saMvAdasUkta

THE SANVĀDASŪKTA IN THE ATHARVAVEDA The Samvadasūktas or dialogue-hymns constitutc one of the distinctive features of Rgvedic hymnody. Various views have been put forth by scholars regarding the genesis and nature of these hymns. OLDENBERG, for iastance, speaks of the ancient Akhyānas or narratives made up of prose and verse and suggests that only the verse-portions of some of such narratives, which were perhaps supplemented by extempore prose additions by the narrator, are preserved in the form of the so-called Samvāda sūktas. He, therefore, characterises these hymns as ākhyāda hymns. CHARPENTIER, however, regards these hymns as pieces of epic poetry which do not need any additional prose.* OLDEN BERG’s Akhyāna-theory is rejected, among others, by HERTEL and VON SCHROEDER, who look upon these hymns as frag ments of ritual dramas. W. H. RIDGEWAYS who emphasizes the religious origin of drama, HILLEBRANDT, WINDISCH, ind Sylvain LÉVI according to whom the Samvadasūktas are like some sort of rough sketches of drama, support the Vedic drama heory, While accepting the essential dramatic character of the Samvādasūktas and the probability that they presuppose some kind of Drśya entertainment, some scholars have expressed doubt as to their connection with ritual. There is also the suggestion - which can be hardly accepted - that the Sanvādasūktas are merely the result of the Vedic poets'

1. “Akhyānahymnen im Rgveda," ZOMG 39. 2. CE Due Suparmasage; 1920 3 “Der Ursprung des indischen Dramas und Epos,” IV ZKM 18 4. Mysterium und Mimus im Rıgreda; 1908.
2. The Ongin of Tragedy, 1910, " The origia of Hindu serious drama," Contemb. Rev. 1922. For the refutation of RIDGEWAY’S theory by Kertil, sec FRAS 1912 and 1916. Kertu also rejects the Akhyāna ibcory (FRAS 1911).
3. “Uber die Anfange des indischen Dramas,” SB Nitin 1914 7. Cf Geschichte der Sanskru Philologie und indischen Altertumskunde, p 410. 8 Le théâtre indien, p. 301.
4. CF. S. S. BHAWE, " The problems of the dialoguc-hymns of tho Rgveda," PAIOC 11, 156 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY endeavour for greater literary effect through the exploitation of different speech-forms.10 Recently it has been pointed out that OLDENBERG’s Akhyāna-theory is fuodamenatlly sound and that old Ākhyāna-verses are quoted in the Rgveda with a view to putting them to magical use by means of the secondary additions to them of appropriate spells, 11 to the In the present context, it is not intended, nor is it necessary, to subject these various theories to a critical examination. Suffice it to say that even a casual study of most of the so-called Sam vādasūktas would indicate that those hymns were essentially of the nature of ancient ballads. GELDNER has described them as lyrical poems with epical subject matter and dramatic lay-out." Like ballads, these hymns are usually made up partly of direct speech, whereby the bard either himself assumes the roles of the different characters in the story which is being depicted and speaks out their speeches presumably with suitably varyiog articulation of rhetorically addresses some of those characters, and partly of narration in the third person. These hymos are further characte rised by such features as repetition, ellipsis, absence of proper sequence of stanzas, impromptu additions, and parenthesis, which are common to oral poetry like ballad. On the basis of their central themes, one may broadly classify these ballads as histo rical, mythical, ritualistic, speculative, etc. As against the RV which has several Samvādasūktas, the AV contains only one Samvādasūkta. It is the eleventh hymo 10 the fifth Kānda of the Saunaka-Samhitā of that Veda. It is well known that, unlike the RV-Samhitā, authorship is not the criterion which governs the arrangement of the AV-Samhita. AS a matter of fact, in respect of most of the hymns of the Ar, the authorship is indicated by the mention of the class of
