha earnestly tried to get over this moral impediment (VII 86 6) For one thing, he insisted that whatever sins he might be deemed to have committed were by no means deliberate (acittih) - they did not spriog from his Owo free will na sa s10 daksah) It was, verily, destiny (dhruth and passion (manyuh) and evil influence (asti jjāyān kaniyasa upare), among others, which had led him astray He might have transgressed the laws of Varuṇa unknowingly (acuni yat tag dharmā yuz opinia VII 89 5c) or on account of the poverty of will power (krarvah dinata VII 89 3a) but Varuṇa should not punish him for that sin (ma nas tasmad enaso dela ririsah VII 89 5d) Vasistha further claimed that the greatest atonement for his sins was that he had sincerely repented for what he had donc The drstanta of pasutrp tayu (VII 86 5c ara rajan pastrpam na tayımı sija) is clearly suggestive of this Just as a thief, who had stolen cattle but who eventually confessed his crime and expressed repentance, was released, so too did Vasistha, who had sinned but later repented for his sins, expect to be released Morcover, Vasistha now wanted to surrender himself completely to Varuoa’s mercy, expurgating himself of all traces of sia or moral guilt (ava tla ’ncna namasā tura ijam: VII 86 4d, aram daso na mlhuse harany alanı devaja bhūrnaje improvement on the part of a Bhakta helps to neutralize the seriousness of his moral compunction But, above all, it was Vasistha’s unswerving faith in Varuṇa’s compassion which reassured him against the fear of being rejected by Varuṇa He knew that Varuṇa showed mercy even to a perpetrator of sins (yo mrlayalı calruṣe cid ägok VII 87 7a) and that, thereforc, Varuṇa would pot make him suffer for his sios ( ma la enosvanto jaksin bhujema VII 88 6c) Perhaps the most essential feature of Bhaktı is the close personal relationship which the Bhakta clums with God This344 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS relationship was expressed by Vasistha in various ways He called himself a friend ( sakhā VII 86 4b) of Varuṇa — verily, a friend even though he might have signed against Varuṇa (Ivanı agamsı kravat sahhā te VII 88 66 ) He was Varuṇa’s constant kiosman, ever dear to him (apır mitjah varuna priyah san. VII 88 6a) He would serve Varuṇa as a slave (aram daso na milhuse karāni VII 86 7a) The drstanta in VII 86 5d (ava srpā vatsam na damno vasisthanı), would, indeed, suggest that Vasistha was like a tethered calf ever longing to be united with the mother cow Classical accounts of the relation between the Bhakta and God often speak of occasional estrangement between the two Indeed, such estrangement heightens the personal flavour of the relationship Vasistha also is seen to be lamenting the fading away of the well known friendship between Varuṇa and himself the friendship in which they were bound together without any guile (kva tJāni nau sakhi a babhūvuh sacāvahe yad avrkam purā cit VII 88 Sab) A similar misunderstanding, which was differently motivated, seems to have formed the background of the dialogue between Varuṇa and Atharvan in AV V 11 (the only samyada sukla in the AV-Atharvan in this context having been none other than Vasistha himself 14 The classical doctrine of Bhaktı normally requires that God in whose divine entity the Bhakta seeks to participate 18 a personal God There are indications in the Varuṇa hymns in the seventh Mandala that the pure and most agrecable prayer wbich Vasistha proffered unto Varuṇa turned the worshipful Varuṇa towards him (RV VII 88 1abc la im aryancam karate yajatram), that Vasıṣtha thus caught direct sight of Varuṇa (adha w esy& sandslam yagaman VII 88 2a ), and that Vasistka could thereafter conveniently visualise and meditate upon Varuṇa 14 For a fuller treatment of this bymn, see DANDCEAR, The Samyadax ikta in the Atharvaveda’, Jiss Zeitschrift 3, Berlin, DDR, 1976, 351-55 15 CT also TS III 5 2 1 and GoPB 2 2 13, where Vasiesha is said to þave been the only Rp who had personally scen Indra Sce supra VEDIC SEER : VASISTHA 345 through the medium of Agni (agner anikum varunassa mams: VII 88 26 ) who was always easily visible Actually Yasistha seems to have been a frequent visitor to Varuṇa’s huge thousand doored mansion (brhatam mianam varuna svadhavah sahasradvaran jagama grham te VII 88 Scd ) The mystic experiences which Vasistha was privileged to enjoy in Varuṇa’s company copstitute further evidence for the doctrine of Bhaktı having been, to some extent, forestalled in Vasistha’s hymns to Varuṇa For instance, Vasastha spoke, with a touch of nostalgia, of the time when they two – Varuṇa and he himself — climbed into the boat, steered forth to the midst