NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.
321. a. The accordance in inflection of substantive and adjective stems is so complete that the two cannot be separated in treatment from one another.
b. They may be classified, for convenience of description, as follows:
I. Stems in अ a
;
II. Stems in इ i
and उ u
;
III. Stems in आ ā
, ई ī
, and ऊ ū
: namely, A. radical-stems (and a
few others inflected like them); B. derivative stems;
IV. Stems in ऋ ṛ
(or अर् ar
);
V. Stems in consonants.
c. There is nothing absolute in this classification and arrangement; it
is merely believed to be open to as few objections as any other. No
general agreement has been reached among scholars as to the number and
order of Sanskrit declensions. The stems in a
are here treated first
because of the great predominance of the class.
322. The division-line between substantive and adjective, always an
uncertain one in early Indo-European language, is even more wavering in
Sanskrit than elsewhere. There are, however, in all the declensions as
divided above—unless we except the stems in ṛ
or ar
—words which are
distinctly adjectives; and, in general, they are inflected precisely
like noun-stems of the same final: only, among consonant-stems, there
are certain sub-classes of adjective stems with peculiarities of
inflection to which there is among nouns nothing corresponding. But
there are also two considerable classes of adjective-compounds,
requiring special notice: namely—
323. Compound adjectives having as final member a bare verbal root,
with the value of a present participle (383 a ff.): thus, su-dṛ́ś
well-looking; pra-búdh
foreknowing; a-drúh
not hating;
veda-víd
Veda-knowing; vṛtra-hán
Vritra-slaying; upastha-sád
sitting in the lap. Every root is liable to be used in this way, and
such compounds are not infrequent in all ages of the language: see
chapter on Compounds, below (1269).
a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjectives, since in the earliest Veda the simple as well as the compounded root was sometimes used adjectively. But the compounded root was from the beginning much more often so used, and the later the more exclusively, so that practically the class is a separate and important one.
324. Compound adjectives having a noun as final member, but obtaining
an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of possession
added, and being inflected as adjectives in the three genders (1293
ff.). Thus, prajā́kāmá
desire of progeny, whence the adjective
prajā́kāma
, meaning desirous (i.e. having desire) of progeny;
sabhārya
(sa
+bhāryā
) having one’s wife along; and so on.
a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the
preceding member (1309–10): thus, atimātra
immoderate (ati mātram
beyond measure); yāvayáddveṣas
driving away enemies.
325. Hence, under each declension, we have to notice how a root or a noun-stem of that declension is inflected when final member of an adjective compound.
a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root-word
ending a compound has the accent, but (320) loses the peculiarity of
monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone forward upon the
ending (except añc
in certain old forms: 410).
Declension I. अ (पुं, नपुं)
Stems (masculine and neuter) in अ a
.
326. a. This declension contains the majority of all the declined stems of the language.
b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others from the normal.
327. Endings: Singular. a. The nom. masc. has the normal ending s
.
b. The acc. (masc. and neut.) adds m
(not am
); and this form has
the office also of nom. neuter.
c. The instr. changes a
to ena
uniformly in the later language; and
even in the oldest Vedic this is the predominant ending (in RV., eight
ninths of all cases). Its final is in Vedic verse frequently made long
(enā
). But the normal ending ā
— thus, yajñā́
, suhávā
, mahitvā́
(for yajñéna
etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda.
d. The dat. has āya
(as if by adding aya
to a
), alike in all ages
of the language.
e. The abl. has t
(or doubtless d
: it is impossible from the
evidence of the Sanskrit to tell which is the original form of the
ending), before which ā
is made long: this ending is found in no
other noun-declension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronouns (of
all numbers).
f. The gen. has sya
added to the final a
; and this ending is also
limited to a
-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amúṣya
:
501). Its final a
is in only three cases made long in the Veda; and
its y
is vocalized (asia
) almost as rarely.
g. The loc. ends in e
(as if by combining the normal ending i
with
the final of the stem), without exception.
h. The voc. is the bare stem.
328. Dual. a. The dual endings in general are the normal ones.
b. The nom., acc., and voc. masc. end in the later language always in
āu
. In the Veda, however, the usual ending is simple ā
(in RV., in
seven eights of the occurrences). The same cases in the neut. end in
e
, which appears to be the result of fusion of the stem-final with the
normal ending ī
.
c. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhyām
(in only one or two Vedic
instances resolved into bhiām
), with the stem-final lengthened to ā
before it.
d. The gen. and loc. have a y
inserted after the stem-final before
os
(or as if the a
had been changed to e
). In one or two
(doubtful) Vedic instances (as also in the pronominal forms enos
and
yos
), os
is substituted for the final a
.
329. Plural. a. The nom. masc. has in the later language the normal
ending as
combined with the final a
to ās
. But in the Veda the
ending āsas
instead is frequent (one third of the occurrences in RV.,
but only one twenty-fifth in the peculiar parts of AV.).
b. The acc. masc. ends in ān
(for earlier āns
, of which abundant
traces are left in the Veda, and, under the disguise of apparent
euphonic combination, even in the later language: see above, 208 ff.).
c. The nom. and acc. neut. have in the later language always the ending
āni
(like the an
-stems: see 421; or else with n
, as in the gen.
pl., before normal i
). But in the Veda this ending alternates with
simple ā
(which in RV. is to āni
as three to two, in point of
frequency; in AV., as three to four).
d. The instr. ends later always in āis
; but in the Veda is found
abundantly the more normal form ebhis
(in RV., nearly as frequently as
āis
; in AV., only one fifth as frequent).
e. The dat. and abl. have bhyas
as ending, with e
instead of the
final a
before it (as in the Vedic instr. ebhis
, the loc. pl., the
gen. loc. du. [?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhias
is not infrequent in the Veda.
f. The gen. ends in ānām
, the final a
being lengthened and having
n
inserted before the normal ending. The ā
of the ending is not
seldom (in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables,
aam
: opinions are divided as to whether the resolution is historical
or metric only. A very small number (half-a-dozen) of examples of
simple ām
as ending instead of ānām
occur in RV.
g. The loc. ends in eṣu
—that is to say, with the normal ending,
before which the stem-final is changed to e
(with consequent change of
s
to ṣ
: 180).
h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing requires to be said; the syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent throughout.
330. Examples of declension. As examples of the inflection of a
-stems
may be taken काम kā́ma
m. love; देव devá
m. god; आस्य āsyà
n.
mouth.
Singular:
N.
कामस्
kā́mas
देवस्
devás
आस्यम्
āsyàm
A.
कामम्
kā́mam
देवम्
devám
आस्यम्
āsyàm
I.
कामेन
kā́mena
देवेन
devéna
आस्येन
āsyèna
D.
कामाय
kā́māya
देवाय
devā́ya
आस्याय
āsyā̀ya
Ab.
कामात्
kā́māt
देवात्
devā́t
आस्यात्
āsyā̀t
G.
कामस्य
kā́masya
देवस्य
devásya
आस्यस्य
āsyàsya
L.
कामे
kā́me
देवे
devé
आस्ये
āsyè
V.
काम
kā́ma
देव
déva
आस्य
ā́sya
Dual:
N. A. V.
कामौ
kā́māu
देवौ
devāú
आस्ये
āsyè
I. D. Ab.
कामाभ्याम्
kā́mābhyām
देवाभ्याम्
devā́bhyām
आस्याभ्याम्
āsyā̀bhyām
G. L.
कामयोस्
kā́mayos
देवयोस्
deváyos
आस्ययोस्
āsyàyos
Plural:
N. V.
कामास्
kā́mās
देवास्
devā́s
आस्यानि
āsyā̀ni
A.
कामान्
kā́mān
देवान्
devā́n
आस्यानि
āsyā̀ni
I.
कामैस्
kā́māis
देवैस्
devāís
आस्यैस्
āsyāìs
D. Ab.
कामेभ्यस्
kā́mebhyas
देवेभ्यस्
devébhyas
आस्येभ्यस्
āsyèbhyas
G.
कामानाम्
kā́mānām
देवानाम्
devā́nām
आस्यानाम्
āsyā̀nām
L.
कामेषु
kā́meṣu
देवेषु
devéṣu
आस्येषु
āsyèṣu
Examples of the peculiar Vedic forms are:
a. Sing.: instr. raváthenā
, yajñā́
(such genitive forms as áśvasiā
are purely sporadic).
b. Du.: nom. etc. masc. devā́
; gen.-loc. pastyòs
(stem pastyà
).
c. Pl.: nom.-voc. masc. devā́sas
; neut. yugā́
; instr. devébhis
;
gen. caráthām
, devā́naam
.
331. Among nouns, there are no irregularities in this declension. For
irregular numeral bases in a
(or an
), see 483-4. For the
irregularities of pronominal stems in a
, which are more or less fully
shared also by a few adjectives of pronominal kindred, see the chapter
on Pronouns (495 ff.).
Adjectives.
332. Original adjectives in a
are an exceedingly large class, the
great majority of all adjectives. There is, however, no such thing as a
feminine stem in a
; for the feminine, the a
is changed to ā
—or
often, though far less often, to ī
; and its declension is then like
that of senā
or devī
(364). An example of the complete declension of
an adjective a
-stem in the three genders will be given below (368).
a. Whether a masc.-neut. stem in a
shall form its feminine in ā
or
in ī
is a question to be determined in great part only by actual
usage, and not by grammatical rule. Certain important classes of words,
however, can be pointed out which take the less common ending ī
of the
feminine: thus, 1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a
with
vṛddhi
of the first syllable (1204): e.g. āmitrá -trī́
, mā́nuṣa -ṣī
,
pāvamāná -nī́
, pāurṇamāsá -sī́
; 2. primary derivatives in ana
with
accent on the radical syllable (1150): e.g. códana -nī
,
saṁgráhaṇa -ṇī
, subhāgaṁkáraṇa -nī
; 3. primary derivatives in a
,
with strengthening of the radical syllable, having a quasi-participial
meaning: e.g. divākará -rī
, avakrāmá -mī́
, rathavāhá -hī́
(but
there are many exceptions); 4. secondary derivatives in maya
(1225)
and tana
(1245 e): e.g. ayasmáya -yī
; adyatana -nī
; 5. most
ordinal numbers (487 h): e.g. pañcamá -mī́
, navadaśá -śī́
,
triṅśattamá -mī́
. Not a few words make the feminine in either ā
or
ī
: e.g. kévalā
or -lī
, ugrā́
or -rī́
, pāpā
or -pī́
, rāmā́
or
-mī́
; but ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular.
333. There are no verbal roots ending in a
. But a
is sometimes
substituted for the final ā
of a root (and, rarely, for a final an
),
and it is then inflected like an ordinary adjective in a
(see below,
354).
334. a. A noun ending in a
, when occurring as final member of an
adjective compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a
,
making its feminine likewise in ā
or ī
(367).
b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a
as
final member makes its feminine in ā
. But there are numerous
exceptions, certain nouns taking, usually or always, ī
instead. Some
of the commonest of these are as follows: akṣa
eye (e.g.
lohitākṣī
, dvyakṣī
, gavākṣī
), parṇa
leaf (e.g. tilaparṇī
,
saptaparṇī
; but ekaparṇā
), mukha
face (e.g. kṛṣṇamukhī
,
durmukhī
; but trimukhā
etc.), an̄ga
limb, body (e.g.
anavadyān̄gī
, sarvān̄gī
; but caturan̄gā
etc.), keśa
hair (e.g.
sukeśī
, muktakeśī
or -śā
, etc.), karṇa
ear (e.g. mahākarṇī
;
but gokarṇā
etc.), udara
belly (e.g. lambodarī
), mūla
root
(e.g. pañcamūlī
; but oftener śatámūlā
etc.). The very great majority
of such nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body.
c. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative ā
shortens
its final to a
to form a masculine and neuter base: see 367 c.
d. In frequent cases, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of
compounds, transferred to the a
-declension by adding suffix a
(1209
a) or ka
(1222).
Declension II. इ उ
Stems (of all genders) in इ i
and उ u
.
335. The stems in इ i
and उ u
are inflected in so close accordance
with one another that they cannot be divided into two separate
declensions. They are of all the three genders, and tolerably
numerous—those in इ i
more numerous than those in उ u
, especially in
the feminine (there are more neuters in उ u
than in इ i
).
a. The endings of this declension also differ frequently and widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language are numerous.
336. Endings: Singular. a. The nom. masc. and fem. adds to the stem the
normal ending s
. The nom. and acc. neut. is the bare stem, without
ending. In the Veda, the final u
of a few neuters is lengthened (248
b): thus, urū́
, purū́
.
b. The acc. masc. and fem. adds m
to the stem. Vedic forms in iam
and uam
, and, with n
, inam
and unam
, are excessively rare, and
doubtful.
c. The instr. fem. in the later language takes the normal ending ā
simply, while the masc. and neut. insert n
before it, making inā
and
unā
. But in the Veda, forms in yā
and vā
(or iā
and uā
) are
not infrequent in masc. and neut. also; while inā
is found, very
rarely, as a fem. ending. Moreover, fem. yā
is often (in two thirds of
the occurrences) contracted to ī
; and this is even sometimes shortened
to i
. An adverbial instr. in uyā́
from half-a-dozen stems in u
occurs.
d. The dat. masc. and fem. gunates the final of the stem before the
ending e
, making aye
and ave
. These are the prevailing endings in
the Veda likewise; but the more normal ye
and ve
(or ue
) also
occur; and the fem. has in this case, as in the instr., sometimes the
form ī
for ie
. In the later language, the neuter is required in
this, as in all the other weakest cases, to insert n
before the normal
ending: but in the Veda such forms are only sporadic; and the neut. dat.
has also the forms aye
, ve
, ave
, like the other genders.
e. The abl. and gen. masc. and fem. have regularly, both earlier and
later, the ending s
with gunated vowel before it: thus, es
, os
;
and in the Veda, the neut. forms the cases in the same way; although
unas
, required later, is also not infrequent (inas
does not occur).
But the normal forms yas
(or ias
) and vas
(or uas
) are also
frequent in both masc. and neut. As masc. ending, unas
occurs twice in
RV. The anomalous didyót
(so TS.; in the corresponding passages,
vidyót
VS., didyāut
K., didivás
MS.) is of doubtful character.
f. The loc. masc. and fem. has for regular ending in the later language
āu
, replacing both finals, i
and u
. And this is in the Veda also
the most frequent ending; but, beside it, the i
-stems form (about half
as often in RV.) their loc. in ā
: thus, agnā́
; and this is found once
even in the neuter. The RV. has a number of examples of masc. and neut.
locatives in avi
(the normal ending and the u
gunated before it)
from u
-stems; and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi
from i
-stems. Half-a-dozen locatives in ī
(regarded by the Vedic
grammarians as pragṛhya
or uncombinable: 138 d) are made from
i
-stems. The later language makes the neuter locative in ini
and
uni
; but the former never occurs in the oldest texts, and the latter
only very rarely.
g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fem. to be
formed at will with the fuller fem. terminations of long-vowel stems,
namely āi
, ās
(for which, in Brāhmaṇa etc., āi
is substituted: 307
h), ām
. Such forms are quite rare in the oldest language even from
i
-stems (less than 40 occurrences altogether in RV.; three times as
many in AV.); and from u
-stems they are almost unknown (five in RV.
and AV.).
h. The voc. gunates the final of the stem, in masc. and fem., alike in
the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed
to be either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was
probably the usage in the older time also; not instances enough quotable
to determine the question (AV. has u
once, and VS. o
once).
337. Dual. a. The later and earlier language agree in making the
nom.-acc.-voc. masc. and fem. by lengthening the final of the stem. The
same cases in the neuter (according to the rules given above) end later
in inī
and unī
; but these endings are nearly unknown in the Veda
(as, indeed, the cases are of only rare occurrence): AV. has inī
twice
(RV. perhaps once); VS. has unī
once; RV. has uī
from one u
-stem,
and ī
, once shortened to i
, from one or two i
-stems.
b. The unvarying ending of instr.-dat.-abl., in all genders, is bhyām
added to the unchanged stem.
c. The gen.-loc. of all ages add os
to the stem in masc. and fem.; in
the neut., the later language interposes, as elsewhere in the weakest
cases, a n
; probably in the earlier Vedic the form would be like that
of the other genders; but the only occurrence noted is one unos
in AV.
338. Plural. a. The nom.-voc. masc. and fem. adds the normal ending
as
to the gunated stem-final, making ayas
and avas
. The exceptions
in the Veda are very few: one word (ari
) has ias
in both genders,
and a few feminines have īs
(like ī
-stems); a very few u
-stems
have uas
. The neut. nom.-acc. ends later in īni
and ūni
(like
āni
from a
: 329 c); but the Veda has ī
and i
(about equally
frequent) much oftener than īni
; and ū
and (more usually) u
, more
than half as often as ūni
.
b. The accus. masc. ends in īn
and ūn
, for older īns
and ūns
,
of which plain traces remain in the Veda in nearly half the instances of
occurrence, and even not infrequently in the later language, in the
guise of phonetic combination (208 ff.). The accus. fem. ends in īs
and ūs
. But both masc. and fem. forms in ias
and uas
are found
sparingly in the Veda.
c. The instr. of all genders adds bhis
to the stem.
d. The dat.-abl. of all genders adds bhyas
(in V., almost never
bhias
) to the stem.
e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in īnām
and ūnām
(of which
the ā
is not seldom, in the Veda, to be resolved into aam
). Stems
with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always
do, throw forward the accent upon the ending.
f. The loc. of all genders adds su
(as ṣu
: 180) to the stem-final.
g. The accent is in accordance with the general rules already laid down, and there are no irregularities calling for special notice.
399. Examples of declension. As models of i-stems may be taken अग्नि
agní
m. fire; गति gáti
f. gait; वारि vā́ri
n. water.
Singular:
N.
अग्निस्
agnís
गतिस्
gátis
वारि
vā́ri
A.
अग्निम्
agním
गतिम्
gátim
वारि
vā́ri
I.
अग्निना
agnínā
गत्या
gátyā
वारिणा
vā́riṇā
D.
अग्नये
agnáye
गतये, गत्यै
gátaye, gátyāi
वारिणे
vā́riṇe
Ab. G.
अग्नेस्
agnés
गतेस्, गत्यास्
gátes, gátyās
वारिणस्
vā́riṇas
L.
अग्नौ
agnāú
गतौ, गत्याम्
gátāu, gátyām
वारिणि
vā́riṇi
V.
अग्ने
ágne
गते
gáte
वारि, वारे
vā́ri, vā́re
Dual:
N. A. V.
अग्नी
agnī́
गती
gátī
वारिणी
vā́rīṇī
I. D. Ab.
अग्निभ्याम्
agníbhyām
गतिभ्याम्
gátibhyām
वारिभ्याम्
vā́ribhyām
G. L.
अग्न्योस्
agnyós
गत्योस्
gátyos
वारिणोस्
vā́riṇos
Plural:
N. V.
अग्नयस्
agnáyas
गतयस्
gátayas
वारीणि
vā́riṇi
A.
अग्नीन्
agnī́n
गतीस्
gátīs
वारीणी
vā́rīṇī
I.
अग्निभिस्
agníbhis
गतिभिस्
gátibhis
वारिभिस्
vā́ribhis
D. Ab.
अग्निभ्यस्
agníbhyas
गतिभ्यस्
gátibhyas
वारिभ्यस्
vā́ribhyas
G.
अग्नीनाम्
agnīnā́m
गतीनाम्
gátīnām
वारीणाम्
vā́rīṇām
L.
