Islam in china

ISLAM IN CHINA Photos by Mr. Hans Döring.

THE REPUTED TOMB OF MOHAMMED’S MATERNAL UNCLE AT CANTON.

For the legends concerning the tomb see especially Chapter IV. “Chinese Mohammedan Tradition.” For a discussion as to the claim see especially Chapter VII. “The Mosques and Tombs of Canton.” This tomb is greatly venerated and made an object of pilgrimage by Chinese Moslems.

Frontispiece.

SLAM ISLA IN CHINA A NEGLECTED PROBLEM WITH ILLUSTRATIONS MONUMENTAL RUBBINGS MAPS, ETC.

BY MARSHALL BROOMHALL, B.A.

EDITORIAL SECRETARY, CHINA INLAND MISSION PREFACE BY JOHN R. MOTT, Esq., M.A., LL.D. PROF. HARLAN P. BEACH, M.A. REV. SAMUEL M. ZWEMER, D.D. CHAIRMAN AND MEMBERS OF COMMISSION I. WORLD’S MISSIONARY CONFERENCE, EDINBURGH, 1910 STANFORD LaLaev LONDON: MORGAN & SCOTT, LTD.

12 PATERNOSTER BUILDINGS, E.C.

• CHINA INLAND MISSION NEWINGTON GREEN, LONDON, N. . PHILADELPHIA, TORONTO, MELBOURNE, AND SHANGHAI.

MCMX 55951 3873 LELAND STANFORD JVNIOR-VNIVERSITY 1 ISLAM IN CHINA Photos by Mr. Hans Döring.

THE REPUTED TOMB OF MOHAMMED’S MATERNAL UNCLE AT CANTON.

For the legends concerning the tomb see especially Chapter IV. “Chinese Mohammedan Tradition.” For a discussion as to the claini see especially Chapter VII. “The Mosques and Tombs of Canton.” This tomb is greatly venerated and made an object of pilgrimage by Chinese Moslems.

Frontispier.

SLAM ISLA IN CHINA A NEGLECTED PROBLEM WITH ILLUSTRATIONS MONUMENTAL RUBBINGS MAPS, ETC.

Br MARSHALL BROOMHALL, B.A.

EDITORIAL SECRETARY, CHINA INLAND MISSION PREFACE BY JOHN R. MOTT, Esq., M.A., LL.D. PROF. HARLAN P. BEACH, M.A. Rev. SAMUEL M. ZWEMER, D.D. CHAIRMAN AND MEMBERS OF COMMISSION I. WORLD’S MISSIONARY CONFERENCE, EDINBURGH, 1913 STANFOR LONDON: MORGAN & SCOTT, LTD.

12 PATERNOSTER BUILDINGS, E.C. CHINA INLAND MISSION NEWINGTON GREEN, LONDON, N… PHILADELPHIA, TORONTO, MELBOURNE, AND SHANGHAL.

MCMX 44 299782 то THE MANY KIND FRIENDS SCATTERED THROUGHOUT THE CHINESE EMPIRE AND OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD WHO HAVE SO WILLINGLY ASSISTED THE AUTHOR THIS BOOK 18 MOST GRATEFULLY DEDICATED"He shall have dominion also from sea to sea, And from the river unto the ends of the earth.

They that dwell in the wilderness shall bow before him; And his enemies shall lick the dust.

And kings of Tarshish and of the isles shall bring presents, The kings of the Arabians and Saba shall offer gifts.

Yes, all kings shall fall down before him: All nations shall serve him." PSALM Ixxii. 8-11 (LXX. translation).

“The most distant west and south become subject and tributary to Him: the kings of Tarshish in the south of Spain, which was rich in silver, and of the islands of the Mediterranean and of the countries on its coasts; the kings also of the South Arabian (Joktanitish) * and of the Cushite * or Meroë, as according to Josephus the capital of Meroë was called (vide on Genesis x. 7). It was the Queen of that Joktanitic and therefore South Arabian (Luther: Kingdom of Arabia = Arabia Felix) * whom the fame of the wisdom of Solomon led to visit him.”.

FRANZ DELITZSOH on Psalm lxxii.

INTRODUCTORY PREFACE THIS Volume marks a distinct step in the progress of missionary investigation in China, and is the first book of its character in the English language. It is both historical and descriptive of present-day conditions, and is based on thorough investigations and scientific criticism of sources. Begun in connection with the work of Commission I. of the Edinburgh World Missionary Conference, it might be called one of the first by-products of a gathering which will doubtless result in other important contributions to the literature and science of Missions.

The author has had special opportunities for prosecuting his investigations: first as a missionary to the Chinese; later as a student of his subject in closest touch with the libraries of the World’s Metropolis; and lastly through an extensive correspondence with friends and acquaintances scattered throughout the Chinese Empire. The large numbers of prominent missionary correspondents and others in China who are in daily contact with the Moslems of that Empire have afforded him invaluable material, thus enabling him to produce a book which is more helpful to the cause of Missions than any of the earlier works of French, German, and Russian writers; and although not so exhaustive as one of the French works, more accurate in its conclusions.

Mr. Broomhall has set before the Christian world the present-day aspect of a great and largely unknown subject. The accessible Moslem population of China is larger than ix 1 X ISLAM IN CHINA the Moslem population of Egypt, Persia, or Arabia; and yet practically nothing has been done for them, and their presence has been almost ignored by the missionary movement. In this book he has given the public a very comprehensive and readable account in which all the essential facts in the problem are luminously set forth. The subject is made to live as it has not been in some of the learned volumes which his predecessors have produced. The critical hour is at hand when Moslem missions in China must be faced, and specialists set to work to win this great neglected class for the Christ. There seems little doubt that systematic special effort on behalf of these millions would yield speedy and permanent results—as is the case, for example, among the Mohammedans of Malaysia; but the special nature of the problem calls for specially trained workers, and for a special literature.

We bid the volume God-speed as a most helpful contribution to one of the greatest missionary problems of the present century.

JOHN R. MOTT.

HARLAN P. BEACH.

SAMUEL M. ZWEMER.

Chairman and Members of Commission I. World’s Missionary Conference, Edinburgh, 1910.

AUTHOR’S PREFACE NINETEEN years ago, the writer, in the course of a long overland journey across China, came for the first time into personal contact with the Chinese Moslems. A prolonged visit, one Sabbath day, in company with Mr. John Brock, to a mosque in a city on the borders of the provinces of Honan and Anhwei, gave rise to many reflections concerning the followers of Mohammed residing so far away from the prophet’s sacred city of Mecca. The first sight of a Moslem place of prayer, so clean and well-kept, in contrast with the dirty condition of an ordinary Chinese temple; the absence of all images in a land given to idolatry; the ornamental inscriptions in Arabic in preference to the Chinese character, so honoured by the Confucian scholar; and the conversation with a Mullah on lines quite other than those generally followed by the ordinary Chinese, could hardly fail to make a lasting impression.

Some of the ambitions then awakened in the writer’s mind have never been realised, but at last after many years, time and circumstances have made both possible and desirable a more thorough study of these interesting strangers, now dwelling as naturalised subjects of the Chinese Empire. Some correspondence with Dr. Zwemer, the well-known American Moslem authority, with whom the writer was privileged to be associated as a member of Commission I. in preparation for the World Missionary Conference at Edinburgh, hastened the completion of a work which had for some time been seriously contemplated.

xi xii ISLAM IN CHINA In the prosecution of this task no pains have been spared to make the results reliable, and as complete as a book of reasonable limits would allow. Up to the present time, no book in the English language has been published on this subject, though a fair number of articles are to be found here and there in various magazines. The British Museum and other Libraries have been carefully searched for these, and for any works in French, German, and Russian, while one or two small books in Turkish have been specially obtained from Constantinople. The most important works are those in French, especially those by M. Devéria, who is a scholarly and accurate writer, and the large work by M. de Thiersant, which is a mine of information, though it shows a sad lack of the critical faculty. The more important of the books used will be found in the Bibliography in the Appendix, and the footnotes throughout the book will indicate those most frequently quoted. Extracts from one or two of the more important Chinese Moslem books have been given, but these, as the reader will soon recognise, are of no historical value.

By the help of friends, careful search has been made in the most likely centres in China for Inscriptions which it was hoped would throw light upon the subject. In addition to these lines of research, the writer sent out a list of questions to more than eight hundred persons, Missionaries, Commissioners of Customs, etc., resident throughout the Chinese Empire, and from nearly two hundred of these, many writing on behalf of others, replies have been received. Some of these replies have been long and valuable contributions to the subject, and some only the briefest post card, in some cases saying that there were no Moslems in their locality, which brief statement has been useful information in ascertaining the Moslem centres of population.

It will be at once recognised that the writer is under a heavy obligation to many friends, and this he desires to .

AUTHOR’S PREFACE xiii fully acknowledge. In the search for inscriptions the writer is especially indebted to the Rev. F. Madeley, M.A., of the Baptist Missionary Society, who discovered the monument dated 742 A.D., hitherto not seen by any European or American. Rubbings of this and other monuments are now in the writer’s possession, and some are reproduced in this book. Thanks are also due to Mr. Arthur Cotter of the Chinese Imperial University, Peking-who as a speaker of Arabic has had special facilities for making inquiries-for rubbings of the famous K’ien Lung Moslem monument, for many photographs and valuable information re Moslem communities in Peking. Acknowledgment is also thankfully made of the help given by Mr. Hans Döring in securing a rubbing of the trilingual inscription at Canton.

In translation work the writer is indebted to the Rev. W. St. Clair Tisdall, D.D., for the translation of the Sianfu Arabic, and the Canton Arabic and Persian inscriptions; to Mr. C. Zee for kind assistance in the task of translating the Chinese inscriptions, which in some cases, where Arabic words have been transliterated into Chinese, have given considerable trouble; to Miss Smirnoff of the C.I.M. for a manuscript translation of Professor Vasil’ev’s Russian book, and to an Armenian Christian, who prefers to remain anonymous, for similar help with the Turkish books. It may be mentioned here that the largest Turkish work obtained, though it purports to be an independent study, is chapter by chapter an abbreviated translation of M. de Thiersant’s French book.

It would be possible to fill several pages with the names of those who have, by correspondence, etc., given assistance, as the writer has before him an alphabetically arranged list of all the kind friends who have answered his letters of inquiry. Should any of these not have received a personal acknowledgment by letter, their pardon for an unintentional oversight is sincerely asked.

xiv ISLAM IN CHINA Rather than print all the names, the writer has taken the privilege of dedicating the book to all who have assisted, as the best proof of his sense of obligation.

As already mentioned the book is largely the outcome of special inquiries set on foot in connection with Commission I. of the World Missionary Conference, the briefest summary of the findings being embodied in the Report of that Commission, with a footnote referring the reader to this work. The book is now sent forth as a supplementary study to that Report, with the kind Introductory Preface of Dr. J. R. Mott, Professor Harlan P. Beach, and Dr. S. M. Zwemer, who were respectively Chairman and members of that Commission, and to whom as such the manuscript was submitted before the Conference. It may also be added that in addition Dr. Zwemer has most kindly read the final proof of the book and unified, as far as that is possible, the Arabic spelling.

If, according to the writer’s conservative estimate, the Moslems of China more than equal in number the Moslem population of Egypt, Persia, or Arabia, they surely deserve more thought than has yet been given them, and should this number be an under-estimate the claim is only the greater. And if these people cannot be effectively reached in many cases without an Arabic-speaking missionary, of whom there are none, with the possible exception of a worker resident at Kashgar or Yarkand, there is an urgent call for such worker or workers without further delay.

At present, as will be seen from the concluding chapter, any Arabic letters of inquiry or controversy have to be sent to Cairo or North Africa for examination and for an answer. This slow method is, to say the least, most unsatisfactory. In view of the signs of some revival of Moslem interest in China through the influence of the Pan-Islam movement, and in consequence of that general awakening which is affecting more or less the whole of the Chinese Empire, the problem is becoming AUTHOR’S PREFACE XV more and more pressing. The opening up of those more ready means of communication which are bringing the East and West into such close touch, equally affect Mecca and China as any other centres, so that Islam in the Far East cannot long continue in its present obscurity.

The great rebellions of the last fifty years prove that Islam is no negligible quantity to the Chinese Government, nor can it any longer be to the Christian Church now that Christian communities are to be found in all the provinces of the Empire. It is not strange that, in the past, a few millions should have been somewhat overlooked, when a limited number of workers were overwhelmed with the immense task of reaching four hundred millions of people. The time, however, has come when these people, ready of access, yet practically neglected, should at least command as much attention as closed Tibet. To delay special work among them until they are aroused to a more fervid zeal than at present inspires them, would surely be the height of missionary folly and of failure as servants of our Lord Jesus Christ.

It is the writer’s earnest hope that this book will assist in calling attention to these needy millions. It is sent forth only as an introduction to a great subject, but if it leads to prayer and consecrated effort, who shall say what blessing shall not follow? What that sequel is to be largely depends upon the reader, to whom the work, with all its shortcomings, is respectfully commended by the author, CHINA INLAND MISSION, LONDON, October 1910.

MARSHALL BROOMHALL.

POSTSCRIPT As the book is in process of being printed, we have received some valuable criticisms from Dr. St. Clair Tisdall, who has read a proof copy of the book. Criticismsxvi ISLAM IN CHINA from so able a scholar are too good to be omitted, and we are glad to be able to append the following in a postscript to the Preface.-M. B.

1. p. 18, note 8. “In reality Ta Shih represents the genuine Persian word Tâxi, which means ‘Arab,’ ‘Arabian,’ coming from a verb which means to rush,’ to ‘rush upon.’ It is absolutely beyond doubt.” 2. p. 147. Tungan. “I can confirm what is said here about the meaning of the word. In Chagatai Turki töng-mak means ’to turn back,’ ’to return,’ and töngan is the present participle singular of that verb. In European Turkish the verb is danmak, hence the participle in that tongue would be dûnan. Here again there is no doubt.” 66 3. p. 233, note 2. Ahong is really the purely Persian word Akhan (also written Akhand), from a root meaning ’to instruct,’ and means primarily teacher. P. 267, Akhoud should be Akhond." Instead of “Sikh” read probably “a Punjabi 4. p. 252. Muslim.” 5. p. 256. “The quotation is hardly correct. I have found the sign with the star on a Persian coin of about 450 a.d. The Seljuks took it from the Persians, and hence it became the sign of the Sultans of Turkey.” 66 6. p. 263.

Khojem or Khojam is Turki for ‘my Khoja,’ the affix ’m’ equalling ‘my’ in Turkish." INTRODUCTORY PREFACE CONTENTS PREFACE PART I.-HISTORICAL CHINA AND THE ARABS TILL THE CLOSE OF THE OMEYIDE CALIPHATE • CHINA AND THE ARABS FROM THE RISE OF THE ABBASIDE CALIPHATE · SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS SOME CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS SOME MONUMENTS AN ARABIC INSCRIPTION THE MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS • THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS THE TITLE “HUI HUI” PART II.-PRESENT-DAY CONDITIONS A VISIT TO A CHINESE MOSQUE THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS.

· xvii PAGE ix xi 5 25 39 88 བླླ ཧྨ ཙ ཆྀ བྲྀ g 101 109 123 147 167 183 193 221 xviii ISLAM IN CHINA PAGE RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS · THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 237 257 278 THE PRESENT URGENCY 291 APPENDICES 1. CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN LITERATURE.

301 2. A CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRACT 308 8. BIBLIOGRAPHY.

307 INDICES 1. CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX 318 2. GENERAL INDEX 317 8. BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX 4. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 325 829 ILLUSTRATIONS The Reputed Tomb of Mohammed’s Maternal Uncle at Canton.

Ancient Sea-Route to China (Map) The Exterior and Interior of Two Chinese Mosques Courtyard and Interior of Peking Mosque .

PAGE Frontispiece 7.

14 28 Monument to record the Building of the First Chinese Mosque, dated 742 A.D.

A Ming Dynasty Monument, dated 1406 A.D.

84 91 The Emperor K’ien Lung’s Monument and Mosque 92 Chinese and Manchu Inscription by Emperor K’ien Lung Turki and Mongolian Inscription by Emperor K’ien Lung An Arabic Monument in Sianfu, dated 1545 A.D..

The Mosque of Holy Remembrance, and Smooth Pagoda The Ancient Moslem Graveyard at Canton • 94 95 101 109 111 A Trilingual Inscription at Canton, dated 1750 A.D.

113 A Characteristic Group of Yunnanese Moslems Chinese Moslems at Worship in Manchuria · Fakumen Mosque with Minaret and Group of Moslems.

Map showing estimated Number and Distribution of Moslems 125 188.

194 in China A Yunnan Moslem Family • xix • 197 221 XX ISLAM IN CHINA Another Yunnan Moslem Family Group Some Chinese Mohammedan Paraphernalia The Imperial Tablet · Chief Mosque in Peking in the Niu Chie The Kalima in Arabic and Chinese The Baptism of a Chinese Moslem Facsimile of Cover of Hsing Hui Pien.

Facsimile of Contents Page of Hsing Hui Pien Map of China PAGE 222 224 • 228 242 246 278 283 284 End of volume PART I HISTORICAL B “They labour under a miserable delusion who suppose that Mahometanism paves the way for a purer faith. No system could have been devised with more consummate skill for shutting out the nations over which it has sway from the Christian faith; for there is in it just so much truth-truth borrowed from previous Revelations, yet cast in another mould-as to divert attention from the need of more. Idolatrous Arabia (judging from the analogy of other nations) might have been aroused to spiritual life, and the adoption of the faith of Jesus; while Mahometan Arabia is, to the human eye, sealed against the benign influences of the Gospel. Many a flourishing land in Africa and in Asia, which once rejoiced in the light and liberty of Christianity, is now crushed and overspread by darkness gross and barbarous. It is as if their day of grace had come and gone, and there remained to them ‘No more sacrifice for sins.’ That a brighter morn will yet dawn on these countries we may not doubt; but the history of the past, and the condition of the present, is not the less true and sad. The sword of Mahomet, and the Coran, are the most stubborn enemies of Civilisation, Liberty, and Truth, which the world has yet known."-Sir WILLIAM MUIR.

7 CHINA AND THE ARABS TILL THE CLOSE OF THE OMEYIDE CALIPHATE “For centuries preceding the advent of Mohammed the Arabs had extensive mercantile interests in India and the East Indian Archipelago, and even in China, bringing thence the precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and costly silks, which were carried by sea to the Persian Gulf and to Alexandria for transmission to Europe."-E. M. WHERRY, quoted from Niemann’s Inleiding Tot de Kennis van den Islam.

“The history of the spread of Islam is not without significance for us to-day. In spite of cruelty, bloodshed, dissension, and deceit, the story of the Moslem conquest is full of heroism. If so much was done in the name and after the example of Mohammed, what should we not do in the name of Jesus Christ and in obedience to His marching orders? A careful study of these early Moslem conquests impresses one with the fact that some measure of their success was due to their enthusiasm and fanatic faith, as well as to the character of their creed and the mere power of the sword. . . . These men of the desert carried everything before them, because they had the backbone of conviction, knew no compromise, and were thirsting for world-conquest."-SAMUEL M. ZWEMBR.

STANFORD LIBRARY CHAPTER I CHINA AND THE ARABS Till the Close of the Omeyide Caliphate THOUGH Commercial intercourse between China and Arabia probably dates back to a period prior to that of any existing historical records, the earliest date concerning which any positive statement appears is the first half of the fifth century A.D. At that era the Euphrates was navigable as far as Hira, a town situated to the southwest of ancient Babylon, at which busy mart ships from the distant lands of India and China were constantly to be found. Details of the course taken by these junks are given in the Chinese Annals of the T’ang dynasty (618-907 A.D.), which dynasty is practically contemporaneous with the rise and zenith of the Mohammedan power.1 There is abundant evidence to prove that the Arabs had from the earliest days been engaged in trade. Nearly six hundred years before Christ, Ezekiel, when prophesying concerning Tyre, wrote:-“Arabia and all the princes of Kedar, they were the merchants of thy hand; in lambs and rams and goats, in these were they thy merchants.” For centuries after Ezekiel’s day, great 2 1 Yule: Cathay and the Way Thither.