of the ocean were tossed up and down upon the back of the waters, and thus swung on a swing, as it were, for glory (VII 883 i jad ruhava sarunaś ca noiam pra yat samulram trajava madhyam / adhi yad apam snubhis carava pra prenk ha inhhayāvahai śubhe ham ) 16 On another occasion, Varuṇa is said to have prescated before Vasistha the cosmic mystery of light and darkness (VII 88 2cd Svar jad aśmann ad pa i ondho ‘bhi mā vapur drsaye nınıyal) Tadeed, Varuṇa conceded special grace to Vasistha in that he initiated the seer into the secret of the threefold seven names of the “cow’ (uvaca ine varuno medhuraja trh sapia nama ‘ghnya biblarit VII 87 4ab) or that he bestowed upon Atharvaa the gift of Pęśni, that is, the magically potent vak (AV V 11 lc prstim Taruna dak sınām dadaian) As a matter of fact, Vasistha owed his very Rsi hood to Varuṇa’s grace (rsim cakära svapā maloblah VII 88 4b) These references to Varuṇa’s special grace to Vasiṣgha, verily, clinch the arguments in favour of the above hypothesis regarding the doctrine of Bhakti ’n my lecture yesterday I have shown that the Varuoa cuit in the Vedic religion is morc ancient than the Indra cult it would Seem that, during the proto Aryan penod when the ancestors of the Vedic Aryans and the Avestan Aryans lived together in the region round about Balkh they evolved, among other religious concepts, the remarkable concept of the cosmic law and thc admini 16 Also cf VII 88 4.casusthad Aa tartigo 4/424. 346 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS strator of that cosmic lau It was thus concept of the cosmic law and its administrator which was further developed and conso lidated into the concept of Rta-Varuṇa among the tribes of the Proto-Aryans which migrated to Saptasındhu (Proto-Indo-Aryans) and into the concept of Asa Ahura among thc tribes of the Proto Aryans which migrated to Iran (Proto Irano Aryans) 17 The Cours of the migration of the Proto-Indo-Aryans to Saptasındhu (unlike that of the Proto-Irano Aryans to Iran), it would further appcar, was beset with many impediments (vrfrani) — both cnvironmental and human Naturally cnough, there occurred a change of a very sundimental character in their way of life and thought, and, correspondingly, also in their religious ideology A cosmic god llc Asura Varuṇa could no longer fully satisfy their rcligious cravings They now wanted a heroic god who would successfully sponsor their onward march to Saptasındhu Thcy, accordingly, cvolved the mythological concept of Vftrahan Indra Thcrc, thus, dcycloped in Vedic rcligion two major cults- presumably rivalling cach other namely, the morcancicot cult centering round Asura Varuṇa and the newly crolved one centering round Vr̥tralian Indra 11 A headlong conflict between these two cults could hasc adversely affected the solidarity of the Vedic community What has been said above about the peculiar Iclationship between Varuṇa and Vasistha would show that Vasistha was a devoted protagonist of the Varuṇa-cut But, in View of thic impending schism within the Vedic Anaodom, he, transcending all thought of bigotry, assumed a very practical and realistic attitude and deliberately sought to co-ordinate and harmonize the two religious cuits A critical study of the hymns in the seventh Mandala, which relate to the dual divinity Indra Varuṇa, would more than confirm this hypothesis 17 Tor a fuller statement regarding the prolo Iryans and their migrations sce DANDEKAR, “The antecedents and the carly beginnings of the Vedic period , PIHC 10,24 55, “Somc aspects of the lado-mediterranean contacts, ABORI 50, 57-74 18 Sec DANDEKAR, Somc aspects of Vedic mythology evolutionary Pythology , UCR 12, 1-23 VEDIC SEER VASISTHA 347 There are, in the Rgveda, eight whole hymns and parts of two hymos, which havc Indrāvarunau as devata 18 But all of them, barning the four hymns in the seventh Mandala, which, incidentally form the largest single group of Indra Varuṇa hymns in any Mandala, are quite conventional in character in RV VII 82-85, on the other hand a specific relationship is sought to be established between the two gods Indra and Varana It is emphasised in various passages in these hymos26 that the spheres of activity of Varuṇa and Indra though separate are essentially complementary and that an active collaboration, on equal terms, of these two gods alone ensures the properly integrated and amicable operation of the world process in its cosmic and socio political aspects All thought of antagonism between Varuṇa and Indra is studiously discountenanced and an attitude of religious conciliation clearly indicated 21 This, Vasistha accomplished in various ways For instancc, he