अग्निषु
agníṣu
गतिषु
gátiṣu
वारिषु
vā́riṣu
340. In order to mark more plainly the absence in Vedic language of some of the forms which are common later, all the forms of Vedic occurrence are added below, and in the order of their frequency.
a. Singular. Nom. agnís
etc., as above.
b. Acc.: masc. agním
, yayíam
, ūrmíṇam
(?); fem. and neut. as
above.
c. Instr.: masc. agnínā
, rayyā́
and ūrmiā́
; fem. ácittī
, ūtiā́
,
matyā́
, suvṛktí
, dhāsínā
; neut. wanting.
d. Dat.: masc. agnáye
; fem. tujáye
, ūtī́
, turyāí
; neut.
śúcaye
.
e. Gen.-abl.: masc. agnés
, ávyas
, ariás
; fem. ádites
, hetyā́s
and bhū́miās
; neut. bhū́res
.
f. Loc.: masc. agnāú
, agnā́
, ājáyi
(?); fem. ā́gatāu
, úditā
,
dhánasātayi
(?), védī
, bhū́myām
; neut. apratā́
, saptáraśmāu
.
g. Voc.: as above (neut wanting).
h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. hárī
; fem. yuvatī́
; neut. śúcī
,
máhi
, háriṇī
(?).
i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.
j. Gen.-loc.: masc. hários
; fem. yuvatyós
and jāmiós
; neut.
wanting.
k. Plural. Nom.: masc. agnáyas
; fem. matáyas
, bhū́mīs
; neut.
śúcī
, bhū́ri
, bhū́rīṇi
.
l. Accus.: masc. agnī́n
; fem. kṣitī́s
, śúcayas
(?).
m. Instr., dat.-abl, and loc., as above.
n. Gen.: masc. fem. kavīnā́m
, ṛ́ṣīṇaam
etc. (neut. wanting).
341. As models of u
-stems may be taken शत्रु śátru
m. enemy; धेनु
dhenú
f. cow; मधु mádhu
n. honey.
Singular:
N.
शत्रुस्
śátrus
धेनुस्
dhenús
मधु
mádhu
A.
शत्रुम्
śátrum
धेनुम्
dhenúm
मधु
mádhu
I.
शत्रुणा
śátruṇā
धेन्वा
dhenvā́
मधुना
mádhunā
D.
शत्रवे
śátrave
धेनवे, धेन्वै
dhenáve
, dhenvāí
मधुने
mádhune
Ab. G.
शत्रोस्
śátros
धेनोस्, धेन्वास्
dhenós
, dhenvā́s
मधुनस्
mádhunas
L.
शत्रौ
śátrāu
धेनौ, धेन्वाम्
dhenāú
, dhenvā́m
मधुनि
mádhuni
V.
शत्रो
śátro
धेनो
dhéno
मधु, मधो
mádhu
, mádho
Dual:
N. A. V.
शत्रू
śátrū
धेनू
dhenū́
मधुनी
mádhunī
I. D. Ab.
शत्रुभ्याम्
śátrubhyām
धेनुभ्याम्
dhenúbhyām
मधुभ्याम्
mádhubhyām
G. L.
शत्र्वोस्
śátrvos
धेन्वोस्
dhenvós
मधुनोस्
mádhunos
Plural:
N. V.
शत्रवस्
śátravas
धेनवस्
dhenávas
मधूनि
mádhūni
A.
शत्रून्
śátrūn
धेनूस्
dhenū́s
मधूनि
mádhūni
I.
शत्रुभिस्
śátrubhis
धेनुभिस्
dhenúbhis
मधुभिस्
mádhubhis
D. Ab.
शत्रुभ्यस्
śátrubhyas
धेनुभ्यस्
dhenúbhyas
मधुभ्यस्
mádhubhyas
G.
शत्रूणाम्
śátrūṇām
धेनूनाभ्
dhenūnā́m
मधूनाभ्
mádhūnām
L.
शत्रुषु
śátruṣu
धेनुषु
dhenúṣu
मधुषु
mádhuṣu
342. The forms of Vedic occurrence are given here for the u
-stems in
the same manner as for the i
-stems above.
a. Singular. Nom.: masc. and fem. as above; neut. urú
, urū́
.
b. Accus.: masc. ketúm
, ábhīruam
, sucetúnam
(?); fem. dhenúm
.
c. Instr.: masc. ketúnā
, paśvā́
and krátuā
; fem. ádhenuā
and
panvā́
, āśuyā́
; neut. mádhunā
, mádhvā
.
d. Dat.: masc. ketáve
, śíśve
; fem. śárave
, íṣvāi
; neut. páśve
(?), uráve
, mádhune
.
e. Abl.-gen.: masc. manyós
, pitvás
, cā́ruṇas
; fem. síndhos
,
íṣvās
; neut. mádhvas
and mádhuas
, mádhos
, mádhunas
.
f. Loc.: masc. pūrāú
, sūnávi
; fem. síndhāu
, rájjvām
; neut.
sā́nāu
, sā́navi
, sā́no
, sā́nuni
.
g. Voc.: as above.
h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc.: masc. and fem. as above; neut. urvī́
,
jā́nunī
.
i. Instr.-dat.-abl.: as above.
j. Gen.-loc.: as above (but vos
or uos
).
k. Plural. Nom.: masc. ṛbhávas
, mádhuas
and mádhvas
; fem.
dhenávas
, śatakratvas
; neut. purū́ṇi
, purú
, purū́
.
l. Accus.: masc. ṛtū́n
, paśvás
; fem. íṣūs
, mádhvas
.
m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc., as above; also gen. (but with the
resolution ūnaam
in part).
343. Irregular declension. There are no irregular u
-stems, and only a
very few i
-stems.
a. Sákhi
m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly
strengthened base (vriddhied), namely sákhāy
, which in the nom. sing.
is reduced to sákhā
(without ending), and in the other cases takes the
normal endings. The instr. and dat. sing. have the normal endings
simply, without inserted n
or guṇa
; the abl.-gen. sing. adds us
;
and the loc. sing. adds āu
: the rest is like agní
. Thus:
Sing. sákhā
, sákhāyam
, sákhyā
, sákhye
, sákhyus
, sákhyāu
,
sákhe
; Du. sákhāyāu
, sákhibhyām
, sákhyos
; Pl. sákhāyas
,
sákhīn
, etc. etc.
b. The Veda has usually sákhāyā
du., and often resolves the y
to
i
, in sákhiā
, sákhius
, etc. The compounds are usually declined
like the simple word, unless (1315 b) sakha
be substituted.
c. There is a corresponding fem., sakhī
(declined like devī
: 364);
but the forms of sakhi
are also sometimes found used with feminine
value.
d. Páti
m. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has the
meaning lord, master; when uncompounded and when meaning husband, it
is inflected like sákhi
in the instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc.
sing., forming pátyā
, pátye
, pátyus
, pátyāu
. There are
occasional instances of confusion of the two classes of forms.
e. For pati
as the final member of a possessive compound is regularly
and usually substituted patnī
in the fem.: thus, jīvapatnī
having a
living husband; dāsapatnī
having a barbarian for master.
f. Jáni
f. wife has the gen. sing. jányus
in the Veda.
g. Arí
eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda aryás
in pl. nom.
and accus., masc. and fem. Its accus. sing. is arím
or aryám
.
h. Ví
bird has in RV. the nom. vés
(beside vís
). In the plural
it accents víbhis
, víbhyas
, but vīnā́m
.
i. The stems ákṣi
eye, ásthi
bone, dádhi
curds, and
sákthi
thigh, are defective, their forms exchanging with and
complementing forms from stems in án
(akṣán
etc.): see the stems in
an
, below (431).
j. The stem pathí
road is used to make up part of the inflection of
páthan
: see below, 433.
k. Króṣṭu
m. jackal lacks the strong cases, for which the
corresponding forms of kroṣṭṛ́
are substituted.
Adjectives.
344. Original adjectives stems in i
are few; those in u
are much
more numerous (many derivative verb-stems forming a participial
adjective in u
). Their inflection is like that of nouns, and has been
included in the rules given above. In those weak cases, however—namely,
the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual—in which
neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language by an inserted
n
(we have seen above that this difference does not exist in the
Veda), the neuter adjective is allowed to take either form. The stem is
the same for masculine and neuter, and generally (and allowably always)
for feminine also.
a. There are a few instances of a feminine noun in ī
standing
(sometimes with changed accent) beside a masculine in i
: thus, krími
m., krimī́
f.; sákhi
(343 a) m., sakhī́
f.; dundubhí
m.,
dundubhī
f., dhúni
m., dhunī
f.; śakúni
m., śakunī
or -ni
f.
In the later language, especially, there is a very frequent interchange
of i
and ī
as finals of the same stem. No adjective in i
makes a
regular feminine in ī
.
b. With stems in u
the case is quite different. While the feminine
may, and in part does, end in u
, like the masculine and neuter, a
special feminine-stem is often made by lengthening the u
to ū
, or
also by adding ī
; and for some stems a feminine is formed in two of
these three ways, or even in all the three: thus, kārū
, -dipsū́
,
śundhyū́
, cariṣṇū́
, vacasyū́
; -aṇvī
, urvī́
, gurvī
, pūrvī́
(with
a prolongation of u
before r
: compare 245 b), bahvī́
, prabhvī́
,
raghvī́
, sādhvī́
, svādvī́
;—pṛthú
and pṛthvī́
, vibhū́
and
vibhvī́
, mṛdú
and mṛdvī́
, laghu
and laghvī
, vásu
and vásvī
;
babhrú
and babhrū́
, bībhatsú
and bībhatsū́
, bhīrú
and
bhīrū
;—tanú
and tanū́
and tanvī́
, phalgú
and phalgū́
and
phalgvī
, mádhu
and madhū́
and mádhvī
. There are also some
feminine noun-stems in ū
standing (usually with changed accent) beside
masculines in u
: thus, ágru
m., agrū́
f.; kádru
m., kadrū́
f.;
gúggulu
m., guggulū́
f.; jatu
m., jatū́
f.; pṛ́dāku
m., pṛdākū́
f.
345. Roots ending in i
or u
(or ṛ
: 376 b) regularly add a t
when used as root-words or as root-finals of compounds; and hence there
are no adjectives of the root-class in this declension.
a. Yet, in the Veda, a few words ending in a short radical u
are
declined as if this were suffixal: thus, ásmṛtadhru
, suṣṭú
; and the
AV. has pṛtanājí
(once). Roots in ū sometimes also shorten ū
to u
:
thus, prabhú
, vibhú
, etc. (354); go
(361 e) becomes gu
in
composition; and re
perhaps becomes ri
(361 e); while roots in ā
sometimes apparently weaken ā
to i
(in -dhi
from √dhā
etc.:
1155).
346. Compound adjectives having nouns of this declension as final members are inflected in general like original adjectives of the same endings.
a. But in such compounds a final i
or u
is sometimes lengthened to
form a feminine stem: thus, suśroṇī
, svayonī
or -ni
, -gātrayaṣṭī
or -ṭi
; vāmorū
or -ru
, durhaṇū
or -ṇu
, varatanū
,
mātṛbandhū
; and RV. has áśiśvī
from śíśu
.
Declension III. आ ई ऊ
Stems in long vowels: आ ā
, ई ī
, ऊ ū
.
347. The stems ending in long vowels fall into two well-marked classes
or divisions: A. monosyllabic stems—mostly bare roots—and their
compounds, with a comparatively small number of others inflected like
them; B. derivative feminine stems in आ ā
and ई ī
, with a small
number in ऊ ū
which in the later language have come to be inflected
like them. The latter division is by far the larger and more important,
since most feminine adjectives, and considerable classes of feminine
nouns, ending in आ ā
or ई ī
, belong to it.
A. Root-words, and those inflected like them.
348. The inflection of these stems is by the normal endings throughout,
or in the manner of consonant-stems (with अम् am
, not म् m
, in the
accus. sing.); peculiarities like those of the other vowel-declensions
are wanting. The simple words are, as nouns, with few exceptions
feminine; as adjectives (rarely), and in adjective compounds, they are
alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for convenience of
description, be divided into the following subclasses:
1. Root-words, or monosyllables having the aspect of such. Those in ā
are so rare that it is hardly possible to make up a whole scheme of
forms in actual use; those in ī
and ū
are more numerous, but still
very few.
2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final vowels, as last member.
3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin and character, including in the Veda many which later are transferred to other declensions.
4. As an appendix to this class we may most conveniently describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending in diphthongs.
349. Monosyllabic stems. Before the endings beginning with vowels,
final ī
is changed to iy
and ū
to uv
; while final ā
is dropped
altogether, except in the strong cases, and in the acc. pl., which is
like the nominative (according to the grammarians, ā
is lost here
also: no instances of the occurrence of such a form appear to be
quotable). Stems in ī
and ū
are in the later language allowed to
take optionally the fuller endings āi
, ās
, ām
in the singular
(dat., abl.-gen., loc.); but no such forms are ever met with in the Veda
(except bhiyāí
[?], RV., once). Before ām
of gen. pl., n
may or
may not be inserted; in the Veda it is regularly inserted, with a single
exception (dhiyā́m
, once). The vocative is like the nominative in the
singular as well as the other numbers; but instances of its occurrence
in uncompounded stems are not found in the Veda, and must be extremely
rare everywhere. The earlier Vedic dual ending is ā
instead of āu
.
350. To the ī
- and ū
-stems the rules for monosyllabic accent apply:
the accent is thrown forward upon the endings in all the weak cases
except the accus. pl., which is like the nom. But the ā
-stems appear
(the instances are extremely few) to keep the accent upon the stem
throughout.
351. Examples of declension. As models of monosyllabic inflection we
may take जा jā́
f. progeny; धी dhī́
f. thought; and भू bhū́
f.
earth.
a. The first of these is rather arbitrarily extended from the four
cases which actually occur; of the loc. sing. and gen.-loc. du., no
Vedic examples from ā
-stems are found.
Singular:
N.
जास्
jā́s
धीस्
dhī́s
भूस्
bhū́s
A.
जाम्
jā́m
धियम्
dhíyam
भुवम्
bhúvam
I.
जा
jā́
धिया
dhiyā́
भुवा
bhuvā́
D.
जे
jé
धिये, धियै
dhiyé
, dhiyāí
भुवे, भुवै
bhuvé
, bhuvāí
Ab. G.
जस्
jás
धियस्, धियास्
dhiyás
, dhiyā́s
भुवस्, भुवास्
bhuvás
, bhuvā́s
L.
जि
jí
धियि, धियाम्
dhiyí
, dhiyā́m
भुवि, भुवाम्
bhuví
, bhuvā́m
V.
जास्
jā́s
धीस्
dhī́s
भूस्
bhū́s
Dual:
N. A. V.
जौ
jāú
धियौ
dhíyāu
भुवौ
bhúvāu
I. D. Ab.
जाभ्याम्
jā́bhyām
धीभ्याम्
dhībhyā́m
भूभ्याम्
bhūbhyā́m
G. L.
जोस्
jós
धियोस्
dhiyós
भुवोस्
bhuvós
Plural:
N. V.
जास्
jā́s
धियस्
dhíyas
भुवस्
bhúvas
A.
जास् (जस्?)
jā́s
, jás
धियस्
dhíyas
भुवस्
bhúvas
I.
जाभिस्
jā́bhis
धीभिस्
dhībhís
भूभिस्
bhūbhís
D. Ab.
जाभ्यस्
jā́bhyas
धीभ्यस्
dhībhyás
भूभ्यस्
bhūbhyás
G.
जानाम् (जाम्?)
jā́nām
, jā́m
धियाभ्, धीनाम्
dhiyā́m
, dhīnā́m
भुवाभ्, भूनाभ्
bhuvā́m
, bhūnā́m
L.
जासु
jā́su
धीषु
dhīṣú
भूषु
bhūṣú
352. Monosyllabic stems in composition. When the nouns above described
occur as a final member of a compound, or when any root in ā
or ī
or
ū
is found in a like position, the inflection of an ā
-stem is as
above. But ī
- and ū
-stems follow a divided usage: the final vowel
before a vowel-ending is either converted into a short vowel and
semivowel (iy
or uv
, as above) or into a semivowel simply (y
or
v
). The accent is nowhere thrown forward upon the endings; and
therefore, when ī
and ū
become y
and v
, the resulting syllable
is circumflex (83–4). Thus:
Masc. and fem. Singular:
N. V.
-dhī́s
-bhū́s
A.
-dhíyam
-dhyàm
-bhúvam
-bhvàm
I.
-dhíyā
-dhyā̀
-bhúvā
-bhvā̀
D.
-dhíye
-dhyè
-bhúve
-bhvè
Ab. G.
-dhíyas
-dhyàs
-bhúvas
-bhvàs
L.
-dhíyi
-dhyì
-bhúvi
-bhvì
Dual:
N. A. V.
-dhíyāu
-dhyaù
-bhúvāu
-bhvāù
I. D. Ab.
-dhī́bhyām
-bhū́bhyām
G. L.
-dhíyos
-dhyòs
-bhúvos
-bhvòs
Plural:
N. A. V.
-dhíyas
-dhyàs
-bhúvas
-bhvàs
I.
-dhī́bhis
-bhū́bhis
D. Ab.
-dhī́bhyas
-bhū́bhyas
G.
-dhíyām
-dhyā̀m
-bhúvām
-bhvā̀m
-dhī́nām
-bhū́nām
L.
-dhī́ṣu
-bhū́ṣu
a. As to the admissibility of the fuller endings āi
, ās
, and ām
in the singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat at
variance; but they are never found in the Veda, and have been omitted
from the above scheme as probably unreal.
b. If two consonants precede the final ī
or ū
, the dissyllabic
forms, with iy
and uv
, are regularly written; after one consonant,
the usage is varying. The grammarians prescribe iy
and uv
when the
monosyllabic stem has more the character of a noun, and y
and v
when
it is more purely a verbal root with participial value. No such
distinction, however, is to be seen in the Veda—where, moreover, the
difference of the two forms is only graphic, since the yā
- and
vā
-forms and the rest are always to be read as dissyllabic: iā
or
īā
and uā
or ūā
, and so on.
c. As to neuter stems for such adjectives, see 367.
353. A few further Vedic irregularities or peculiarities may be briefly noticed.
a. Of the ā
-stems, the forms in ās
, ām
, ā
(du.) are sometimes
to be read as dissyllables, aas
, aam
, aa
. The dative of the stem
used as infinitive is āí
(as if ā́
+e
): thus, prakhyāí
,
pratimāí
, parādāí
.
b. Irregular transfer of the accent to the ending in compopunds is seen
in a case or two: thus, avadhyabhiyā́
(RV.), ādhiā́
(AV.).
354. But compounds of the class above described are not infrequently
transferred to other modes of inflection: the ā
shortened to a
for a
masculine (and neuter) stem, or declined like a stem of the derivative
ā
-class (below, 364) as feminine; the ī
and ū
shortened to i
and
u
, and inflected as of the second declension.
a. Thus, compound stems in -ga
, -ja
, -da
, -stha
, -bhu
, and
others, are found even in the Veda, and become frequent later (being
made from all, or nearly all, the roots in ā
); and sporadic cases from
yet others occur: for example, śṛtapā́n
, vayodhāís
and
ratnadhébhis
, dhanasāís
(all RV.); and, from ī
and ū
compounds,
veṣaśrís
(TS.), áhrayas
(RV.), gaṇaśríbhis
(RV.), karmaṇís
(śB),
and ṛtaníbhyas
(RV.) and senāníbhyas
(VS.) and grímaṇíbhis
(TB.),
supúnā
(AV.), śitíbhráve
(TS.).
b. Still more numerous are the feminines in ā
which have lost their
root-declension: examples are prajā́
(of which the further compounds in
part have root-forms), svadhā́
, śraddhā́
, pratimā́
, and others.
c. Thus, in the later language, a few feminines in ī
are made from
the stems in a
shortened from ā
: thus, gopī
, goṣṭhī
, pannagī
,
pan̄kajī
, bhujagī
, bhujaṁgī
, surāpī
.
