Monarchy checks

ATHARVAVEDA VII, 12 “CHECKS ON MONARCHY : POPULAR ASSEMBLICS Introduction Though the normal form of state in ancient India had been monarchy, sufficient care was taken to see that it did not tend to degenerate joto autocracy. The ancient Indian monarch func tioned under various checks - direct or indirect, constitutional or otherwise. (1) Firstly, it was cmphatically laid down that Dharma (= law) was superior to Kṣatra (=sovereign power of the king): Indeed, Dharma was described as the “ Kṣatra of Ksatra.” A passage in the Brhadāranyaka-Upaniṣad,1 for instance, sets forth three significant principles of ancient Indian polity, namely, (a) that the society cannot flourish in the absence of any of its four constituents - Brahiman, Ksatra, Vis, and Sūdra, (b) that Brahman or spiritual power is the source of Kṣatra or martial power, and (c) that Dharma or law is the ultimate authority in social and political matters. The Upaniṣad points out that there is nothing higher than Dharma and that Dharma serves as a solid guarantee even for a weaker man against the possible oppression by a stronger man. The absolute supremacy of Dharma thus constitutes one of the most basic concepts of ancient Indian social and political philosophy. (2) Then there was the Purohita who, as the embodiment of Brabman, functioned as the inevitable mentor of the king not only in spiritual but also in temporal matters. Ailareya-Brāhmaṇa VIII. 24-27 asserts that a king is by no means self-sufficient he has to depend on the Purohita for his spiritual and temporal well being and progress. The Purohita is said to possess five formi dable powers. “Surrounding the king with these powers (for his protection ) he stands like the sea (surrounding) the earth.

  1. I, 4. 11-14. 150 ENORCISCS IN INDOLOGY The kingdom of (such a) nobic (ruler) becomes inviolable” The relation between the Purohita and the king is said to be tantamount to ‘marriage of Brahman and Ksatra The king is described as being ‘femalc’ to the Purohit? but ‘male’ to his own rcalm The union of regnum and sacerdotum must, indeed, bc regarded as one of the essential principles of Indian polity (3) Similarly thc strict and detailed rulcs prescribed in respect of the training and the conduct of the king must have cxcrcised considerablc influence upon the character of monarchy Ancient Indian polity docs not treat specifically of the rights and privileges of the state and the subjects but leaves them to be inferred from the dulics and responsibilities of the king and the citizen with which it deals at some length It would be seen from Lausilija Arthasstra I 19, which deals with the duties of a ling that a definite and cxacting time tablc reculated his activities A king was expected to keep in touch with cicry department of administration Special stress was laid on the inadvisability of his keeping himself isolated from the subjects Arigorous time table such as this one, which governed the day to day life of a king by accounting for almost cvery moment of his saling Jile could have hardly allowed him any scope for developing auto cratic tendencies (4) The Kausilija Arthasastras further points out that though monarchy was the normal form of state in ancicat ladia, the sovereign power was not concentrated in the person or the office of the monarchi alone The state or soycreignty was regarded as an organic whole made up of seven constitucots ( which were called the angas or limbs of the body politic)-the CHECKS ON MONARCHY,: POPULAR ASSEMBLIES 151 monarch being just one of those constituents. The state, it is emphasised, could function effectively only if these constituents remained properly integrated with one another. So far as the precautions against a possible autocracy are concerned, attention may be drawn to what Kautilya has to say in the present context, about the perfection of the king,’ and about the qualities by means of which people are attracted towards him’ as also his qualities of intellect, energy, and personality.’ (5) Public opinion, expressed through the constitutional changels of popular assemblies like the sabha and the samiti, must also have served as an effective check on ancient Indian monarchy. Atharvaveda VII. 12 is a charm to procure influence in the sabha and the samill.? Though there is, in the Vedic literature, sufficient indication that the sabla and the samiti were distinct types of popular assemblies, we cannot derive from that literature any clear idea about their specific natures and functions as also about the extent to which they operated as constitutional checks on Vedic monarchy. It is not unlikely that they denoted different kinds of bodies at different times and in different localities. Text, translation, and notes sabhá ca mā sámitis cā “ratam prajápater duhilárau saṁvidané / yenã sang ccha spa mã số đikoc céru vadāni pitara) sángateṣu // 1 //
  2. As against this, one is reminded of the famous words of Louis XIV L’élal, c’est moi !
  3. Modern political theorists usually mention territory, population, and central government as together constituting the state.