identisied the specific spheres of sovereignty of these two gods by characterising one of them as samraj and the other as siaraj (suinral anjah siaral anya ucyare van VII 82 2a) As has been pointed out earlier, Varuṇa was from the very beginning, conceived of as samraj or world sovereign since he was con sidered to have been responsible for the proper functioning of cosmic law, Ria Indra on the other hand, was originally a human hcro who led the Vedic Aryans in their exploits of conquest and colonisation and was only at a later stage when history came to be mythologiscd transformed into the national war god of the Vedic mythology The description of Indra as Jo jala ela prailaniah ( 11 12 1) would seem to suggest (1) that Indra was introduced as a god into the Vedic pantheon at a later stage in the evolution of the Vedic mythology (ata) and (2) that, 19 These are 1 17 III 62 1-3 I 41 42 7-10 VI G8 VII 82-85. VII 59 la IV 42 only stanze, 9 and 10 sem to relate to Indrivatupau. 20 for the discussion of these passages ke DANDEKAR Tas fiha 10 Il sous conciliator , ment oned in in 19 21 The only p gc in an Indra Varuda hymn outs de the seventh Gardula, wbuch Lintly reflects the idea, u VI 63 Scd 348 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS at the very moment when he was so introduced, he assumed the foremost position among the Vedic gods (prathamah) Indra was svaraj – which epithet I am tempted to explain as denoting one who had won his luminous divine sovereignty (raj) through his own (sva) prowess Once one comprehended these two aspects of the Vedic mythology — the cosmic-ethical aspect (as represented by Varuṇa) and the human heroic aspect (as represented by Indra) — jo the proper historical perspective, one would forthwith disabuse one’s mind of any thought of any essential antagonism between the two gods Both gods were great (malantau VII 82 2b) in their respective roles Having duly recognised this, all other gods, in the highest heaven, subserved indra Varyna by consigning into them their splendour and their strength (VII 82 2cd vißve devasah parame vyomani sam vam ojo yrsana sam balam dadhul) A natural development in the Vedic religious ideology was that Varuṇa, the god of cosmic law, also came to be represented specifically as the god who enforced moral order within the human community Indra, the war god, sponsored the Vedic Aryans’ exploits of conquest and colonization, while Varuṇa, the moral governor, blessed their efforts in connection with law and order În bis Indra-Varuṇa hymns, Vasistha took every opportunity of deliberately emphasizing the point that the two gods were respectively associated with the two essentially complementary functions, namcly, conquest and establishment of law and order which must necessarily follow each conquest Vasistha did this in a variety of ways In one passage (VII 82 4ab), for instance, he spoke of Indra being invoked in battles and wars (jum yutsu prianasu havamahe) and of Varuṇa * being invoked in connection with the promotion of the activities of peace (Juvām ksemasya prasave havamahe) Here the word yuām is obviously to be understood in the sense of yuvayoh anjam But, with a view to eliminating even a remote possibility of a dichotomy between the two gods being implied through such hard and fast allocation of functions, Vasistha seems to have deliberately used the dual form jurām The dual form would 350 VEDIC MYTHOLOGICAL TRACTS properly integrated socio political life for the Vedic Aryans The Vedic Aryans were, therefore required to offer prayers to both Varuṇa and Indra The prayer to Varuṇa, who held the commu. nity together by assigning suitable functions to its various constituents (VII 85 3c krstır anyo dhārayati praviktā) and who resented all assaults against Rta (VII 84 4c pra ya adityo anrta minatı) was that there should be no occurrence of any transgression of Varuṇa s law-cosmic ethical and human moral - which would entail that god s ill will and displeasure (VII 84 2c pari no helo varunasya vrjyah) and that to Indra who destroyed irresistible foes (VII 85 3d vrfranj anyo apratini hantı) and bestowed on his worshippers couptless treasures (VII 84 4d amita sūro dajate vasuni ), that he should make available ample facility for settlement and expansion (VII 84 2d urum na indrah krnavad u lokam) Such deliberate and meaningful juxtaposition of the two gods by Vasistha would amply testify to his conscious commitment to the self imposed mission of avoiding a rift within the Vedic religion by bringing about a rapprochement between the Varuṇa-cult and the Indra cuit [First publ shed Panjal University L’es Bull (Arts) 6 (2) 1975, pp 115–127)