355. Polysyllabic Stems. Stems of this division (A) of more than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and by no means common in the earlier. The Rig-Veda, however, presents a not inconsiderable body of them; and as the class nearly dies out later, by the disuse of its stems or their transfer to other modes of declension, it may be best described on a Vedic basis.
a. Of stems in ā
, masculines, half-a-dozen occur in the Veda:
pánthā
, mánthā
, and ṛbhukṣā́
are otherwise viewed by the later
grammar: see below, 433-4; uśánā
(nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom.
sing. uśánā
(and loc. as well as dat. uśáne
); mahā́
great is
found only in accus. sing. and abundantly in composition; ā́tā
frame
has only ā́tāsu
not derivable from ā́ta
.
b. Of stems in ī
, over seventy are found in the Veda, nearly all
feminines, and all accented on the final. Half of the feminines are
formed from masculines with change of accent: thus, kalyāṇī́
(m.
kalyā́ṇa
), puruṣī́
(m. púruṣa
); others show no change of accent:
thus, yamī́
(m. yamá
); others still have no corresponding masculines:
thus, nadī́
, lakṣmī́
, sūrmī́
. The masculines are about ten in number:
for example, rathī́
, prāvī́
, starī́
, ahī́
, āpathī́
.
c. Of stems in ū
, the number is smaller: these, too, are nearly all
feminines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the
feminine adjectives in ū́
to masculines in ú
or u
(above, 344b):
thus, caraṇyū́
, cariṣṇū́
, jighatsū́
, madhū́
. A few are nouns in ū́
,
with change of accent: thus, agrū́
(ágru
), pṛdākū́
(pṛ́dāku
),
śvaśrū́
(śváśura
); or without change, as nṛtū́
. And a few have no
corresponding masculines: thus, tanū́
, vadhū́
, camū́
. The masculines
are only two ore three: namely, prāśū́
, kṛkadāśū́
, makṣū́
(?); and
their forms are of the utmost rarity.
356. The mode of declension of these words may be illustrated by the
following examples: rathī́
m. charioteer; nadī́
f. stream; tanū́
f. body.
a. No one of the selected examples occurs in all the forms; forms for
which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loc. sing.
from any ī
-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem
nadī́
is selected as an example partly in order to emphasize the
difference between the earlier language and the later in regard to the
words of this division: nadī́
is later the model of derivative
inflection.
Singular:
N.
rathī́s
nadī́s
tanū́s
A.
rathíam
nadíam
tanúam
I.
rathíā
nadíā
tanúā
D.
rathíe
nadíe
tanúe
Ab. G.
rathías
nadías
tanúas
L.
…..
…..
tanúi
V.
ráthi
(?)
nádi
tánu
Dual:
N. A. V.
rathíā
nadíā
tanúā
I. D. Ab.
[rathī́bhyām
]
nadī́bhyām
[tanū́bhyām
]
G. L.
[rathíos
]
nadíos
tanúos
Plural:
N. A.
rathías
nadías
tanúas
I.
[rathī́bhis
]
nadī́bhis
tanū́bhis
D. Ab.
[rathī́bhyas
]
nadī́bhyas
tanū́bhyas
G.
rathī́nām
nadī́nām
tanū́nām
L.
[rathī́ṣu
]
nadī́ṣu
tanū́ṣu
b. The cases — nadíam
, tanúam
, etc — are written above according to
their true phonetic form, almost invariably belonging to them in the
Veda; in the written text, of course, the stem-final is made a
semi-vowel, and the resulting syllable is circumflexed: thus, nadyàm
,
tanvàm
, etc.; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms
iy
and uv
are written instead; and also where the combination yv
would otherwise result: thus, cakríyā
, [agrúvāi
,] and
mitrāyúvas
. The RV. really reads staryàm
etc. twice, and tanvàs
etc. four times; and such contractions are more often made in the AV.
The ending ā
of the nom.-acc.-voc. du. is the equivalent of the later
āu
. The nom. sing. in s
from ī
-stems is found in the older
language about sixty times, from over thirty stems.
357. Irregularities of form, properly so called, are very few in this
division: camū́
as loc. sing. (instead of camvi
) occurs a few times;
and there is another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final
ū́
is regarded as pragṛhya
or uncombinable (138); tanúi
is
lengthened to tanvī̀
in a passage or two; -yúvas
is once or twice
abbreviated to -yū́s
.
358. The process of transfer to the other form of ī
- and
ū
-declension (below, 362 ff.), which has nearly extinguished this
category of words in the later language, has its beginnings in the Veda;
but in RV. they are excessively scanty: namely, dūtiā́m
, loc. sing.,
once, and śvaśruā́m
, do., once, and dravitnuā́
, instr. sing., with two
or three other doubtful cases. In the Atharvan, we find the acc. sing.
kuhū́m
, tanū́m
, vadhū́m
; the instr. sing. palāliā́
and one or two
others; the dat. sing. vadhvāí
, śvaśruāí
, agrúvāi
; the abl.-gen.
sing. punarbhúvās
, pṛdākuā́s
, śvaśruā́s
; and the loc. sing. tanúām
(with anomalous accent). Accusative plural in īs
and ūs
are nowhere
met with.
359. Adjective compounds from these words are very few; those which
occur are declined like the simple stems: thus, híraṇyavāśīs
and
sahásrastarīs
, átaptatanūs
and sárvatanūs
, all nom. sing.
masculine.
Stems ending in diphthongs.
360. There are certain monosyllabic stems ending in diphthongs, which
are far too few and too diverse in infliction to make a declension of,
and which may be most appropriately disposed of here, in connection with
the stems in ī
and ū
, with which they have most affinity. They are:
a. stems in āu
: nāú
and glāú
;
b. stems in āi
: rāí
;
c. stems in o
: gó
and dyó
(or dyú
, dív
).
361. a. The stem nāú
f. ship is entirely regular, taking the normal
endings throughout, and following the rules for monosyllabic
accentuation (317)—except that the accus. pl. is said (it does not
appear to occur in accented texts) to be like the nom. Thus: nāús
,
nā́vam
, nāvā́
, nāvé
, nāvás
, nāví
; nā́vāu
, nāubhyā́m
, nāvós
;
nā́vas
, nā́vas
, nāubhís
, nāubhyás
, nāvā́m
, nāuṣú
. The stem
glāú
m. ball is apparently inflected in the same way; but few of its
forms have been met with in use.
b. The stem rāí
f. (or m.) wealth might be better described as rā
with a union-consonant y
(258) interposed before vowel endings, and is
regularly inflected as such, with normal endings and monosyllabic
accent. Thus: rā́s
, rā́yam
, rāyā́
, rāyé
, rāyás
, rāyí
; rā́yāu
,
rābhyā́m
, rāyós
; rā́yas
, rāyás
, rābhís
, rābhyás
, rāyā́m
,
rāsú
. But in the Veda the accus. pl. is either rāyás
or rā́yas
; for
accus. sing. and pl. are also used the briefer forms rām
(RV. once:
rā́yam
does not occur in V.) and rā́s
(SV., once); and the gen.-sing.
is sometimes anomalously accented rā́yas.
c. The stem gó
m. or f. bull or cow is much more irregular. In
the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gāú
,
forming (like naú
) gāús
, gā́vāu
, gā́vas
. In accus. sing. and pl.
it has (like rāí
) the brief forms gā́m
and gā́s
. The abl.-gen. sing.
is gós
(as if from gu
). The rest is regularly made from go
, with
the normal endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon
the stem: thus, gávā
, gáve
, gávi
, gávos
, gávām
; góbhyām
,
góbhis
, góbhyas
, góṣu
. In the Veda, another form of the gen. pl.
is gónam
; the nom. etc. du. is (as in all other such cases) also
gā́vā
; and gā́m
, gós
, and gā́s
are not infrequently to be
pronounced as dissyllables. As acc. pl. is found a few times gāvas
.
d. The stem dyó
f. (but in V. usually m.) sky, day is yet more
anomalous, having beside it a simpler stem dyu
, which becomes div
before a vowel-ending. The native grammarians treat the two as
independent words, but it is more convenient to put them together. The
stem dyó
is inflected precisely like gó
, as above described. The
complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with in
use bracketed):
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
N.
dyāús
[dívāu
]
dyā́vāu
dívas
dyā́vas
A.
dívam
dyā́m
divás
, dyū́n
[dyā́s
]
I.
divā́
[dyávā
]
[dyúbhyām
]
[dyóbhyām
]
dyúbhis
[dyóbhis
]
D.
divé
dyáve
[dyúbhyas
]
[dyóbhyas
]
Ab.
divás
dyós
G.
divás
dyós
[divós
]
[dyávos
]
[divā́m
]
[dyávām
]
L.
diví
dyávi
dyúṣu
[dyóṣu
]
e. The dat. sing. dyáve
is not found in the early language. Both
dívas
and divás
occur as accus. pl. in V. As nom. etc. du., dyā́vā
is, as usual, the regular Vedic form: once occurs dyávī
(du.), as if a
neuter form; and dyāús
is found once used as ablative. The cases
dyāus
, dyām
and dyūn
(once) are read in V. sometimes as
dissyllables; and the first as accented vocative then becomes dyāùs
(i.e. díāus
: see 314).
f. Adjective compounds having a diphthongal stem as final member are
not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus, from
nāu
we have bhinnanu
; from go
, several words like águ
,
saptágu
, sugu
, bor hugú
(f. gū́
JB.); and, correspondingly, rāi
seems to be reduced to ri
in bṛhádraye
and ṛdhádrayas
(RV.). In
derivation, go
maintains its full form in gotra
, agótā
, -gava
(f. -gavī
), etc.; as first member of a compound, it is variously
treated: thus, gávāśir
, gáviṣṭi
(but gaāśir
, gaīṣṭi
K.), etc.;
goaśvá
or go‘śva
, góṛjīka
, góopaśa
, etc. In certain compounds,
also, dyu
or dyo
takes an anomalous form: thus, dyāurdā
(K.),
dyāurloká
(śB.), dyāúsaṁśita
(AV.). In revánt
(unless this is for
rayivant
) rāi
becomes re
. RV. has ádhrigāvas
from ádhrigu
(of
questionable import); and AV. has ghṛtastā́vas
, apparently accus. pl.
of ghṛtastú
or -stó
.
B. Derivative stems in ā
, ī
, ū
.
362. To this division belong all the ā
and ī
-stems which have not
been specified above as belonging to the other or root-word division;
and also, in the later language, most of the ī
and ū
-stems of the
other division, by transfer to a more predominant mode of inflection.
Thus:
1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine ā
-stems, substantive and
adjective.
b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself with little change through the whole history of the language, being almost precisely the same in the Vedas as later.
2. c. The great mass of derivative feminine ī
-stems.
d. This class is without exception in the later language. In the
earlier, it suffers the exception pointed out above (355 b): that
feminines made with change of accent follow this mode of declension only
when the accent is not on the ī́
: thus, táviṣī
, páruṣṇī
, páliknī
,
róhiṇī
.
e. The ī
-stems of this division in general are regarded as made by
contraction of an earlier ending in yā
. Their inflection has become in
the later language somewhat mixed with that of the other division, and
so far different from the Vedic inflection: see below, 363 g.
f. Very few derivative stems in ī
are recognized by the grammarians
as declined like the root-division; the Vedic words of that class are,
if retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection.
g. A very small number of masculine ī
-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the
Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proper
names, mā́talī
etc.; and rā́ṣṭrī
and sirī́
(only one case each).
3. h. The ū
-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the other
division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative
ī-
stems (except that they retain the ending s
of the nom. sing.).
363. Endings. The points of distinction between this and the other division are as follows:
a. In nom. sing. the usually s
-ending is wanting: except in the
ū
-stems and a very few ī
-stems — namely, lakṣmī
, tarī
, tantrī
,
tandrī
— which have preserved the ending of the other division.
b. The accus. sing. and pl. add simply m
and s
respectively.
c. The dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing. take always the fuller endings
āi
, ās
, ām
; and these are separated from the final of the
ā
-stems by an interposed y
. In Brāhmaṇa etc., āi
is generally
substituted for ās (307 h).
d. Before the endings ā
of instr. sing. and os
of gen.-loc. du.,
the final of ā
-stems is treated as if changed to e
; but in the Veda,
the instr. ending ā
very often (in nearly half the occurrences) blends
with the final to ā
. The yā
of ī
-stems is in a few Vedic examples
contracted to ī
, and even to i
. A loc. sing. in ī
occurs a few
times.
e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an ī
- or
ū
-stem having acute final is thrown forward upon the ending. In the
remaining case of the same class, the gen. pl., a n
is always
interposed between stems and ending, and the accent remains upon the
former (in RV., however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending,
as in i
and u
-stems).
f. In voc. sing., final ā
becomes e
; final ī
and ū
are
shortened.
g. In nom.-acc.-voc. du. and nom. pl. appears in ī
(and ū
)-stems a
marked difference between the earlier and later language, the latter
borrowing the forms of the other division. The du. ending āu
is
unknown in RV., and very rare in AV.; the Vedic ending is ī
(a
corresponding dual of ū
-stems does not occur). The regular later pl.
ending as
has only a doubtful example or two in RV., and a very small
number in AV.; the case there (and it is one of very frequent
occurrence) adds s
simply; and though yas
-forms occur in the
Brāhmaṇas, along with īs
-forms, both are used rather indifferently as
nom. and accus. (as, indeed, they sometimes interchange also in the
epics). Of ā
-stems, the du. nom. etc. ends in e
, both earlier and
later; in pl., of course, s
-forms are indistinguishable from
as
-forms. The RV. has a few examples of āsas
for ās
.
h. The remaining cases call for no remark.
364. Examples of declension. As models of the inflection of derivative
stems ending in long vowels, we may take सेना sénā
f. army; कन्या
kanyā̀
f. girl; देवी devī́
f. goddess; वधू vadhū́
f. woman.
Singular:
N.
सेना
sénā
कन्या
kanyā̀
देवी
devī́
वधूस्
vadhū́s
A.
सेनाम्
sénām
कन्याम्
kanyā̀m
देवीम्
devī́m
वधूम्
vadhū́m
I.
सेनया
sénayā
कन्यया
kanyàyā
देव्या
devyā́
वध्वा
vadhvā́
D.
सेनायै
sénāyāi
कन्यायै
kanyā̀yāi
देव्यै
devyāí
वध्वै
vadhvāí
Ab. G.
सेनायास्
sénāyās
कन्यायास्
kanyā̀yās
देव्यास्
devyā́s
वध्वास्
vadhvā́s
L.
सेनायाम्
sénāyām
कन्यायाम्
kanyā̀yām
देव्याम्
devyā́m
वध्वाम्
vadhvā́m
V.
सेने
séne
कन्ये
kánye
देवि
dévi
वधु
vádhuv
Dual:
N. A. V.
सेने
séne
कन्ये
kanyè
देव्यौ
devyāú
वध्वौ
vadhvāù
I. D. Ab.
सेनाभ्याम्
sénābhyām
कन्याभ्याम्
kanyā̀bhyām
देवीभ्याम्
devī́bhyām
वधूभ्याम्
vadhū́bhyām
G. L.
सेनयोस्
sénayos
कन्ययोस्
kanyàyos
देव्योस्
devyós
वध्वोस्
vadhvós
Plural:
N. V.
सेनास्
sénās
कन्यास्
kanyā̀s
देव्यास्
devyàs
वध्वास्
vadhvàs
A.
सेनास्
sénās
कन्यास्
kanyā̀s
देवीस्
devī́s
वधूस्
vadhū́s
I.
सेनाभिस्
sénābhis
कन्याभिस्
kanyā̀bhis
देवीभिस्
devī́bhis
वधूभिस्
vadhū́bhis
D. Ab.
सेनाभ्यस्
sénābhyas
कन्याभ्यस्
kanyā̀bhyas
देवीभ्यस्
devī́bhyas
वधूभ्यस्
vadhū́bhyas
G.
सेनानाम्
sénānām
कन्यानाम्
kanyā̀nām
देवीनाम्
devī́nām
वधूनाम्
vadhū́nām
L.
सेनासु
sénāsu
कन्यासु
kanyā̀su
देवीषु
devī́ṣu
वधूषु
vadhū́ṣu
a. In the Veda vadhū́
is a stem belonging to the other division (like
tanū́
, above, 356).
365. Examples of Vedic forms are:
a. ā
-stems: instr. sing. manīṣā́
(this simpler form is especially
common from stems in tā
and iā
); nom. pl. vaśā́sas
(about twenty
examples); accus. pl. araṁgamā́sas
(a case or two). Half the
bhyas
-cases are to be read as bhias
; the ām
of gen. pl. is a few
times to be resolved into aam
; and the ā
and ām
of nom. accus.
sing. are, very rarely, to be treated in the same manner.
b. ī-stems: instr. sing. śámī
, śámi
; loc. gaurī́
; nom. etc. du.
devī́
; nom. pl. devī́s
; gen. pl. bahvīnā́m
. The final of the stem is
to be read as a vowel (not y
) frequently, but not in the majority of
instances: thus, deviā́
, deviā́s
, deviā́m
, ródasios
.
c. The sporadic instances of transfer between this division and the preceding have been already sufficiently noticed.
d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brāhmaṇa language (307 g,
336 g, 363 c) of the dat. sing. ending ai
for the gen.-abl. ending
ās
, in all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few
examples may be given here: abhibhūtyāi rūpam
(AB.) a sign of
overpowering; triṣṭubhaś ca jagatyāi ca
(AB.) of the metres triṣṭubh
and jagati; vāco dāivyāi ca mānuṣyāi ca
(AA.) of speech, both divine
and human; striyāi payaḥ
(AB.) woman’s milk;
dhenvāí vā́ etád rétaḥ
(TB.) that, forsooth, is the seed of the cow;
jīrṇāyāi tvacaḥ
(KB.) of dead skin; jyāyasī yājyāyāi
(AB.) superior
to the yājyā
; asyāi divo ‘smād antarikṣāt
(śśS.) from this heaven,
from this atmosphere. The same substitution is made once in the AV.:
thus, svápantv asyāi jñātáyaḥ
let her relatives sleep.
366. The noun strī́
f. woman (probably contracted from sūtrī́
generatrix), follows a mixed declension: thus, strī́
, stríyam
or
strī́m
, striyā́
, striyāí
, striyā́s
, striyā́m
, strí
; stríyāu
,
strībhyā́m
, striyós
; stríyas
, stríyas
or strī́s
, strībhís
,
strībhyás
, strīṇā́m
, strīṣú
(but the accusatives strī́m
and
strī́s
are not found in the older language, and the voc. stri
is not
quotable). The accentuation is that of a root-word; the forms
(conspicuously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or derivative
division.
Adjectives.
367. a. The occurrence of original adjectives in long final vowels, and
of compounds having as final member a stem of the first division, has
been sufficiently treated above, so far as masculine and feminine forms
are concerned. To form a neuter stem in composition, the rule of the
later language is that the final long vowel be shortened; and the stem
so made is to be inflected like an adjective in i
or u
(339, 341,
344).
b. Such neuter forms are very rare, and in the older language almost
unknown. Of neuters from ī
-stems have been noted in the Veda only
hariśríyam
, acc. sing. (a masc. form), and suādhías
, gen. sing.