5. Cf. G. K BAT, “A thought on the Sarnvādasaktas," SP (131 AIOC), 1-3.
6. L ALSDORF, “The Akhyāna-theory reconsidered," JOIB 13, 195-44 (Also PICO 26, 3, 1, 14-20.)
7. “Die indische Balladendichtung,” Festschn Uniu, Marburg. 13. It is found also in the Paippalada-Sathhita VIIT, THE SAMVĀDASŪKTA IN THB ATHARVAVEDA 157 the AV-priests, such as Atharvan, Brahman, and Angiras, the proper name of the Rsi being but rarely mentioned. The size of · the hymns secms to have been regarded, in many cases, as the norm for the arrangement of the AV-Samhiti. The fifth Kānda is said to belong to the first grand division of the AV. It consists of thirty-one hymns which are made up of 376 stanzas. Accord ing to the Anukramani, the hymns in this Kānda are assumed Bormally to contain eight stanzas each; but actually only two hymns (namely, the ninth and the tenth, which, however, are rather of the nature of pary āj a-sūk tas than artha-sūhtas) are of this normative length The eleventh hymn in the fifth Kāņda of the AV, which contains eleven stanzas, is constituted of a dialogue between Varuṇa and Atharvan. Incidentally, the portion of the commen tary (which is traditionally ascribed to the authorship of Sāyana) on this Kānda is not available. As for the ancillary literature, the Vartānasūtra does not quote this hymn at all, while the Kausikasūtra mentions it only once (12.1) in connection with a rite for general welfare. But the viniyoga prescribed in the Kausikasūtra seems to have hardly any relevance to the subject matter of the hymn. The gist of the hymn is briefly as follows: Varuņa had bestowed upon Atharvan the gift of a cow,15 which he later wanted to revoke. Atharvan, on his part, seeks to propitiate Varuṇa and to convince him of his being worthy of the gift. Thereupon, Varuṇa, satisfied with Atharvan’s pleading of his case, returos the cow to him, and, to boot, assures him of his eternal friendsbip. It has already been pointed out that Atharvan is not the name of any specific person. It rather stands for a class of priests closely associated with the AV.18 As against this, the
8. The Sutra prescribes. “One should cat a dish of milk-rice cooked over a fire of madanaka sticks.”
9. This is referred to also in AV VII, 101.
10. The word atharvan is sometimes derived from the root thurg ( to harm, to injure), Atharvan, shen, 1 understood in the sense of the non (Continued on the next page) 158 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY present dialogue, wbich presupposes a specific context, requires a specific person, belonging to the Atharvan class of priests, as a correspondent of Varuṇa 17 The various indications in and about this hymn point to that person being Maitrāvaruni Vasistha For one thing, there is the tradition that Vasistha, though a seer of the RV. was well versed in the Atharvadic lore and practices He was, therefore, regarded as being eminently suited for the office of the priest belonging to the AV The Atharvanic priestcraft can be viewed in its two main aspects, namely, ritua listic and socio political It has to be remembered that, in the initial stages, the AV was not included in the sacred Trayi and that the priests of the Yajurveda (the Adhvaryu ), the RV (the Hot), and the Samaveda ( the Udgāts) shared among themselves the entire gamut of a sacrificial performance When, however, the claim of the AV as Brahmaveda18 came to be duly recognized, (Cont nued from the previous page) injuring’ priest that is to say, the priest connected with the fanta, bhaijaja, and paustila aspect of the AV (white magic ) as against Anguras who repre sents the ghore and abhicarika aspect (black magic) Thus 19, however, not convincing In the word atharvan we have to assume some sort of possessive suffix athar as I have shown elsewhere in “Some aspects of the Agni. mythology in the Veda,” Vedic Mythological Tracts, 308-11) means magic potence, and atharuan (cf the forms