Ezekiel xxvii. 21. See especially Heereen’s translation quoted by Sir Wm. Muir in his Life of Mahomet, 3rd edition, p. lxxix. Heereen adds, “Some of these places, Aden, Canna, and Haran, all celebrated seaports on the Indian sea… have retained their names unchanged to the present day.” 56 ISLAM IN CHINA streams of trade passed through this little known peninsula making “the Arabs in fact the carriers of the world between the east, and west.” During the lifetime of Mohammed, in spite of the way the Roman enterprise had, early in the Christian era, crippled Arabia’s overland trade, great caravans, sometimes of 2000 to 2500 camels, passed along the two main routes between Syria and the Indian Ocean.) The freight of some of these larger enterprises has been estimated as worth about £88,000 each, while the export trade of Mecca alone, is said to have been equal to £170,000 per annum, with an import trade of probably the same value. For a simple people, such sums of money represent much.” It is quite possible that when Roman competition partially ruined the flourishing overland traffic, causing many of those who had resided at the prosperous mercantile stations to emigrate to Syria, the Persian Gulf, and Hira, that the Arab trade by sea may have been - greatly stimulated. We know that Ibn Wahab, at a somewhat later date, travelled to China because of the revolutions at Busrah, and it is not improbable that others may have adventured far afield for similar reasons.

8 Loading their ships at Siraf in the Persian Gulf, to avoid the storms of the open sea, the Arab merchantmen, following in the main the route taken by the Chinese, set sail for China. Muscat in the Gulf of Oman was the first port of call, where water and cattle were taken on board, and thence, in contradistinction to the early Greek and Persian sailors who coasted, the ships bravely ventured out into the open sea, when after running before the monsoon for a whole month, South India was reached.

Starting again and skirting the south coast of Ceylon, another stretch of open sea was negotiated until the 1 Muir, Life of Mahomet, 3rd edition, p. lxxviii. It is a remarkable fact that in parts of China to-day the Mohammedans monopolise the carrying trade.

• See page 45. : 2 Ibid. p. 197.

R.Sin Dviraki) Barak SYRARY 70 (Teram) Isd.Haibanes Kambaya Barygata/Barbery Namadus (Nerbudda R JARDU Suppare/Ward) Then Kallisun(Kalyan) (Chaul Scryl (Honorar)Nanr Saimir 80 90 GANGE (Cargos) 100 (Orissa) DESABENE Alura Palur) Mahendra MATSOLIAlipatam DACHURABADES PyGodavery Moulipatan Bada CHRYSE (Mangalore) Nitri (Toni) Tradio (Cranganor) Muzi (Qualongs Rod HOL Divi et (Maldives) Diban Canberis (Kabar) Nigama Metrop Taprobes la Siledika Serendib Mogandipi Horkan (Gandaman Barakota SEA Little Tod Addreramps (Andman) Nicobar Ide BEA OF HORKAND SKELETON MAP to illustrate Notices of ANCIENT SEA-ROUTE TO CHINA Ancient Names in Roman LARGE and small, Arabic Names BACKSLOPED with underline, Modern Names Italia Greek Route 70 Arab Houte 80 90 panobarts Al SEA OFS Straits Sumatra) 100 110 NA T2INISTA CANTON The Great Gulf SEA OF SANJI Stad Ide Anda Pule Condor) Great Copo RANJ ZABA LABA Bru COLONEL H. YULE’S MAP OF ANCIENT SEA-ROUTE TO CHINA.

Reproduced by kind permission from the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society for November 1882.

Woller. W 8 ISLAM IN CHINA Nicobar group of islands was attained. Here, after bargaining with the unclad native “by signs and touches of the hand because he understood not the Arabesque,” the vessel proceeded down the Straits of Malacca. Rounding the south coast of the Malay Peninsula, a straight run of ten days due north, brought the travellers into the Gulf of Siam. Thence after another ten or twenty days the Isle of Pulo Condor was reached where fresh water could be obtained. Thence, after another month’s run up the China sea, the hardy Arab navigators arrived at the famous Kanfu-probably the modern Kanpu1-the ancient port of Hangchowfu.’ It is possible that the Arabs had established a factory at Canton before the Hegira (622 A.D.), and M. Schefer, who, however, unfortunately does not quote his authority, makes the astonishing statement that Mohammed actually advised his followers to go to China to study science.3 As has already been mentioned, the first positive statement concerning intercourse between China and Arabia dates back to nearly two hundred years before the lifetime of Mohammed, and we know from the Chinese annals that the Arabs and Persians were strong enough in 758 A.D. to sack the city of Canton and exact terms from the Governor. It is not natural to expect any definite reference to Arabia in the Chinese annals prior, to the rise of the Caliphate, because Arabia was then considered as part of the Persian Empire. The 1 See note on page 40.

? In this brief description of the journey, the writer has closely followed the account given by the two famous Arab travellers of 851 A.D. and Colonel Yule’s article in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society (Nov. 1882) entitled “Notes on the oldest records of the sea routes to China from Western Asia.” E. Renaudot in his notes on the two Arab travellers evidently errs in thinking the Arabs only coasted. Col. Yule’s argument in the article mentioned above, to prove that the name Sinae for China came from Zhinan (Hai-nan), the name of Tongking when it was actually incorporated as part of the Chinese Empire (111 B.C.-263 A.D.), is extremely interesting and probable.

M. Schefer, Les Relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois. His statement is, “Mahomet n’a point ignoré le nom de la Chine, car il recommande à ses disciples d’acquérir la science, dussent-ils aller la chercher en Chine.” CHINA AND THE ARABS 9 Chinese records, however, do report, as early as 461 A.D., the arrival of the first ambassadors from Persia to the court of Wei (886-585 A.D.).

The Sui dynasty (581-618 A.D.) was in power throughout the youth and early Meccan period of Mohammed’s career, and it would be absurd to expect any embassy from Arabia at this period. Yet strange to say, as we shall see in another chapter, the Chinese Mohammedan monuments and most famous historians definitely claim, in spite of all statements to the contrary, that Islam entered China under the Sui dynasty as early as 586-601 A.D. As this was some years before Mohammed claimed to have received his commission as a prophet, the Chinese Mohammedan assertions may be safely regarded as not deserving of much serious consideration. The statement has, however, an important bearing upon our estimate of those inscriptions which make this assertion, as will be shown later.

With the illustrious T’ang dynasty (618-907 A.D.) we enter upon firmer historic ground. The capital is once again brought back to the famous city of Sianfu,-for it had been removed by the great builders of the Sui dynasty to the city of Loyang in Honan, -and the earliest reliable notices of Arab aggression are to be found here. It may be safely stated that within about five years of Mohammed’s death, if not before, the Chinese Court at Sianfu had good knowledge of troubles in the West. At the same time, it is important for the modern student of Islam to remember that the dream of a worldwide mission had probably never crossed the mind of Mohammed himself, and it certainly did not manifest itself until circumstances compelled the Caliph Omar, against his own express desire, to launch out into the vast continents of Asia and Africa.1 Five years after Mohammed’s death when pressed to 1 See Muir, The Caliphate, 3rd edition, p. 133.

10 ISLAM IN CHINA allow the Arab troops to pursue the routed Persians, Omar replied, “I desire that between Mesopotamia and the countries beyond, the hills shall be a barrier, so that the Persians shall not be able to get at us, nor we at them. The plain of Irak sufficeth for our wants. I would rather the safety of my people than thousands of spoil and further conquests.” The “obligation to enforce Islam by a universal crusade,” writes Sir Wm. Muir, “had not yet dawned upon the Moslem mind.” 1 Nevertheless forces had been set in motion which were not to be restrained. The rapid spread of the Mohammedan Empire, which is one of the greatest marvels of history, speedily followed, and is largely accounted for by the fact that the rise of the new power coincided, as Gibbon remarks, “with the most degenerate and disorderly period of the Persians, the Romans, and the barbarians of Europe.” Had it been otherwise the torrents of Mohammedan fanaticism would in all probability have been lost in the sands of Arabia. As it turned out, however, “in the ten years of the administration of Omar, the Saracens reduced to his obedience 86,000 cities and castles, destroyed 4000 churches and temples of the unbeliever, and edified 1400 mosques for the exercise of the religion of Mahomet.” Within one hundred years from the date of the Prophet’s birth the Mohammedan Empire had spread to the Atlantic ocean on the west, and to the banks of the Indus, and Kashgar in Transoxiania, in the east.

Before this resistless flood the disheartened Persians fled, abandoning their strongest outposts, and leaving countless treasure in the hands of their enemies. Yezdegerd, the grandson of Chosroes, and the last of the Sassanian dynasty, sought refuge among the Turkish tribes of Ferghana, and “solicited, by a suppliant embassy, .

1 Muir, The Caliphate, 3rd edition, p. 132. 2 Gibbon, Rise and Fall of Roman Empire, vol. vi.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 11 the more solid and powerful friendship of the Emperor of China “1 China was at this time at the height of her power under the famous Emperor T’ai Tsung (627-650 A.D.),’ who is perhaps best known as the one who welcomed the Nestorian priest, Olopan, whose arrival is recorded on the Nestorian Tablet at Sianfu. At this time the frontier of China had been carried beyond Bolor and even to the borders of Persia, there being, according to Yule, sixteen Fu and seventy-two Chow cities west of Bolor, with one hundred and twenty-six Chinese military post stations.’ T’ai Tsung, the second Emperor of this dynasty, was one of the most enlightened rulers China has ever had. He came to the throne while his father was still living, and one of his first acts was the dismissal of some three thousand women from the palace precincts, in which reform and others as noble, he was ably supported by his Queen, Ch’ang Sun, a woman of superior character and nobility of aim. By firmness and justice his enemies were subdued, and his kingdom extended as is mentioned above. Not only able in war, he was also devoted to literature, and liberal in his attitude to foreigners and their religions. Close to his palace he built an immense library which held over 200,000 volumes. Here special rooms were appointed for the Emperor and his scholars to meet and discuss literary questions. His leanings were towards Confucianism and against Buddhism and Taoism, but his welcome of the Nestorian missionaries, and the translation of their books in the Imperial library, amply prove his liberal policy.

Embassies from numerous States visited his capital to make their submission and to bring their tribute.

1 Gibbon, vol. vi.

• Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither. See also Pauthier’s Chine, ou description historique, etc., vol. i. p. 296, for details. Pauthier says: “Toutes les vastes contrées situées entre la Chine et la Perse obéirent aux lois du céleste empire.” 12 ISLAM IN CHINA “Languages which had never been spoken at a royal audience before were now heard for the first time at Ch’angan (Sianfu). Men remarked upon the variety of costumes that were seen in the great open space in front of the palace, and how picturesque they looked as the ambassadors moved about with their attendants,“1 and, at the suggestion of one of the ministers, paintings of these different groups were made to give future ages some conception of the glories and magnificence of T’ai Tsung’s reign.

Among these many embassies-some from feudatory states, but others from such independent kingdoms as Nepaul and Magadha in India-came the one from Yezdegerd of Persia. This, according to the official records of the T’ang dynasty, was in the year 688 A.D.,3 or just about six years after Mohammed had been buried at Medina. Five years later another embassy, this time from the Roman Empire, reported that they had been defeated by the Arabs and had been compelled to pay tribute. Whether Yezdegerd really entrusted his crown to the safe-keeping of China while he made his last stand against the Moslem power, as some report, is uncertain, but his efforts were in vain, for being betrayed by the Turks-upon whose help he relied—he perished, and with him the Sassanian dynasty of which he was the last representative.

These embassies, from the once great empires of Rome and Persia, were probably the first real warnings China received of the rise of a new power which was evidently to be feared, and with which she was ere long to come into direct conflict. We may be sure that such news must have aroused considerable attention, even if China-in the strength of her now well established 1 Macgowan, A History of China.

• Gaubil, Abrégé de l’histoire chinoise de la grande dynastie T’ang. Mémoires, vol. xv. p. 449.

3 Pauthier, Chine, description historique, p. 297.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 13 dynasty-regarded this great foe of mankind with some degree of contempt.

In 650 A.D. the famous Emperor T’ai Tsung died, leaving the empire to his son Kao Tsung, whom he had exhorted as follows:-“My son, be just, be good. Govern yourself; have absolute control over your passions, and you will, without trouble, rule over the hearts of your subjects.“1 One of the first matters of importance to which the new Emperor had to direct his attention was another appeal from the defeated Persians. Firuz, the son of Yezdegerd, called in the Chinese Annals Pi-lu-ssu, appealed in 650 A.D. to China for aid. China, probably already fully conscious that the Arabs must be no mean foe, replied that Persia was too far west for her to send her troops. She did not, however, turn an entirely deaf ear to the appeal, but despatched an embassy to the Caliph Othman to plead the cause of the fallen power, and not improbably to ascertain for herself the real situation.

In response to this embassy, the Caliph Othman, still at the height of his popularity, sent one of his famous generals with an official reply to the Chinese Court. This general was received at Sianfu with great honour in 651 A.D,’ and the following is the standing record of this event:“In the year 651 A.D. the king of (Ta-shih) Arabia sent, for the first time, an envoy with presents to the Chinese Court, and at the same time announced that the House of Ta-shih had already reigned thirty-four years 1 Pauthier, Chine, description historique, p. 294.

Ibid. p. 301.

During the Tang and Sung dynasties Arabia was known by this name, which modern Chinese Mohammedan writers do not appear to have recognised. It is uncertain whether it represents the Persian word for Trader, Taguir, or a Persian corruption of an ancient Aramean word, Ta’i for Nomad. See note in Devéria. The Arabs or Mohammedans were not known by any other name than Ta-shih up to the twelfth century. The term Hui Hui time at the beginning of the twelfth century. 1368-1628 A.D., Arabia is called Tien-fang See Bretschneider.

appears for the first Under the Ming dynasty, and Tien-tang.

14 ISLAM IN CHINA 1 and had had three kings.” These three kings would of course be Mohammed himself and the two caliphs, Abu Bekr and Omar, the envoy being sent by the Caliph Othman.

The Chinese historian, Ssů Ma-kwang, notes the constant fighting which took place between the Arabs and other powers in Transoxania during the first six years of Kao Tsung’s reign, and reports, at a somewhat later date, the utter defeat of the Persians and Greeks. Firuz, hopeless of regaining the Persian throne, accepted the post of Captain of the Guard to the Chinese Emperor in 674 A.D., and was still courteously styled the King of Persia. Some years later his son, called by the Chinese Ni-ni-cha, also came to Sianfu, where he was appointed Guard of the Imperial Horse. He died in the city in 707 a.D.; and thus the proud successors of the great Chosroes of Persia, fugitives before the erstwhile feeble Arabs, died as refugees of the Chinese Emperor. The annals of Sianfu report that these Persian princes had obtained permission to erect in 671 A.D. a temple in the capital. This would, of course, be a Mazdean and not a Mohammedan building.

Although the embassy of 651 A.D. mentioned above is the first official mention of ambassadors from Arabia, there is reason to think that distinguished Arabs had been received at the Chinese Court before. China was carefully noting the progress of events, and recorded, among other things, in her annals the fruitless siege of Constantinople by the Caliph Moawiyah (Mo-i) in 675 A.D.3 The political changes which had taken place through Arabia’s overthrow of Persia, and the way in which the new power had arisen, are clearly outlined in the following quotation from the T’ang History. The quotation, it will 1 Bretschneider, Ancient Chinese Knowledge of Arabs.

1 Gaubil, Mémoires, vol. xv. pp. 468, 474, 479.

Pauthier, Histoire des relations politiques de la Chine avec les puissances occidentales, etc., p. 21.

Photos by Arthur Cotter, Esq.

THE EXTERIOR AND INTERIOR OF TWO CHINESE MOSQUES.

The top picture shows the chief entrance to the Emperor K’ien Lung’s Mosque, Peking. See also plate facing page 92. The lower picture shows the interior of the Ping-tze men Mosque. The two scrolls à la chinoise have laced Arabic characters in place of the ordinary Chinese characters. Above the prayer niche is the Arabic inscription, “In the Name of God the Merciful and Compassionate.” To face page 14.CHINA AND THE ARABS 15 be recognised, reveals a measure of accuracy in China’s knowledge of Mohammed and his claims. The passage reads as follows:“Ta-shih comprises territory which formerly belonged to Persia. The men have large noses and black beards. They carry a silver knife on a silver girdle. They drink no wine and know no music. The women are white and veil the face when they leave the house. There are great temples. Every seventh day the king addresses his subjects from a lofty throne in the temple in the following words:-‘Those who have died by the hand of the enemy will rise again to heaven; those who have defeated the enemy will be happy.’ Hence it is that the Ta-shih are such valiant warriors. They pray five times a day to the Heavenly Spirit. . . . At the time of the Sui dynasty, 610 A.D., a man from Persia1 was feeding his cattle on the western mountains of Medina (Mo-ti-na). A lion said to him, ‘On the western side of the mountains are many holes. In one of these is a sword, and close to it a black stone with the inscription in white, “Whoever possesses me becomes ruler.”’ The man went and found everything as the lion had said. He proclaimed himself king on the western frontier and overcame all who withstood him.” The substance and date of this account agree in the main with what is known of Mohammed, who at about the age of forty, according to the Koran, had his visions in the cave at Hira, when there appeared to him “One mighty in power, endued with understanding. . . . He appeared in the highest part of the horizon. Afterward, he approached the prophet and drew near unto him, until he was at the distance of two bows’ length from him or 1 It will be noticed here that Arabia is at this early date included under Persia.

The Sin T’ang Shu says Shou (“a creature” or “quadruped”) instead of Shik (a lion).

‘Bretschneider, Ancient Chinese Knowledge of Arabs.

16 ISLAM IN CHINA yet nearer, and he revealed unto his servant that which he revealed.“1 Passing by, for the moment, any stories of Arab intercourse with China other than those based upon official records, we come to that period of history when the terrible Arab General Kutaiba was conducting his campaign in Central Asia. In China, Hsuan Tsung (713-756 A.D.), the founder of the still existing Han-lin Academy, was on the throne, and though peace and prosperity reigned within his borders, great and awful events were happening not far distant in the West. Under the Caliph Walid, the conquests of Central Asia, India, Asia Minor, Africa, and Spain were being pushed forward, and a perfect reign of terror existed from East to West. “There is no other reign,” wrote Sir William Muir concerning Walid, “not excepting even that of Omar, in which Islam so spread abroad and was consolidated. From the borders of China and the banks of the Indus to the Atlantic, his word was law.” The General Kutaiba, who was, as a Turk said, “more terrible at the world’s end than Yezid at our very door,” would have been one of the greatest heroes of Islam, had not his name been so stained with treachery and blood. It was he who conducted the campaign in Central Asia. Here he destroyed the heathen temples, exacted tribute in men and money, built mosques, and settled Moslem families as colonists.

While some difficulty is experienced in harmonising the various records of Arab and Chinese historians-for the dates are not easily made to synchronise the main facts of what followed stand out in general agreement. India, distressed by the Arabs under Mohammed Kasim, 1 Koran, Sura x. and liii.

8 Long ere this the Arabs had begun to speak of China by the name of Seres as well as Sinae, proving that the Middle Kingdom was reached by both land and sea. Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither.