(same as mac. and fem.); from ū
-stems, only a few examples, and from
stem-forms which might be masc. and fem. also: thus, vibhú
, subhú
,
etc. (nom.-acc. sing.: compare 354); supúā
and mayobhúvā
, instr.
sing.; and mayobhú
, acc. pl. (compare purú
: 342 k); from ā
-stems
occur only half-a-dozen examples of a nom. sing. in ās
, like the masc.
and fem. form.
c. Compounds having nouns of the second division as final member are
common only from derivatives in ā
; and these shorten the final to a
in both masculine and neuter: thus, from a
not and prajā
progeny
come the masc. and neut. stem apraja
, fem. aprajā
childless. Such
compounds with nouns in ī
and ū
are said to be inflected in masc.
and fem. like the simple words (only with īn
and ūn
in acc. pl.
masc.); but the examples given by the grammarians are fictitious.
d. Stems with shortened final are occasionally met with: thus,
ekapatni
, āttalakṣmi
; and such adverbs (neut. sing. accus.) as
upabhāimi
, abhyujjayini
. The stem strī
is directed to be shortened
to stri
for all genders.
368. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm, for all genders, of
an adjective stem in अ a
. We take for the purpose पाप pāpá
evil,
of which the feminine is usually made in आ ā
in the later language ,
but in ई ī
in the older.
Singular:
m.
n.
f.
f.
N.
पापस्
pāpás
पापम्
pāpám
पापा
pāpā́
पापी
pāpī́
A.
पापम्
pāpám
पापम्
pāpā́m
पापीम्
pāpī́m
I.
पापेन
pāpéna
पापया
pāpáyā
पाप्या
pāpyā́
D.
पापाय
pāpā́ya
पापायै
pāpā́yāi
पाप्यै
pāpyāí
Ab.
पापात्
pāpā́t
पापायास्
pāpā́yās
पाप्यास्
pāpyā́s
G.
पापत्य
pāpásya
पापायास्
pāpā́yās
पाप्यास्
pāpyā́s
L.
पापे
pāpé
पापायाम्
pāpā́yām
पाप्याम्
pāpyā́m
V.
पाप
pā́pa
पापे
pā́pe
पापि
pā́pi
Dual:
N. A. V.
पापौ
pāpāú
पापे
pāpé
पापे
pāpé
पाप्यौ
pāpyāù
I. D. Ab.
पापाभ्याम्
pāpā́bhyām
पापाभ्याम्
pāpā́bhyām
पापीभ्याम्
pāpī́bhyām
G. L.
पापयोस्
pāpáyos
पापयोस्
pāpáyos
पाप्योस्
pāpyós
Plural:
N.
पापास्
pāpā́s
पापानि
pāpā́ni
पापास्
pāpā́s
पाप्यस्
pāpyàs
A.
पापान्
pāpā́n
पापानि
pāpā́ni
पापास्
pāpā́s
पापीस्
pāpī́s
I.
पापैस्
pāpāís
पापाभिस्
pāpā́bhis
पापीभिस्
pāpī́bhis
D. Ab.
पापेभ्यस्
pāpébhyas
पापाभ्यस्
pāpā́bhyas
पापीभ्यस्
pāpī́bhyas
G.
पापानाम्
pāpā́nām
पापानाम्
pāpā́nām
णाणीनाम्
pāpī́nām
L.
पापेषु
pāpéṣu
पापासु
pāpā́su
पाणीषु
pāpī́ṣu
Declension IV. ऋ
Stems in ऋ ṛ
(or अर् ar
).
369. This declension is a comparatively limited one, being almost
entirely composed of derivative nouns formed with the suffix तृ tṛ
(or
तर् tar
), which makes masculine nomina agentis (used also
participially), and a few nouns of relationship.
a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made with that
suffix: namely devṛ́
m., svásṛ
and nánāndṛ
f.; and besides these,
nṛ́
m., stṛ́
(in V.) m., usṛ́
(in V.) f., savyaṣṭhṛ
m., and the
feminine numerals tisṛ
and catasṛ
(for which, see 482 e, g). The
feminines in tṛ
are only mātṛ́
, duhitṛ́
, and yā́tṛ
.
b. The inflection of these stems is quite closely analogous with that
of stems in i
and u
(second declension); its peculiarity, as
compared with them, consists mainly in the treatment of the stem itself,
which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in the weak
ones.
370. Forms of the Stem. In the weak cases (excepting the loc. sing.)
the stem-final is ṛ
, which in the weakest cases, or before a
vowel-ending, is changed regularly to r
(129). But as regards the
strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in one
of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the nomina
agentis, and also the nouns of relationship náptṛ
and svásṛ
, and
the irregular words stṛ́
and savyaṣṭhṛ
— the ṛ
is vriddhied, or
becomes ār
; in the other, containing most of the nouns of
relationship, with nṛ́
and usṛ́
, the ṛ
is gunated, or changed to
ar
. In both classes, the loc. sing. has ar
as stem-final.
371. Endings: These are in general the normal, but with the following exceptions:
a. The nom. sing. (masc. and fem.) ends always in ā
(for original
ars
or ārs
). The voc. sing. ends in ar
.
b. The accus. sing. adds am
to the (strengthened) stem; the accus.
pl. has (like i
- and u
-stems) n
as masc. ending and s
as fem.
ending, with the ṛ
lengthened before them.
c. The abl.-gen. sing. changes ṛ
to ur
(or us
: 169 b).
d. The gen. pl. (as in i
and u
-stems) inserts n
before ām
, and
lengthens the stem-final before it. But the ṛ
of nṛ́
may also remain
short.
e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older presents certain deviations from them. Thus:
f. The ending in nom.-acc.-voc. du. is (as universally in the Veda)
regularly ā
instead of āu
(only ten āu
-forms in RV.).
g. The i
of loc. sing. is lengthened to ī
in a few words: thus,
kartárī
.
h. In the gen. pl., the RV. has once svásrām
, without inserted n
;
and narā́m
instead of nṛṇā́m
is frequent.
i. Other irregularities of nṛ́
are the sing. dat. náre
, gen.
náras
, and loc. nári
. The Veda writes always nṛṇā́m
in gen. pl.,
but its ṛ
is in a majority of cases metrically long.
j. The stem usṛ́
f. dawn has the voc. sing. uṣar
, the gen. sing.
usrás
; and the accus. pl. also usrás
, and loc. sing. usrā́m
(which
is metrically trisyllable: usṛā́m
), as if in analogy with ī
and
ū
-stems. Once occurs usrí
in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if
the regular trisyllable form, uṣúri
(for the exchange of s
and ṣ
,
see 181 a).
k. From stṛ́
come only tā́ras
(apparently) and stṛ́bhis
.
l. In the gen.-loc. du., the r
is almost always to be read as a
separate syllable, ṛ
, before the ending os
: thus, pitṛós
, etc. On
the contrary, nánāndari
is once to be read nánāndri
.
m. For neuter forms, see below, 375.
372. Accent. The accentuation follows closely the rules for i
- and
u
-stems: if on the final of the stem, it continues, as acute, on the
corresponding syllable throughout, except in the gen. pl., where it may
be (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward upon the ending; where, in
the weakest cases, ṛ
becomes r
, the ending has the accent. The two
monosyllabic stems, nṛ́
and stṛ́
, do not show the monosyllabic accent:
thus (besides the forms already given above), nṛ́bhis
, nṛ́ṣu
.
373. Examples of declension. As models of this mode of inflection, we
may take from the first case (with आर् ār
in the strong forms) the
stems दातृ dātṛ́
m. giver and स्वसृ svásṛ
f. sister; from the
second class (with अर् ar
in the strong forms), the stem पितृ pitṛ́
m. father.
Singular:
N.
दाता
dātā́
स्वसा
svásā
पिता
pitā́
A.
दातारम्
dātā́ram
स्वसारम्
svásāram
पितरम्
pitáram
I.
दात्रा
dātrā́
स्वस्रा
svásrā
पित्रा
pitrā́
D.
दात्रे
dātré
स्वस्रे
svásre
पित्रे
pitré
Ab. G.
दातुर्
dātúr
स्वसुर्
svásur
पितुर्
pitúr
L.
दातरि
dātári
स्वसरि
svásari
पितरि
pitári
V.
दातर्
dā́tar
स्वसर्
svásar
पितर्
pítar
Dual:
N. A. V.
दातारौ
dātā́rāu
स्वसारौ
svásārāu
पितरौ
pitárāu
I. D. Ab.
दातृभ्याम्
dātṛ́bhyām
स्वसृभ्याम्
svásṛbhyām
पितृभ्याम्
pitṛ́bhyām
G. L.
दात्रोस्
dātrós
स्वस्रोस्
svásros
पित्रोस्
pitrós
Plural:
N. V.
दातारस्
dātā́ras
स्वसारस्
svásāras
पितरस्
pitáras
A.
दातॄन्
dātṝ́n
स्वसॄस्
svásṝs
पितॄन्
pitṝ́n
I.
दातृभिस्
dātṛ́bhis
स्वसृभिस्
svásṛbhis
पितृभिस्
pitṛ́bhis
D. Ab.
दातृभ्यस्
dātṛ́bhyas
स्वसृभ्यस्
svásṛbhyas
पितृभ्यस्
pitṛ́bhyas
G.
दातॄणाम्
dātṝṇā́m
स्वसॄणाम्
svásṝṇām
पितॄणाम्
pitṝṇā́m
L.
दातृषु
dātṛ́ṣu
स्वसृषु
svásṛṣu
पितृषु
pitṛ́ṣu
a. The feminine stem मातृ mātṛ́
, mother, is inflected precisely like
पितृ pitṛ́
, excepting that its accusative plural is मातॄस् mātṝ́s
.
b. The peculiar Vedic forms have been sufficiently instanced above; the
only ones of other than sporadic occurrence being the nom. etc. du.
dātā́rā
, svásārā
, pitárā
, and the gen. pl. of nṛ
, narā́m
.
c. The nom. pl. forms pitaras
and mātaras
etc. are found used also
as accus. in the epics.
374. The stem kroṣṭṛ́
m. jackal (lit’ly howler) substitutes in the
middle cases the corresponding forms of króṣṭu
.
375. Neuter forms. The grammarians prescribe a complete neuter
declension also for bases in tṛ
, precisely accordant with that of
vā́ri
or mádhu
(above, 339, 341). Thus, for example:
Sing.
Du.
Plur.
N. A.
dhātṛ́
dhātṛ́ṇī
dhātṝ́́ṇi
I.
dhātṛ́ṇā
dhātṛ́bhyām
dhātṛ́bhis
G.
dhātṛ́ṇas
dhātṛ́ṇos
dhātṝṇā́m
V.
dhā́tṛ
, dhā́tar
dhā́tṛṇī
dhā́tṝṇi
a. The weakest cases, however (as of i
- and u
-stems used
adjectively: 344), are allowed also to be formed like the corresponding
masculine cases: thus, dhātrā́
etc.
b. No such neuter forms chance to occur in the Veda, but they begin to
appear in the Brāhmaṇas, under influence of the common tendency (compare
Germ. Retter, Retterin; Fr. menteur, menteuse) to give this
nomen agentis a more adjective character, making it correspond in
gender with the noun which it (appositively) qualifies. Thus, we have in
TB. bhartṛ́
and janayitṛ́
, qualifying antárikṣam
; and bhartṝ́́ṇi
and
janayitṝ́́ṇi
, qualifying nákṣatrāṇi
; as, in M., grahītṝṇi
,
qualifying indriyāṇi
.
c. When a feminine noun is to be qualified in like manner, the usual
feminine derivative in ī
is employed: thus, in TB., bhartryàs
and
bhartryāù
, janayitryàs
and janayitryāù
, qualifying ā́pas
and
ahorātré
; and such instances are not uncommon.
d. The RV. shows the same tendency very curiously once in the accus.
pl. mātṝ́́n
, instead of mātṝ́́s
, in apposition with masculine nouns (RV.
x. 35.2).
e. Other neuter forms in RV. are sthātúr
gen. sing., dhmātárī
loc.
sing.; and for the nom. sing., instead of -tṛ
, a few more or less
doubtful cases, sthātar
, sthātúr
, dhartári
.
Adjectives.
376. a. There are no original adjectives of this declension: for the
quasi-adjectival character of the nouns composing it, see above (375 b).
The feminine stem is made by the suffix ī
: thus, dātrī́
, dhātrī
.
b. Roots ending in ṛ
(like those in i
and u
: 345) add a t
to
make a declinable stem, when occurring as final member of a compound:
thus, armakṛ́t
(√kṛ
), vajrabhṛ́t
(√bhṛ
), balihṛ́t
(√hṛ
). From
some ṛ
-roots, also, are made stems in ir
and ur
: see below, 383 a,
b.
c. Nouns in ṛ
as finals of adjective compounds are inflected in the
same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine; in the
neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings in
nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers.
d. But TS. has once tvátpitāras
, nom. pl., having thee for father.
Declension V. Stems ending in Consonants.
377. All stems ending in consonants may properly be classed together, as forming a single comprehensive declension; since, though some of them exhibit peculiarities of inflection, these have to do almost exclusively with the stem itself, and not with the declensional endings.
387. In this declension, masculines and feminines of the same final are inflected alike; and neuters are peculiar (as usually in the other declensions) only in the nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers.
a. The majority of consonantal stems, however, are not inflected in the
feminine, but form a special feminine derivative stem in ई ī
(never in
आ ā
), by adding that ending to the weak form of the masculine.
b. Exceptions are in general the stems of divisions A and B — namely,
the radical stems etc., and those in as
and is
and us
. For special
cases, see below.
379. Variations, as between stronger and weaker forms, are very general among consonantal stems: either of two degrees (strong and weak), or of three (strong, middle, and weakest): see above, 311.
a. The peculiar neuter forms, according to the usual rule (311 b), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual from the weakest.
b. As in the case of stems ending in short vowels (āsyā̀ni
, vā́rīṇi
,
mádhūni
, dātṝ́ṇi
, etc.), a nasal sometimes appears in the special
neuter plural cases which is found nowhere else in inflection. Thus,
from the stems in as
, is
, us
, the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. in -āṅsi
,
-īṅṣi
, -ūṅṣi
are very common at every period. According to the
grammarians, the radical stems etc. (division A) are treated in the same
way; but examples of such neuters are of extreme rarity in the language;
no Vedic text offers one, and in the Brāhmaṇas and Sūtras have been
noted only -hunti
(AB. vii. 2. 3), -vṛnti
(PB. xvi. 2. 7 et al.),
-bhāñji
(KB. xxvii. 7), -bhṛ́nti
(śB. viii. 1. 31), and -yuñji
(LśS. ii. 1. 8); while in the later language is found here and there a
case, like -śrunti
(Ragh.), -pūṅṣi
(śiś.); it may be questioned
whether they are not later analogical formations.
380. The endings are throughout those given above (310) as the “normal”.
a. By the general law as to finals (150), the s
of the nom. sing,
masc. and fem. is always lost; and irregularities of treatment of the
final of the stem in this case are not infrequent.
b. The gen. and abl. sing. are never distinguished in form from one another — nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus. pl.: but these sometimes differ in stem-form, or in accent, or in both.
381. Change in the place of the accent is limited to monosyllabic stems
and the participles in ánt
(accented on the final). For details, see
below, under divisions A and E.
a. But a few of the compounds of the root añc
or ac
show an
irregular shift of accent in the oldest language: see below, 410.
382. a. For convenience and clearness of presentation, it will be well to separate from the general mass of consonantal stems certain special classes which show kindred peculiarities of inflection, and may be best described together.
Thus:
B. Derivative stems in as
, is
, us
;
C. Derivative stems in an
(an
, man
, van
);
D. Derivative stems in in
(in
, min
, vin
);
E. Derivative stems in ant
(ant
, mant
, vant
);
F. Perfect active participles in vāṅs
;
G. Comparatives in yāṅs
or yas
.
b. There remain, then, to constitute division A, especially radical stems, or those identical in form with roots, together with a comparatively small number of others which are inflected like these.
They will be taken up in the order thus indicated.
A. Root-stems, and those inflected like them.
383. The stems of this division may be classified as follows:
I. a. Root-stems, having in them no demonstrable element added to a
root: thus, ṛ́c
verse, gír
song, pád
foot, díś
,
direction, máh
(V.) great.
b. Such stems, however, are not always precisely identical in form with
the root: thus, vā́c
from √vac
, sráj
from √sṛj
, mū́ṣ
from
√muṣ
, vríś
from √vraśc
(?), úṣ
from √vas
shine; — from roots
in final ṛ
come stems in ir
and ur
: thus, gír
, ā-śír
, stír
;
júr
, túr
, dhúr
, púr
, múr
, stúr
, sphúr
; and psúr
from
√psar
.
c. With these may be ranked the stems with reduplicated root, as
cikít
, yavīyúdh
, vánīvan
, sasyád
.
d. Words of this division in uncompounded use are tolerably frequent in the older language: thus, in RV. are found more than a hundred of them; in AV., about sixty; but in the classical Sanskrit the power of using any root at will in this way is lost, and the examples are comparatively few. In all periods, however, the adjective use as final of a compound is very common (see below, 401).
e. As to the infinitive use of various cases of the root-noun, see 971.
II. f. Stems made by the addition of t
to a final short vowel of a
root.
g. No proper root-stem ends in a short vowel, although there are (354)
examples of transfer of such to short-vowel-declensions; but i
or u
or ṛ
adds a t
to make a declinable form: thus, -jít
, -śrút
,
-kṛ́t
. Roots in ṛ
, however, as has just been seen (b), also make
stems in ir
or ur
.
h. As regards the frequency and use of these words, the same is true as
was stated above respecting root-stems. The Veda offers examples of
nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mít
, rít
, stút
,
hrút
, vṛ́t
, and dyút
if this is taken from dyu
) in independent
use. Of roots in ṛ
, t
is added by kṛ
, dhṛ
, dhvṛ
, bhṛ
, vṛ
,
sṛ
, spṛ
, hṛ
, and hvṛ
. The roots gā
(or gam
) and han
also
make -gát
and -hát
by addition of the t
to an abbreviated form in
a
(thus, adhvagát
, dyugát
, dvigat
, navagát
, and saṁhát
).
III. i. Monosyllabic (also a few apparently reduplicated) stems not
certainly connectible with any verbal root in the language, but having
the aspect of root-stems, as containing no traceable suffix: thus,
tvác
skin, páth
road, hṛ́d
heart, áp
and vā́r
water,
dvā́r
door, ā́s
mouth, kakúbh
and kakúd
, summit.
j. Thirty or forty such words are found in the older language, and some of them continue in later use, while others have been transferred to other modes of declension or have become extinct.
k. Stems more or less clearly derivative, but made with suffixes of rare or even isolated occurrence. Thus:
1. derivatives (V.) from prepositions with the suffix vat: arvāvát
,
āvát
, udvát
, nivát
, parāvát
, pravát
, saṁvát
; — 2.
derivatives (V.) in tāt
(perhaps abbreviated from tāti
), in a few
isolated forms: thus, uparátāt
, devátāt
, vṛkátāt
, satyátāt
,
sarvátāt
; — 3. other derivatives in t
preceded by various vowels:
thus, daśát
, vehát
, vahát
, sravát
, saścát
, vāghát
; nápāt
;
taḍít
, divít
, yoṣít
, rohít
, sarít
, harít
; marút
; yákṛt
,
śákṛt
; and the numerals for 30, 40, 50, triṅśát
etc. (475); — 4.
stems in ad
: thus, dṛṣád
, dhṛṣád
, bhasád
, vanád
, śarád
,
samád
; — 5. stems in j
preceded by various vowels: thus, tṛṣṇáj
,
dhṛṣáj
, sanáj
, bhiṣáj
; uśíj
, vaṇíj
, bhuríj
, niṇíj
(?);
ásṛj
; — 6. a few stems ending in a sibilant apparently formative:
thus, jñā́s
, -dās
, bhā́s
, mā́s
, bhī́ṣ
; — 7. a remnant of
unclassifiable cases, such as viṣṭáp
, vípāś
, kápṛth
, śurúdh
,
iṣídh
, pṛkṣúdh
, raghát
(?), sarágh
, visrúh
, uṣṇíh
, kaváṣ
.