sumndvan, ridvan gajian) incans a pricat who possesses or controls such magic potence Agat is referred to as atharyu in RV VII 1 l which word is more or less synonymous with atharpan Originally, Atharvaa and Angiras secm to have represented two different aspects of Agni, character (for further details seo the paper mentioned above), 84 priests they are to be distinguished from the Soma priests Houcver, the commentator on the AV says in his introduction atharvalheia brahmana drsfatoot lannamna ‘jar redo wyapad syate 17 He cannot be merely a primcval priest’ as suggested by GRIFFITI (The Hymns of the Atharvaveda Vol 1 203) 18 Owc of the wateworthy features of the AV y that is known by 2 larger number of names than any other Veda Its name Drahmaveda is particularly sign ficant Brahman means a magically potent mantra The AV 1 called Lr hmaveda because it d stinctively contains such Mantras Another implicat on of the name Brahmaveda u historically more important The AV was essentially the Veda of the masses and accordingly, it was not included in the sacred Trayi which consisted of the RV, the TV, and the SV As a natural reaction to this the sponsors of the AV became restive and began (Continued on the next page) THE SANİVĀDASUKTA IN THE ATHARVAVEDA 159 a place was made for the priest of that Veda in the scheme of the Vedic ritual. That priest was called Brahman (masc.)29 But, since there had remained no specific ritualistic duty which could be assigned to the Brahman, he was entrusted with the overall supervision and superintendence of the ritual procedure. And it s exactly in this capacity that Agastya urged the Pratṣds (that is, the Tștsus) to receive Vasiṣṭha, for, as Agastya emphasized, Vasiṣṭha would “support the supporter of Ukthas (the Hotr) and the supporter of Sīmans (the Udgāts), (and he would also support him who) is the supporter of the Soma-crushing stone (the Adhvaryu ), and (he alone) would speak with authority in front of all of them.” That the Brahmatva or the Atharvanic ritualistic priestcraft was Vasistha’s forte is thus well-established. The priest of the AV, in his socio-political capacity, was called Purohita.21 And Vasistha is glorified in the RV, parti of thou other current of thoush. been developing the weir Veda to the ohter (Continued from the previous page) deliberately to assert the importance of their lore and ritual. This their attitude may be said to have become more aggressive in the course of timc unul they alipost weat to the extremc of claiming the superiority of their Veda to the ohter Vedas. While this attitude had been developing, there was also becoming cvident another current of thought, which was quite independent of the current of thought which had given rise to the attitude mentioned above. It was gradually being realised that, Crom the point of view of the highest knowledge, the Trayl was, after all, limited in scopc. Therefore, a more comprehensive, all inclusive, and even transcendental “Inowledge” came to be thought of; it was called Brahman. As the Taittiriya-Sarita 7.3.1.4 has stated : parimila pārcah parmitani samani parımılanr sajūty athai ‘stasyai ‘ad into na isti yad brahma. The two above-mentioned currents of thought subscquently coalesced with the result that the aggressive protagonists of the AV claimed that thcir Veda dealt with this limitless Brahman — that it was the Brahmaveda. Cl. Gopatha-Br. 3.4 : clad oai bhayıs thah brahma jad bhrgeanligirasah. On account of this character of the AV, it also came to be known as Jataveda, Jātavidya, or Sarvavidya (that is, “the lore of all being”). Tor Sarvavidyā, çf. TBr III. 10.11.4.
11. Esa ha tai bidoan sarravid brahma jad bhrguangiroud : Gopatha-Br. 1.2.18; also : brohmo tasmad atharcarid ( 41 Par 2.2); tasmad bhrgangirourd brahmas karyah.
12. RI’VII 33. 14. For a fullor discussion, sce: DANDEKAR, “The two births or Vasıṣtha,” published elsewhere in this Volume.