Muir, The Caliphate, p. 377.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 17 and Tibet both appealed to China for aid, the embassies bringing among their presents a number of many-coloured birds “which could talk”-evidently parrots. China responded, and sent about this time an army of some 200,000 men, commanded by a nephew of the Emperor, against Kutaiba, only, however, to sustain defeat.1 This clash of arms between China and the Arabs is of special interest and deserves to be treated in some detail. Kutaiba after his successes sent an embassy to the Chinese Court. The Chinese record of this reads as follows:“In 718 A.D. an envoy appeared from Ta-shih bringing as presents, beautiful horses and a magnificent girdle. When the envoy was being presented to the Emperor Hsuan Tsung, he refused to perform the prescribed obeisance, saying, ‘In my country we only bow to God (Tien Shen), and never to a prince.’ At first they wanted to kill the envoy; one of the ministers, however, interceded for him, saying that a difference in the court etiquette of foreign countries ought not to be considered a crime.

This refusal on the part of an envoy to perform the K’ot’ou is extremely interesting, and if the Chinese story could be accepted as telling all the truth, the China of that day could be complimented on the manifestation of a more liberal spirit in such matters than she showed some eleven hundred years later. There is, however, another explanation, but for this it is necessary to follow the story as told by Arab authors.

The successes of the great Arab general and the defeat of the formidable Chinese army led by the Emperor’s X nephew, have been mentioned already. Kutaiba had 1 There is a difference of four years between the Chinese date and that given by Tabari. Pauthier practically accepts the events as identical. See Pauthier, Chine, etc., p. 310, and Muir’s Caliphate, p. 363. For other embassies, etc., see Gaubil, Mémoires, vol. xvi. pp. 9 and 12.

• Bretschneider, Ancient Chinese Knowledge of Arabs.

с 18 ISLAM IN CHINA thus made himself master of the country bordering upon the Chinese Empire. The Turks and Tartars had been defeated and the Chinese army also. What was there to prevent Kutaiba extending his conquests into China itself. Flushed with success, and ambitious of yet greater things, he is said to have actually demanded the submission of China, the government of which country had been promised to him should he succeed.

His embassy, according to Arab accounts, consisted of six men, who upon their first reception at the Chinese Court were sumptuously dressed. Refusing to speak, they withdrew, only to appear the second day robed in black. This procedure was repeated, only upon the third occasion they appeared in their military attire. Now, for the first time they broke their silence, and in response to the questions put to them concerning their strange behaviour, stated that the costumes worn upon the first day were such as they wore in the presence of ladies, the robes of the second day were those they wore at Court, while the dress of the third day was what they donned in the presence of enemies. Alarmed at such bold speech, the Emperor loaded the envoys with money and valuable presents in token of his respect for their master and sent them away.

This story is told in a somewhat different way by Sir William Muir. After relating how Kutaiba had pushed forward his conquests, taking Khojand, Shush, and other cities of the Ferghana, until Kashgar and the confines of China were reached, he proceeds thus: “A curious tale is told of an interview with the ‘King of China ‘-probably a border mandarin 2-who, to release Kutaiba from an oath that he would take possession of the land, sent him a load of Chinese soil to trample on, a bag of Chinese coin 1 De Thiersant, Le Mahométisme en Chine, vol. i. p. 65, where D’Ohason is quoted.

The Embassy being mentioned in the Chinese Records makes it probable that they actually came to the Chinese Court.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 19 by way of tribute, and four royal youths on whom to imprint his seal.”1 (The Mohammedan army was at this time at the zenith of its power both in Europe and Asia, and could not but be feared by China. An enemy which compelled Tibet and India to turn to China for aid, and at the same time humbled China in the north-west, was not a foe to be despised. (The T’ang Records state that at this time the ordinary route between China and Constantinople was impassable on account of Arab troops, and that as the sea route was long and difficult, another overland route had to be taken (719 A.D.).) What the consequences to China might have been but for the death, at this critical period, of Kutaiba’s patron, Mohammed Kasim, and of the Caliph Walid I. himself, it is impossible to say. It is at least probable that China would have been subjected to a Mohammedan invasion.) The presents of the Emperor and his wise counsels generally-for the subsequent events of his reign show him to have been a wise monarchprobably stayed any immediate collision, and the turn in the tide of Mohammedan conquests which followed upon the death of the Caliph Walid I., the subsequent assassination of Kutaiba, the overthrow of the Omeyide dynasty by the Abbasides, with all the fury of rival princes and contending sects which immediately broke upon the Moslem Empire, in all probability saved China from the sword of Islam.

It is a profoundly interesting fact, and worthy of special consideration, that the events in Asia just recorded nearly synchronise with the Battle of Tours in Europe. We thus see the Arab advance checked in the west by Charles Martel in 782 A.D., and the Moslem progress eastward arrested on the borders of the Chinese Empire at about the same time. 1 1 Muir, The Caliphate, 3rd edition, p. 366. * Gaubil, Mémoires, vol. xvi. p. 12 et seq.

твоя 20 ISLAM IN CHINA With these changed conditions, we find China not unwilling to open her gates to the stranger from afar. According to the Si-yu-chuen, “The Records of Western Asia,” at this time “the barbarians of the West came in crowds into the Middle Kingdom, and as by an outbreak from more than a hundred kingdoms, distant at least one thousand leagues, brought with them as presents their sacred books, which were received and deposited in the Hall for the Translation of Sacred Books and Canons attached to the Imperial Palace. From this time the religious doctrines of different occidental countries spread abroad, and were openly practised in the Empire of Tang.“1 2 An important gleam of light is thrown upon this period by a Persian writer, who lived during the seventh century of the Hegira, named Nur Eddin Mohammed Oufi, who had studied at Bokhara. This man, who was a great traveller, has told the following facts in his Collection of Anecdotes compiled by him from ancient Arabic works. Referring to a colony of Zaidis, a sect of the Shiahs, and descendants of the prophet, who were established on the confines of China and furnished the Emperor with intermediaries for his intercourse with foreign countries, he explains in the following terms the motive which led these descendants of the Caliph Ali to settle so far from their native land. “At the time of the Omeyides (661-750 A.D.) a certain number of Zaidis and descendants of Ali, Prince of the Faith, upon whom be peace! emigrated into Khorassan. The ardour employed by the Omeyides in searching for them inspired these Zaidis with the greatest fear, and they fled to the East and rested not until they reached the soil of China.”” Since the Omeyides were overthrown by the Abba1 De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 153.

• Djami oul hikayat, MS. British Museum, fol. 368, quoted by M. Schefer, Les Relations, etc.

3 Condensed from M. Schefer’s French translation.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 21 sides in 750 A.D., and Zaid did not become Imam before 680 A.D. when Hosein was slain, the event referred to must lie somewhere between these two dates. In view of the bitter hatred which divided the Moslem world into the two great rival sects of Sunnites and Shiites, the facts as stated by Oufi are not improbable.

The period with which this chapter closes is of considerable importance, for it was at this time that Mohammedanism became established in the home and cradle of the Turks and Tartars, who were destined ere long to play so momentous a part in the spread of the Moslem faith in other lands both to the East and West.

i.

CHINA AND THE ARABS FROM THE RISE OF THE ABBASIDE CALIPHATE 28"The Jews and Saracens, as far as they are able, are seeking to convert the Tartars to their sects; and if it should happen-which God forbid !—that the Tartars should become Jews or Saracens, it may well be feared that it would issue in irreparable harm to the whole of Christianity. Such harm took place through the heresy of Mahomet; for when the Saracens had accepted it, they came flooding over us, and the third part of Christianity was overwhelmed. The multitude of the Tartars cannot be counted, and in the shortest period of time it has subdued by its warlike power many kingdoms and principalities. . . .

“Thus conscience stings me and compels me to come to you, whose discretion and wisdom is supremely concerned to bring about a mighty remedy. . . . I mean that here in Paris, where the spring of Divine Knowledge gushes forth, and where the light of the Truth shines forth on Christian people, there should be founded a faculty for Arabic, Tartar, and Greek studies. Thus we may be able to learn the languages of the adversaries of God; and that our learned men, by preaching to them and teaching them, may by the Sword of Truth overcome their falsehoods and restore to God a people as an acceptable offering, and may convert our foes and His to friends."-RAYMOND LULL’S APPEAL TO THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS.

24 24 CHAPTER II CHINA AND THE ARABS From the Rise of the Abbaside Caliphate WITH the rise of the Abbasides we enter upon a somewhat different phase of Moslem history, and approach the period when an important body of Moslem troops entered and settled within the Chinese Empire. While the Abbasides inaugurated that era of literature and science associated with the Court at Bagdad, the hitherto predominant Arab element began to give way to the Turks, who soon became the bodyguard of the Caliphs, “until in the end the Caliphs became the helpless tools of their rude protectors.” Several embassies from the Abbaside Caliphs to the Chinese Court are recorded in the T’ang Annals, the most important of these being those of (A-bo-lo-ba) Abul Abbas, the founder of the new dynasty, that of (4-p’u-ch’a-fo) Abu Giafar, the builder of Bagdad, of whom more must be said immediately; and that of (A-lun) Harun al Raschid, best known, perhaps, in modern days through the popular work, Arabian Nights.’ The Abbasides or “Black Flags,” as they were commonly called, are known in Chinese history as the Heh-i Ta-shih, “The Black-robed Arabs.” Five years after the rise of the Abbasides, at a time when Abu Giafar, the second Caliph, was busy plotting the assassination of his great and able rival Abu Muslim, 1 Bretschneider, Med. Geography, p. 116, and Med. Researches, vol. i. P. 265.

25 pectiondas ? 26 ISLAM IN CHINA who is regarded as “the leading figure of the age” and the de facto founder of the house of Abbas so far as military prowess is concerned, a terrible rebellion broke out in China. This was in 755 A.D., and the leader was a Turk or Tartar named An Lu-shan. This man, who had gained great favour with the Emperor Hsuan Tsung, and had been placed at the head of a vast army operating against the Turks and Tartars on the north-west frontier, ended in proclaiming his independence and declaring war upon his now aged Imperial patron. The Emperor, driven from his capital, abdicated in favour of his son, Su Tsung (756-768 a.d.), who at once appealed to the Arabs for help.

The Caliph Abu Giafar, whose army, we are told by Sir William Muir, “was fitted throughout with improved weapons and armour,” responded to this request, and sent a contingent of some 4000 men, who enabled the Emperor, in 757 A.D., to recover his two capitals, Sianfu and Honanfu. These Arab troops, who probably came from some garrison on the frontiers of Turkestan, never returned to their former camp, but remained in China, where they married Chinese wives, and thus became, according to common report, the real nucleus of the naturalised Chinese Mohammedans of to-day.

While this story has the support of the official history of the T’ang dynasty, there is, unfortunately, no authorised statement as to how many troops the Caliph really sent.1 The statement, however, is also supported by the Chinese Mohammedan inscriptions and literature. Though the settlement of this large body of Arabs in China may be accepted as probably the largest and most definite event recorded concerning the advent of Islam, it is necessary at the same time not to overlook the facts already stated in the previous chapter, which prove that large numbers of foreigners had entered China prior to this date.

1 Gaubil, Mémoires, vol. xvi. p. 72.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 27 It is probably not possible now to discover the real facts concerning this contingent of men, though all the versions agree in the main statement that these men married and settled in China. According to an inscription1 on the walls of a mosque at Canton, in the grounds of which stands the famous tomb of the so-called maternal uncle of Mohammed, there were no fewer than 100,000 men sent, and not only 4000, and the most notable of these were invited to settle in Sianfu. According to another account, they did return to their native place, but were not allowed to remain, because they had been so long in a land where pork was eaten, and consequently they re-entered China.

Another version of the same story states that they misbehaved themselves at Loyang, the Eastern capital, and were ordered to march to Canton and embark for Arabia, but at Canton being taunted with having eaten pork during their campaign in China, they refused to face the scorn of their own people, and so made common cause with the Arab and Persian merchants at that port, and sacked and pillaged the city. The Governor of Canton took refuge on the city walls, and was unable to retire until he had obtained permission from the Emperor for these Arab soldiers to marry and settle in the country.

In support of the statements found in the Mohammedan inscriptions mentioned above, the official history of the T’ang dynasty states that the Arabs and Persians together sacked and burned the city of Kwangchow (Canton) in 758 A.D., and then returned to Arabia by sea. M. de Thiersant also relates that T’ai Tsung (768-780 A.D.), the successor of Su Tsung, having his frontiers invaded by an army of 800,000 Tibetans, sought aid from the Caliph Abu Giafar, who sent such a large contingent of soldiers that the Chinese Government was obliged to double the tax upon tea in order to raise the funds necessary to pay 1 De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 110.

28 ISLAM IN CHINA the troops. Whether this really refers to another event, or is only another version of the first story related above, we do not know. Amid all these variations the one fact stands out, viz., that about this time Arab soldiers certainly did enter and settle in China. It is quite possible that more than one contingent came, and if so, this would account for the variations in number and date.

An interesting little incident which occurred at about this period illustrates China’s wisdom in dealing with the foreign visitors who reached her Court. Two bodies of Arab and Uigur envoys happened to reach the capital simultaneously, and, when the time approached for their audience with the Emperor, they hotly disputed priority of entrance. Chinese diplomacy cut the Gordian knot, and possibly prevented bloodshed, by admitting the two parties at the same moment, but by separate doors.1 Towards the close of the eighth century (787 A.D.) the T’ang Records’ give us a little glimpse into the capital Sianfu, where there were as many as four thousand families of foreigners residing. These had come from Urumchi, Ansi, Kashgar, and other Western countries, some of which could evidently be reached by sea. These foreigners possessed land, and had wives and children. They had come at different times, some as travellers, some in the suites of princes, and some as deputies. They received a monthly allowance at Court, which sum aggregated 500,000 ounces of silver per year. Unable to return to their own countries by the ordinary routesthese being in the hands of the Tibetans, who were now masters of all the country west of Shensi-and not electing to travel by sea or a circuitous land journey, they asked to be allowed to remain. This request was granted, and they were incorporated into the army, which proceeding is said to have been a saving to the revenue, and at 1 Deveria, Origine, quoted from the Sin Tang Sku. * Gaubil, Mémoires, etc., vol. xvi. pp. 134-5.

Photos by Arthur Cotter, Esq.

COURTYARD AND INTERIOR OF PEKING MOSQUE.

This is the Tung-si Pai-lou Mosque in Peking. The urn with its Arabic inscription is unique. The ornamentation around and above the arch is all Arabic. The two Chinese characters on the lantern on left of picture are Li-pai, commonly used for “worship.” To face page 28.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 29 the same time to have greatly augmented the Chinese army.

From Arab sources we are also able to learn that there was free intercourse between China and Arabia. Abu Hassan Aly, better known perhaps under the name of Masondi, who was born at Bagdad at the end of the third century of the Hegira, tells us that the land route to China was much frequented. He had himself met one traveller who had several times made the journey to the Middle Kingdom without ever having seen the sea.1 As the great rebellion in 755 A.D. had resulted in Arab troops coming to China’s aid, so about thirty years later the two nations made common cause again, but this time against their mutual foe the Tibetans, who had for some time troubled the Abbasides in the West and the Chinese in the East. There is considerable difficulty in obtaining a clear and satisfactory account of what really happened, for the T’ang Annals give the date 787 A.D. as the beginning of this alliance, and the Nanchao Annals (Yunnan) carry the story on as far as 801 A.D. It is possible that both records may refer to a protracted contest lasting over several years and affecting a wide area.

The outstanding facts are that China and the Arabs, sent by the Caliph Harun al Raschid, united with the Uigurs, some of the Princes of India, and the King of Nanchao (Yunnan) in resisting the powerful kingdom of Tibet. China, in the north, at first suffered some reverse, and temporarily lost Bokhara, but somewhat later defeated the Tibetans on the Szechwan border. The part of the history which is of most value to our story is that which concerns Yunnan, for here we find the last official reference to the Arabs under the T’ang dynasty, and at the same time the first reliable information concerning 1 See Les Prairies d’or, translated into French by M. Barbier de Meynard, quoted by M. Schefer.

• See Parker, China and Religion, p. 5.

80 ISLAM IN CHINA Mohammedanism in Yunnan. The fullest reference to this is found in Dr. S. W. Bushnell’s article on The Early History of Tibet (the English name of which country is derived from Mohammedan sources), which is based upon the official records of the T’ang dynasty. Referring to a man named Matingte, a Tibetan commander mentioned in the text of his article as having surrendered, he says:“Matingte is called in the Nanchao (Yunnan) Records by the Chinese title of Kuoshih, ‘State Preceptor,’ which is the same title applied to the Buddhist Bashpa when he was invested by Kublai Khan as the ruler of Tibet. In the same records it is related that in the spring of 801 A.D. they destroyed one of the enemy’s camps by cutting the bank of the Lu river in the night, and fought two battles in succession in which the enemy was defeated and totally dispersed, and that thereupon the K’ang (Samarkand) and Heh-i Ta-shih (Black-robed Arabs, the Abbasides) troops, with their T’ufan (Tibetan) commander, all surrendered, and that 20,000 suits of armour were captured. This is interesting as the first mention of Mohammedans in this region. Marco Polo mentions the Saracens in Yunnan, and Rashid ud Din says, ‘All the inhabitants of Yachi are Mohammedans.’ Yachi being the modern Talifu, called the city of Yang-chu-yang during the Tang dynasty, when it was the capital of Nanchao.” This passage will be commented upon in another chapter.

1 The troubles between China and Tibet evidently lasted for some time, for it was not till 821 A.D. that the treaty of peace was signed, a marble tablet bearing the wording of the treaty being erected at the entrance to one of the larger temples in Lhassa, where it is still said to remain.

There is little more to be added concerning Moslem events under the T’ang dynasty, the closing decades of which were full of rebellions and war. China in her 1 Royal Asiatic Journal, 1880.

1 CHINA AND THE ARABS 81 distress sought help on all hands against this and the other enemy. The confusion increased until it came to a climax in the rebellion of Hsi Tsung’s reign (874-889 A.D.). This rebellion, which is referred to by the famous Arab traveller, Abu Zeid, who will be spoken of in another chapter, brought to an end for some time all Arab intercourse with China, or at least all intercourse from Arabia by sea. At this time from 120,000 to 200,000 Arabs, Jews, Christians, etc., perished at Hangchowfu.1 Historians agree that this insurrection was one of the most terrible that ever devastated China. Chinese accounts state that eight millions of people lost their lives, and that blood flowed for a thousand miles. While such language is partly figurative and certainly exaggerated, we know from Abu Zeid that this rebellion brought Arab intercourse with China to a close under the Tang dynasty. The legends and traditions relating to this period, and Abu Zeid’s story, will be referred to later.

In the Records of the Sung dynasty (960-1280 A.D.) there appears a long article which mentions some twenty embassies from Arabia (Ta-shih) to China, including some to the Liao dynasty which held sway in the north. One of these Arab ambassadors obtained the hand of one of the princesses of Liao for the son of his royal master. From this time the name of Ta-shih disappears from the Chinese Records, the disappearance roughly coinciding with the downfall of the Abbaside Caliphate and of Bagdad.

It is probable that the intercourse between the Arabs and China under the Sung dynasty never regained that freedom which prevailed before the great rebellion which brought the T’ang dynasty to an end. Trade is said to have decreased and the Arabs to have been held in less esteem, M. de Thiersant tells of one Chinese writer, a contemporary of Jenghis Khan, who ridiculed the 1 See page 50.32 ISLAM IN CHINA Mohammedan’s religion, turning the cry of " Allah” into the common Chinese exclamation of “Ai-yah,” the nearest equivalent to which in the English language is perhaps the slang “Oh my!” M. Schefer, who writes on Arab intercourse with China as revealed in Arab sources, quotes at length a passage from a chapter on China written by Abul Kasim Said in one of his works. Said was born at Cordone in 1069 A.D. The passage quoted certainly appears, as M. Schefer suggests, to show the writer’s acquaintance with ancestral worship in China, and with the Ainos and other people living to the north of that Empire.