384. Gender. The root-stems are regularly feminine as nomen actionis,
and masculine as nomen agentis (which is probably only a substantive
use of their adjective value: below, 400). But the feminine noun,
without changing its gender, is often also used concretely: e.g., druh
(√druh
be inimical) means harming, enmity, and also harmer,
hater, enemy — thus bordering on the masculine value. And some of the
feminines have a completely concrete meaning. Through the whole
division, the masculines are much less numerous than the feminines, and
the neuters rarest of all.
a. The independent neuter stems are hṛ́d
(also -hārd
), dám
, vā́r
,
svàr
, mā́s
flesh, ā́s
mouth, bhā́s
, dós
(with which may be
mentioned the indeclinables śā́m
and yós
); also the apparent
derivatives yákṛt
, śákṛt
, kápṛth
, ásṛj
.
385. Strong and weak stem-forms. The distinction of these two classes of forms is usually made either by the presence or absence of a nasal, or by a difference in the quantity of the stem-vowel, as long or short; less often, by other methods.
386. A nasal appears in the strong cases of the following words:
1. Compounds having as final member the root ac
or añc
: see below.
407 ff.; and RV. has once uruvyáñcam
from root vyac
; — 2. The stem
yuj
, sometimes, in the older language: thus, nom. sing. yúñ
(for
yúñk
), accus. yúñjam
, du. yúñjā
(but also yújam
and yújā
); —
3. The stem -dṛś
, as final of a compound in the older language; but
only in the nom. sing, masc., and not always: thus, anyādṛ́n̄
, īdṛ́n
̄,
kīdṛ́n̄
, tādṛ́n̄
, etādṛn
, sadṛ́n
̄ and pratisadṛ́n̄
: but also īdṛ́k
,
tādṛ́k
, svardṛ́k
, etc.; — 4. For path
and puṁs
, which substitute
more extended stems, and for dant
, see below, 394–6.
387. The vowel a
is lengthened in strong cases as follows:
1. Of the roots vac
, sac
, sap
, nabh
, śas
, in a few instances
(V.), at the end of compounds; — 2. Of the roots vah
and sah
, but
irregularly; see below, 403–5; — 3. Of ap
water (see 393); also in
its compound rītyàp
; — 4. Of pad
, foot: in the compounds of this
word, in the later language, the same lengthening is made in the middle
cases also; and in RV. and AV. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat
and
-pāt
, while RV. has once -pāde
, and -pādhbis
and -pātsu
occur in
the Brāhmaṇas; — 5. Of nas
nose (? nā́sā
nom. du. fem. RV., once);
— 6. Sporadic cases (V.) are: yāj
(?), voc. sing.; pāthás
and
-rāpas
, accus. pl.; vánīvānas
, nom. pl. The strengthened forms
bhāj
and rāj
are constant, through all classes of cases.
388. Other modes of differentiation, by elision of a or contraction of the syllable containing it, appear in a few stems:
1. In -han
: see below, 402; — 2. In kṣam
(V.), along with
prolongation of a
: thus, kṣā́mā
du., kṣā́mās
pl.; kṣamā́
instr.
sing., kṣámi
loc. sing., kṣmás
abl. sing.; — 3. In dvā́r
,
contracted (V.) to dur
in weak cases (but with some confusion of the
two classes); — 4. In svàr
, which becomes, in RV., sūr
in weak
cases; later it is indeclinable.
389. The endings are as stated above (380).
a. Respecting their combination with the final of the stem, as well as the treatment of the latter when it occurs at the end of the word, the rules of euphonic combination (chap. III.) are to be consulted; they require much more constant and various application here than anywhere else in declension.
b. Attention may be called to a few exceptional cases of combination
(V.): mādbhís
and mādbhyás
from mā́s
month; the wholly anomalous
paḍbhís
(RV. and VS.: AV. has always padbhís
) from pád
; and
saráṭ
and saráḍbhyas
corresponding to a nom. pl. sarághas
(instead
of saráhas
: 222). Dán
is apparently for dám
, by 143 a.
c. According to the grammarians, neuter stems, unless they end in a nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-acc.-voc. pl. a strengthening nasal before the final consonant. But no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear ever to have been met with in use; and as regards adjective stems ending in a root, see above, 379 b.
390. Monosyllabic stems have the regular accent of such, throwing the tone forward upon the endings in the weak cases.
a. But the accusative plural has its normal accentuation as a weak
case, upon the ending, in only a minority (hardly more than a third) of
the stems: namely in datás
, pathás
, padás
, nidás
, apás
,
uṣás
, jñāsás
, puṁsás
, māsás
, mahás
; and sometimes in vācás
,
srucás
, hrutás
, sridhás
, kṣapás
, vipás
, durás
, iṣás
,
dviṣás
, druhás
(beside vā́cas
etc.).
b. Exceptional instances, in which a weak case has the tone on the
stem, occur as follows: sádā
, nádbhyas
, tánā
(also tanā́
) and
táne
, bā́dhe
(infln.), ráṇe
and ráṅsu
, váṅsu
, sváni
, vípas
,
kṣámi
, sū́rā
and sū́ras
(but sūré
), áṅhas
, and vánas
and
bṛ́has
(in vánaspáti
, bṛ́haspáti
). On the other hand, a strong case
is accented on the ending in mahás
, nom. pl., and kāsám
(AV.:
perhaps a false reading). And preṣā́
, instr. sing., is accented as if
préṣ
were a simple stem, instead of pra
-íṣ
. Vimṛdháḥ
is of
doubtful character. For the sometimes anomalous accentuation of stems in
ac
or añc
, see 410.
391. Examples of inflection. As an example of normal monosyllabic
inflection, we may take the stem वाच् vā́c
f. voice (from √वच् vac
,
with constant prolongation); of inflection with strong and weak stem,
पद् pád
m. foot; of polysyllabic inflection, मरुत् marút
, m.
wind or wind-god; of a monosyllabic root-stem in composition,
त्रिवृत् trivṛ́t
, three-fold, in the neuter. Thus:
Singular:
N. V.
वाक्
vā́k
पात्
pā́t
मरुत्
marút
त्रिवृत्
trivṛ́t
A.
वाचम्
vā́cam
पादम्
pā́dam
मरुतम्
marútam
त्रिवृत्
trivṛ́t
I.
वाचा
vācā́
पदा
padā́
मरुता
marútā
त्रिवृता
trivṛ́tā
D.
वाचे
vācé
पदे
padé
मरुते
marúte
त्रिवृते
trivṛ́te
Ab. G.
वाचस्
vācás
पदस्
padás
मरुतस्
marútas
त्रिवृतस्
trivṛ́tas
L.
वाचि
vācí
पदि
padí
मरुति
marúti
त्रिवृति
trivṛ́ti
Dual:
N. A. V.
वाचौ
vā́cāu
पादौ
pā́dāu
मरुतौ
marútāu
त्रिवृती
trivṛ́tī
I. D. Ab.
वाग्भ्याम्
vāgbhyā́m
पद्भ्याम्
padbhyā́m
मरुद्भ्याम्
marudbhyām
त्रिवृद्भ्याम्
trivṛ́dbhyām
G. L.
वाचोस्
vācós
पदोस्
padós
मरुतोस्
marútos
त्रिवृतोस्
trivṛ́tos
Plural:
N. V.
वाचस्
vā́cas
पादस्
pā́das
मरुतस्
marútas
त्रिवृन्ति
trivṛ́nti
A.
वाचस्
vācás
, vā́cas
पदस्
pádas
मरुतस्
marútas
त्रिवृन्ति
trivṛ́nti
I.
वाग्भिस्
vāgbhís
पद्भिस्
padbhís
मरुद्भिस्
marúdbhis
त्रिवृद्भिस्
trivṛ́dbhis
D. Ab.
वाग्भ्यस्
vāgbhyás
पद्भ्यस्
padbhyás
मरुद्भ्यस्
marúdbhyas
त्रिवृद्भ्यस्
trivṛ́dbhyas
G.
वाचाम्
vācā́m
पदाम्
padā́m
मरुताम्
marútām
त्रिवृताम्
trivṛ́tām
L.
वाक्षु
vākṣú
पत्सु
patsú
मरुत्सु
marútsu
त्रवृत्सु
trivṛ́tsu
By way of illustration of the leading methods of treatment of a stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case-endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are here added. Thus:
a. Stems in j
: yuj
-class (219 a, 142), bhiṣáj
physician:
bhiṣák
, bhiṣájam
, bhiṣágbhis
, bhiṣákṣu
; — mṛj
-class (219 b,
142), samrā́j
universal ruler: samrā́ṭ
, samrā́jam
, samrā́ḍbhis
,
samrā́ṭsu
.
b. Stems in dh
: -vṛ́dh
increasing: -vṛ́t
, -vṛ́dham
, -vṛ́dbhis
,
-vṛ́tsu
; -búdh
(155) waking: -bhút
, -búdham
, -bhúdbhis
,
-bhútsu
.
c. Stems ending in bh
: -stúbh
prasing: -stúp
, -stúbham
,
-stúbbhis
, -stúpsu
.
d. Stems in ś
: díś
(218 a, 145) direction: dík
, díśam
,
digbhís
, dikṣú
; — víś
(218, 145) the people: víṭ
, víśam
,
viḍbhís
, viṭsú
(V. vikṣú
: 218 a).
e. Stems in ṣ
(226 b, 145): dvíṣ
enemy: dvíṭ
, dvíṣam
,
dviḍbhís
, dviṭsú
.
f. Stems in h
: duh
-class (232-3 a, 155 b, 147), dúh
milki
yielding: -dhúk
, -dúham
, -dhúgbhis
, -dhúkṣu
; — ruh
-class
(223 b, 147), -lih
licking: -liṭ
, -liham
, -liḍbhis
, -liṭsu
.
g. Stems in m
(143 a, 212 a: only praśā́n
, nom. sing., quotable):
-śām
quieting: -śā́n
, -śā́mam
, -śā́nbhis
, -śā́nsu
.
392. The root-stems in ir
and ur
(383 b) lengthen their vowel when
the final r
is followed by another consonant (245 b), and also in the
nom. sing. (where the case-ending s
is lost).
a. Thus, from gír
f. song come gī́r
(gī́ḥ
), gíram
, girā́
,
etc.; gírāu
, gīrbhyā́m
, girós
; gíras
, gīrbhís
, gīrbhyás
,
girā́m
, gīrṣú
(165); and, in like manner, from púr
f. stronghold
come pū́r
(pū́ḥ
), púram
, purā́
, etc.; púrāu
, pūrbhyā́m
, purós
;
púras
, pūrbhís
, pūrbhyás
, purā́m
, pūrṣú
.
b. There are no roots in is
(except the excessively rare pis
) or in
us
; but from the root śās
with its ā
weakened to i
(250) comes
the noun āśís
f. blessing, which is inflected like gír
: thus,
āśī́s
(āśī́ḥ
), āśíṣam
, āśíṣā
, etc.; āśíṣāu
, āśī́rbhyām
,
āśíṣos
; āśíṣas
, āśī́rbhis
, āśī́rbhyas
, āśíṣām
, āśī́ḥṣu
. And
sajū́s
together is apparently a stereotyped nominative of like
formation from the root juṣ
. The form aṣṭā́prūṭ
(TS.), from the
root-stem pruṣ
, is isolated and anomalous.
c. These stems in ir
, ur
, is show a like prolongation of vowel also
in composition and derivation: thus, gīrvāṇa
, pūrbhíd
, dhūrgata
,
dhūstva
, āśīrdā́
, āśī́rvant
, etc. (but also gírvan
, gírvaṇas
).
d. The native grammar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like
jigamis
desiring to go, made from the desiderative conjugation-stem
(1027), and prescribes for it a declension like that of āśís
: thus,
jigamīs
, jigamiṣā
, jigamīrbhis
, jigamīḥṣu
, etc. Such a class
appears to be a mere figment of the grammarians, since no example of it
has been found quotable from the literature, either earlier or later,
and since there is, in fact, no more a desiderative stem jigamis
than
a causative stem gamay
.
393. The stem áp
f. water is inflected only in the plural, and with
dissimilation of its final before bh
to d
(151 e): thus, ā́pas
,
apás
, adbhís
, adhbyás
, apā́m
, apsú
.
a. But RV. has the sing. instr. apā́
and gen. apás
. In the earlier
language (especially AV.), and even in the epics, the nom. and accus.
pl. forms are occasionally confused in use, ā́pas
being employed as
accus., and apás
as nominative.
b. Besides the stem ap
, case-forms of this word are sometimes used in
composition and derivation: thus, for example, abjā́
, āpodevata
,
āpomáya
, apsumant
.
394. The stem púṁs
m. man is very irregular, substituting púmāṅs
in the strong cases, and losing its s
(necessarily) before initial
bh
of a case-ending, and likewise (by analogy with this, or by an
abbreviation akin with that noticed at 231) in the loc. plural. The
vocative is (in accordance with that of the somewhat similarly
inflected perfect participles: see 462 a) púman
in the later
language, but púmas
in the earlier. Thus: púmān
, púmāṅsam
,
puṁsā́
, puṁsé
, puṁsás
, puṁsí
, púman
; púmāṅsāu
, pumbhyā́m
,
puṁsós
; púmāṅsas
, puṁsás
, pumbhís
, pumbhyás
, puṁsā́m
,
puṁsú
.
a. The accentuation of the weak forms, it will be noticed, is that of a
true monosyllabic stem. The forms with bh
-endings nowhere occur in the
older language, nor do they appear to have been cited from the later.
Instances of the confusion of strong and weak forms are occasionally met
with. As to the retention of s
unlingualized in the weakest cases
(whence necessarily follows that in the loc. pl.), see 183 a.
b. This stem appears under a considerable variety of forms in
composition and derivation: thus, as puṁs
in puṁścalī́
, puṁstva
,
púṁsvant
, -puṁska
, etc; as pum
in púṁvatsa
, púṁrūpa
, puṁvat
,
pumartha
, etc.; as puṁsa
in puṁsavant
; — at the end of a compound,
either with its full inflection, as in strīpúṁs
etc.; or as puṁsa
,
in strīpuṁsa
, mahāpuṁsa
; or as puma
in strīpuma
(TS. TA.).
395. The stem path
m. road is defective in declension, forming only
the weakest cases, while the strong are made from pánthā
or pánthan
,
and the middle from pathí
: see under an
-stems, below, 433.
396. The stem dánt
m. tooth is perhaps of participial origin, and
has, like a participle, the forms dánt
and dát
, strong and weak:
thus (V.), dán
, dántam
, datā́
, etc.; datás
acc. pl. etc. But in
the middle cases it has the monosyllabic and not the participial accent:
thus, dadbhís
, dadbhyás
. In nom. pl. occurs also -datas
instead of
-dantas
. By the grammarians, the strong cases of this word are
required to be made from dánta
.
397. A number of other words of this division are defective, making part of their inflection from stems of a different form.
a. Thus, hṛ́d
n. heart, mā́ṅs
or mā́s
n. meat, mā́s
m. month,
nás
f. nose, niś
f. night (not found in the older language),
pṛ́t
f. army, are said by the grammarians to lack the nom. of all
numbers and the accus. sing. and du. (the neuters, of course, the acc.
pl. also), making them respectively from hṛ́daya
, māṅsá
, mā́sa
,
nā́sikā
, niśā
, pṛ́tanā
. But the usage in the older language is not
entirely in accordance with this requirement: thus, we find mā́s
flesh accus. sing.; mā́s
month nom. sing.; and nā́sā
nostrils
du. From pṛ́t
occurs only the loc. pl. pṛtsú
and (RV., once) the same
case with double ending, pṛtsúṣu
.
398. On the other hand, certain stems of this division, allowed by the grammarians a full inflection, are used to fill up the deficiencies of those of another form.
a. Thus, ásṛj
n. blood, śákṛt
n. ordure, yákṛt
n. liver,
dós
n. (also m.) fore-arm, have beside them defective stems in án
:
see below, 432. Of none of them, however, is anything but the nom.-acc.
sing. found in the older language, and other cases later are but very
scantily represented.
b. Of ā́s
n. mouth, and úd
water, only a case or two are found,
in the older language, beside āsán
and āsyà
, and udán
and údaka
(432).
399. Some of the alternative stems mentioned above are instances of
transition from the consonant to a vowel declension: thus, dánta
,
mā́sa
. A number of other similar cases occur, sporadically in the older
language, more commonly in the later. Such are pā́da
, -māda
, -dāśa
,
bhrājá
, viṣṭápa
, dvāra
and dura
, pura
, dhura
, -dṛśa
,
nā́sā
, nidā
, kṣípā
, kṣapā́
, āśā́
, and perhaps a few others.
a. A few irregular stems will find a more proper place under the head of Adjectives.
Adjectives.
400. Original adjectives having the root-form are comparatively rare even in the oldest language.
a. About a dozen are quotable from the RV., for the most part only in a
few scattering cases. But mah
, great, is common in RV., though it
dies out rapidly later. It makes a derivative feminine stem, mahī́
,
which continues in use, as meaning earth etc.
401. But compound adjectives, having a root as final member, with the value of a present participle, are abundant in every period of the language.
a. Possessive adjective compounds, also, of the same form, are not very
rare: examples are yatásruc
with offered bowl; sū́ryatvac
sun-skinned; cátuṣpad
four-footed; suhā́rd
kind-hearted,
friendly; rītyàp
(i.e. rītí
-ap
) having streaming waters;
sahásradvār
furnished with a thousand doors.
b. The inflection of such compounds is like that of the simple root-stems, masculine and feminine being throughout the same, and the neuter varying only in the nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. But special neuter forms are of rare occurrence, and masc.-fem. are sometimes used instead.
c. Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem in ī
formed: in the
older language, only from the compounds with ac
or añc
(407 ff.),
those with han
(402), those with pad
, as ékapadī
, dvipádī
, and
with dant
, as vṛ́ṣadatī
, and mahī
, ámucī
(AV.), úpasadī
(? śB).
Irregularities of inflection appear in the following:
402. The root han
slay, as final of a compound, is inflected
somewhat like a derivative noun in an
(below, 420 ff.), becoming hā
in the nom. sing., and losing its n
in the middle cases and its a
in
the weakest cases (but only optionally in the loc. sing.). Further, when
the vowel is lost, h
in contact with following n
reverts to its
original gh
. Thus:
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
N.
vṛtrahā́
vṛtraháṇāu
vṛtraháṇas
A.
vṛtraháṇam
vṛtraghnás
I.
vṛtraghnā́
vṛtrahábhyām
vṛtrahábhis
D.
vṛtraghné
vṛtrahábhyas
Ab.
vṛtraghnás
G.
vṛtraghnós
vṛtraghnā́m
L.
vṛtraghní
, -háṇi
vṛtrahásu
V.
vṛ́trahan
vṛ́trahaṇāu
vṛ́trahaṇas
a. As to the change of n
to ṇ
, see 193, 195.
b. A feminine is made by adding ī
to, as usual, the stem-form shown
in the weakest cases: thus, vṛtraghnī́
.
c. An accus. pl. -hánas
(like the nom.) also occurs. Vṛtrahábhis
(RV., once) is the only middle case-form quotable from the older
language. Transitions to the a
-declension begin already in the Veda:
thus, to -há
(RV. AV.), -ghná
(RV.), -hana
.