13. CE tasmid bhrg. Ongirovidam .. kural purohitam ( AV Par. 3.3); kulina śrotriyar bhrguarigiouidam .. guruth vrnijad bhapatih (AV Par. 3.1). “The AV (Continued on the next page) 160 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY cularly in the context of the Dasarājña, as the Purohita par excellence.22 The purohiti (or the priestcraft) of the Titsus, whose leader Vaṣistha was, is said to have proved most efficacious in that war.23 The Taittiriya-Samhitā (IIJ. 5. 2. 1) stresses Vasiṣṭha’s pre-eminence in both the aspects of the Atharvanic priestcraft - ritualistic and socio-political - in the following single unequivocal statement: tato vasistha-purolulāh prajāk prājāyanta iasmad väsisiho brahmi kāryah prar ‘va jayate. Vasistha, accord ingly, is the Atharvan: his identity with Atharvan of AV V. 1124 may thus be regarded as being clearly indicated.25 Secondly, the peculiar kind of relationship between Varuṇa and Atharvan, as envisaged in AV V. 11, would unmistakably remind one of the relationship between Varuṇa and Vasistha as reflected in the seventh Mandala of the RV, particularly in the group of hymns relating to Varuṇa ( 86-89). Indeed, as I have suggested elsewhere, Vasistha may be said to have originally professed special loyalty to the Varuṇa-cult, though, when a conflict between the ancient Varuṇa-cuit and the new Indra-cult became imminent, he exhibited a very practical and realistic attitude and deliberately sought to co-ordinate and harmonize the two religious cults.28 THE SAMVĀDASŪKTA IN THE ATHARVAVEDA 161 elements of the classical doctrine of Bhakti are more or less distinctly adumbrated in Vasistha’s hymns to Varuṇa.37 One such element is the close personal relationship - not unoften oscillat ing between love and displeasure, union and estraogement, which fact verily lends to that relationship a fine human touch - which Vasiṣṭha claims with Varuṇa. And it is exactly this kind of Telationship which is presupposed in the present dialogue between Varuṇa and Atharyan, Not only this. Just as Vasiṣṭha looked up to Varuṇa as bls special god – as the god with whom he sought to be united in Bhaktize - Varuṇa too, on his part, made Vasiṣṭha the recipient of his special grace. Indeed, Vasistha owed his very Rṣibood to Varuņa’s grace.29 This is paraphrased by another statement, which is particularly relevant to our preseat discussion, namely that Varuṇa initiated Vasistha into the mystery of the threefold seven names of the cow’ who symbolized the magically potent Vak. Now in view of what has already been said above about Vasistha and Atharvan, there should be hardly any doubt that the initiation of Vasiṣṭha by Varuṇa into the mystery of the twenty one names of the cow mentioned in RV VII, 87. 4 and the gifting of a cow to Atharvan by Varuṇa implied in AV V. 11 refer to one and the same episode. Now follows an annotated English translation of AV V, 11.31 kathám malé dsurāyā ‘bravir ind kathán pitré háraye eveșánļņah/ přsnin varuna dákṣiņāṁ dadāván punarmagha tvám mánasā’cikitsch // 1 //
14. See : “Varuṇa, Vasistha, and Bhaktı” published clsewhere in this Volume.
15. Cf. RV VII.86.2: Lada no antar varunt bhuoni, 29. RV VII. 88 4 : ysius cakara spapa mahobhih, 30. RV VII. 87. 4.
16. WHITNEY says about this hymn that its “interpretation in detail is difficult and far from certain’ (AV-SA 4., Vol. I, 236); MUIR (OST I, 394-97) and GRIFFITII ( The Hymns of the IV, Vol. I, 203 ) characterize it as a ‘curious hymn.’ 21— 162 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY “How didst thou say here unto (me) the great Asura, how (thou) exhibiting aggressive manliness, unto (me) the gold-hued father “Having given me, o Varuṇa, the variegated cow as gift, o revoker of gift, thou hast mentally planned (to have her back) ‘?” [This is the speech of Varuṇa. (a) For Varuṇa as the great Asura, see: DANDEKAR, " Asura Varuṇa,” Vedic Mytho logical Tracts, 28-67. (b) Haraye. does it refer to Varuṇa’s wearing a gold-coloured mantie or a golden plate as a sign of imperial majesty ? Cf. RV I 25 13: bibhrad dräpim hiranyam varuno vasta nirnijam In the present context, however, hari rather seems to mean grey, Varuṇa is sometimes represented as