Sam’ani is another Arab writer referred to by M. Schefer in the same work, who in his Kitab ul Inssab or Book of Lineage (1146 A.D.) has preserved the names of three Arabs who had resided in China, and who in consequence bore nicknames such as “Hamid the Chinese.” The conquests of Jenghis Khan opened afresh the highway between East and West, and the subsequent Mongol Emperors, under the Yüan dynasty (1260-1868 A.D.), patronised the colonisation of China by foreigners. “A flood of Mohammedans of all kinds, Arabs, Persians, Bokhariots, converted Turks-and doubtless Uigurspassed freely to and fro, and scattered themselves gradually over China itself in a way they had never done before.”’ These strangers mixed with the Arab colonists of the eighth century and formed that body which are designated to-day by the name of Hui Hui.

Both Arabic and Chinese records bear witness to the changed conditions. T. W. Arnold’ tells us that “there is no event in the history of Islam that for terror and desolation can be compared to the Mongol conquest. Like an avalanche the hosts of Jenghis Khan swept over the centres of Muslim culture and civilisation, leaving 1 M. Schefer, Les Relations, etc.

E. H. Parker, China and Religion, p. 147.

3 T. W. Arnold, The Preaching of Islam, p. 185.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 38 behind them bare deserts and shapeless ruins where before had stood the palaces of stately cities, girt about with gardens and fruitful cornland. When the Mongol army had marched out of the city of Herat, a miserable remnant of forty persons crept out of their hiding-places and gazed horror-stricken on the ruins of their beautiful city-all that was left out of a population of over 100,000. In Bokhara, so famed for its men of piety and learning, the Mongols stabled their horses in the sacred precincts of the mosques and tore up the Qur’ans to serve as litter; those of the inhabitants who were not butchered were carried away into captivity, and their city reduced to ashes. Such too was the fate of Samarqand, Balkh, and many another city of Central Asia which had been the glories of Islamic civilisation, the dwelling-places of holy men, and the seats of sound learning,-such too the fate of Bagdad that for centuries had been the capital of the Abbaside dynasty.” Amid all these massacres, Jenghis Khan spared the learned and those of the artisan class who could be of service to his people, and his sons and grandsons drew such men into their service. From them they chose ministers, governors, generals, doctors, astronomers, etc., and these were Moslems. The Records of the Yüan dynasty give many biographies of distinguished Mohammedans who were employed in the service of the Mongols. Such were Sayid Adjal (Sai Tien-chih), a native of Bokhara, a reputed descendant of the prophet, and the subsequent conqueror and governor of Yunnan. His son, Nasr-ud Din, mentioned by Marco Polo, who distinguished himself in war against Cochin China and Burma; A-ho-ma (Ahmed), who is classed under the rubric of “villainous ministers” and corresponds with Marco Polo’s “Oppressions of Achmath”; A-lao-wa-ting (Ali-ed Din) and I-ssu-ma-yin (Ishmael), who were sent from Persia to China as expert makers of the catapult D 34 ISLAM IN CHINA used in war, and whose instruments were used in the siege of Siangyangfu in 1271 A.D.1 That the Mohammedans were numerous at this time is evident by an order (1270 A.D.) commanding them to serve in the Imperial Army. Their influence is also proved by the presentation to the Emperor Kublai Khan of seven Persian astronomical instruments (1267 A.D.) by Jamal ed Din, a Persian astronomer, who also presented at the same time a new scheme of chronology entitled “The Ten Thousand Years Chronology.” These instruments, it has been stated, by the elevation of the pole to 86 degrees, afford a strong presumption that they were made for the observatory at Pingyangfu, Shansi.’ With the advent of Jenghis Khan the references to China in the works of Arab writers become more frequent and more reliable. Rashid-ud Din, the famous Arab writer, who died in 1816 A.D., has given considerable detail concerning China in his (Jami-ut-Tawarikh) " Annals of all Time,” and an author named Ahmed Sihab Eddin, who for a long time held high office in Cairo and died in 1848 A.D., states that he collated much of his information at first hand from merchants who had visited China under the Mongol (Yuan) dynasty when the country was freely open to commerce and travel. M. Schefer devotes several pages of his valuable treatise to quotations from this writer.

In another chapter some additional quotations from Arab writers will be given. Further references from Chinese sources hardly concern the subject of this chapter, which deals in the main with the introduction of Mohammedanism. It may be mentioned, however, that under the Ming dynasty, in 1885 A.D., the Moslems were ordered to quit Canton, and that in 1465 A.D. they are 1 Yuan Shih, see Bretschneider, Schefer, and T. W. Arnold, who also quotes Howorth’s History of the Mongols.

2 A. Wylie, Chinese Researches; Mongol Astronomical Instruments in Peking. 3 Schefer, Les Relations, etc.

CHINA AND THE ARABS 85 stated to have established themselves at Macao, while the Emperor Hung Wu, founder of the Ming dynasty, employed two of his ablest scholars, with the aid of Mohammedan officers, to translate the Arabic books on science which were found in the Imperial library upon his accession to the throne.

Dr. Bretschneider in his valuable work entitled Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources1 has devoted more than one hundred and fifty pages of the second volume to “Accounts of Foreign Countries found in the Records of the Ming Dynasty and in the great Ming Geography.” From these records, which cover the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, we learn that numerous Arab embassies came to China to bring what the Chinese claimed as tribute. The Arabs doubtless looked upon the expeditions-though called by the Chinese “Tribute Embassies” as purely commercial undertakings. This is proved by the fact that in 1582 A.D. the Board of Rites protested that the Embassies were too frequent and too large. The Board asserted that it was evident that these foreigners came really to spy out the conditions at Court under pretence of bringing tribute, and consequently restrictions were imposed upon them as regards their visits to the capital, though they were still allowed to sell their goods, which was all they really desired.

• The Great Ming Geography, which will be referred to elsewhere, speaks in considerable detail of Arabia generally, and Mecca and Medina in particular. The dimensions of the Kaaba are given and its shape described. Particulars of the Koran and certain Moslem customs are also plainly stated. All these facts go to prove that Arabia and Islam were fairly well known in China at that time, and that the intercourse between the two countries was fairly frequent. Many mosques built during the Ming dynasty are a further 1 This work, long so rare, has recently been republished, by Trübner and Co. 2 Ming Shih and Ta Ming I-t’ung-ki.

3 See page 75.

36 ISLAM IN CHINA proof of this, and the rubbing reproduced opposite page 91 is only one of many that could be produced in support of this statement.

The foregoing fragmentary evidence concerning the introduction and spread of Islam in China is unfortunately practically all that it is now possible to obtain. It is, as Professor E. H. Parker has indicated, a remarkable thing that while the Chinese Annals give clear records of the introduction of Persian and Babylonian religions, which soon disappeared, “none of their histories record a single word about the introduction into China of the Mohammedan faith.” Though the spread of the Moslem communities throughout the empire is veiled in such obscurity, their presence to-day with mosque still standing in practically every province, clearly demonstrates the facts. In lack, then, of such definite and specific information as one could desire about the introduction of Islam, as a religion, into China, it is only possible to indicate in a general way, as we have sought to do, the coming of the Arabs and the Turks, and from this infer the establishment of their faith.

1 China and Religion, p. 139.

SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 37 “Through incessant, spontaneous and almost fanatic parading, preaching, pushing of their faith by the mass of believers, and not solely by the power of the sword, Islam grew to its gigantic proportions. And if they used the sword, so also can we. . . . It is a better sword than theirs and slays to give Life Eternal.

“If they did so much with theirs, surely we can do more with ours. We can do it if we will. We have a better message, a more glorious faith, a higher motive, a richer reward, a more certain victory, a nobler inspiration, a better comradeship, and a Leader before Whose great white throne and great white life the mock majesty and the great whitewashed immorality of Mohammed shrink in abject terror. They did it for Mohammed. Shall we not do it for our Saviour in the spread of Christianity."-SAMUEL M. ZWENER.

88 CHAPTER III SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS RESERVING Some of the Chinese legendary stories for a later chapter, it will be of interest to learn what can be gathered from some of the early travellers to China, as supplementary to what has already been recorded from official sources, concerning the Moslem faith in that Empire.

The earliest and perhaps most interesting record has been preserved to us in an ancient Arabic manuscript entitled Achbar ul Sin wal Hind or “Observations on China and India.” This work contains the records of the journeys and experiences of two Arab travellers to those lands in the years 851 A.D. and 878 A.D., and was translated by Eusebius Renaudot, about two hundred and fifty years ago.1 From this valuable book it is only possible here to quote those passages which are of the most importance for our subject. In the second part of the book, entitled “The Discourse of Abu Zeid al Hasan of Siraf,” there is recorded a conversation the man had had with a venerable Arab who had been to China and had had an interview with the Emperor at Sianfu. The statement of the conversation with this Emperor of the T’ang dynasty, with its references to the portraits of Old Testament 1 Eusebius Renaudot, who translated the work in 1673 A.D., states in his preface that there is good proof for accepting the date of the manuscript he used as 569 A.H., or 1173 A.D.

39 40 ISLAM IN CHINA saints, and to the portrait of Mohammed riding on his camel, are intensely interesting. It throws some certain light upon the question as to how far the history of the Old and New Testament and also of Mohammedanism were known in China at this early period.1 The account of this interview is of such importance that it deserves to be quoted in full.

“There was formerly a man of the tribe of Koreish, whose name was Ibn Wahab, descended of Hebar, the son of Al Asud, and he dwelt at Busrah. This man left Busrah, when that city was sacked and came to Siraf, where he saw a ship ready to make sail for China. The mind took him to go on board of this ship, and in her he went to China, where, in the sequel, he had the curiosity to travel to the Emperor’s Court; and leaving Kanfu’ he reached Cumdan after a journey of two months. He staid (sic) a long time at the Emperor’s Court, and presented several petitions, wherein he signified that he was of the family of the Prophet of the Arabs. Having waited a considerable while, the Emperor at last ordered him to be lodged in a house, appointed for him, and to be supplied with everything he should want. This done, the Emperor wrote to the governor of Kanfu, commanding him carefully to inform himself, among the merchants,* concerning the relation this man pretended to bear to the Prophet of the Arabs: and the governor, by his answers, confirming the truth of what he had said, touching his 1 Is it possible that there is any remote connection between these portraits of Mohammed in the Imperial palace and Ibn Wahab’s interview with the Emperor, and the widely accepted tradition concerning Saad Abu Wakkas related in the next chapter? ’ Busrah was founded by the Caliph Omar about 635 A.D. Of the importance of this city in early Moslem history, see Muir’s Caliphate under index Bussorah.

• Kanfu is probably the same as Kanpu, mentioned by Marco Polo, the old port of Hangchow, and Cumdan is probably Sianfu, for the Syriac inscription on the Nestorian tablet speaks of “Cumdan the royal city.” M. de Thierstant, vol. i. p. 81, identifies Canfu with Canton, but in this he is probably incorrect and runs counter to such an authority as Colonel Yule.

A proof that there were Arab merchants settled there.

SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS પ xtraction, the Emperor gave him audience, and wunde presents, wherewith he returwed to Irak.

This but bad when we saw him, was well advanced in senses perfectly about him; and told that, at, when he had his audience, the Emperor asked him any questions about the Arabs, and particularly know they had destroyed the kingdom of the Persians The Wahab made answer that they did it by the assistance of God, and because the Persians were involved in iddoktry, adoring the stars, the sun, and moon, instead of worships ping the true God. To this the Emperor replied, that the Arabs had conquered the most illustrious kingdom of the whole earth, the best cultivated, the most opulent, the most pregnant of fine wits, and of the most extensive fame.

“Then,’ said he, ‘What account do the people in your parts make of the other kings of the earth! To which the Arab replied that he knew them not. Then said the Emperor to the interpreter, ‘Tell him we esteem but five kings; that he whose kingdom is of widest extent is the same who is Master of Irak, for he is in the midst of the world,’ and surrounded by the territories of other kings; and we find he is called the King of Kings. After him we reckon our Emperor, here present, and we find that he is stiled (sic) the King of Mankind; for no other king is invested with a more absolute power and authority over his subjects, nor is there a people under the sun more dutiful and submissive to their sovereign than the people of this country; we, therefore, in this respect, are the King of Men. After us is the King of the Turks, whose kingdom borders upon us, and him we call the King of Lions. Next, the King of Elephants, the same is the King of the Indies, whom we also call the King of Wisdom; because he also derives his origin from the 1 One can hardly imagine the Chinese Emperor acknowledging this. Thin is, of course, the Arab’s version of the story.42 ISLAM IN CHINA Indians. And, last of all, the King of Greece, whom we stile (sic) the King of Men; for, upon the face of the whole earth, there are no men of better manners, nor of comlier (sic) presence, than his subjects. These,’ added he, ‘are the most illustrious of all kings, nor are the others to compare with them.’ “Then,’ said Ibn Wahab, ‘he ordered the interpreter to ask me, if I knew my Master and my Lord (meaning the Prophet) and if I had seen him? I made answer, “How should I have seen him who is with God?” replied, “That is not what I mean; I ask you what sort of a man he was in his person.” I replied that he was very handsome.

He “Then he called for a great box, and, opening it, he took out another contained therein, which he set before him, and said to the interpreter, “Show him his Master and his Lord,” and I saw in the box the images of the prophets, whereat I moved my lips, praying to myself in honour of their memory. The Emperor did not imagin (sic) I should know them again, and said to the interpreter, “Ask him why he moves his lips?” I answered, “I was praying in memory of the prophets.” “How do you know them?” said the Emperor. I replied that I knew them by the representation of their histories. “There,” said I, “is Noah in the Ark, who was saved with those that were with him, when God sent down the waters of the flood; and he afterwards peopled the whole earth with those that were with him at the same time”; and I made the usual salute to Noah and his company. Then the Emperor laughed, and said, “Thou art not mistaken in the name of Noah, and thou hast named him right; but as for the universal deluge, it is what we know not. It is true, indeed, that a flood covered a part of the earth; but it reached not our country, nor even the Indies.” I made my answer to this, and endeavoured to remove his objections the best I could, and then said SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 43 again to him, “There is Moses with his rod, and the children of Israel.” He agreed with me as to the small extent of their country, and the manner how the ancient inhabitants there were destroyed by Moses. I then said to him, “He there, is Jesus upon an ass, and here are His apostles with Him.” “He,” said the Emperor, was not long upon earth, seeing that all He did was transacted within the space of somewhat better than thirty months."‘1 “After this Ibn Wahab saw the Histories of the other prophets represented in the same manner we have briefly declared, and he fancied that what was written in great characters’ under each figure might be the names of the prophets, the countries whence they were, and the objects of their prophecies.

“Then,’ said Ibn Wahab, ‘I saw the image of Mohammed riding upon a camel, and his companions about him on their camels, with shooes (sic) of the Arabesque mode on their feet, and leathern girdles about their loins. At this I wept, and the Emperor commanded the interpreter to ask me why I wept. I answered, “There is our Prophet, and our Lord, who is also my cousin.” He said I was right, and added that he and his people had subdued the finest of all kingdoms, but that he had not the satisfaction of enjoying his conquests tho’ his successors had.

“I afterwards saw a great number of other prophets, some of them stretching forth their right hand, and with their three fingers bent down between the thumb and the forefinger, just like those who lift up the hand to make oath. Others were standing, and pointed to the heavens with their finger, and others were in different This proves that the Emperor of China had a fairly intimate knowledge of Christ’s life on earth.

• Does this mean these pictures had Chinese characters added to them? This can only be used in a loose sense, for he speaks of Mohammed as being long dead. Mohammed died 632 A.D.

44 ISLAM IN CHINA postures. The interpreter took them to be the figures of their prophets and those of the Indians.

“The Emperor then asked me many questions concerning the Kalifs, their mode of dress, and concerning many precepts and injunctions of the Mohammedan religion, and I answered him the best I could.

“After this he said, “What is your opinion concerning the age of the world?” I made answer that opinions varied upon that head; that some were for six thousand years, that others would not allow so many, and that others reckoned it at a still higher rate; but that it was, at least, as old as I had said. At this the Emperor and his first minister, who was, near him, broke out into a laughter, and the Emperor made many objections to what I had advanced. At last said he, “What does your prophet teach upon this subject? Does he say as you do?” My memory failed me, and I assured him that he did. Hereupon I observed I had displeased him, and his displeasure appeared upon his countenance.

“Then he ordered the interpreter to speak to me in the following strain:-“Take heed of what you say; for Kings never speak but to be informed of the Truth of what they would know. What did you mean by giving the Emperor to understand that there are, among you, various opinions concerning the age of the world? If so it be, you are also divided upon the things your prophet has said, at the same time that no diversity of opinion is to be admitted on what the prophets have pronounced, all of which must be revered as sure and infallible. Take heed, then, how you talk after such a rate any more.” To this he subjoined many other things which, through length of time, have escaped my remembrance.

“At last he asked me, “How is it that thou hast forsaken thy king, to whom thou art nearer, not only by the place of thy abode, but by blood also, than thou art to us?” In return to which, I informed him of the revoluSOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 45 tions which had hapned (sic) at Busrah,’ and how I came to Siraf where I saw a ship ready to spread sail for China; and that having heard of the glory of his empire, and its great abundance of necessaries, curiosity excited me to a desire of coming into his country, that I might behold it with mine own eyes. That I should soon depart for my country, and the kingdom of my cousin, and that I would make a faithful report of what I had seen of the magnificence of the Empire of China, and of the vast extent of the provinces it contains; and that I would make a grateful declaration of the kind usage, and the benefactions I there met with; which seemed to please him very much. He then made me rich presents, and ordered that I should be conducted to Kanfu upon post horses. He wrote also to the governor of the city, commanding him to treat me with much honour, and to furnish me with the like recommendations to the other governors of the provinces, that they might entertain me till the time of my departure. Thus was I treated everywhere, being plentifully supplied with all the necessaries of life, and honoured with many presents till the time of my departure from China.’ “We asked Ibn Wahab many questions concerning the city of Cumdan, where the Emperor keeps his Court. He told us that the city was very large, and extremely populous; that it was divided into two great parts, by a very long and very broad street; that the Emperor, his chief ministers, the soldiery, the supreme Judge, the eunuchs, and all belonging to the Imperial Household, lived in that part of the city which is on the right hand eastward; that the people had no manner of communication with them; and that they were not admitted into 1 The revolution of 732 A.D. is too early, for there would be over 100 years between Ibn Wahab leaving for China and Abu Zeid, his chronicler, meeting him as a very old man. Probably it is that of 814 A.D. during the divided Caliphate which followed after Harun al Rashid’s death. If so, the Emperor of China, whom he met, would be Hsien Tsung.

46 ISLAM IN CHINA places watered by canals, from different rivers, whose borders were planted with trees, and adorned with magnificent dwellings. The part on the left hand westward is inhabited by the people and the merchants, where are also great squares, and markets for all the necessaries of life. At break of day you see the Officers of the King’s Household, with the inferior servants, the purveyors, and the domestics of the grandees of the Court, who come, some on foot, others on horseback, into that division of the city, where are the public markets, and the habitations of the merchants; where they buy whatever they want, and return not again to the same place till the next morning.” One thing that will strike the reader as remarkable in a story which appears so circumstantial, is that in his description of the city, which corresponds in some of the main features with what is known of the city to-day, there is no reference made by Abu Zeid to any mosque or Moslem population. There was evidently an interpreter who could talk Arabic, but one would have expected the author to have mentioned the fact of his meeting with his co-religionists, and uniting with them in worship, if they were resident in the city, as other sources of information claim they were.