403. The root vah
carry at the end of a compound is said by the
grammarians to be lengthened to vāh
in both the strong and middle
cases, and contracted in the weakest cases to ūh
. which with a
preceding a
-vowel becomes āu
(137 c): thus, from havyaváh
sacrifice-bearing (epithet of Agni), havyavā́ṭ
, havyavā́ham
,
havyāúhā
, etc.; havyavā́hāu
, havyavā́ḍbhyām
, havyāúhos
;
havyavā́has
, havyāúhas
, havyavā́ḍbhis
, etc. And śvetaváh
(not
quotable) is said to be further irregular in making the nom. sing. in
vās
and the vocative in vas
or vās
.
a. In the earlier language, only strong forms of compounds with vah
have been found to occur: namely, -vā́ṭ
, -vā́ham
, -vā́hāu
or -vā́hā
,
and -vā́has
. But feminines in ī
, from the weakest stem — as
turyāuhī́
, dityāuhī́
, paṣṭhāuhī́
— are met with in the Brāhmaṇas. TS.
has the irregular nom. sing. paṣṭhavā́t
.
404. Of very irregular formation and inflection is one common compound
of vah
, namely anaḍváh
(anas
+vah
, burden-bearing or
cart-drawing, i.e. ox). Its stem-form in the strong cases is
anaḍvā́h
, in the weakest anaḍúh
, and in the middle anaḍúd
(perhaps
by dissimilation from anaḍúḍ
). Moreover, its nom. and voc. sing, are
made in vān
and van
(as if from a vant
-stem). Thus:
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
N.
anaḍvā́n
anaḍvā́hāu
anaḍvā́has
A.
anaḍvā́ham
anaḍúhas
I.
anaḍúhā
anaḍúdbhyām
anaḍúdbhis
D.
anaḍúhe
anaḍúdbhyas
Ab.
anaḍúhas
G.
anaḍúhos
anaḍúhām
L.
anaḍúhi
anaḍútsu
V.
ánaḍvan
ánaḍvāhāu
ánaḍvāhas
a. Anaḍúdbhyas
(AV., once) is the only middle case-form quotable from
the older language. But compounds showing the middle stem — as
anaḍucchata
, anaḍudarha
— are met with in Brāhmaṇas etc.
b. The corresponding feminine stem (of very infrequent occurrence) is
either anaḍuhī́
(śB.) or anaḍvāhī́
(K. MS.).
405. The root sah
overcome has in the Veda a double irregularity:
its s
is changeable to ṣ
even after an a
-vowel — as also in its
single occurrence as an independent adjective (RV., tváṁ ṣā́ṭ
) — while
it sometimes remains unchanged after an i
or u
-vowel; and its a
is
either prolonged or remains unchanged, in both strong and weak cases.
The quotable forms are: -ṣā́ṭ
, -ṣā́ham
or -sā́ham
or -sáham
,
-sáhā
, -sā́he
or -sáhe
, -ṣā́has
or -ṣáhas
or -sáhas
; -sáhā
(du.); -ṣā́has
or -sáhas
.
406. The compound avayā́j
(√yaj
make offering) a certain priest
or (BR.) a certain sacrifice is said to form the nom. and voc. sing
avayā́s
, and to make its middle cases from avayás
.
a. Its only quotable form is avayā́s
f. (RV. and AV., each once). If
the stem is a derivative from ava
+√yaj
conciliate, avayā́s
is
probably from ava
+ √yā
, which has the same meaning. But sadhamā́s
(RV., once) and purodā́s
(RV., twice) show a similar apparent
substitution in nom. sing. of the case-ending s
after long ā
for a
final root-consonant (d
and ś
respectively). Compare also the
alleged śvetavās
(above, 403).
407. Compounds with añc
or ac
. The root ac
or añc
makes, in
combination with prepositions and other words, a considerable class of
familiarly used adjectives, of quite irregular formation and inflection,
in some of which it almost loses its character of root, and becomes an
ending of derivation.
a. A part of these adjectives have only two stem-forms: a strong in
añc
(yielding an
̄, from an̄ks
, in nom. sing. masc.), and a weak in
ac
; others distinguish from the middle in ac
a weakest stem in c
,
before which the a
is contracted with a preceding i
or u
into ī
or ū
.
b. The feminine is made by adding ī
to the stem-form used in the
weakest cases, and is accented like them.
408. As examples of inflection we may take prā́ñc
forward, east,
pratyáñc
opposite, west, víṣvañc
going apart.
Singular:
N. V.
prā́n̄
prā́k
pratyán̄
pratyák
víṣvan̄
víṣvak
A.
prā́ñcam
prā́k
pratyáñcam
pratyák
víṣvañcam
víṣvak
I.
prā́cā
pratīcā́
víṣūcā
D.
prā́ce
pratīcé
víṣūce
Ab. G.
prā́cas
pratīcás
víṣūcas
L.
prā́ci
pratīcí
víṣūci
Dual:
N. A. V.
prā́ñcāu
prā́cī
pratyáñcāu
pratīcī́
víṣvañcāu
víṣūcī
I. D. Ab.
prā́gbhyām
pratyágbhyām
víṣvagbhyām
G. L.
prā́cos
pratīcós
víṣūcos
Plural
N. V.
prā́ñcas prā́ñci
pratyáñcas pratyáñci
víṣvañcas víṣvañci
A.
prā́cas prā́ñci
pratīcás pratyáñci
víṣūcas víṣvañci
I.
prā́gbhis
pratyágbhis
víṣvagbhis
D. Ab.
prā́gbhyas
pratyágbhyas
víṣvagbhyas
G.
prā́cām
pratīcā́m
víṣūcām
L.
prā́kṣu
pratyákṣu
víṣvakṣu
a. The feminine stems are prā́cī, practīcī́, víṣūcī, respectively.
b. No example of the middle forms excepting the nom. etc. sing. neut. (and this generally used as adverb) is found either in RV. or AV. In the same texts is lacking the nom. etc. pl. neut. in ñci; but of this a number of examples occur in the Brāhmaṇas: thus, prā́ñci, pratyáñci, arvāñci, samyáñci, sadhryañci, anvañci.
409. a. Like prā́ñc are inflected ápāñc, ávāñc, párāñc, arvā́ñc, adharā́ñc, and others of rare occurrence.
b. Like pratyáñc are inflected nyàñc (i.e. níañc), samyáñc (sam+añc, with irregularly inserted i), and údañc (weakest stem údīc: ud+añc, with i inserted in weakest cases only), with a few other rare stems.
c. Like víṣvañc is inflected anváñc, also three or four others of which only isolated forms occur.
d. Still more irregular is tiryáñc, of which the weakest stem is tiráśc (tirás+ac: the other stems are made from tir+añc or ac, with the inserted i).
410. The accentuation of these words is irregular, as regards both the stems themselves and their inflected forms. Sometimes the one element has the tone and sometimes the other, without any apparent reason for the difference. If the compound is accented on the final syllable, the accent is shifted in RV. to the ending in the weakest cases provided their stem shows the contraction to ī or ū: thus, prā́cā, arvā́cā, adharā́cas, but pratīcā́, anūcás, samīcī́. But AV. and later texts usually keep the accent upon the stem: thus, pratī́cī, samī́cī, antū́cī (RV. has pratī́cīm once). The change of accent to the endings, and even in polysyllabic stems, is against all usual analogy.
B. Derivative stems in as, is, us.
411. The stems of this division are prevailingly neuter; but there are also a few masculines, and one or two feminines.
412. The stems in अस् as are quite numerous, and mostly made with the
suffix अस् as (a small number also with तस् tas
and नस् nas
, and
some are obscure); the others are few, and almost all made with the
suffixes इस् is
and उस् us
.
413. Their inflection is almost entirely regular. But masculine and
feminine stems in अस् as
lengthen the vowel of the ending in nom.
sing.; and the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut. make the same prolongation (of अ
a
or इ i
or उ u
) before the inserted nasal (anusvāra
).
414. Examples of declension. As examples we may take मनस् mánas
n.
mind; अङ्गिरस् án̄giras
m. Angiras; हविस् havís
n. oblation.
Singular:
N.
मनस्
mánas
अङ्गिरास्
án̄girās
हविस्
havís
A.
मनस्
mánas
अङ्गिरसम्
án̄girasam
हविस्
havís
I.
मनसा
mánasā
अङ्गिरसा
án̄girasā
हविषा
havíṣā
D.
मनसे
mánase
अङ्गिरसे
án̄girase
हविषे
havíṣe
Ab. G.
मनसस्
mánasas
अङ्गिरसस्
án̄girasas
हविषस्
havíṣas
L.
मनसि
mánasi
अङ्गिरसि
án̄girasi
हविषि
havíṣi
V.
मनस्
mánas
अङ्गिरस्
án̄giras
हविस्
havís
Dual:
N. A. V.
मनसी
mánasī
अङ्गिरसौ
án̄girasāu
हविषी
havíṣī
I. D. Ab.
मनोभ्याम्
mánobhyām
अङ्गिरोभ्याम्
án̄girobhyām
हविर्भ्याम्
havírbhyām
G. L.
मनसोस्
mánasos
अङ्गिरसोस्
án̄girasos
हविषोस्
havíṣos
Plural:
N. A. V.
मनांसि
mánāṅsi
अङ्गिरसस्
án̄girasas
हवींषि
havī́ṅṣi
I.
मनोभिस्
mánobhis
अङ्गिरोभिस्
án̄girobhis
हविर्भिस्
havírbhis
D. Ab.
मनोभ्यस्
mánobhyas
अङ्गिरोभ्यस्
án̄girobhyas
हविर्भ्यस्
havírbhyas
G.
मनसाम्
mánasām
अङ्गिरसाम्
án̄girasām
हविषाम्
havíṣām
L.
मनःसु
mánaḥsu
अङ्गिरःसु
án̄giraḥsu
हवीःषु
havī́ḥṣu
In like manner, चक्षुस् cákṣus
n. eye forms चक्षुषा cákṣuṣā
,
चक्षुर्म्याम् cákṣurbhyām
, चक्षूंषि cakṣūṅṣui
, and so on.
415. Vedic etc. Irregularities, a. In the older language, the endings
-asam
(acc. sing.) and -asas
(generally nom.-acc. pl.; once or twice
gen.-abl. sing.) of stems in as
are not infrequently contracted to
-ām
, -ās
— e. g. āśā́m
, vedhā́m
; surā́dhās
, ánāgās
— and out of
such forms grow, both earlier and later, substitute-stems in ā
, as
āśā́
, jarā́
, medhā́
. So from other forms grow stems in a
and in
asa
, which exchange more or less with those in as through the whole
history of the language.
b. More scattering irregularities may be mentioned, as follows: 1. The
usual masc. and fem. du. ending in ā
instead of āu
; — 2. uṣás
f.
dawn often prolongs its a
in the other strong cases, as in the nom.
sing.: thus, uṣā́sam
, uṣā́sā
, uṣā́sas
(and once in a weak case,
uṣā́sas
); and in its instr. pl. occurs once (RV.) uṣádbhis
instead of
uṣóbhis
; — 3. from tośás
is once (RV.) found a similar dual,
tośā́sā
; — 4. from svávas
and svátavas
occur in RV. a nom. sing.
masc. in vān
, as if from a stem in vant
; and in the Brāhmaṇas is
found the dat.-abl. pl. of like formation svátavadbhyas
.
c. The stems in is
and us
also show transitions to stems in i
and
u
, and in iṣa
and uṣa
. From janús
is once (RV.) made the nom.
sing, janū́s
, after the manner of an as
-stem (cf. also janūrvā́sas
śB.).
416. The grammarians regard uśánas
m. as regular stem-form of the
proper name noticed above (355 a), but give it the irregular nom.
uśánā
and the voc. uśanas
or uśana
or uśanan
. Forms from the
as
-stem, even nom., are sometimes met with in the later literature.
a. As to forms from as
-stems to áhan
or áhar
and ū́dhan
or
ū́dhar
, see below, 430.
Adjectives
417. a. A few neuter nouns in as
with accent on the radical syllable
have corresponding adjectives or appellatives in ás
, with accent on
the ending: thus, for example, ápas
work, apás
active; táras
quickness, tarás
quick; yáśas
glory, yaśás
glorious. A few
other similar adjectives — as tavás
mighty, vedhás
pious — are
without corresponding nouns.
b. Original adjectives in is
do not occur (as to alleged desiderative
adjectives in is
, see 392 d). But in us are found as many adjectives
as nouns (about ten of each class); and in several instances adjective
and noun stand side by side, without difference of accent such as
appears in the stems in as
: e.g. tápus
heat and hot; vápus
wonder and wonderful.
418. Adjective compounds having nouns of this division as final member
are very common: thus, sumánas
favorably minded; dīrghā́yus
long-lived; śukráśocis
having brilliant brightness. The stem-form
is the same for all genders, and each gender is inflected in the usual
manner, the stems in as making their nom. sing. masc. and fem. in ās
(like án̄giras
, above). Thus, from sumánas
, the nom. and accus. are
as follows:
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
m.
f.
n.
m.
f.
n.
m.
f.
n.
N.
sumánās
-nas
sumánasāu
-nasī
sumánasas
-nāṅsi
A.
sumánasam
-nas
and the other cases (save the vocative) are alike in all genders.
a. In Veda and Brāhmaṇa, the neut. nom. sing. is in a considerable
number of instances made in ās
, like the other genders.
b. From dīrghā́yus
, in like manner:
N.
dīrghā́yus
dīrghā́yuṣāu
-yuṣī
dīrghā́yuṣas
-yūṅṣi
A.
dīrghā́yuṣam
-yus
I.
dīrghā́yuṣā
dīrghā́yurbhyām
dīrghā́yurbhis
etc.
etc.
etc.
419. The stem anehás
unrivalled (defined as meaning time in the
later language) forms the nom. sing. masc. and fem, anehā́
.
C. Derivative stems in an
.
420. The stems of this division are those made by the three suffixes
अन् an
, मन् man
, and वन् van
, together with a few of more
questionable etymology which are inflected like them. They are almost
exclusively masculine and neuter.
421. The stem has a triple form. In the strong cases of the masculine,
the vowel of the ending is prolonged to आ ā
; in the weakest cases it
is in general struck out altogether; in the middle cases, or before a
case-ending beginning with a consonant, the final न् n
is dropped. The
न् n
is also lost in the nom. sing. of both genders (leaving आ ā
as
final in the masculine, अ a
in the neuter).
a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual analogy (311 b):
the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. have the lengthening to आ ā
, as strong cases;
the nom.-acc.-voc. du., as weakest cases, have the loss of अ a
— but
this only optionally, not necessarily.
b. In the loc. sing., also, the a
may be either rejected or retained
(compare the corresponding usage with ṛ
-stems: 373). And after the m
or v
of man
or van
, when these are preceded by another consonant,
the a
is always retained, to avoid a too great accumulation of
consonants.
422. The vocative sing. is in masculines the pure stem; in neuters, either this or like the nominative. The rest of the inflection requires no description.
423. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked that when, in the
weakest cases, an acute á
of the suffix is lost, the tone is thrown
forward upon the ending.
424. Examples of declension. As such may be taken राजन् rā́jan
m.
king; आत्मन् ātmán
m. soul, self; नामन् nā́man
n. name. Thus:
Singular
N.
राजा
rā́jā
आत्मा
ātmā́
नाम
nā́ma
A.
राजानम्
rā́jānam
आत्मानम्
ātmā́nam
नाम
nā́ma
I.
राज्ञा
rā́jñā
आत्मना
ātmánā
नाम्ना
nā́mnā
D.
राज्ञे
rā́jñe
आत्मने
ātmáne
नाम्ने
nā́mne
Ab. G.
राज्ञस्
rā́jñas
आत्मनस्
ātmánas
नाम्नस्
nā́mnas
L.
राज्ञि, राजनि
rā́jñi
, rā́jani
आत्मनि
ātmáni
नाम्नि, नामनि
nā́mni
, nā́mani
V.
राजन्
rā́jan
आत्मन्
ā́tman
नामन्, नाम
nā́man
, nā́ma
Dual:
N. A. V.
राजानौ
rā́jānāu
आत्मानौ
ātmā́nāu
नाम्नी, नामनी
nā́mnī
, nā́manī
I. D. Ab.
राजभ्याम्
rā́jabhyām
आत्मभ्याम्
ātmábhyām
नामभ्याम्
nā́mabhyām
G. L.
राज्ञोस्
rā́jños
आत्मनोस्
ātmános
नाम्नोस्
nā́mnos
Plural:
N.
राजानस्
rā́jānas
आत्मानस्
ātmā́nas
नामानि
nā́māni
A.
राज्ञस्
rā́jñas
आत्मनस्
ātmánas
नामानि
nā́māni
I.
राजभिस्
rā́jabhis
आत्मभिस्
ātmábhis
नामभिस्
nā́mabhis
D. Ab.
राजभ्यस्
rā́jabhyas
आत्मभ्यस्
ātmábhyas
नामभ्यस्
nā́mabhyas
G.
राज्ञाम्
rā́jñām
आत्मनाम्
ātmánām
नाम्नाम्
nā́mnām
L.
राजसु
rā́jasu
आत्मसु
ātmásu
नामसु
nā́masu
a. The weakest cases of mūrdhán
m. head, would be accented
mūrdhnā́
, mūrdhné
, mūrdhnós
, mūrdhnás
(acc. pl.), mūrdhnā́m
,
etc.; and so in all similar cases (loc. sing., mūrdhní
or mūrdháni
).
425. Vedic Irregularities. a. Here, as elsewhere, the ending of the
nom.-acc.-voc. du. masc. is usually ā
instead of āu
.
b. The briefer form (with ejected a
) of the loc. sing., and of the
neut. nom.-acc.-voc. du., is quite unusual in the older language. RV.
writes once śatadā́vni
, but it is to be read śatadā́vani
; and similar
cases occur in AV. (but also several times -mni
). In the Brāhmaṇas,
too, such forms as dhāmani
and sāmanī
are very much more common than
such as ahni
and lomnī
.
c. But throughout both Veda and Brāhmaṇa, an abbreviated form of the
loc. sing., with the ending i
omitted, or identical with the stem, is
of considerably more frequent occurrence than the regular form: thus,
mūrdhán
, kárman
, ádhvan
, beside mūrdháni
etc. The n
has all
the usual combinations of a final n
: e. g. mūrdhann asya
,
mūrdhant sa
, mūrdnaṅs tvā
.
d. In the nom.-acc. pl. neut., also, an abbreviated form is common,
ending in ā
or (twice as often) a
, instead of āni
: thus, bráhma
and bráhmā
, beside bráhmāṇi
: compare the similar series of endings
from a
-stems, 329 c.
e. From a few stems in man is made an abbreviated instr. sing., with
loss of m
as well as of a
: thus, mahinā́
, prathinā́
, variṇā́
,
dānā́
, preṇā́
, bhūnā́
, for mahimnā́
etc. And drāghmā́
and raśmā́
(RV., each once) are perhaps for drāghmáṇā
, raśmánā
.
f. Other of the weakest cases than the loc. sing. are sometimes found
with the a
of the suffix retained: thus, for example, bhū́manā
,
dā́mane
, yā́manas
, ukṣáṇas
(accus. pl.), etc. In the infinitive
datives (970 d) — trā́maṇe
, vidmáne
, dāváne
, etc. — the a
always
remains. About as numerous are the instances in which the a
, omitted
in the written form of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored
in reading.
g. The voc. sing. in vas
, which is the usual Vedic form from stems in
vant
(below, 454 b), is found also from a few in van
, perhaps by a
transfer to the vant
-declension: thus, ṛtāvas
, evayāvas
,
khidvas
(?), prātaritvas
, mātariśvas
, vibhāvas
.
h. For words of which the a
is not made long in the strong cases, see
the next paragraph.