hoary father Tvesanrmna, used ironically, means impudent, taking undue liberty (cd) The third and the fourth Pādas constitute the object of abravih in the first Pāda Varuṇa, in his speech, reproduces the exact words uttered by Atharvan. Those words, no doubt, imply a mild reproach. Prśni here symbolises the magically potent vāk. See the introductory remarks, Punarmagha is variously interpreted: (1) ROTH (Ueber den AP, 9) Traaslates it with greedy’; (11) punarmagha may mean one who re-bestows a gift upon another, the implication being that he first takes it back from the person upon whom it was originally bestowed; (iii) punarniaghatva is read as one word meaning re-bestowal, and is understood as the object of acikitsih; (iv) Atharvan deliberately uses the epithet in order to praise (flatter) Varuṇa, anticipating that Varuṇa would re-bestow the gift upon him alone. In all cases, the underlying idea is that of a revoker of gift. I na kámena púnarmagho bhavamı sam cakse kám prsnım etám úpäje / kéna nú tvám allanan kávy ena kéna jāténā ‘si jätávedäh // 2 // “ Not by way of a mere) whim do I (intend to) become a revoker of gift; for (the sake of) testing (thee more thoroughly). indeed, do I drive home this variegated cow. By what poetic prowess, now, o Atharvan, art thou (a poet)? By (virtue of) which being art thou the knower of (all) being?” THE SAŃVĀDASŪKTA IN THE ATHARVAVEDA 163 (Varuṇa continues with reference to Atharyan’s statement in 1 cd (which Varuṇa himself had repeated). (b) Sancakṣe to be understood as dative infinitive (or merely as a dative form). (c) Elliptical. Varuṇa wants to know on what ground Atharvan claims to be a Kavi and thus possess the cow.’ (a) Jatavedas seems to have been here used specifically in the sense of “master of the Atharyapic lore.” The AV was claimed to be Brahmaveda or Jātaveda or Jātavidyā or Sarvavidyā. See f, a. 18. Also cf. RV X. 71.11: brahmå tvo vadati jätavidyām. Varuṇa wants to test Vasiṣtba’s claim to be the master of the Atharvanic lore. ] satyám aham gabluīrdh kávyena satyam jāténā ‘smi jātávedah / na me dasó ná “ryo mahitva vratáń mimāya yad ahám dhariṣyé // 3 // “Truly (it is) I (who) am profound in poetic prowess; truly (it is ) I (who), by (virtue of all) being, am the knower of (all) being. Neither a Dāsa nor an Arya, through his ‘might, (dare) disturb the order which I will uphold.” [Varuņa continues. It is rather unusual jn a Vedic Sanvāda sūkta that the speech of one and the same speaker extends over three continuous stanzas. Varuṇa here points out that, if any one could truly claim to be Kavi and Jätavedas, it was he alone. * It is further suggested that, if any one else were to put forth such a claim, it would disturb the order which it was for Varuṇa, as administrator of the cosmic law Rta, to establish and maintain (note the significance of dharisye). (cd) For Dasa, see: DANDEKAR, “Vợtrahā Indra,” Vedic Mythological Tracts, 141-198. Also cf. RV VII. 83. 1: dāsā ca vrträ hatam āryāṇi ca.) na tvád anyáh kavitaro na medhaya dhirataro yaruna svadhāvan / tán tử via bhivan@nt vet tha sá cin nú tváj jáno māyi bidhāya // 4 11 “None other than thou is a greater Kavi, none (other) more intuitive through his insight, o Varuṇa, self-arbiter. Thou knowest all these beings. Now, even that beguiling person shies away from thee." 164 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY [Atharvan, that is, Vasistha, speaks It should be noted that Vaṣistba, who was always practical and realistic (see the introductory remarks above), has now assumed a different posture from the one reflected in lcd. The mildly reproachful self assurance now yields place to repentant humility This is characteristic of Bhaktı (see " Varuṇa, Vasistha, and Bhaktı") Vasistha concedes all the points made by Varuṇa 10 st. 3. (ab) Medhaya dhiratarah is actually a paraphrase of kavitarah (c) That is, thou art the only real Jatavedas (d) This refers to 3cd, sa cin nu may be translated “such ( = as described in abc) as thou art (o Varuṇa,) the wily person fears thee " tiam hy ángá varuna svadhavan Viśvā vettha janıma supranite / kım rajasa ená paro anyad asty ená kım párení ‘varam amura // 5 // “Siace, verily, thou, o Varuṇa, self