His silence of course is no conclusive argument, but it is certainly surprising.

In addition to this fascinating dialogue the supplementary passages from this same work, quoted below, which are the most important for our subject, give some glimpses of the Arab communities in China during the T’ang dynasty with the then existing conditions of trade. Throughout the T’ang dynasty the Mohammedans seem to have been somewhat favourably treated as traders, doubtless on account of the profit accruing to China. They were protected, allowed to build houses and mosques of a different architecture to the Chinese, and SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 47 were even permitted to live to some extent under their own rulers, thus evidently enjoying a measure of extraterritorial privilege. The reader who is acquainted with the conditions of trade which existed at Canton during the days of the East India Company, will recognise a similarity in the following extracts which refer to a date a thousand years earlier.

Unfortunately in the Arabic manuscript giving the records of the first of the two Arab travellers, the date of whose journey was about 851 A.D., there is a leaf or more wanting. This happens just where the author has begun to treat of China. Taking up the story immediately after this lacuna we read"Kanfu is the port for all ships and goods of the Arabs who trade in China, but fires are there very frequent, because the houses are built with nothing but wood, or else with split cane (bamboo). Besides, the merchants and ships are often lost in the going and coming, or they are often plundered, or obliged to make too long a stay in harbour, or to sell their goods out of the country subject to the Arabs, and there make up their cargo.

In short, ships are under a necessity of wasting a considerable time in refitting, not to speak of many other causes of delay.

“Soliman, the merchant, relates that at Kanfu, which is the principal scale for merchants, there is a Mohammedan appointed Judge over those of his religion, by the authority of the Emperor of China, and that he is Judge of all the Mohammedans who resort to those parts. Upon several days he performs the public service with the Mohammedans, and pronounces the sermon or Khutbah, which he concludes in the usual form with prayers for the Sultan of the Moslems. The merchants of Irak who trade thither are no way dissatisfied with his conduct or his administration in the post he is invested with, because his actions and the judgments he gives are just 48 ISLAM IN CHINA and equitable, and conformable to the Koran, and according to Mohammedan jurisprudence.” M. Renaudot, in his notes on this passage, remarks that this remarkable statement concerning the Mohammedan Kadi in China is found in no other book older than this. He was properly a Consul, but by degrees became Judge over the Mohammedans, and even took charge of the religious functions, which properly belong to a man of the Law and could not be performed by a merchant. The sermon, or Khutbah, was a discourse which the Imans, or rectors of the mosques, used in their Friday’s prayers.

Several pages further on the author returns again to the conditions of trade, which, as we have said, remind one of the days of the factory at Canton. Evidently it was worth while for the Arabs to submit to these restrictions, as our own merchants did a hundred years ago.

“When merchants entered China by sea, the Chinese seize on their cargo and convey it to warehouses, and so put a stop to their business for six months and till the last merchantmen be arrived. Then they take three in ten, or thirty per cent of each commodity and return the rest to the merchant. If the Emperor wants any particular thing, his officers have a right to take it preferably to any other persons whatsoever; and paying for it to the utmost penny it is valued at, they discharge this business immediately and without the least injustice. They commonly take camphire, which they pay for after the rate of fifty fakuges per man, and the fakuge is worth a thousand falus or pieces of copper. When it happens that the Emperor does not take camphire, it sells for half as much again.” It will be remembered that in the quotation from Abu Zeid’s narrative recording his conversation with the old Arab, Ibn Wahab, the Chinese Emperor is said to have recognised only five kings, the King of Irak, the SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 49 Emperor of China, the King of the Turks, the King of India, and the King of Greece. The first writer, though only mentioning four kings, yet agrees with Abu Zeid in placing the Caliph first. The passage is as follows:“Both the Indians and Chinese agree that there are four great or principal kings in the world. They allow the king of the Arabs to be the first and to be without dispute the most powerful of kings, the most wealthy, and the most excellent every way; because he is the prince and head of a great religion and because no other surpasses him in greatness or power.

“The Emperor of China reckons himself next after the King of the Arabs, and after him the King of the Greeks, and lastly, Balhara, King of Mohami at Adan. This Balhara is the most illustrious prince of all the Indies.” It is not to be wondered at that these two Arab authors should each give the Caliph the first place, nor need we tax them with presumption with so doing, for at that time the Moslem power was at its zenith of wealth and power and learning, with Bagdad as the seat of the Caliphs. As to whether the Emperor of China reckoned himself as second is another question, which may be left to the reader’s judgment.

In concluding our quotations from this first Arab writer, the following brief but interesting extracts concerning China’s religious condition may be given.

· “The Chinese worship idols, pray to them and fall down before them.. they are of the opinion that the Indians taught them the worship of idols (which is quite true). . I know not that there is any one of either nation (India or China) that has embraced Mohammedanism or speaks Arabic.” • This last statement is strong proof that up to that time little or nothing had been done by way of proselytising the natives of China.

E 50 ISLAM IN CHINA Towards the close of the Tang dynasty (618-906 a.D.), when widespread rebellion took place, the trade with the Arabs was brought to a close. The rebellion of Hsi-Tsung’ (874-889 A.D.) is referred to by Abu Zeid, the second Arab who visited China in 878 A.D. He tells how hostilities began in the country, and how Kanfu (at that time the port for all the Arabian merchants) was besieged. “This was transacted in the year of the Hegira 264, and of Christ 878. At last he became master of the city and put all the inhabitants to the sword. There are persons fully acquainted with the affairs of China who assure us that besides the Chinese who were massacred upon this occasion, there perished 120,000 Mohammedans, Jews,’ Christians and Parsees, who were there on account of traffic.

After a brief account of the proceedings at this rebellion, Abu Zeid continues-“From these combustions there arose many unjust dealings with the merchants who traded thither, which, having gathered the force of a precedent, there was no grievance, no treatment so bad but they exercised upon the Arabs and the masters of ships. They extorted from the merchants what was uncustomary, they seized upon their effects, and behaved towards them in a method of procedure quite contrary to the ancient usages, and for these things has God punished them by withdrawing his blessing upon them in every respect, and particularly by causing the navigation to be forsaken and the merchants to return in crouds (sic) to Siraf and Oman pursuant to the infallible orders of the Almighty Master, whose name be blessed.” 1 See page 31.

E. H. Parker in China and Religion, p. 164, says there is “No real evidence of any Judaism in China anterior to 1163 A.D.” Though there is positive evidence that some Persian Jews arrived in 1163 A.D., the passage from Abu Zeid is strong presumptive evidence that the Jews were in China at an earlier date. See also A. Wylie, Chinese Research, “Israelites in China,” though Mr. Parker would not accept Mr. Wylie’s identification of Hien worshippers as Jews nor Muh-hoo as Mohammedans, but rather as Fire-worshippers and Manicheans of Persia.

SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 51 The next great traveller whose records throw any light upon the conditions of the Moslems in China is Wm. de Rubruquis, a Minorite friar, who with three brethren and a servant set out from Constantinople in 1258 A.D. for the distant capital of the Mongol power, Karakorum. Here he had an interview with Mangou Khan, who, Wm. de Rubruquis states, maintained a friendly intercourse with all the sects, Nestorian, Saracen, and Idolaters.

Of the capital, Karakorum, he says there were two principal streets, one of which was occupied by the Saracens, adjacent to the court where the fairs were held, and where the merchants chiefly resorted. The other principal street was occupied by the Chinese, and here the trades and manufactures were practised.

Wm. de Rubruquis, who underwent a strict examination by the magistracy, of which the greater part was composed of Saracens, was charged with having implied that Mangou did not keep the commandments of God. Mangou, though annoyed, instead of taking any vindictive action, expressed the desire that Rubruquis, the Nestorian Christians, the Saracens, and the Idolaters should meet and compare their creeds. The friar was pitted against the idolater, and in his debate was supported by the Nestorians and even by the Saracens. Mangou subsequently intimated that he believed and served one God, whom he supposed had revealed Himself in different modes to different nations. From these and other remarks, we assume that a complete toleration was extended to the different creeds which prevailed at that time in the country.

The redoubtable traveller, Marco Polo, who resided in China from 1275-1292 A.D., and who found such favour with the great Kublai Khan, the Mongol conqueror of China, is the next to carry on the story. Marco Polo tells us that Kublai Khan, being questioned upon one52 ISLAM IN CHINA occasion as to his reasons for showing equal respect to the Christians, Saracens, Jews, and Idolaters, replied, “There are four great prophets who are reverenced and worshipped by the different classes of mankind. The Christians regard Jesus Christ as their Divinity; the Saracens, Mohammed; the Jews, Moses; and the Idolaters, Sogomombar-kan, the most eminent among their idols. I do honour and show respect to all the four, and invoke to my aid whichever amongst them is in truth supreme in heaven.“1 In the chapter, “China and the Arabs,” mention has been made of the many Mohammedan officials who were employed during the Yuan dynasty. Concerning one of these, named Achmath, Marco Polo gives many details, devoting several pages’ to a description of his wicked administration. At Kambalu (Peking) Kublai Khan had a council of twelve persons who had “power to dispose at will of the lands, governments, and all things belonging to the state. One of these, a Saracen named Achmath, had acquired an extraordinary influence with the great Khan; indeed his master was so infatuated with him that he allowed him the most uncontrolled licence.” For twenty-two years this man oppressed and degraded the people, until at last a local rebellion broke out, and he was assassinated. When the real facts and the detestable methods employed by this man and his seven sons came to the knowledge of Kublai Khan, he summoned the Saracens into his presence. “He forbade the continuance of many practices enjoined in their law, ordering that in future their marriages should be arranged according to the Tartar custom, and that in killing animals for food, instead of cutting their throats, they should rip open the stomach.” From this account we also learn that the Tartars, Saracens, and Christians were differentiated from the Khataians (Chinese) by the wearing of the beard.

1 Marco Polo, Wm. Marsden’s edition, 1818, p. 274. Ibid. pp. 309-313.

SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 58 Numerous references to the Mohammedans occur throughout Marco Polo’s narrative. Only a few of these can be mentioned. Of Yarkand he says: “Yarcan is a province five days’ journey in length. The people obey the law of Mohammed, but there are some. Nestorian Christians.” A somewhat similar testimony is given concerning Kashgar and other centres in Turkestan. Khotan is spoken of as “a province eight days’ journey in length. The people adore Mohammed.” Coming further east we find his testimony of Kanchow in Kansu (Canpicion) is that it is a large and magnificent city with jurisdiction over all the province. “The bulk of the people worship idols, but there are some who follow the religion of Mohammed and some Christians.’ Of Kokonor (Erginul) he says the same, and of Sining (Singui) he states that “the population of this country consists chiefly of idolaters; but there are also some Mohammedans and Christians.” Passing over his reference to Sianfu-if Ken-zan-fu is to be identified with Ch’ang-an-fu as many think-we come to his remarks about the great province of Karaian (Yunnan) and its principal city Yachi (Tali). Here he found “merchants and artisans, with a mixed population, consisting of idolaters, Nestorian Christians, and Saracens, but the first is the most numerous class.“1 A little more than thirty years after Marco Polo left the Far East, while the Mongol dynasty was still in power, Ibn Batuta, the famous Arabian traveller, visited China during his widespread journeys in Asia. This was during the years 1824-5 A.D. The following extracts from Dr. S. Lee’s translation of his Travels, give us the fullest information that is to be obtained about the Moslem in China at this period.

“The Chinese,” he writes, “are all infidels. They worship images and burn their dead just like the Hindoos. 1 Marco Polo, W. Marsden’s edition, 1818, pp. 145, 181, 224, 313, 405, 424.

54 ISLAM IN CHINA The King of China is a Tartar, and one of the descendants of Jenghis Khan, who entered the Mohammedan countries and desolated many of them. In all the Chinese provinces there is a town for the Mohammedans, and in this they reside. They also have cells, colleges, and mosques, and are made much of by the King of China. The Chinese generally will eat the flesh of dogs and swine, both of which are sold in the markets. . . .

“When any Mohammedan merchant visits those Mohammedan towns which are among the Chinese, it is left to his choice whether he will take up his lodgings with a native merchant or whether he will go to an inn.” He then proceeds to relate how he was visited by a Mohammedan judge, Sheik ul Islam, and a number of Mohammedan merchants. Of another province he relates :“In a certain part of this province is a town in which Mohammedans reside. It has a market and a mosque and a cell for the poor. Here is also a judge and a Sheik ul Islam; nor is there any doubt that there must be in all the towns of China Mohammedan merchants who have a judge and a Sheik ul Islam to whom matters are referred.” Of his visit to the capital, Fanjanfur, he writes as follows:“Here I was met by the judge, the presbyters of Islam, and the merchants, with the Emir of the city and the officers of his forces by whom the Emperor is entertained in the most honourable manner. I accordingly entered the city. It has four walls. Between the first and the second of these are the Emperor’s servants who watch the city; between the second and third are the troops of cavalry and the city magistrate; between the third and fourth are the Mohammedans, where I also took up my residence with the Sheik Zahir ed Din.

SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 55 Within the fourth wall are the Chinese, and this is the largest part of the city.” Of the city El Khansa (possibly Sianfu) he says: “This is the largest city I have seen on the face of the earth. When we approached the city we were met by its judge, the presbyters of Islam, and the great merchants. The Mohammedans are exceedingly numerous here. This whole city is surrounded by a wall, each of the six cities is surrounded by a wall. In the second division are the Jews, Christians, and the Turks who worship the sun. There are in the city a great number of Mohammedans, with some of whom I resided for fifteen days.” These extracts, and others not quoted, prove that the Moslems were certainly present in considerable numbers, and that they resided in towns of their own as well as in special quarters in the larger cities, and appear to have had their own Kadi and chief.

The following short extract from Friar Odoric, who was in China at about the same time as Ibn Batuta, refers to the Court of China. It tells us that :“In short the Court is truly magnificent and the most perfectly ordered there is in the world, with barons, gentlemen, servants, secretaries, Christians, Turks, and Idolaters all receiving from the Court what they had need of.” Some two hundred and fifty years later, we get another glimpse of China’s capital in the story of Benedict Goes, who began his journey in 1594 a.D. In his narrative he tells us that a Mohammedan merchant who had resided for thirteen years at Kambalu, stated that of the people “the greater number were Isanites, i.e. Christians (for the Christians are called after Jesus just as if you were to say Jesuits!). When asked if they were all Isanites, he said, by no means, for there are many Mussanites (i.e. Jews, for Moses in the tongue of י 56 ISLAM IN CHINA this people is called Mussan), and there are also some Mohammedans.” “1 Another passage dated about 1602-7 A.D., states that: “In one of these two cities of the province of Scensi, which is called Canceu, is the residence of the Viceroy and other chief officers. The other city, called Socien, has a governor of its own and is divided into two parts. In one of these dwell the Chinese, whom the Mohammedans here call Cathayans; in the other the Mohammedans who have come for the purpose of trade from the kingdom of Cascar, and other western countries. There are many of them who have entangled themselves with wives and children, so that they are almost regarded as natives and never will go back. They are much in the position of the Portuguese, who are settled at Amacao, in the province of Canton, but with this difference that the Portuguese live under their own laws and have magistrates of their own, whereas these Mohammedans are under the government of the Chinese. Indeed, they are shut up every night within the walls of their own quarters of the city, and in other matters are treated just like the natives, and are subject in everything to the Chinese magistrates. The law is that one who has sojourned there for nine years shall not be allowed to return to his country.” This last passage brings us down to the close of the Ming dynasty. With the commencement of the present dynasty, the Ta Ts’ing, the history of Mohammedanism enters upon a new phase. With the coming of the present Manchu rule, for some unexplained reasons, Mohammedan rebellions commenced. These are dealt with in chapters specially devoted to these risings. It only needs to be added that here and there a few references to the Chinese Moslems are to be found in the early writings of the Jesuit missionaries, but these contribute little to our knowledge. The most important passage, and practically From Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither.

SOME EARLY TRAVELLERS 57 the only one to be found in Du Halde, is the following, with which this chapter may be brought to a close. Writing in the year 1785 A.D., that author said :“There is no occasion to speak of the Mohammedan sect, settled above six hundred years ago in divers provinces, where they live in quiet, because they take no great pains to extend their doctrine and make proselytes. In ancent times they increased their numbers solely by the alliances and marriages they contracted; but for some years past they have made a considerable progress by help of their money. They everywhere buy up children, whose parents, unable to educate, make no scruple to sell them. During a famine which wasted the province of Shantung they purchased above ten thousand. They marry them, and either buy or build a considerable share of a city, and even whole country towns to settle them in. Hence, by little and little, they are grown to such a head in many places as not to suffer any to live among them who goes not to the Mosk; by which means they have multiplied exceedingly within these hundred years.” SOME CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 59 “The system of pious frauds is not abhorrent from the axioms of Islam. Deception, in the current theology, is, under certain circumstances, allowable. The Prophet himself, by precept as well as by example, encouraged the notion that to tell an untruth is on some occasions allowable; and what occasion would approve itself as more justifiable, nay, meritorious, than that of furthering the interests of Islam? Early Moslems would suppose it to be right and fitting that a divine religion should be supported by the evidence of miracles, and they no doubt believed that they were doing God service by building up such testimony in its favour.” “No precaution could hinder the commingling in oral tradition of mistaken or fabricated matter with what at the first may have been trustworthy evidence. The flood-gates of error, exaggeration, and fiction were thrown wide open; and we need only look to the experience of every country and every age, to be satisfied that but little dependence can be placed on the recital of historical incident, and none whatever upon supernatural tales, conveyed for any length of time through such a channel. That Islam forms no exception to the general principle is amply proved by the puerile extravagances and splendid fabrications which adorn or disfigure the pages of its early history."-Sir WILLIAM MUIR.

60 CHAPTER IV SOME CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS THE history of Arab intercourse with China, so far as it is supported by official and reliable documents, has already been referred to. It is now necessary to examine briefly some of the traditions most widely accepted by the Chinese Mohammedans themselves, and try to see how far they are worthy of belief. One of these relates to the introduction of Islam overland by way of the north-west route, and the other to the introduction by way of the sea to Canton.

These two legends, differing materially the one from the other, are, with manifold variations, the basis of what is found in the Chinese Mohammedan literature of to-day.

M. Devéria, who collected some forty Chinese Mohammedan works during his residence in China, which volumes and brochures he thinks represent the greater part of Chinese Moslem literature, states that he found no other allusions to the introduction of Islam into China than the traditions which are recorded below. The truly extraordinary thing is that, no modern Chinese Mohammedan writer-and none of them date back prior to 1646 A.D.appears to have recognised the first pioneers of their faith under the name of Ta-shih, the name by which the Arabs and Arabia were referred to in the Chinese Official Records during the T’ang and Sung dynasties (618-1260 A.D.). M. Devéria only found three references to this name in all the Chinese Moslem books which he 6162 ISLAM IN CHINA examined.1 Consequently the greater part of what has been narrated under the two chapters “China and the Arabs,” is entirely overlooked in the current Chinese Moslem literature.

The story of the entry by land is recorded in a Chinese work entitled Hui-Hui Yuan-lai,” “The Coming of the Moslems.” Of this little book there appear to be many editions in existence, with many variations in the text. M. Devéria had two copies, one bearing the date of 1712 A.D., the plates of which were preserved in a mosque not far from Tamingfu in the Chihli province. The preface stated that it was taken from a copy in the possession of General Yen Ting-kuo, of Hwaikingfu, Honan, whose name will occur again shortly. The copy which M. Devéria translated was, however, undated and had been printed from stereotyped plates kept in the mosque at Tientsin.