426. A few stems do not make the regular lengthening of a
in the
strong cases (except the nom. sing.). Thus:
a. The names of divinities, pūṣán
, aryamán
: thus, pūṣā́
,
pūṣáṇam
, pūṣṇā́
, etc.
b. In the Veda, ukṣán
bull (but also ukṣā́ṇam
); yóṣan
maiden;
vṛ́ṣan
virile, bull (but vṛ́ṣāṇam
and vṛ́ṣāṇas
are also met with);
tmán
, abbreviation of ātmán
; and two or three other scattering
forms: anarváṇam
, jémanā
. And in a number of additional instances,
the Vedic metre seems to demand a
where ā
is written.
427. The stems śván
m. dog and yúvan
young have in the weakest
cases the contracted form śún
and yū́n
(with retention of the
accent); in the strong and middle cases they are regular. Thus, śvā́
,
śvā́nam
, śúnā
, śúne
, etc., śvábhyām
, śvábhis
, etc.; yúvā
,
yúvānam
, yū́nā
, yúvabhis
, etc.
a. In dual, RV. has once yū́nā
for yúvānā
.
428. The stem maghávan
generous (later, almost exclusively a name
of Indra) is contracted in the weakest cases to maghón
: thus,
maghávā
, maghávānam
, maghónā
, maghóne
, etc.
a. The RV. has once the weak form maghónas
in nom. pl.
b. Parallel with this is found the stem maghávant
(division E); and
from the latter alone in the older language are made the middle cases:
thus, maghavadbhis
, maghavatsu
, etc. (not maghavabhis
etc.).
429. a. Stems in a
, ma
, va
, parallel with those in an
, man
,
van
, and doubtless in many cases derived from those through
transitional forms, are frequent in both the earlier and the later
language, particularly as final members of compounds.
b. A number of an
-stems are more or less defective, making a part of
their forms from other stems. Thus:
430. a. The stem áhan
n. day is in the later language used only in
the strong and weakest cases, the middle (with the nom. sing., which
usually follows their analogy) coming from áhar
or áhas
: namely,
áhar
nom.-acc. sing., áhobhyām
, áhobhis
, etc. (PB. has
aharbhis
); but áhnā
etc., áhni
or áhani
(or áhan
), áhnī
or
áhanī
, áhāni
(and, in V., áhā
).
b. In the oldest language, the middle cases áhabis
, áhabhyas
,
áhasu
also occur.
c. In composition, only ahar
or ahas
is used as preceding member;
as final member, ahar
, ahas
, ahan
, or the derivatives aha
,
ahna
.
d. The stem ū́dhan
n. udder exchanges in like manner, in the old
language, with ū́dhar
and ū́dhas
, but has become later an as
-stem
only (except in the fem ūdhnī
of adjective compounds): thus, ū́dhar
or ū́dhas
, ū́dhnas
, ū́dhan
or ū́dhani
, ū́dhabhis
, ū́dhaḥsu
. As
derivative from it are made both ūdhanyà
and ūdhasya
.
431. The neuter stems akṣán
eye, asthán
bone, dadhán
curds,
sakthán
thigh, form in the later language only the weakest cases,
akṣṇā́
, asthné
, dadhnás
, sakthní
or saktháni
, and so on; the
rest of the inflection is made from stems in i
, ákṣi
etc.: see
above, 343 i.
a. In the older language, other cases from the an
-stems occur: thus,
akṣā́ṇi
, akṣábhis
, and akṣasu
; asthā́ni
, asthábhis
, and
asthábhyas
; sakthā́ni
.
432. The neuter stems asán
blood, yakán
liver, śakán
ordure, āsán
mouth, udán
water, doṣán
fore-arm, yūṣán
broth, are required to make their nom.-acc.-voc. in all numbers from
the parallel stems ásṛj
, yákṛt
, śákṛt
, āsyà
, údaka
(in older
language udaká
), dós
, yūṣá
, which are fully inflected.
a. Earlier occurs also the dual doṣáṇī
.
433. The stems pánthan
m. road is reckoned in the later language as
making the complete set of strong cases, with the irregularity that the
nom.-voc. sing. adds a s
. The corresponding middle cases are made from
pathí
, and the weakest from path
. Thus:
from pánthan
— pánthās
, pánthānam
; pánthānāu
; pánthānas
;
from pathí
— pathíbhyām
; pathíbhis
, pathíbhyas
, pathíṣu
;
from path
— pathā́
, pathé
, pathás
, pathí
; pathós
; pathás
or
páthas
(accus.), pathā́m
.
a. In the oldest language (RV.), however, the strong stem is only
pánthā
: thus, pánthās
, nom. sing.; pánthām
, acc. sing.; pánthās
,
nom. pl.; and even in AV., pánthānam
and pánthānas
are rare compared
with the others. From pathí
occur also the nom. pl. patháyas
and
gen. pl. pathīnā́m
. RV. has once pāthás
, acc. pl., with long ā
.
434. The stems mánthan
m. stirring-stick, and ṛbhukṣán
m., an
epithet of Indra, are given by the grammarians the same inflection with
pánthan
; but only a few cases have been found in use. In V. occur from
the former the acc. sing. mánthām
, and gen. pl. mathīnā́m
(like the
corresponding cases from pánthan
); from the latter, the nom. sing.
ṛbhukṣā́s
and voc. pl. ṛbhukṣās
, like the corresponding Vedic forms
of pánthan
; but also the acc. sing. ṛbhukṣáṇam
and nom. pl.
ṛbhukṣáṇas
, which are after quite another model.
Adjectives
435. Original adjective stems in an
are almost exclusively those made
with the suffix van
, as yájvan
sacrificing, sútvan
pressing the
soma, jítvan
conquering. The stem is masc and neut. only (but
sporadic cases of its use as fem. occur in RV.); the corresponding fem.
stem is made in varī
: thus, yájvarī
, jítvarī
.
436. Adjective compounds having a noun in an
as final member are
inflected after the model of noun-stems; and the masculine forms are
sometimes used also as feminine; but usually a special feminine is made
by adding ī
to the weakest form of the masculine stem: thus,
sómarājñī
, kīlā́lodhnī
, ékamūrdhnī
, durṇā́mnī
.
437. But (as was pointed out above: 429 a) nouns in an
occurring as
final members of compounds often substitute a stem in a
for that in
an
: thus, -rāja
, -janma
, -adhva
, -aha
; their feminine is in
ā
. Occasional exchanges of stems in van
and in vant
also occur:
thus, vivásvan
and vivásvant
.
a. The remaining divisions of the consonantal declension are made up of adjective stems only.
D. Derivative stems (adjective) in in.
438. The stems of this division are those formed with the suffixes इन्
in
, मिन् min
, विन् vin
. They are masculine and neuter only; the
corresponding feminine is made by adding ई ī
.
a. The stems in in
are very numerous, since almost any noun in a
in
the language may form a possessive derivative adjective with this
suffix: thus, bála
strength, balín
m. n. balínī
f. possessing
strength, strong. Stems in vin
(1232), however, are very few, and
those in min
(1231) still fewer.
439. Their inflection is quite regular, except that they lose their
final न् n
in the middle cases (before an initial consonant of the
ending), and also in the nom. sing., where the masculine lengthens the इ
i
by way of compensation. The voc. sing. is in the masculine the bare
stem; in the neuter, either this or like the nominative.
a. In all these respects, it will be noticed, the in
-declension
agrees with the an
-declension; but it differs from the latter in never
losing the vowel of the ending.
440. Examples of inflection. As such may be taken बलिन् balín
strong. Thus:
Singular.
Dual.
Plural.
m.
n.
m.
n.
m.
n.
N.
बली
balī́
बलि
balí
बलिनौ
balínāu
बलिनी
balínī
बलिनस्
balínas
बलीनि
balī́ni
A.
बलिनम्
balínam
बलि
balí
I.
बलिना
balínā
बलिभ्याभ्
balíbhyām
बलिभिस्
balíbhis
D.
बलिने
balíne
बलिभ्यस्
balíbhyas
Ab.
बलिनस्
balínas
G.
बलिनोस्
balínos
बलिनाम्
balínām
L.
बलिनि
balíni
बलिषु
balíṣu
V.
बलिन
bálin
बलिन, बलि
bálin
, báli
बलिनौ
bálināu
बलिनी
bálinī
बलिनस्
bálinas
बलीनि
bálīni
a. The derived feminine stem in inī
is inflected, of course, like any
other feminine in derivative ī
(364).
441. a. There are no irregularities in the inflection of in
-stems, in
either the earlier language or the later — except the usual Vedic dual
ending in ā
instead of āu
.
b. Stems in in
exchange with stems in i
throughout the whole
history of the language, those of the one class being developed out of
those of the other often through transitional forms. In a much smaller
number of cases, stems in in
are expanded to stems in ina
: e.g.
śākiná
(RV.), śuṣmiṇa
(B.), barhiṇa
, bhajina
.
E. Derivative stems (adjective) in ant
(or at
).
442. These stems fall into two sub-divisions: 1. those made by the
suffix अन्त् ant
(or अत् at
), being, with a very few exceptions,
active participles, present and future; 2. those made by the possessive
suffixes मन्त् mant
and वन्त् vant
(or मत् mat
and वत् vat
).
They are masculine and neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made
by adding ई ī
.
1. Participles in ant
or at
.
443. The stem has in general a double form, a stronger and a weaker,
ending respectively in अन्त् ant
and अत् at
. The former is taken in
the strong cases of the masculine, with, as usual, the nom.-acc.-voc.
pl. neuter; the latter is taken by all the remaining cases.
a. But, in accordance with the rule for the formation of the feminine
stem (below, 449), the future participles, and the present participles
of verbs of the tud
-class or accented á
-class (752), and of verbs of
the ad
-class or root-class ending in ā
, are by the grammarians
allowed to make the nom.-acc.-voc. du. neut. from either the stronger or
the weaker stem; and the present participles from all other
present-stems ending in a
are required to make the same from the
strong stem.
444. Those verbs, however, which in the 3d pl. pres. active lose न् n
of the usual ending न्ति nti
(550 b), lose it also in the present
participle, and have no distinction of strong and weak stem.
a. Such are the verbs forming their present-stem by reduplication
without adding a
: namely, those of the reduplicating or hu
-class
(655) and the intensives (1012): thus, from √hu
, present-stem juhu
,
participle-stem júhvat
; intensive-stem johu
, intensive
participle-stem jóhvat
. Further, the participles of roots apparently
containing a contracted reduplication: namely, cákṣat
, dā́śat
,
dā́sat
, śā́sat
, sáścat
; the aorist participle dhákṣat
, and
vāghát
(?). Vavṛdhánt
(RV., once), which has the n
notwithstanding
its reduplication, comes, like the desiderative participles (1032), from
a stem in a
: compare vāvṛdhánta
, vāvṛdhásva
.
b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the
nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut. in anti
.
445. The inflection of these stems is quite regular. The nom. sing.
masc. comes to end in अन् an
by the regular (150) loss of the two
final consonants from the etymological form अन्त्स् ants
. The vocative
of each gender is like the nominative.
446. Stems accented on the final syllable throw the accent forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (not in the middle also).
a. In the dual neut. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles,
the accent is ántī
if the n
is retained, atī́
if it is lost.
447. Examples of declension. As such may serve भवन्त् bhávant
being, अदन्त् adánt
eating, जुह्वत् júhvat
sacrificing. Thus:
Singular:
N.
भवन्
bhávan
भवत्
bhávat
अदन्
adán
अदत्
adát
जुह्वत्
júhvat
जुह्वत्
júhvat
A.
भवन्तम्
bhávantam
भवत्
bhávat
अदन्तम्
adántam
अदत्
adát
जुह्वतम्
júhvatam
जुह्वत्
júhvat
I.
भवता
bhávatā
अदता
adatā́
जुह्वता
júhvatā
D.
भवते
bhávate
अदते
adaté
जुह्वते
júhvate
Ab. G.
भवतस्
bhávatas
अदतस्
adatás
जुह्वतस्
júhvatas
L.
भवति
bhávati
अदति
adatí
जुह्वति
júhvati
V.
भवन्
bhávan
भवत्
bhávat
अदन्
ádan
अदत्
ádat
जुह्वत्
júhvat
Dual:
N. A. V.
भवन्तौ
bhávantāu
भवन्ती
bhávantī
अदन्तौ
adántāu
अदती
adatī́
जुह्वतौ
júhvatāu
जुह्वती
júhvatī
I. D. Ab.
भवद्भ्याम्
bhávadbhyām
अदद्भ्याम्
adádbhyām
जुह्वद्भ्याम्
júhvadbhyām
G. L.
भवतोस्
bhávatos
अदतोस्
adatós
जुह्वतोस्
júhvatos
Plural:
N. V.
भवन्तस्
bhávantas
भवन्ति
bhávanti
अदन्तस्
adántas
अदन्ति
adánti
जुह्वतस्
júhvatas
जुह्वति
júhvati
A.
भवतस्
bhávatas
भवन्ति
bhávanti
अदतस्
adatás
अदन्ति
adánti
जुह्वतस्
júhvatas
जुह्वति
júhvati
I.
भवद्भिस्
bhávadbhis
अदद्भिस्
adádbhis
जुह्वद्भिस्
júhvadbhis
D. Ab.
भवद्भ्यस्
bhávadbhyas
अदद्भ्यस्
adádbhyas
जुह्वद्भ्यस्
júhvadbhyas
G.
भवताम्
bhávatām
अदताम्
adatā́m
जुह्वताम्
júhvatām
L.
भवत्सु
bhávatsu
अदत्सु
adátsu
जुह्वत्सु
júhvatsu
a. The future participle bhaviṣyánt
may form in nom. etc. dual neuter
either bhaviṣyántī
or bhaviṣyatī́
; tudánt
, either tudántī
or
tudatī́
; yā́nt
(√yā
), either yā́ntī
or yātī́
. And júhvat
, in
nom. etc. plural neuter, may make also júhvanti
(beside júhvati
, as
given in the paradigm above).
b. But these strong forms (as well as bhávantī
, du., and its like
from present-stems in unaccented a
) are quite contrary to general
analogy, and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is
quotable, either from the older or from the later language. The cases
concerned, indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence.
448. The Vedic derivations from the model as above given are few. The
dual ending āu
is only one sixth as common as ā
. Anomalous accent is
seen in a case or two: acodáte
, rathirāyátām
, and vāghádbhis
(if
this is a participle). The only instance in V. of nom. etc. pl. neut. is
sā́nti
, with lengthened ā
(compare the forms in ānti, below, 451 a,
454 c); one or two examples in anti
are quotable from B.
449. The feminine participle-stem, as already stated, is made by adding
ई ī
to either the strong or the weak stem-form of the masc.-neut. The
rules as to which of the two forms shall be taken are the same with
those given above respecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely:
a. Participles from tense-stems ending in unaccented a
add ī
to the
strong stem-form, or make their feminines in antī.
b. Such are the bhū
or unaccented a
-class and the dīv
or
ya
-class of present-stems (chap. IX.), and the desideratives and
causatives (chap. XIV.): thus, from √bhū
(stem bháva
), bhávantī
;
from √dīv
(stem dī́vya
), dī́vyantī
; from búbhūṣa
and bhāváya
(desid. and caus. of √bhū
), búbhūṣantī
and bhāváyantī
.
c. Exceptions to this rule are now and then met with, even from the
earliest period. Thus, RV. has járatī
, and AV. the desiderative
síṣāsatī
; in B. occur vadatī
, śocatī
, tṛpyatī
, and in S. further
tiṣṭhatī
, and the causative namayatī
; while in the epics and later
such cases (including desideratives and causatives) are more numerous
(about fifty are quotable), though still only sporadic.
d. Participles from tense-stems in accented á
may add the
feminine-sign either to the strong or to the weak stem-form, or may make
their feminines in ántī
or in atī́
(with accent as here noted).
e. Such are the present-stems of the tud
or accented á
-class (751
ff.), the s
-futures (932 ff.), and the denominatives (1053 ff.): thus,
from √tud
(stem tudá
), tudántī
or tudatī́
; from bhaviṣyá
(fut.
of √bhū
), bhaviṣyántī
or bhaviṣyatī́
; from devayá
(denom. of
devá
), devayántī
or devayatī́
.
f. The forms in ántī
from this class are the prevailing ones. No
future fem. participle in ati
̄́ is quotable from the older language.
From pres.-stems in á
are found there ṛñjatī́
and siñcstī́
(RV.),
tudatī́
and pinvatī
(AV.) From denominatives, devayatī́
(RV.),
durasyatī́
and śatrūyatī́
(AV.). In BhP. occurs dhakṣyatī
.
g. Verbs of the ad
or root-class (611 ff.) ending in ā
are given by
the grammarians the same option as regard the feminine of the present
participle: thus, from √yā
, yā́ntī
or yātī́
. The older language
affords no example of the former, so far as noted.
h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that is to
say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the intensives
— the feminine is formed in atī́
(or, if the stem be otherwise accented
than on the final, in atī
) only.
i. Thus, adatī́
from √ad
; júhvatī
from √hu
; yuñjatī́
from
√yuj
; sunvatī́
from √su
; kurvati
̄́ from √kṛ
; krīṇatī́
from
√krī
; dédiśatī
from dédiś
(intens. of √diś
).
j. Feminine stems of this class are occasionally (but the case is much
less frequent than its opposite: above, c) found with the nasal: thus,
yántī
(AV., once), undántī
(śB.; but probably from the secondary
á
-stem), gṛhṇantī
(S.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as
bruvantī
, rudantī
, cinvantī
, kurvantī
, jānantī
, muṣṇantī
.
450. A few words are participial in form and inflection, though not in meaning. Thus:
a. bṛhánt
(often written vṛhánt
) great; it is inflected like a
participle (with bṛhati
̄́ and bṛhánti
in du. and pl. neut.).
b. mahánt
great; inflected like a participle, but with the
irregularity that the a
of the ending is lengthened in the strong
forms: thus, mahā́n
, mahā́ntam
; mahā́ntāu
(neut. mahatī́
);
mahā́ntas
, mahā́nti
: instr. mahatā́
etc.
c. pṛ́ṣant
speckled, and (in Veda only) rúśant
shining.
d. jágat
moveable, lively (in the later language, as neuter noun,
world), a reduplicated formation from √gam
go; its nom. etc. neut.
pl. is allowed by the grammarians to be only jáganti
.
e. ṛhánt
small (only once, in RV., ṛhaté
).
f. All these form their feminine in atī
only: thus, bṛhatī́
,
mahatī́
, pṛ́ṣatī
and rúśatī
(contrary to the rule for participles),
jágatī
.
g. For dánt
tooth, which is perhaps of participial origin, see
above, 396.
451. The pronominal adjectives íyant
and kíyant
are inflected like
adjectives in mant
and vant
, having (452) íyān
and kíyān
as nom.
masc. sing., íyatī
and kíyatī
as nom. etc. du. neut. and as feminine
stems, and íyanti
and kíyanti
as nom. etc. plur. neut.
a. But the neut. pl. íyanti
and the loc. sing. (?) kíyāti
are found
in RV.
2. Possessives in mant
or vant
.
452. The adjectives formed by these two suffixes are inflected
precisely alike, and very nearly like the participles in अन्त् ant
.
From the latter they differ only by lengthening अ a
in the nom. sing.
masc.
a. The voc. sing. is in an
, like that of the participle (in the later
language, namely: for that of the oldest, see below, 454 b). The neut.
nom. etc. are in the dual only atī
(or átī
), and in the plural
anti
(or ánti
).
b. The feminine is always made from the weak stem: thus, matī
, vatī
(or mátī
, vátī
). One or two cases of nī
instead of ī
are met
with: thus, antárvatnī
(B. and later), patívatnī
(C.).
c. The accent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the participle) upon the case-ending or the feminine ending.