  4. Traditionally this hymon is said to belong to a group of hymns relatung to sarmonasya (concord). Tlie Kaufika Sutra prescribes it for employment in a ceremony for gaining victory in debate or in the deliberations of an assembly. Kesava introduces his commentary on the relevant portion of the Kausika-Sutra with the words ; atha sabha jayakarmagi ugyanlı, The ritual action which is to be accompanied by these mantras, such as that the performer takes hold of tbc pillars of the assembly-ball, is obviously symbolic. Curiously enough, the commentary characterises this hymn as pancaka presumably because it adds to this hymn (wrongly) the first stanza of the next hymn. 152 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY May the sabhā and the samiti,i the two daughters of Praji. pati,? being accordant, be favourable to me. With whomsoever I come into contact, may he (be inclined to ) collaborate with me. May I speak what is agreeable among those who have assembled, o Fathers, 4 [1. Many kinds of assemblies seem to have been in vogue in the Vedic period, as is suggested by such words as sabha, samiti, sena, sangrāma, surā, sangati, and vidatha. It cannot, of course, be claimed that these words are used in a technical sense in all the contexts where they occur. As for the sabhā and the samiti, different views have been expressed regarding their natures and functions The samitz is, for instance, said to have been the national assembly of the whole people or viśal, with the village forming the basis of its constitution. It is further suggested that the samiti had evolved only in the late Vedic period. According to another view, the samiti was a congregation for purely sacrib cial and religious purposes. However, so far as the early Vedic period is concerned, the samiti seems to have been an assembly of the folk. It is of course not clear whether it had any representa tive character as such or whether it was merely a general gather. ing of the people, and whether it had any statutary constitution or whether it was convened only in an ad hoc manner. There are references in the Veda which suggest that the ruling king attended the meetings of the samiti (rajā na satyah samitir iyānah - RV IX. 92. 6; yatrau ‘sadhih sam agmata rājānah samitāv iva - RV X. 97, 6) (Incidentally, it is doubtful whether the word samih is at all used in the sense of assembly in RV X. 166. 4). It 1 also suggested that the support of the samitt was often regardcu as a considerable source of strength to the king (nā ‘smai santitih kalpale — AV V. 19, 15; dhruvāya te samitih halpatan iha - AV VI. 88 3). But there is no evidence to show that the election of a king was one of the functions of the samiti (cf. DANDEKAR, " Athanaeda III. 4,” published elsewhere in this Volume). The sabhā is variously described as an exclusive gathering of a higher order or as a village assembly presided over by grāmani or as an Advisory council of a select few or as the standing committee of CHECKS ON MONARCHY : POPULAR ASSEMBLIES 153 the samiti. The exact relationship between the sabha and the samiti cannot be ascertained from the Vedic references. It would, however, seem (a) that the sabhā was a smaller and a more exclu sive body, (b) that it met more frequently than the samiti, (c) that it was entrusted with some kind of administration of justice (as implied by the word kilbisasprt in RV X. 71. 10?), and (d) that its decisions were generally binding (see the next stanza). 2. Like kingship, the sabhā and the samuti too were regarded as having been of divine origio. They must have enjoyed great prestige and authority in Vedic polity. 3. that is, help me in my plans; (comm.: upetya siksajalu samicinan rādayatu). 4. The reference is not clear. Does it mean elders or senior members ? A new member is seeking the blessings and cooperation of the elders in his efforts to become influential in the assemblies. The keen desire to prevail in the sabhi and the samiti indicates that the deliberations in these bodies were of great consequence in the public life of the times.) vidná te sabhe nắna narisļā náma vā asi/ yé te ké ca sabhāśadas té me santu sávacasa! // 2 // We know thy Dame, o sablia; Nariṣtā,» verily, art thou, Those, whosoever are thy members4 - may they be of like speec with me.5 [1.. To know the name of any entity is to be able to exercise a kind of magical influence over that entity. This is one of the basic concepts of the ideology of the Atharvanic magic and occurs frequently in that Veda. 2. This word is variously inter preted: (a) “that which is agreeable to men" (nar-ista) or “that which promotes interchange of talk and ideas among men”: it is thus understood to refer to the social’ rather than to the political’ aspect of the function of the sabhi; naristā = sport, mirth (cf. AV XI. 8. 24). (b) The word is also derived from nar and stha (=gathering place for men). (c) This word occurring in Vaj. Sar. 30. 6 is explained as “most favourable to men.” Cf. (a), (d) naristā is linguistically connected with German Narr: it is thereby implied that the sabhä is usually fickle. (e) But the scholiast is perhaps right in explaining it as na ( = not) - rista 20… 154 EXERCISES IN INDOLOGY (= violated; from the root ris): ahırsıtā paraih anabhibhävyä. Does it imply that the authority of the sabhā was inviolable and that its decisions were binding? Paipp, reads : veda vai sabhe te nāma subhadra ‘si sarasvati. 3. nāma = verily, indeed, certainly; or = nämnā, by name? Vai is an expletive. 4. The words sabhāsad ( = member of the king’s council or of the body of assessors ?) and sabhya ( = member of a general assembly?) are said to be distinct in meaning, but Vedic evidence does not seem to confirm this 5. The anxiety of the speaker to win over the members of the body to his own point of view becomes evident throughout this hymn ] esám ahám samásinānām várco vijñánam á dade/ asyảh sárvasyāh sansado mám indra bhaginam krnu // 3 || Of these, who are (here ) sitting together, I take to myself, the splendour and learning.? Of this whole gathering, o Indra, make me (the most ) fortunate.* [1. That is : may I be able to induce them to support me wholly in the deliberations; cf. foot-note 5 on the preceding stanza, 2. by enabling me to win my point. ) yád vo mánah párāgatam yad baddhám há’ ve ‘há vá / tádia a vartajāması máyı 10 ramatān mánah || 4 || Your mind that has wandered away, or that has been fixed here or there! – that (mind) of yours do we turn hithera; may your mind repose in me.
  5. This refers to the thoughts of the members of the assembly. It is a graphic description of their attitudes Some members are inclined to differ from the speaker but are still un decided, while some others hold fast to some specific view or the other. 2. The speaker ultimately succeeds in winning them over to his point of view. 3. WHITNEY ( The Atharva-Veda Samhifa, 397) thinks that this stanza has nothing to do with the rest of the bymo. His view, however, does not seem to be correct ] ( First published: S, , Bhuyar Comm, Vol, 1966, 77-81.1