8 The translation which follows differs in many details from the translation given by M. Devéria, though the substance of the tradition is the same. This translation has been kindly given to the writer by Mr. C. F. Hogg, who had himself made it when in China from a copy of the book in his possession. A note on the title-page of Mr. Hogg’s copy states that the book is for free distribution, and that the blocks from which it was printed are at the disposal of any person who might wish to use them.

The Introduction reads as follows: “The Emperor Kang Hsi (1662-1722 A.D.) on his return from the country beyond the Great Wall stopped at the Yamen of the Brigadier-General Ma. Without any warning His Imperial Highness asked him ‘As a Mohammedan do you know the meaning of your religion, and of its name 1 Devéria, Origine, etc., p. 7.

• See page 302.

Wylie in his Notes on Chinese Literature assigns the date of 1754 A.D. to this pamphlet. An original copy exists in the L.M.S. Lockhart Library, London.

CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 68 Hui Hui?’ To this question the General replied, ‘I do not know, nor would I dare to answer your Imperial Highness at random.’ 6 “Are you then able to tell me why it is called “True and Pure,” Tsing-chen?’ asked the Emperor. ‘Of that also I am ignorant,’ replied the General. Why did the religion come from the west, when did it first arrive, and what was the cause of its coming?’ pursued the Emperor. ‘As regards these things I am altogether ignorant,’ replied the General.

“The Emperor said, I have a book here for you to read which will inform you upon these matters,’ and thereupon he handed the volume to General Ma Kin-liang, who replied, ‘I cannot read, but I am glad to receive the book and I crave permission to seek help from some educated person so that I may understand it.’ The Emperor readily granted this favour, so General Ma had a copy of the book made, which he sent to Hwaikingfu to General Yen Ting-kuo, who was a careful and zealous Moslem. This man when he saw the book, immediately had it transcribed for all the co-religionists in his staff. Thus, far and near, all heard of the book and copies were multiplied. Subsequently General Yen Ting-kuo of Hwaikingfu gave the blocks used for printing the book into the keeping of the Imam Ma Kuei-ping of the mosque at Makiasze, a village to the north of Tamingfu, Chihli.” 1 After the preceding preface, there is a brief introduction, which reads as follows:“Lest in years to come the future generations of Mohammedans should forget the origin of their religion and be unable to rediscover it, owing to the narrowness of 1 This preface agrees almost word for word with M. Devéria’s French translation, save that M. Devéria does not give the last sentence. The reader will note the correspondence of that sentence and M. Devéria’s 1712 A.D. copy. It is noteworthy that the 1712 A.D. copy was issued during the lifetime of Kang Hsi, which fact is fair proof that the preface may be reliable.

64 ISLAM IN CHINA their perceptions and the vulgarity of their expressions, it is here set down in fair style that it may be handed down to the latest ages and not be forgotten.” “Formerly Mohammedanism was found only beyond the western border, Who would know that Mohammedans were to dwell in China for ever.

It came about through the Tang Emperor’s dream in the night, That 8000 men were brought to establish it.

By Imperial Command the seal of the Board of Astronomy was given to one of them They dwelt peaceably in China tranquillising the State.

All thanks to the grace of the Emperor of Tang That to-day the State is firmer than ever.“1 Here commences chapter i., entitled “The Emperor of T’ang dreams at midnight of a turbaned man.” “In the third year of Chenkwan’ of the T’ang dynasty, on the eighteenth day of the third month, toward midnight, the Emperor in his sleep dreamed of a man with a turban on his head, chasing a monster which had rushed into the palace. Upon waking, waking, the Emperor was disturbed in his mind, not perceiving the significance of the portent. In the morning, however, he summoned the Court by a stroke on the golden bell, and all civil and military officials took their respective places before him.

“The Astronomer stepping forth from his place said: ‘I observed a strange appearance among the heavenly bodies last night which extended to Tzu-wei which is under the control of some gnome who seeks to disturb your Majesty’s Empire. On the other hand, in the west were a myriad of felicitous lights and a thousand streams of auspicious influences. I conclude that in the west there has arisen a sage, and beg your Majesty for an early decree.’ “Thereupon the Emperor said: ‘At midnight I 1 In verse, seven characters to the line.

This is the Nien Hao of Tai Tsong (627-650 A.D.) who reigned at Sianfu. M. Devéria’s copy says the second year, not third, i.e. 628, not 629 A.D.

CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 65 dreamed of a turbaned man and of a monster with black head and no hair, enormous mouth and projecting teeth, most terrific and evil to behold. The man in the turban, with his hands clasped and muttering prayers, pursued the monster closely. To look on he was indeed of a strange countenance, totally unlike ordinary men; his face was the colour of black gold, his ear lobes reached his shoulders, his whiskers stood outward, his moustache and beard were cut off short and even; he had phoenix eyebrows, a high nose, and black eyes. His clothes were white and powdered, a jewelled girdle of jade encircled his loins, on his head was a plain hat, and around it a cloth turban like a coiled dragon. His presence was awe-inspiring and dreadful to behold, as might be that of a sage descending to the palace. When he entered he knelt toward the west, reading the book he held in his hand.

“The monsters when they saw him were at once changed into their proper forms, and in distressful voice pleaded for forgiveness. But the turbaned man read on for a little, till the monsters changed into bloody matter, and at last into dust, and at the sound of a voice the turbaned man disappeared. Now,’ continued the Emperor, ‘whether this be a good or an ill omen I’m sure I don’t know.‘1 6 “Thereupon the Interpreter of Dreams stepped out of the ranks of officials and said: The turbaned man is a Mohammedan of the West. Far beyond Kiayükwan, in Arabia, there is a Mohammedan king of lofty mind and great virtue, whose country is wealthy and his troops are brave, and whose land produces many rare and precious things. The customs of the country are liberal to a degree. I have heard that in the West a great Sage is born. On the natal day the sun showed many colours, the night was lengthened to eight watches, white clouds 1 This fanciful portion is not given in M. Devéria’s edition, only a plain statement concerning a man and the monster.

F 66 ISLAM IN CHINA covered the hill tops, and when the True Book came from heaven a white vapour rose to the sky; therefore, because of the birth of the Sage favourable omens abounded. That the monsters entered the Palace indicates that strange and evil influences are at work in the heart of things, therefore came this omen of trouble. These monsters then must be dealt with by the Mohammedans if they are to be destroyed.’ Having finished he returned to his place.

“As he heard this statement the Emperor’s face blanched as he said, ‘You, my ministers and officials, civil and military, having heard what has been said, what do you think should be done?’ “Forthwith a prince, named Han Shih-ki, stepped forward and said: I have heard well of the Mohammedans as being straightforward and true, gracious in their behaviour, and loyal in their allegiance first and last. As to a plan for the present, throw open the pass, let communication be unhindered, place no restriction on intercourse, and thus encourage peace. I beseech my lord, then, to issue a decree, sending an ambassador across the Western frontiers to the Mohammedan king, request from him a sage to be sent to deal with the threatened evils, that the country may be kept at rest!’” To this course the T’ang Emperor gave ready consent. There is no need to finish this story, which is, of course, entirely apocryphal. At that date Mohammed would hardly be called king of Arabia, the Koran had not been collated. Further, according to M. Devéria’s versions, the Emperor T’ai Tsong dispatched an ambassador to Hami, whence the Moslem ruler sent three interpreters back with the Chinese Ambassador. It is certain that Hami was not at that early date a Moslem kingdom, for Mohammed was still living and the conquest of Persia had not commenced.

Without following in detail the remainder of the CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 67 legend, a few of its main statements may be summarised. It explains many points in the Moslem faith in terms similar to the Confucian philosophy. When the Emperor expresses surprise at this similarity, though Confucius had not been to the West, the so-called Moslem pioneer explains that the Koran in its 6666 verses gives directions in the minutest detail concerning all conditions of life.

In replying to the Emperor’s query as to the meaning of the term Hui-Hui-as though it had come from Arabia or Hami-he gives the rein to his imagination. “It refers,” he said, “to the temporary stay of man upon earth, which he leaves to return at death; it refers to the soul’s return to the Beyond; to the return of the erring conscience to the right way, to the return to the real and true from the elusive and false.” In the midst of these explanations the hour of prayer arrived, and without apology the Moslem pioneer named Ko went through his prostrations. The Emperor, noticing that they varied from the Confucian ritual, questioned him as to why he placed his hands to his ears, and raised them instead of placing them on the ground, and why, when bending the knees, he fixed his gaze upon the earth. In verse, he replied that his motions symbolised man’s return to his original condition.

“When the hands are raised to the ears, respiration becomes more easy.

That is the attitude of the child at birth; In coming into the world, the child’s head looks at the earth, Hence the custom of ‘Returning’ to our final estate during prayers.” The issue of the story is that Ko reproves the Emperor for being an idolater, and the Emperor concludes by appointing Ko to be President of the Board of Mathematics! while the Moslem ruler of Hami is asked to send 8000 Arab horsemen to reside in China, in exchange for 8000 Chinese subjects sent to Hami.

Return, Return. The characters used for the Moslems in China to-day. See Chapter X.

68 ISLAM IN CHINA The reader of Chinese history will easily recognise the source of some of the statements made. The story of the man with the turban is unquestionably the same as that related about the Emperor Ming Ti in 64 A.D., which resulted in the introduction of Buddhism into China. In keeping with the Moslem claim that Mohammed was the last of the prophets and summed up in his person all that was marvellous in the prophets who had preceded him, the Chinese Mohammedan writer desired to give to his religion. in China as noble and remarkable an origin as Buddhism. Subsequent historical facts, such as that of Arabs holding the office of President of the Board of Astronomy, have also been incorporated into this fiction.

The substance of the story as related above is also found, with many variations, in another Moslem tract entitled Hsi-lai Tsung-p’u,’ a free translation of which was published by Mr. George W. Clarke in The Chinese Recorder for 1886. To repeat this version would be a mere waste of time. It is sufficient to relate one or two points of special interest as further illustrations of the way the writers have given the reins to their imaginations.

After recounting the Emperor’s dream as above, an officer named Shih Tang was dispatched to Mecca (not Medina), where he interviewed Mohammed. The prophet, in sending him back, bade three preachers accompany him, two of whom died en route, Wan-ko-ssŭ alone reaching China. This solitary pioneer had the honour of bearing a portrait of Mohammed for presentation to the Emperor, in the account of which the writer’s desire for the marvellous anticipates photography, for “The Sage took a large sheet of paper and fastened it to the wall and then stood before it, and in a short time an exact likeness appeared.” The portrait evidently was not “fixed”! for as soon as the Emperor bowed before it in worship-a very improbable story in 629 A.D.—it “disappeared, leaving only 1 See Appendix, page 302.

CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 69 a white sheet” as an evidence of Mohammed’s power. So impressed was the Emperor with this that he requested Mohammed to send a contingent of eight hundred men, unencumbered with families, which request, the story relates, Mohammed gladly did. These men were provided with Chinese wives and settled in the country.1 Wan-ko-ssů is said to have made three voyages, to Arabia and back, by sea. The first journey was to obtain “an Arabic dictionary for the use of his students”! The second journey was to obtain a copy of the Koran. “Mohammed,” the legend relates, “gave him what was written, and promised to forward the other portions when ready”! As if this was not enough, the writer now gives full flight to his imagination. This was the last time Wan-ko-ssŭ was to see the prophet, though he knew it not, for ere he came the third time the prophet was dead. Before he left Mohammed told Wan-ko-ssù that he would appoint for him the place of his death. So taking bow and arrow, he shot an arrow towards the East, which speedily disappeared. Upon arrival at Canton, however, Wan-ko-ssu found the arrow-not as Longfellow’s arrow “still unbroke, in the heart of an oak,”—but lodged in the wall on the north side of the Lui-hwa-K’iao (Bridge) at Canton. This place he had enclosed as a cemetery and was subsequently buried there after returning from his third journey. This is the site of the famous tomb of Canton to which reference is made elsewhere.

Such in substance is the incredible story of the introduction of Mohammedanism into China. This lastmentioned legend has mixed up the land and sea versions. From this summary of the Chinese Mohammedans’ legends, concerning the introduction by land, we now proceed to examine the statements which prevail concerning its advent by sea. The story of the coming by 1 The mere suggestion that Mohammed could have spared eight hundred fighting-men at this time is too absurd.

70 1712 A.D.

ISLAM IN CHINA land is based on books, the oldest copy of which is dated The following story of the coming by sea is based upon monuments found at Canton. Amongst these monuments the oldest one which has any definite reference to the first pioneers is, we believe, one dated 1752 A.D., for the Chinese inscription, below the Arabic one dated 1851 A.H. which states that the famous pagoda at that city had been rebuilt in 751 A.H., makes no reference by name to Saad Wakkas, of whom we are about to speak, but only vaguely mentions that “about eight hundred years ago the religion developed itself here.“1 M. de Thiersant, in his valuable repository Le Mahométisme en Chine, gives the translation of a number of Mohammedan inscriptions found in the mosques and on the tombs of Canton and elsewhere, the original rubbings of which have been deposited in the Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres in Paris. Limiting our attention to those which have a direct bearing upon the question of the Moslem pioneers, we may mention that some of these inscriptions place the arrival of the first Mohammedan missionary to China as early as 587 A.D., which impossible statement is probably based upon the Sianfu monument dealt with elsewhere. (See page 84.) One inscription at Canton, dated as late as 1816 a.d., which records the restoration of the famous tomb of the Ancient Sage (see frontispiece), states that this early pioneer landed in China in 587 A.D., and built the mosque of Holy Remembrance Huai Shen. The part of this inscription essential to our enquiry reads"Some persons pretend that the Ancient Sage came by sea in the Tang dynasty (618-905 A.D.) for commerce. This is false. It is certain that he came to China in the Sui dynasty (581-618) A.D.”* 1 E. H. Parker, China and Religion, p. 160.

? De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 105.

CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 71 Again, an old Chinese writing states that-“In the reign of Kao Tsu (581-605 A.D.) of the Sui dynasty, some men from the kingdom of Arabia commenced to bring their religion to China. This is why, at the commencement of the Ming dynasty 1868 A.D., the Mohammedan calendar was used. The laws regulating the calendar date from the reign of Kao Tsu.” Professor E. H. Parker also relates that in “1657 A.D. a Mussulman, holding a position on that Board (the Astronomical Board at Peking), in denouncing the methods of Schall, informed the Emperor that ‘1058 years ago,’ eighteen men from the Western regions had brought to China the Mussulman calendar, and their descendants had ever since assisted China in astrological matters.” This “1059 years ago” spoken in 1657 A.D. takes us back to 598 A.D.

Without entering here into the difficulties connected with Arab and Chinese chronology, which we hope to do later, it is at once evident that the dates given in all these accounts and in the inscription of 1816 A.D. are quite impossible. Mohammed was born about 570 A.D. and the Hegira was 622 A.D.

According to the Annals of Kwangtung—” At the commencement of the dynasty of T’ang there came to Canton a considerable number of strangers, natives of the kingdoms of Annam, of Cambodia, Medina, and of several other countries. These strangers worshipped Heaven (T’ien) and had no statues, idols, or images in their temple. The kingdom of Medina is near to that of India, and it is in this kingdom that the religion of these strangers, which is very different from that of Buddha, originated. They do not eat pork nor drink wine, and regard as impure the flesh of every animal not slain by themselves. They are known at the present time by the name of Hui Hui.

1 1 E. H. Parker, China and Religion, p. 155.72 ISLAM IN CHINA “They have a temple called the Temple of Holy Remembrance, which was built at the commencement of the Tang dynasty. At the side of the temple is a grand tower, called Kwang Tah (the tower without ornament), round, and about 160 feet (Chinese) high. These strangers go every day to their temple to perform their religious ceremonies. Having asked and obtained from the Emperor an authorisation to reside at Canton, they built magnificent houses of an architecture different from that of our country. They were very rich and governed by a chief chosen by themselves. By their good fortune they became so numerous and influential that they were able to maltreat the Chinese with impunity. Matters came to such a pass that a Mandarin, high in authority, was induced to issue a proclamation, in the name of the Emperor, giving notice to these strangers that if they continued to conduct themselves badly they would be punished severely.” 1 Another inscription, dated 1808 A.D., records that forty Mohammedans were murdered in Canton in the reign of T’ai Tsung, and another inscription, dated 1880 A.D., which is engraven on the wall surrounding the cemetery where the tomb of the venerable sage lies, repeats the legend of the star seen in the West, to which detailed reference has already been made.’ It proceeds to quote the “Annals of the Holy One” to the effect that the first sage came to China in 629 A.D., that he was received by the Emperor and permitted to construct a mosque at Canton and reside there.

Again, a proclamation published in Peking by a Mohammedan mandarin named Si, in 1866 A.D., states that “In the year 688 A.D., in the 6th year of T’ai Tsung, when Mohammed was still living in Arabia - 1 De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 19, quoted in English by Dr. H. V. Noyes in The Chinese Recorder, 1889. Most of the inscriptions quoted or referred to in the text will be found in De Thiersant’s work.

• See page 64.

1 CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 73 (Mohammed died 682 A.D.), his maternal uncle entered the Middle Kingdom at the head of 8000 men who were escorting the bearer of the Sacred and Heavenly Book (the Koran).“1 Not to omit another interesting variation to this already marvellous story, it may be stated that one of the biographies of Mohammed, written by a Chinese Moslem, relates that in 587 A.D. the Emperor of China sent an embassy to Arabia inviting Mohammed to visit the Celestial Empire. He, not being disposed to take so long a journey, sent his portrait to the Emperor, but so painted that the colours faded from the canvas. This kind precaution, so it is stated, was lest the Emperor should be tempted to worship it.

In all these statements, which are, it will be noted, of quite recent date, there is utter and hopeless confusion, and they would not be worthy of repetition were it not that the Chinese Moslems accept all this “Moonshine of Tradition” as solemn fact. Those who have read S. W. Koelle’s work entitled, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, where he so ably portrays “Mohammed viewed in the Daylight of History” and “Mohammed viewed in the Moonshine of Tradition,” will feel that the Chinese Moslem has in all these stories only followed the lead given him by his earlier co-religionists in Arabia itself.

So far, we have intentionally abstained from quoting any name by which this so-called Ancient Sage is mentioned on these inscriptions. It is desirable, however, to look a little more closely into the standard Chinese life of Mohammed, and another inscription, and then examine the names given to this pioneer.

The standard Chinese life of Mohammed was written by Liu Chih in 1721 A.D., and was subsequently published in ten volumes. According to this life, Mohammed was 1 Quoted by De Thiersant from Professor Vasil’ev’s Russian translation.

Liu Chih was a native of Nanking and is also called Kiai Lien. His • 74 ISLAM IN CHINA born in the year of the cycle Ping-i of Emperor Wu Ti of Liang dynasty, which is 546 A.D. (instead of 570 A.D.), and the Hegira was in the nineteenth year of Kai Hwang of the Sui dynasty, which is 599 A.D. (instead of 622 A.D.). The reason for quoting these dates will appear shortly.

Liu Chih, in this life, recites at length the story of the coming of Mohammed’s maternal uncle, Saad Wakkas, with three other persons to China, in company with the Chinese ambassadors who had been sent to Arabia in consequence of the dream already recorded. Liu Chih makes this arrival to be in the second year of Mohammed’s prophetic career, which, according to his chronology, is 587 A.D. (instead of 611 A.D.). pearing portrait is repeated. Remembrance Huai Shen Ssu is said to have been erected at Fanchow (now Canton) with the Emperor’s leave, and Saad Wakkas, after a return to Arabia, came back to China some twenty years later, being charged by Mohammed to settle in China until death.