453. To illustrate the inflection of such stems, it will be sufficient
to give a part of the forms of पशुमन्त् paśumánt
possessing cattle,
and भगवन्त् bhágavant
fortunate, blessed. Thus:
Singular:
m.
n.
m.
n.
N.
पशुमान्
paśumā́n
पशुमत्
paśumát
भगवान्
bhágavān
भगवत्
bhágavat
A.
पशुमन्तम्
paśumántam
पशुमत्
paśumát
भगवन्तम्
bhágavantam
भगवत्
bhágavat
I.
पशुमता
paśumátā
भगवता
bhágavatā
etc.
etc.
V.
पशुमन्
páśuman
पशुमत्
páśumat
भगवन्
bhágavan
भगवत्
bhágavat
Dual:
N. A. V.
पशुमन्तौ
paśumántāu
पशुमती
paśumátī
भगवन्तौ
bhágavantāu
भगवती
bhágavatī
etc.
etc.
Plural:
N. V.
पशुमन्तस्
paśumántas
पशुमन्ति
paśumánti
भगवन्तस्
bhágavantas
भगवन्ति
bhágavanti
A.
पशुमतस्
paśumátas
पशुमन्ति
paśumánti
भगवतस्
bhágavatas
भगवन्ति
bhágavanti
I.
पशुमद्भिस्
paśumádbhis
भगवद्भिस्
bhágavadbhis
etc.
etc.
454. Vedic Irregularities. a. In dual masc. nom. etc., ā
(for āu
)
is the greatly prevailing ending.
b. In voc. sing. masc., the ending in the oldest language (RV.) is
almost always in as
instead of an
(as in the perfect participle:
below, 462 a): thus, adrivas
, harivas
, bhānumas
, haviṣmas
. Such
vocatives in RV. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single
unquestionable instance of one in an
is to be found. In the other
Vedic texts, vocatives in as are extremely rare (but bhagavas
and its
contraction bhagos
are met with, even in the later language); and in
their reproduction of RV passages the as
is usually changed to an
.
It was pointed out above (425 g) that the RV. makes the voc. in as
also apparently from a few an
-stems.
C. In RV., the nom. etc. pl. neut., in the only two instances that
occur, ends in ānti
instead of anti
: thus, ghṛtávānti
,
paśumā́nti
. No such forms have been noted elsewhere in the older
language: the SV. reads anti
in its version of the corresponding
passages, and a few examples of the same ending are quotable from the
Brāhmaṇas: thus, tāvanti
, etā́vanti
, yā́vanti
, ghṛtávanti
,
pravanti
, ṛtumanti
, yugmanti
. Compare 448, 451.
d. In a few (eight or ten) more or less doubtful cases, a confusion of strong and weak forms of stem is made; they are too purely sporadic to require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine form appears to be used with a feminine noun.
455. The stem árvant
running, steed, has the nom. sing. árvā
,
from árvan
; and in the older language also the voc. arvan
and accus.
árvāṇam
.
456. Besides the participle bhávant
, there is another stem bhávant
,
frequently used in respectful address as substitute for the pronoun of
the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb in the third
person), which is formed with the suffix vant
, and so declined, having
in the nom. sing, bhávān
; and the contracted form bhos
of its
old-style vocative bhavas
is a common exclamation of address: you,
sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but it is doubtless a
contraction of bhágavant
.
457. The pronominal adjectives tā́vant
, etā́vant
, yā́vant
, and the
Vedic ī́vant
, mā́vant
, tvā́vant
, etc., are inflected like ordinary
derivatives from nouns.
F. Perfect Participles in vāṅs
.
458. The active participles of the perfect tense-system are quite
peculiar as regards the modifications of their stem. In the strong
cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pl. neut, the form of their suffix
is वांस् vāṅs
, which becomes, by regular process (150), vān
in the
nom. sing., and which is shortened to वन् van
in the voc. sing. In the
weakest cases, the suffix is contracted into उष् uṣ
. In the middle
cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. neut. sing., it is changed to वत्
vat
.
a. A union-vowel i
, if present in the strong and middle cases,
disappears in the weakest, before uṣ
.
459. The forms as thus described are masculine and neuter only; the
corresponding feminine is made by adding ई ī
to the weakest form of
stem, ending thus in उषी úṣī
.
460. The accent is always upon the suffix, whatever be its form.
461. Examples of inflection. To show the inflection of these
participles, we may take the stems विद्वांस् vidvā́ṅs
knowing (which
has irregular loss of the usual reduplication and of the perfect
meaning) from √विद् vid
, and तस्थिवांस् tasthivā́ṅs
having stood
from √स्था sthā
.
Singular:
m.
n.
m.
n.
N.
विद्वान्
vidvā́n
विद्वत्
vidvát
तस्थिवान्
tasthivā́n
तस्थिवत्
tasthivát
A.
विद्वांसम्
vidvā́ṅsam
विद्वत्
vidvát
तस्थिवांसम्
tasthivā́ṅsam
तस्थिवत्
tasthivát
I.
विदुषा
vidúṣā
तस्थुषा
tasthúṣā
D.
विदुषे
vidúṣe
तस्थुषे
tasthúṣe
Ab. G.
विदुषस्
vidúṣas
तस्थुषस्
tasthúṣas
L.
विदुषि
vidúṣi
तस्थुषि
tasthúṣi
V.
विद्वन्
vídvan
विद्वत्
vídvat
तस्थिवन्
tásthivan
तस्थिवत्
tásthivat
Dual:
N. A. V.
विद्वांसौ
vidvā́ṅsāu
विदुषी
vidúṣī
तस्थिवांसौ
tasthivā́ṅsāu
तस्थुषी
tasthúṣī
I. D. Ab.
विद्वद्भ्याम्
vidvádbhyām
तस्थिवद्भ्याम्
tasthivádbhyām
G. L.
विदुषोस्
vidúṣos
तस्थुषोस्
tasthúṣos
Plural:
N. V.
विद्वांसस्
vidvā́ṅsas
विद्वांसि
vidvā́ṅsi
तस्थिवांसस्
tasthivā́ṅsas
तस्थिवांसि
tasthivā́ṅsi
A.
विदुषस्
vidúṣas
विद्वांसि
vidvā́ṅsi
तस्थुषस्
tasthúṣas
तस्थिवांसि
tasthivā́ṅsi
I.
विद्वद्भिस्
vidvádbhis
तस्थिवद्भिस्
tasthivádbhis
D.
विद्वद्भ्यस्
vidvádbhyas
तस्थिवद्भ्यस्
tasthivádbhyas
Ab. G.
विदुषाम्
vidúṣām
तस्थुषाम्
tasthúṣām
L.
विद्वत्सु
vidvátsu
तस्थिवत्सु
tasthivátsu
a. The feminine stems of these two participles are विदुषी vidúṣī and तस्थुषी tasthúṣī.
b. Other examples of the different stems are:
from √kṛ — cakṛvā́ṅs, cakṛvát, cakrúṣ, cakrúṣī;
from √nī — ninīvā́ṅs, ninīvát, ninyúṣ, ninyúṣī;
from √bhū — babhūvā́ṅs, babhūvát, babhūvúṣ, babhūvúṣī;
from √tan — tenivā́ṅs, tenivát, tenúṣ, tenúṣī.
462. a. In the oldest language (RV.), the vocative sing. masc. (like that of vant and mant- stems: above, 454 b) has the ending vas instead of van: thus, cikitvas (changed to -van in a parallel passage of AV.), titirvas, dīdivas, mīḍhvas.
b. Forms from the middle stem, in vat, are extremely rare earlier: only three (tatanvát and vavṛtvát, neut. sing., and jāgṛvádbhis, instr. pl.), are found in RV., and not one in AV. And in the Veda the weakest stem (not, as later, the middle one) is made the basis of comparison and derivation: thus, vidúṣṭara, ádāśuṣṭara, mīḍhúṣṭama, mīḍhúṣmant.
c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem-form for cases regularly made from the strong are found in RV.: they are cakrúṣam, acc. sing., and ábibhyuṣas, nom. pl.; emuṣám, by its accent (unless an error), is rather from a derivative stem emuṣá; and śB. has proṣúṣam. Similar instances, especially from vidvā́ṅs, are now and then met with later (see BR., under vidvā́ṅs).
d. The AV. has once bhaktivā́ṅsas, as if a participial form from a noun; but K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktivā́nas; cakhvā́ṅsam (RV., once) is of doubtful character; okivā́ṅsā (RV., once) shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of √uc, elsewhere unknown.
G. Comparatives in yāṅs
or yas
.
463. The comparative adjectives of primary formation (below, 467) have
a double form of stem for masculine and neuter: a stronger, ending in
यांस् yāṅs
(usually ईयांस् īyāṅs
) in the strong cases, and a weaker,
in यस् yas
(or ईयस् īyas
), in the weak cases (there being no
distinction of middle and weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in यन्
yan
(but for the older language see below, 465 a).
a. The feminine is made by adding ई ī
to the weak masc.-neut. stem.
464. As models of inflection, it will be sufficient to give a part of
the forms of श्रेयस् śréyas
better, and of गरीयस् gárīyas
heavier. Thus:
Singular.
N.
श्रेयान्
śréyān
श्रेयस्
śréyas
गरीयान्
gárīyān
गरीयस्
gárīyas
A.
श्रेयांसम्
śréyāṅsam
श्रेयस्
śréyas
गरीयांसम्
gárīyāṅsam
गरीयस्
gárīyas
I.
श्रेयसा
śréyasā
गरीयसा
gárīyasā
etc.
etc.
V.
श्रेयन्
śréyan
श्रेयस्
śréyas
गरीयन्
gárīyan
गरीयस्
gárīyas
Dual:
N. A. V.
श्रेयांसौ
śréyāṅsāu
श्रेयसी
śréyasī
गरीयांसौ
gárīyāṅsāu
गरीयसी
gárīyasī
etc.
etc.
Plural:
N. V.
श्रेयांसस्
śréyāṅsas
श्रेयांसि
śréyāṅsi
गरीयांसस्
gárīyāṅsas
गरीयांसि
gárīyāṅsi
A.
श्रेयसस्
śréyasas
श्रेयांसि
śréyāṅsi
गरीयसस्
gárīyasas
गरीयांसि
gárīyāṅsi
I.
श्रेयोभिस्
śréyobhis
गरीयोभिस्
gárīyobhis
etc.
etc.
a. The feminine stems of these adjectives are श्रेयसी śréyasī
and
गरीयसी gárīyasī
.
485. a. The Vedic voc. masc. (as in the two preceding divisions: 454 b,
462 a) is in yas
instead of yan
: thus, ojīyas
, jyāyas
(RV.: no
examples elsewhere have been noted).
b. No example of a middle case occurs in RV. or AV.
c. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of
strong cases made from the weaker stem-form: thus, kanīyasam
and
yavīyasam
acc. masc., kanīyasāu
du., yavīyasas
nom. pl.
Comparison.
466. Derivative adjective stems having a comparative and superlative meaning — or often also (and more originally) a merely intensive value — are made either directly from roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative or compound stems (by secondary derivation).
a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of derivation; but it stands in such near relation to inflection that it is, in accordance with the usual custom in grammars, conveniently and suitably enough treated briefly here.
467. The suffixes of primary derivation are ईयस् īyas
(or ईयांस्
īyāṅs
) for the comparative and इष्ठ iṣṭha
for the superlative. The
root before them is accented, and usually strengthened by gunating, if
capable of it — or, in some cases, by nasalization or prolongation. They
are much more frequently and freely used in the oldest language than
later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of such
comparatives and superlatives are accepted in use; and these attach
themselves in meaning for the most part to other adjectives from the
same root, which seem to be their corresponding positives; but in part
also they are artificially connected with other words, unrelated with
them in derivation.
a. Thus, from √kṣip
hurl come kṣépīyas and kṣépiṣṭha
, which
belong in meaning to kṣiprá
quick; from √vṛ
encompass come
várīyas
and váriṣṭha
, which belong to urú
broad; while, for
example, kánīyas
and kániṣṭha
are attached by the grammarians to
yúvan
young, or álpa
small; and várṣīyas
and várṣiṣṭha
to
vṛddhá
old.
468. From Veda and Brāhmaṇa together, considerably more than a hundred
instances of this primary formation in īyas
and iṣṭha
(in many cases
only one of the pair actually occurring) are to be quoted.
a. About half of these (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in
meaning as in form, to the bare root in its adjective value, as used
especially at the end of compounds, but sometimes also independently:
thus, from √tap
burn comes tápiṣṭha
excessively burning; from
√yaj
offer come yájīyas
and yájiṣṭha
better and best (or
very well) sacrificing; from √yudh
fight comes yódhīyas
fighting better; — in a few instances, the simple root is also found
used as corresponding positive: thus, jū́
hasty, rapid with jávīyas
and jáviṣṭha
.
b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition
prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, ā́gamiṣṭha
especially
coming hither; vícayiṣṭha
best clearing away; — in a couple of
cases (áśramiṣṭha
, áparāvapiṣṭa
, ástheyas
), the negative particle
is prefixed; — in a single word (śámbhaviṣṭha
), an element of another
kind.
c. The words of this formation sometimes take an accusative object (see 271 e).
d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as pointed out above) is usual in the later speech.
e. Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with like
váriṣṭha
choicest (vára
choice), bárhiṣṭha
greatest
(bṛhánt
great), óṣiṣṭha
quickest (óṣam
quickly), and so on.
Probably by analogy with these, like formations are in a few cases made
from the apparently radical syllables of words which have no otherwise
traceable root in the language: thus, kradhīyas
and kradhiṣṭha
(K.)
from kṛdhú
, sthávīyas
and stháviṣṭha
from sthūrá
, śáśīyas
(RV.) from śáśvant
, áṇīyas
(AV.) and áṇiṣṭha
(TS.) from aṇú
; and
so on. And yet again, in a few exceptional cases, the suffixes īyas
and iṣṭha
are applied to stems which are themselves palpably
derivative: thus, ā́śiṣṭha
from āśú
(RV.: only case), tī́kṣṇīyas
(AV.) from tīkṣṇá
, bráhmīyas
and bráhmiṣṭha
(TS. etc.) from
bráhman
, dhármiṣṭha
(TA.) from dhárman
, dráḍhiṣṭha
(TA.: instead
of dárhiṣṭha
) from dṛḍhá
, rághīyas
(TS.) from raghu
. These are
beginnings, not followed up later, of the extension of the formation to
unlimited use.
f. In návīyas
or návyas
and náviṣṭha
, from náva
new, and in
sányas
from sána
old (all RV.), we have also formations
unconnected with verbal roots.
469. The stems in iṣṭha
are inflected like ordinary adjectives in
a
, and make their feminines in ā
; those in īyas
have a peculiar
declension, which has been described above (463 ff.).
470. Of peculiarities and irregularities of formation, the following may be noticed:
a. The suffix īyas
has in a few instances the briefer form yas
,
generally as alternative with the other: thus, távīyas
and távyas
,
návīyas
and návyas
, vásīyas
and vásyas
, pánīyas
and pányas
;
and so from rabh
and sah
; sányas
occurs alone. From bhū
come
bhū́yas
and bhū́yiṣṭha
, beside which RV. has also bhávīyas
.
b. Of roots in ā
, the final blends with the initial of the suffix to
e
: thus, sthéyas
, dhéṣṭha
, yéṣṭha
; but such forms are in the
Veda generally to be resolved, as dháïṣṭha
, yáïṣṭha
. The root jyā
forms jyéṣṭha
, but jyā́yas
(like bhū́yas
).
c. The two roots in ī
, prī
and śrī
, form préyas
and préṣṭha
and śréyas
and śréṣṭha
.
d. From the root of ṛjú
come, without strengthening, ṛ́jīyas
and
ṛ́jiṣṭha
; but in the older language also, more regularly, rájīyas
and
rájiṣṭha
.
471. The suffixes of secondary derivation are तर tara
and तम tama
.
They are of almost unrestricted application, being added to adjectives
of every form, simple and compound, ending in vowels or in consonants —
and this from the earliest period of the language until the latest. The
accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) unchanged; and
that form of stem is generally taken which appears before an initial
consonant of a case-ending (weak or middle form).
a. Examples (of older as well as later occurrence) are: from
vowel-stems, priyátara
, váhnitama
, rathī́tara
and rathī́tama
(RV.), cā́rutara
, potṛ́tama
, saṁraktatara
; — from consonant-stems,
śáṁtama
, śáśvattama
, mṛḍayáttama
, tavástara
and tavástama
,
tuvíṣṭama
, vápuṣṭara
, tapasvítara
, yaśasvítama
, bhágavattara
,
hiraṇyavāśīmattama
; — from compounds, ratnadhā́tama
, abhibhū́tara
,
sukṛ́ttara
, pūrbhíttama
, bhūyiṣṭabhā́ktama
, bhūridā́vattara
,
śúcivratatama
, strīkāmatama
.
b. But in the Veda the final n
of a stem is regularly retained; thus,
madíntara
and madíntama
, vṛṣántama
; and a few stems even add a
nasal: thus, surabhíntara
, rayíntama
, madhúntama
. In a case or
two, the strong stem of a present participle is taken: thus,
vrā́dhanttama
, sáhanttama
; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest
stem: thus, vidúṣṭara
, mīḍhúṣṭama
. A feminine final ī
is
shortened: thus, devitamā
(RV.), tejasvinitamā
(K.).
c. In the older language, the words of this formation are not much more
frequent than those of the other: thus, in RV. the stems in tara
and
tama
are to those in īyas
and iṣṭha
as three to two; in AV., only
as six to five: but later the former win a great preponderance.
472. These comparatives and superlatives are inflected like ordinary
adjectives in a
, forming their feminine in ā
.
473. a. That (especially in the Veda) some stems which are nouns rather
than adjectives form derivatives of comparison is natural enough,
considering the uncertain nature of the division-line between
substantive and adjective value. Thus, we have vīrátara
, vīrátama
,
váhnitama
, mātṛ́tama
, nṛ́tama
, marúttama
, and so on.
b. The suffixes tara
and tama
also make forms of comparison from
some of the pronominal roots, as ka
, ya
, i
(see below, 520); and
from certain of the prepositions, as ud
; and the adverbially used
accusative (older, neuter, -taram
; later, feminine, -tarām
) of a
comparative in tara
from a preposition is employed to make a
corresponding comparative to the preposition itself (below, 1119); while
-tarām
and -tamām
make degrees of comparison from a few adverbs:
thus, natarā́m
, natamā́m
, kathaṁtarām
, kutastarām
, addhātamā́m
,
nīcāistarām
, etc.
c. By a wholly barbarous combination, finding no warrant in the earlier
and more genuine usages of the language, the suffixes of comparison in
their adverbial feminine form, -tarām
and -tamām
, are later allowed
to be added to personal forms of verbs: thus, sīdatetarām
(R.: the
only case noted in the epics) is more despondent, vyathayatitarām
disturbs more, alabhatatarām
obtained in a higher degree,
hasiṣyatitarām
will laugh more. No examples of this use of -tamām
are quotable.
d. The suffixes of secondary comparison are not infrequently added to
those of primary, forming double comparatives and superlatives: thus,
garīyastara
, śreṣṭhatara
and śréṣṭhatama
, pāpīyastara
,
pāpiṣṭhatara
and -tama
, bhūyastaram
, etc.
a. The use of tama
as ordinal suffix is noted below (487); with this
value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in ī
: thus,
śatatamá
m. n., śatatamī́
f., hundredth.
474. From a few words, mostly prepositions, degrees of comparison are
made by the briefer suffixes ra
and ma
: thus, ádhara
and adhamá
,
ápara
and apamá
, ávara
and avamá
, úpara
and upamá
, ántara
,
ántama
, paramá
, madhyamá
, caramá
, antima
, ādima
, paścima
.
And ma
is also used to make ordinals (below, 487).