arbiter, knowest all crea tions,o eminent leader, (I ask thee): what else is (there) beyond (this ) region here, what ( is there ) behind (that is, beyond) that beyond, o unbewildered one [ Atharvan continues In all humility, he impliedly confesses his ignorance and seeks enlightenment from Varuṇa, (cd) Cosmo gonical mystery. kim = what’, rather than a mere interrogative particle For rajas, see DANDEKAR, " Universe in Hindu thought,” Insights into Hinduism, 149-195 Avaram here means behind’ or ‘adjacent to’, that is,’ beyond’ This meaning is confirmed by Varuṇa’s reply in 6 b where parah is substituted for avaram Amura, presumably connected with the root muh (un likely, with mur * to be crushed to perish) The RV has müra and amara, but nowhere amura ] cham rájasa ená paro anyád asty ená pará ekena durnásam cid arvák / tát te wdván varuna pra brasimy adhoiacasal pandyo bhavantu / nicair dasá úpa sarpantu bhúmım // 6 //THB SAMVADASÜKTA IN THE ATHARVAVODA 1650 “One other there ) is beyond (this) region here; beyond that one ( there is one), certainly difficult to reach from hither ward. Knowing that, I, Varuṇa, proclaim it unto thee. May the Paņis have their speech suppressed. May the Dāsas (be made; to) cringe low to the earth.” | Varuṇa speaks. He replies to Atharvan’s query, in the form of a riddle - of a Brahmodya. (c) In view of the context, it is necessary to change varuna (voc. sing.) to varunah (nom. sing.). Varuņa unfolds the cosmogonic mystery to Atharvan, Cf. RV VII. 88.2 cd, where Varuņa is said to have presented before Vasiṣṭha the cosmic mystery of light and darkness. (de) These two Padas, which are in no way connected with Varuṇa’s unfolding of the cosmogonic mystery, may be understood as an impromptu addition made by the bard himself rather than as a part of Varuņa’s speech. They, indeed, constitute an interesting poetic device. As suggested in c, Varuṇa is to be supposed, to have explained to Atharvan Vasiṣṭha, in the fourth and the fifth Padas, the real significance of ab. But, since that knowledge is essentially esoteric, it has to be kept secret from unqualified people. Cf. RV VII. 87. 4 cd : vidvān padasya gulya na vocad yugāya vipra uparāya śikṣan. The space of the two Padas, d and e, which should have contained Varuṇa’s exposition of the mystery, would have, accordingly, to be left blank. But the bard avoids this by inserting these two “filler Pādas. They do not belong to the main theme of the dialogue, but are of the nature of popular sayings. It is this kind of material of common vogue and general import - benediction or expres sion of good wishes or imprecation (as in the present case) - which is usually employed by way of a ‘filler’. Such fillers (as, in modern parlance, " May God bless you,” “God save the King." “Damn it,” etc.) are inserted to indicate several things, such as the speaker’s wantiog to remember something or his wanting to avoid mentioning something explicitly, etc. We have to imagine that, during the interval when the bard uttered the trite sayings in Padas d and e, Varuṇa secretly imparted to Atharvan the esoteric &nowledge. The choice of the particular 166 EXERCISCS IN INDOLOGY sayings as fillers’ is, as will be shown in the sequel, deliberate and significant It is also possible but poctically not at all apropos - to interpret the two Pädas as implying that Vasıṣtha’s obtaining the knowledge of the cosmogonical mystery would result in the downfall of the Panis and the Dasas ) tvám hy angá varuna brdılṣi punarmaghesy ai adjánı bhari/ mó su paņiṁr abhy elávato blmn má två socann aradhasan jánāsah |/7|| “Since, verily, thou (thyself ), o Varuṇa, (usually ) sayest many opprobrious things in respect of the revokers of gifts — do thou not easily side with such Panis May people not call thee stingy” (Atharvan Vasıtha speaks after having secured the esoteric knowledge He also takes advantage of the casual reference to the Panis in 6d and presses on his claim for the return of the *cow.’ (b) Punarmagha, lere, seems to refer specifically to the Panis (c) Bhūt needs to be changed to bhūh, abhi bhu’ to side with to be counted among’) má ma vocann arādhásam jánāsah punas te punim jaritar dadami / stotram me yısram á jālı saciblar anfar visāsu nánusīsu dih su // 8 // “Let not people call me stingy. I give back the variegated cow unto thee, o singer Do thou, with (thy poetic) powers, stand by every song of praise for me, in all quarters inhabited by humans” | Varuṇa speaks Vasistha’s strategy has succeeded He may be said to have passed the test (cf, samcakse in 2b) (c) Āzāhu present thyself at, promote’, ‘spread out (my glory)’ (d) Viksu (for dih su ) would certainly be a better reading ) á te stotrány udyatānı janty antar visāsu manusisu dihsu/ delit nu me yan me adatto asi yujyo me saptopadah sdkha ‘st // 911 THE SAMVĀDASŪKTA IN THE ATHARVAVEDA 167 “May songs of praise for thee be raised up in all quarters inhabited by humans. Do thou, now, give unto me what thou hast taken away from me. Thou art my kiusman, my comrade of seven steps." [Atharvan Vasistha speaks. (a) It may be noted that, in 8 c, ä yā is used with reference to Atharvan; in 9 a, with reference to stotras; udyatani ā yantu ‘may they be broadcast’. (c) Adai tah is (in the present context) grammatically defective; it seems to have been used in the sense of adattavān. The proposed reading adatlah is certainly better, though still grammatically defective; in the present translation adattavān is presumed. Cf. punarmagha. (d) Yujyah ‘kinsman’ (rather than “suitable’). Cf. RV VII. 88. 6: āpir nityaḥ constant kinsman.’ Vasistha calls himself a sakhā of Varuṇa (RV VII. 86.4; 88.6). For the significance of saptapadi in the marriage-rite, see: Paraskara GS I. 8 ] samá nau bándhur varuna samá já védā ‘hám tad yan nāv esá samá já / dádämı idd yát se adatto asmi yújyas te saptápadah sakha ‘smı // 10 // “Common is the bond of kinship between us two, o Varuṇa, common (18 ) our birth.” “I know that which this (here ) is the common birth of us two. I give unto thee that which I have taken away (from thee). I am thy kinsman, thy comrade of seven steps." [ The first Pāda is the continuation of Atharvaa’s speech. The remaining three Pādas of this staoza and the first two Pādas of the next stanza constitute the speech of Varuṇa. (a) The close relationship between Varuṇa and Atharvan Vasistha is pow firmly established. This is one of the essential features of Bhakti; unmistakably reminds one of Vasistha’s hymns to Varuṇa in RV VII. Bandhuh used here (wrongly) as a feminine noun - perhaps on account of the attraction of fem. jā. Bardic licence ? (c) Adattah, understood here also as ādattavān. ] devó deváya gsnaté rayodhá vipro viprāya stuvaté sumedhah / 168 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY asi ano in saruna sadhai ann atharsanam pltáram desábandum / Jasmā u rådhah hrnuhl suprasastám sáhna no asi paramam ca bándluh // 11 // “-(1) the vitality bestowing god (give back the cow) unto (thee) the singing god (1) the wise one with good insight unto (theo ) thc Wisc one who praises (me) “Since thou, o Varupni scif arbiter hast begotten Atharvan, the father the kin of god do thou bestow upon him the well esteemed bounty Thou art our friend (our) most highly respected kinsman’ [(ab) The first tho Pudas, which are spoken by Varuṇa, should have been joined to the proccding stanza as its fifth and sixth Padas They are directly connected with 10 c - jaj odhah devah sumedhah wpral with alam ( understood ) and grnale deiusa Simate vipraja with te The words deia and ipra used with reference to both Varuṇa and Atharvan arc intended to confirm the statements in 1016 (cdcr) These four Padas constitute a kind of peroration by the bard himself, invoking - quite fittingly, at the conclusion of the ballad - Vacuna’s benediction on Athar van Vasistha and more importantly) thereby on himself and the audience The reference to Atharvan in the third person and nah in the last Puda would confirm this Aryanah atharvanam re minds us of the fact that Vasastha was bom of (Mitra ) Varuṇa Putaram here used by the bird himself, quitc understandably, with reference to Atharva. Cf haray e pure in 1 b with resc rence to Varuṇa Paramam bardhth grammatically defective, bandhuh means both bond of kinship ( 10 a) and kiosman’] [ Furst published 1976 351-353 ) ssen chafiche Zetschen der Ilumboldt Un crs lat zu Darln 3