The story of the disapThe Mosque of Holy According to this legend, Saad Wakkas is called the first apostle of Islam to China, and if our chronology be adopted, and not the erroneous dates of the author, his first visit would be during 611 A.D., and his second and final arrival in 632 A.D.

This legend is repeated with variations by other Chinese Mohammedan writers. Thus Lan Tzu-hsi, who wrote about 1860 A.D., gives some account of Saad Wakkas’s welcome at Ch’angan, the present Sianfu, his life of Mohammed has been translated (summarised) into Russian by Archimandrite Palladius. There also exists a French translation of this Russian précis. See M. Devéria’s Origine de l’Islamisme.

1 For details of these chronological statements see M. Devéria, Origine, etc., pp. 14, 15, to whom the writer is indebted for much that follows.

2 A verbatim quotation from Liu Chih’s life is given by M. Devéria. It will be noted that according to this account the initiative was not with Mohammed, but with China, and all depends on the dream story.

3 This name appears under many forms of transliteration, which will be referred to later.

CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 75 death on board the ship during the second journey, and his burial in the famous sepulchre outside the city of Canton. This sepulchre is commonly designated as the Hsiang-fen, “The Tomb of the Echo,” because the sound of the recital of prayers can be heard, so it is said, a mile away.

This legend concerning Saad Wakkas was not invented by the historian Liu Chih, who was a most careful and painstaking writer, but is evidently of very early origin. M. Devéria has traced it back to the “Great Ming Geography,” which was commenced in 1870 A.D., and published in 1461 A.D., or nearly three centuries before Liu Chih’s time. In this geography a chapter devoted to Medina states that Sahib Saad Wakkas came to China in the years of Kai Hwang of the Sui dynasty, i.e. between 581-600 A.D.

Another early work entitled Min-chou, the “History of Fukien,” which it is stated cannot be much later than the “Great Ming Geography,” gives the same story with some additional data. According to this account two of Saad Wakkas’s companions were buried in Fukien.1 Without referring in detail to the Mohammedan monuments of Canton, which will be found in M. de Thiersant’s work,’ it will be sufficient here to speak of one which is found in the cemetery adjoining the mosque about half a mile from the city of Canton. Here is the Hsiang-fen, or “Tomb of the Echo,” where the Chinese apostle of Islam is said to be buried. Near by is the tomb of a certain Haji Mahmoud, who died about 1751 A.D. when visiting the famous “Tomb of the Echo.” On this tomb is an inscription in Arabic, Persian, and Chinese. All the three versions refer to Saad, son of Abu Wakkas, who is said to have died at Canton in 1 See M. Devéria and W. F. Mayer’s translation, China Review, vol. vi. p. 277.

• See also the chapters on Monuments in this book. 3 See facsimile reproduction opposite page 113.

76 ISLAM IN CHINA 629 A.D. during the reign of the Caliph Omar, who, however, was not Caliph till 684 a.D.

Enough has now been said to show how widely this legend has been accepted, and how that underlying all the variations is the substratum of substantial agreement as to the time this apostle of Islam arrived. The determined way in which they reiterate the statement that Islam entered China during the Sui dynasty, despite contradiction, points to some source which they accept as authoritative.. Whether this is the so-called 742 A.D. monument of Sianfu, as we are inclined to believe, will be discussed in the section devoted to that rubbing. It will, however, be recognised that some of the dates given are manifestly impossible, and the name, which must now be considered, only adds to the confusion.

The chief difficulty in examining the name arises from the obscurity occasioned by the Chinese transliterations of Arabic. As will be generally known, the Chinese language has no alphabet, and consequently foreign words or names can only be transliterated by the unsatisfactory use of monosyllabic ideograms which often but faintly represent the original. M. de Thiersant, without explaining why, gives the name in nine or ten different ways. Dr. H. V. Noyes, in his excellent summary,’ says: “In tracing this man through various accounts we are apt to lose him through variations in the name, such as Wah-bAbi Kabacha, Wa-ka-sa, Wang-ka-sze, Saad-ebu-Wakkass, Wang-ke-tchi, Wang-ko-si, Ko-sin, Sa-ha-pa, Sa-ho-ty, Sarti, Sarta, etc. etc.” All these names refer to the same man, and the one which stands out is Saad Wakkas, and since he is referred to as Sahib, he must be Saad, son of Abu Wakkas, who fought at Bedr and Ohod, died between 678-675 A.D., and 1 Chinese Recorder, 1889.

• M. Devéria has at great pains checked the various transliterations. The Chinese Moslem author Lan Tru-hai gives it in the Arabic ass, Wakkas. See Devéria’s note, pp. 15-16..

CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 77 was buried at Medina. Further, he was not the maternal uncle of Mohammed, “but grandson of Abu Menafi, the great-grandfather on the mother’s side of Mohammed.”” To regard this man as the apostle to China is therefore entirely out of the question. It should be added that Professor Vasil’ev throws doubt upon the whole story; M. Devéria rejects it entirely, and in this decision such sinologues as Professor E. H. Parker concur.2 M. de Thiersant, however, still continued to hold that a maternal uncle of the prophet went to China. His summary, after recounting the death and burial of Saad Wakkas in Arabia, is one of the most unwarrantable conclusions of which an historian can be guilty, and the general acceptance by Europeans of the tradition of Mohammed’s maternal uncle having founded the mosque at Canton, must be attributed to M. de Thiersant. He writes as follows:“It is not, therefore, Saad abu Wakkas who is buried - at Canton. Nor is it his son, for he did not bear his name. Moreover, it is necessary, in this case, to admit that the Chinese authors are mistaken. We prefer to suppose3 (nous préférons supposer) that the real sage, as his Chinese co-religionists designate him, was Wahb-Abu-Kabcha, a maternal uncle of Mohammed, and that in the year 628 A.D., called in Arab history ‘The year of the Mission,’ he was made an envoy to bear presents to the Emperor of China, and to announce to him the new doctrine. We believe, and we are sustained in the opinion by learned Mohammedans, that Wahb-Abu-Kabcha came by sea to China in the year 628 or 629 A.D., and landed at Canton; 1 See M. Devéria’s full note on this point, where the Arabic authorities specially furnished by M. Houdas and M. Helouis are quoted.

J. Dyer Ball, though he accepts it in his book The Celestial and his Religion, has, since writing his book, told the present writer by letter and in conversation that he now rejects it also.

The italics are ours. M. de Thiersant gives absolutely no reason for this sudden change of name from Saad Wakkas to Wahb-Abu-Kabcha. M. Devéria writes of M. de Thiersant, “délibérément et de la seule autorité, il substitue à ce nom (Saad ebn Wakkas) celui de Wahb abi Kebcha” (Origine, p. 16).

78 ISLAM IN CHINA that he then went to Sianfu, the capital of the empire, where he was received by the Emperor T’ai Tsung, who was a very liberally-minded sovereign, and well in advance of his times, and that he obtained authority to construct a mosque at Canton, and at the same time liberty for his co-religionists to profess their religion in China. WahbAbu-Kabcha having accomplished this mission, returned to Arabia in 682 A.D., hoping to find the prophet, but upon his arrival he heard of his death, which caused him profound grief. After resting some time, while Abu Bekr edited the Koran from the scattered leaves left by Mohammed, he took the sacred book and set out once again for China. Hardly had he reached Canton when he died, worn out by the exertions of his journey. He was buried in one of the suburbs of the city, where his tomb remains to this day, an object of veneration to all ’the faithful’ of the Far East. It is to him that the Mohammedans owe the construction of the most ancient mosque in China.“1 This is altogether a bold and, in our judgment, unwarranted assumption, or “supposition,” as the author himself calls it. M. de Thiersant appears to have started from the standpoint of accepting the Chinese tradition, and history has to be made to fit in with this theory. But not only is the supposition that Saad Wakkas must be Wahb-Abu-Kabcha baseless. In addition there are other great difficulties to be considered, which are presumptive evidence against the story.

1. There is no evidence that China was included among the countries to which Mohammed sent embassies; and, in view of the way in which Mohammedan traditions have been preserved, this is certainly a serious omission. Ibn Ishak, the earliest Moslem historian, mentions nine different messengers who carried Mohammed’s letters to nine foreign potentates, all of whom are, however, near 1 De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 43-5.

CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRADITIONS 79 neighbours. Sir William Muir only mentions six, and shows how even then the drafts given by tradition are apocryphal. Further, among the subsequent embassies in the year 681 A.D., concerning which the Secretary of Wakidy devoted a long chapter, as well as another chapter to the despatches and rescripts of the prophet, there appears to be no reference to China.” 2. There is no known reference in China’s official records to any such embassy. Further, in the light of the way in which Mohammed’s despatch was torn in pieces by the King of Persia, is it probable that the Emperor of China would receive at Court and honour an embassy from an unknown power, especially one at that time regarded as subject to Persia? Again, the thought that Islam has a world mission was an after-thought, and Mohammed’s dying legacy was, “See that there be but this one faith throughout Arabia.” 8. There is no proof that Wahb-Abu-Kabchasupposing M. de Thiersant’s change of name be allowed -was Mohammed’s maternal uncle, or that he was a Sahib, a companion of the Prophet.” In the light of all these facts, and with the lack of any Chinese evidence more ancient than the “Great Ming Geography” of 1870-1461 A.D., the story cannot be accepted as trustworthy. Whether any further light will yet be thrown upon this interesting legend, time alone can prove. The only reason for devoting so much attention to it here is because the “Tomb of the Echo” is probably the most ancient Mohammedan tomb in China, and may be the resting-place of some great Moslem pioneer, though at a later date than that given, and PSee Koelle’s Mohammed and Mohammedanism, p. 194.

Muir, Life of Mahomet, chap. xx., “Embassies to various Sovereigns.” Muir, Ibid., 3rd edition, p. 450.

Muir, The Caliphate, pp. 44 and 132.

Devéria, see note Origine, p. 20, based upon information supplied by M. Houdas, an able Arabic scholar.

80 ISLAM IN CHINA because the story is generally accepted by the Chinese Mohammedans themselves, through its incorporation in their standard Life of Mohammed and other Moslem writings.

The tendency of the authorised Mohammedan traditions to find some personal link with Mohammed himself for the sake of added glory, and the apocryphal account of the Emperor of China’s dream for the same reason, do not help the student of Mohammedanism in China to accept the very improbable, if not impossible, story of Mohammed’s maternal uncle. As will have been gathered from the chapters on “China and the Arabs,” it is of course possible, and even probable, that there was intercourse between the two countries during Mohammed’s lifetime, but that is quite another thing to antedating the history of Islam as a world-embracing religious system, SOME MONUMENTS 81 G"Les deux autres inscriptions, l’une de 742 de notre ère et l’autre du XVI siècle, nous sont présentées, dans ces mêmes ouvrages, comme appartenant à la plus grande des sept mosquées de Si-ngan fou, c’est-à-dire à celle de la rue Wou-tze Ki-ang, la seule qui soit considérée par quelques-uns comme ayant été fondée sous la dynastie des Tang, ce qui est fort possible bien que la description géographique Chen-si-t’ong tchi ne nous en parle pas comme telle; mais en admettant même, si difficile que cela soit, qu’en 742 les Tazi aient pu déjà compter en Chine un nombre de coreligionnaires tel qu’il ait fallu déjà leur construire un temple, le texte chinois qui porte cette date de 742 nous paraîtrait encore suspect pour ne pas dire apocryphe: 1° son style n’a pas l’emphase qui distingue la stélégraphie de l’époque des Tang; 2° faisant probablement une allusion timide à Saadu Waqqas (qui n’est pas nommé) et au prétendu voyage que la légende lui fait faire à la Chine en l’an II de la Mission (611 de notre ère), le texte nous dit que c’est dans les années K’aï-hoang des Soei (581-600) que fut introduit l’islamisme, métachronisme qui, comme nous l’avons dit, résulte de calculs fautifs qui dateraient du milieu du XIV siècle; une telle erreur n’aurait pu être commise au VIIIe siècle : 3° enfin cette inscription, dont aucun Européen n’a encore vu l’original ou l’estampage, emploie l’expression T’ien-fang, le lieu ou carré divin, la Ka’abah, pour désigner par extension l’Arabie."-M. GABRIEL DEVERIA.

23 82 CHAPTER V SOME MONUMENTS AMONG the many Moslem inscriptions and monuments in China, the one at Sianfu, dated 742 A.D., certainly claims to be the oldest. Archimandrite Palladius, in his article on the Mohammedans in China, published in the Records of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Peking,’ states that this monument is spoken of in several Chinese works on Mohammedanism. The references found in the “Great Geography of the Ming Dynasty,” which have already been mentioned,’ and some of the dogmatic statements which appear in the Canton inscriptions,’ are undoubtedly based upon this monument.

M. Devéria also came across the text of this inscription in works written by the Chinese Moslems, but stated that no Europeans have ever seen it. Professor E. H. Parker in 1905 also stated in his work, China and Religion,-“No European has seen either the mosque or a rubbing of the inscription.” Through the kindness of the Rev. F. Madeley, the writer has, however, been able to obtain a rubbing and photograph of this and some other monuments still preserved in the old mosque at Sianfu, which are now published for the first time.

The importance of this 742 A.D. monument, from the Chinese Moslem’s point of view, can hardly be over1 Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, vol. i. p. 266. * Page 75.

88 3 See page 70.

84 ISLAM IN CHINA estimated. It claims to be older than the Nestorian Tablet, and, whether its claims can be substantiated or not, it is unquestionably regarded by the Moslems in China to-day as their authority for claiming the early entrance of Islam into China. On this account the inscription demands careful consideration.

Before proceeding to any criticism of the statements contained in the text, it will be best to give a complete translation of the inscription itself, reserving all remarks to the end, with the exception of a few necessary notes upon the translation adopted.

The text reads as follows:(Heading)— A MONUMENT (to record) THE BUILDING OF THE FIRST MOSQUE.1 (Line 1.)-Inscription of the Monument (recording) the building of the first mosque.

(Line 2.)-(Inscription) written by Wang Kung, LL.D., Secretary of the Board of Revenue and Censor.

(Text.) That which lasts undoubted for a hundred generations is Truth. The medium through which conviction is effected is mind (heart). Now Sages have one mind and the same truth, so they convince each other without leaving a shadow of doubt even through a hundred generations.

In all parts of the world Sages arise who possess this uniformity of mind and truth. Mohammed, the great Sage of the West, lived in Arabia long after Confucius the Sage of China. Though separated by ages and countries, their doctrines coincide one with another. Why? Because they had the same mind and truth.

1 The character Ch’uang means “an unprecedented act,” or the “first of a series” of acts. In the original it qualifies the verb “to build,” but can hardly be otherwise translated than as above, “first.” The importance of this is selfevident.

真創 寺建 真寺碑 建清 碑清 天 天遺之也工陛蘭太差之不則如而一知西、百慕進 ·寶忘有其部下馬略更天有為齋神心其域世間士, 年所矢頗工西隋所漫主同相以知古世入威百第真 歲考是通官域蘭謂之事不忍天,證讓而世戶寺 次設工經強聖皇百聖天立花性地理語字不而部碑 任总起書天人中世敬之教長如化信矛黙或不見記 午立打蓋爾之其相日道罔則去生突盾德是感外 (仲碑元将並道教感躋可不為思之但而生故者郎 秋為年統理有逐而文以是之遷理世道孔四道: 吉記三類為向入不之一天拍害通透哈子海也街 六月群技術檢或服吉也而幽人群之之御 立載苦泉劍中中若事而節以為明亡節後內百史 其日奉建國華是上盡日至脩死絰者居管世王 事成崇淇聖流微帝不维大已生書何天有而鉷 馬哲聖卡人降矣孔越繁而之之猶也方聖相撰 熊本教以之散聖之手約編要說存某之人 年隨知道環道獲吾之方如如得心周出老 月礼泉立天同於之會理誠浴傳故去 二拜而教下但天敬上小不以問道 十以主类至行藝而全而欺票 理 白敬其游於擔所已大超高 的天教正我西橋率居的 带而者逐朝域此殆以和 ,國人壁 门也聖者如 知音人此 欲域有世此 A MONUMENT TO RECORD THE BUILDING OF THE FIRST MOSQUE IN CHINA.

A reduced facsimile of a rubbing kindly obtained for the Author by Rev. F. Madeley. The original rubbing is 4 feet 8 inches long by 2 feet 3 inches broad. The monument is in the old mosque at Sianfu Shensi. It is dated 742 A. D., and thus claims to be older than the Nestorian Tablet. It has never been found by any European before.

To face page 84.

SOME MONUMENTS 85 The proverb says: “A thousand sages have but one mind, and through ten thousand ages only one truth holds good.” Though the great Western Sage (Mohammed) passed away ages ago,’ we learn from the Koran and Traditions that he was born with supernatural wisdom. He understood the laws of creation and growth of the world. He spoke of life and death. Among his teachings were: To purify oneself by bathing; to nourish one’s mind by diminishing the wants; to restrict one’s passions by fastings; to eliminate one’s faults as the essential element in self-culture; to be true and honest as the basis for convincing others; to assist at marriages and to be present at funerals. From the most important ethical questions down to the smallest details of everyday life, there is nothing not governed by reason and covered by his teaching, and always with the idea of respecting God. Though the details of his teaching are numerous, they are all for the attaining of one great object, that is, To reverence God, the Creator of the world.

Emperor Yao said, “Reverence Heaven.” Emperor T’ang said, “By Reverence one improves himself daily.” Emperor Wen Wang said, “Worship God.” Confucius said, “For him who sins against Heaven, prayer is useless.” All these sayings are practically the same. Apparently they possessed the same conviction and belief.

The holy teaching (of Mohammed) only prevailed in the West, and was not known to China until the reign of Kai-Huang of the Sui dynasty’ (581-601 A.D.). Since that time the faith gradually spread throughout China.

His Imperial Majesty the Emperor Tien-Pao, considering that the teachings of this great sage are conThe phrase used here, Shih-yüen, literally, “Generations distant,” could hardly have been used only 110 years after his death. The phrase is practically equivalent to our “ages ago.” The same character is employed in the phrase, Shih-Shih u-ch’iung, “World without end.” This assumes it prevailed in the West at an earlier date, i.e. before 581601 A.D.

86 ISLAM IN CHINA sistent with those of our own sages, inasmuch as they are all in the right direction, commanded the Superintendent of Public Works, Lo Tien-choh, to take charge of the building of this mosque, in order to accommodate the followers of this religion with their leader Pa-ta-êrh-tih.

He (their chief) is well-versed in the classics of his faith. He will, as chief, be able to conduct the regular worship of the holy sect, and pray for the long life of the Emperor.

The work of building began in the third moon of the first year of Tien-Pao (742 A.D.), and was completed on the 20th of the eighth moon of the same year.

In order that the incident may not be forgotten in after ages, this record is inscribed on a tablet.

Dated Lucky Day of the Autumn of the first year of the Emperor Tien-Pao (742 A.D.).

This Stone was cut at Wan-nien-hsien1 Kwan-chung.* It will at once be evident to the reader that the inscription claims the impossible. It states that Islam entered China during the years 581-601 A.D., and yet implies that it had prevailed for some time in the West before coming to China. Now Mohammed was born at Mecca in 570 A.D., and only commenced his prophetic career in 610 A.D. That Islam should have entered China ten years before Mohammed stated his claim to divine revelations in Arabia is too absurd to need refutation. Further, the inscription, which claims the date of 742 a.D., or one hundred and ten years after Mohammed’s death, says the great Western Sage died " ages ago.” No possible translation of the characters Shih-yüan ren wang can be consistent with a comparatively recent death.

Again, had this monument been as early as it claims 1 The name of Hsien-ning-hsien (which forms part of Sianfu), during the Posterior Chou dynasty, 951-960 A.D. Surely an anachronism for a monument claiming the date of 742 A.D. See Playfair’s Chinese Cities and Towns.

Au ancient name of Sianfu, used under the Ts’in dynasty.

SOME MONUMENTS 87 to be, the reference to the entrance of Islam would surely have been more definite. There is no reference by name to Saad Wakkas, the reputed pioneer, and no statement as to whether he came by land or sea. The inscription also uses the term Tien-fang or Kaaba, as the name for Arabia, and not Ta-shih as one would expect. M. Devéria states that the terms Tien-fang and Tient’ang only appear in the Chinese histories which date from 1258 A.D., so that there is every suspicion of an anachronism here. It is also questionable if a monument of 742 A.D. could have borne the name of Wan-nien hsien, which, according to Consul Playfair’s Cities and Towns of China, belongs to the posterior Chou dynasty, 951-960 A.D. It may also be added that the Shensi Gazetteer does not claim this early date for this mosque.1 The evidences against the genuineness of the monument are so overwhelming that one is reluctantly compelled to doubt its claim. Whether a mosque was really built in Sianfu in 742 A.D., with perhaps only an Arabic inscription, and subsequently when the building was repaired this Chinese monument was raised to replace the old Arabic one, is just a possibility. The thought simply arises in the mind as one seeks to find an explanation for this extraordinary forgery, as we believe it to be, but there is really no shadow of proof for such a conjecture.

History tells us that between the years 718 and 742 A.D. China was twice engaged in war with the Arabs, China being defeated on both occasions. This being so, it does not appear probable that so complimentary a monument should have been erected at China’s capital within twelve months of her last defeat.

Before leaving the subject of this monument, which, even though we may regard it as false, is of value as being 1 Devéria in loco.

• The writer has never heard of any Arabic inscription in the old Cufic character being discovered in China.

‘Pauthier, Chine, p. 310.

88 ISLAM IN CHINA the basis of much Chinese Moslem tradition to-day, the question naturally arises, how could any forger have been so careless as to make such an anachronism as to state that Islam entered China prior to 601 A.D.

The answer to this question raises points of great interest and may help to throw some light upon the probable date at which the monument was raised.

The calendar in China is based upon a luni-solar year, the interjection of an extra month every two or three years rectifying the lunar with solar time. A similar arrangement had prevailed in Arabia for some two centuries before Mohammed, but the prophet, for some reason or other, altogether prohibited intercalation,1 so that a simple lunar year was reintroduced in Arabia. As the Mohammedan calendar stands to-day, it consists of “twelve lunar months of 29 or 80 days alternately, with an intercalary day added to the twelfth month at intervals of two and three years, making eleven intercalary days every thirty years.” This gives a difference of almost exactly eleven days a year between the Arab lunar and Chinese luni-solar year, or roughly three years a century.

M. Devéria has suggested that at some date-he fixes upon 1851 A.D., when the mosque of Holy Remembrance at Canton was restored-the Chinese Moslems transmuted their Arabic chronology into Chinese, and, being ignorant of the variations between the lunar and solar years of the two systems, simply counted back the 758 Arab years since the Hegira as 758 Chinese years, thus antedating by some twenty-three to twenty-four years the date they had in mind. That some such process was adopted is proved by the fact that Liu Chih, the great Chinese Moslem historian, has in his standard life of Mohammed placed 1 Muir, Life of Mahomet, pp. lxxxix and 186.

For the translation of a Chinese Mohammedan calendar, see Milne’s Life in China.

Wylie, Chinese Researches.

SOME MONUMENTS 89 Mohammed’s birth at 546 A.D., the beginning of his prophetic mission at 586 A.D., and the Hegira at 599 A.D. Only by such a conjecture is it possible also to explain the extraordinary claim that Islam entered China prior to 601 A.D. The same conjecture leads us to believe that the monument, though dated 742 A.D., was not erected before 1800 A.D., otherwise there would not be sufficient lapse of time to allow for the necessary variations in chronology.

Now we know from Chinese writings and the Shensi Gazetteer1 that this Sianfu mosque was repaired on not a few occasions. The following are some of the dates:Under the Sung dynasty in 1127 A.D., by a military mandarin named Abdullah. Twice under the Yüan dynasty, once by the notable Sai Tien-ch’ih in 1815 a.D., again under the Ming dynasty in the reigns of Hung Wu, 1868-1898, and under Yung Lo, 1408-1424 A.D., by Ts’enho, the famous eunuch. We are tempted to believe that this monument was erected upon one of these occasions, the writer of the inscription desiring to embody in the statement what perhaps he thought to be the truth.2 If M. de Thiersant is correct in what he says concerning the various names borne by this mosque, we are on the line of an important clue as to the age of the monument, though not as to the origin of the mosque itself. He tells us that according to Chinese writings the mosque was first called the Tsing-kiao-ssu, which name was later changed to Tang ming-ssu, but that Sai Tien-ch’ih, who had it repaired in 1815 A.D. by permission of the Emperor, had the name changed to Tsing-Chen-ssu. Now this last is the name which appears on the monument, and not the other names mentioned above. Assuming then that M. de Thiersant was correctly informed as to this name having been given by Sai Tien-ch’ih in 1815 A.D., we are 1 De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 152, and Devéria, Origine, p. 23, etc.

The writer is having search made in China to see if any reference to the inscription-writer Wang Kung, LL.D., can be found.90 ISLAM IN CHINA disposed to attribute the erection of this monument to this date when the mosque was repaired. This date agrees with the name, and allows sufficient time to account for the errors in chronology. When the mosque was first built we do not know, and cannot, unless further data than is now at our disposal is forthcoming.

The foregoing considerations prove that, as things appear at present, the basis upon which depend many of the Chinese traditions of to-day, and many of the statements in Chinese Moslem works now in circulation, is extremely uncertain, to say the least. While sincerely regretting the necessity for such destructive criticism, rather than constructive, which would be much more pleasing, the facts as at present known are too strong to allow any conscientious writer to do otherwise.

Before finally leaving this monument it may be mentioned that upon the back of it is engraved another inscription of the Ming dynasty. In consequence of the broken condition of the stone, a verbatim copy of the complete text reproduced in this chapter has been engraved upon another stone, a rubbing of which is in the writer’s possession. This is undated, though it bears a headpiece, fastened on by plaster, bearing the title of the present dynasty.

Within the same mosque is another monument bearing the date of 1406 A.D., which is reproduced here with a translation. The excellent state in which it has been preserved, in comparison with the one which has just been considered, would, if superficial appearance were the only basis upon which judgment was to be passed, incline one to believe that more than one hundred years separated them in dates. Yet if we have been correct in the conclusions ventured above, they are only separated by ninety odd years.

As both are preserved within the same mosque, attention is drawn to this aspect of the question, 内府宣 欽此欽道 諭當日杓奉天門 洪武二十五年三月十四日咸陽王赛典赤七代孫賽哈智赴 恁往來府州縣布政司買賣如遇闢津渡口不許阻滯 一座陝西承宣布政司西安府長安縣子午巷一座如有寺院倒塌許重修不許阻滯與他住坐 聖醤每戶賞到五十錠綿布二百疋與回回每分作二處盖造禮拜寺二座南京應天府三山街銅作方 永樂三年二月初四日立石 A MING DYNASTY MONUMENT, DATED 1406 A.D.

A reduced facsimile of a rubbing kindly obtained for the Author by Rev. F. Madeley. The original rubbingtis 7 feet 6 inches long by 3 feet wide. The monument is in the old mosque at Sianfu, Shensi.

To face page 91.

SOME MONUMENTS 91 though it is not apparent how any other conclusion can be arrived at than that already suggested.

The text of this Ming-dynasty monument, dated 1406 A.D., is as follows:On the 14th day of the 8rd month of the 25th year of the Emperor Hung-Wu (1898 A.D.), Sai Ha-ch’ih, a descendant of the seventh generation of Sai Tien-ch’ih, Prince of Hsien Yang, obtained an audience of the Emperor, and was granted the following decree :— “That fifty ingots1 of silver and two hundred pieces of cotton cloth be given to each family of the Mohammedan faith; that two mosques be built at two places, one at Tung-tsoh-fang on the San-shan street at Nanking in the Prefecture of Yingtien,’ and one on the Tzu-u street in the Ch’ang-an district of Sianfu in the province of Shensi that they be allowed to repair their mosques should they fall into ruins, and be free to travel and trade in all districts, prefectures, and provinces, as well as to pass through customs’ and ferries without let or hindrance.” : “The above is inscribed this 4th day of the 3rd month of the 3rd year of the reign of the Emperor Yung Lo (1406 A.D.).” It will be remembered that this Sianfu mosque was repaired during the reigns of the two Emperors whose names appear upon this monument. The name of Sai Tien-ch’ih who repaired the mosque in 1815 A.D. and also conquered and governed Yunnan will be recognised. The Emperor Hung-wu was the founder of the Ming dynasty and removed his capital to Nanking where, according to the inscription, he gave permission for a mosque to be built.

Hung-wu, who in his youth had been a Buddhist priest, was a very remarkable Emperor. After overthrowing the 1 An ingot is generally 5 or 10 taels of silver.

The name of Kiang-ning-fu in the Ming dynasty.

To pass the Customs without passports, which at that time the Moslems would otherwise require.

92 ISLAM IN CHINA Mongol dynasty and founding a new Chinese dynasty, he opened schools in all the towns and cities of the Empire, and showed great favour to Buddhism. Why he was so generously disposed to the Moslems, as this edict reveals, is not clear. It is just possible that the Moslems had assisted him in defeating the Mongol armies, but this is only conjecture. Whether this edict was in acknowledgment of some such service or otherwise must be left an open question. The real value of the monument is that it shows that the Moslems enjoyed considerable favour under the new Ming dynasty, as they had under the preceding Yüan dynasty. The many mosques which, according to the inscriptions they contain, were built during the Ming dynasty, all indicate that Mohammedanism flourished considerably during the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries.

The best specimen of a Moslem monument of the present or Ta Ts’ing dynasty, is the one erected by the Emperor K’ien-lung at Pekin, in the mosque which was built at his command and at government expense. When the Emperor K’ien-lung came to the throne he found all Zungaria, Kashgaria, and the contiguous country in a state not only of independence, but of local and internal revolt. Appealed to for aid in 183 A.D., he sent a large Chinese army into these regions, and after a somewhat prolonged and chequered campaign, finally and completely subjugated the West.

In this campaign he was assisted by two Turkish Moslems named Aschek and Khodjis who, separating themselves from the cause of the rebel Mohammedans, played an important part in favour of China. In reward for their services they were both honoured by the Chinese Emperor, Aschek receiving the title of Duke and Khodjis that of Prince. Palaces were built for them in Peking where they both settled down. Reference is made to them in the inscription printed below.

Photos Ing Arthur Cotter, Esq. THE EMPEROR KIEN LUNG’S MONUMENT AND MOSQUE.

The top picture shows the stone Tablet which bears the Mongul, Turki, Manchu, and Chinese Inscriptions of Emperor K’ien Lung. Two languages are on one side and two on the other. For facsimile and translation of the inscriptions, see page 94 et seq. Standing at the side of the Tablet are the Mollahs who have come from Kashgar. The lower picture shows the entrance to the present Mosque with the Mollahs. The Mosque is semi-Arabic and semi-Chinese in style.

To face page 92.

SOME MONUMENTS 98 The Chinese General Tsao Hui, who for three years commanded the campaign in Chinese Turkestan, triumphantly returned to Peking bringing in his train a number of Moslem prisoners of war. Among them was a young Kashgarian woman whom the Emperor adopted as a concubine. It is stated that for love of this concubine the Emperor, after having built barracks for the Turkish captives, built the mosque in which the tablet with an inscription in four languages was erected. The Chinese text was written by the Emperor himself and bears his own seal.

Facing the mosque, but within the Imperial palace grounds, the Emperor erected a pavilion for his Kashgarian concubine’s use, which pavilion was called the Wang-kialou, “Tower for gazing on one’s home.” This pavilion, which can be seen by anyone passing down the Ch’ang-an Street in Peking to-day, as well as the Mohammedan camp, still remains. Each male of the girl’s escort received a pension of three taels per month, which sum was cut down to one tael by the Emperor Tao Kwang. According to the statements of Abd-ul-aziz of Kuldja1 the pension is still continued. The mosque was built at government expense in 1764 A.D., and the monument, to commemorate this act, was erected at the same time. The four inscriptions in Chinese, Turkish, Mongol, and Manchu are all on the one monument, two on the north side and two on the south side.

The Emperor, who was a great scribe and wrote more than thirty thousand pieces of verse during his reign, has closed his inscription by a few lines of verse of four characters each, setting forth some of the facts concerning Islam as known to himself. Though a great soldier and a great littérateur, K’ien-lung did not escape some serious errors. At one time he appointed a learned committee of Chinese, Manchus, Mongols, and Western Mohammedans 1 See page 263.

94 ISLAM IN CHINA to revise the foreign names of men and places which occur in the Yuan Records. So unscientific was this work that the K’ien-lung editions of the Liao, Kin, and Yuan histories are practically useless. One illustration may suffice. The title Kalif rendered Ha-li-fa was changed by the Committee into Farkha and is explained as being “a village in Manchuria.“1 After this, one will not be surprised to find that in the Moslem inscription he has confused the Manichees and Moslems.

One act on the part of the Emperor K’ien Lung, wholly in keeping with the generous statesmanlike attitude manifest in his inscription, was the part he took in regard to what he called objectionable violations of orthography. A custom had grown up of adding the Chinese character for “dog” to the name of convicted offenders, and among others who suffered were the Mohammedan rebels. In reference to this the Emperor said, “In books published having reference to Mohammedan tribes the character has been changed to. This addition of dog must be withdrawn.”’ The translation of the Emperor’s text is as follows:“Monument Commemorating the Erection of the Mohammedan Mosque By the Emperor K’ien Lung.

“It is sublime to be master of the world, so that even in the remotest regions people submit to our control, and wherever our laws and methods have access, our customs and practice are adopted. However, our ancient policy in regard to the control of remote territories has always been to get acquainted with people’s ideas and wishes, and while educating them up to our standard and according to our systems, to still carefully conserve their own religious 1 Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, vol. i. p. 181.

The China Review, vol. xv. p. 50.

Tien-hsia, lit. “All under heaven,” meaning really, “All China,” as “The whole world” in the Scriptures means “The Roman Empire.” 憋 HEARA する 善義 達 CHINESE AND MANCHU INSCRIPTION BY EMPEROR KIEN LUNG, 1746A.D.

A reduced facsimile of a rubbing kindly obtained for the Author by Arthur Cotter, Esq., of Peking. The original rubbing is 7 feet 4 inches long by 2 feet 9 inches wide. Opposite page 92 will be found a picture of the monument itself. A translation of the Chinese text is given in the book. The Imperial seals can be seen at end of Chinese inscription.

To face page 94.シーズ TURKI AND MONGOLIAN INSCRIPTION BY EMPEROR K’IEN LUNG, 1764 A.D.

A reduced facsimile of a rubbing kindly obtained for the Author by Arthur Cotter, Esq., of Peking. The original rubbing is 7 feet 4 inches long by 2 feet 9 inches wide. Opposite page 92 will be found a picture of the monument itself.

To face puge 95.

SOME MONUMENTS 95 practices. It is only by accommodating the different ideas of different people that a real uniformity can be attained, in order that our civilisation may be so comprehensive as to leave nothing outside.

“According to history, the Hui Hoh’ began to enter China during the reign of Kai Huang (581-601 A.D.) of the Sui dynasty (581-618 A.D.). During the reign of Yüan Ho (806-821 A.D.) of the T’ang dynasty they came with some Mo-ni’ bringing tribute. At their request a mosque was erected in Taiyuanfu, which according to the tablet which adorned the front was called, ‘The Temple of the Resplendent Light of the Great Cloud.’ This was the first mosque ever built in China. The conditions under which they came into China was either at our Government’s request to assist us with their military forces or under ordinary trading terms. It is not necessary to believe it was because they had ceded us their territory or become our subjects.

“In carrying out the divine orders of Heaven and earth and of my ancestors and tutelary gods, we have conquered the territories of Zungaria, and thereby set the different cities of Turkestan in peace. Their chiefs, Aschek, Khodjis, and others were given the titles of prince, duke, etc., and palaces were built and allotted to them. Such captives as were not permitted to return to their own 1 The characters Hui Hoh are here used evidently by mistake for “Moslems,” but correctly apply to the “Uigurs.” The characters Mo-ni are evidently used here for “Mullahs,” but really apply to the “Manicheans or followers of Manes.” A simple but serious error has been made in this inscription, as has been proved by M. Devéria in Musulmans et Manicheens Chinois. The facts are that in 807 A.D., as the text says, a Uigur mission was received at Court and obtained permission to build Manichee temples (Mo-ni-ssu) at Honanfu and Taiyuanfu. An examination of the Manchu, Turki, and Mongolian texts of this inscription shows that by a phonetic error the Chinese Emperor took the word Mo-ni as an equivalent of “Mulla,” and Hui Hoh, “Uigurs,” as the equivalent of Hui Hui, “Moslems.”

• From the preceding note, however, it will be seen already that this 807 A.D. building was not a mosque at all. If it were, it would clash with the claims of the 742 A.D. monument as being in commemoration of the first mosque.

Two Turkish Moslem chiefs.

96 ISLAM IN CHINA native place were located at the west of the Ch’ang-an gate, and were given the same privileges as our own people in regard to the holding of official posts, trading, and travelling. The quarters where they reside are popularly called by our people the Moslem Camp.

“Now, as population increases, people’s views vary, and when classes differ, people’s feelings conflict. In order then to treat different people with impartiality so that no feeling of inequality may exist, it is not essential to prohibit their religion or to compel their thoughts to harmonise with ours. Since the conquest of Zungaria, in order to show our good feeling towards them, temples such as the Pu-ing ssu and Kuldja Miao have been built for the people to perform their religious exercises in.

“The Moslems being equally my subjects, why should their wishes not be satisfied? Accordingly I ordered a portion of surplus money from the Imperial Treasury to be allotted for the building of this mosque in the centre of the place where they reside, with lofty arches, spacious halls, winding corridors, and elaborate decorations. The work was begun in the 4th month of the 28th year of the Emperor K’ien Lung (1768 A.D.), and was completed in the following year. The Moslems assemble there from time to time.

“The Chiefs (Begs) who come to the capital for audience to the throne are, without exception, delighted to make their devotions in the building which they admire, and declare that such could not be seen in their own lands in Turkestan. On being asked whether they could expect any thing better than to enjoy the honour of being near the sun (i.e. the imperial throne), and at the same time amidst the highest civilisation, prostrating themselves, they have replied with enthusiasm, ‘No.’ 66 Again the Mohammedan tribes formerly only knew the Rouz Namet, now they are provided with our 1 A book of days.

SOME MONUMENTS 97 Calendar. Formerly they only had the Tenga, now they have our currency. Besides they have our system of military organisation, taxation, ceremonies of banquets and audiences, and other things which are of importance. My Government seeing that different people must be ruled in different ways has always allowed people to pursue their own religious practices, so that through their religious beliefs they might be friendly to one another.

66 Accordingly among our amusements we have reserved a place for your wire-dancers, and those who wear the turban have had their place among the imperial guests. Who will say otherwise. That is why we write this record, to which we add this inscription.❜ “What is the Kaaba? What is the Heavenly Hall? It is the mysterious Shrine Of the Moslems near my Palace Gate.

The city is Mecca, Their ancestor is Mohammed.

He gave them the Koran And handed down Justice.

These volumes of classics Are entrusted to the Ahongs.

Bowing west or bowing north’ Alike show one respect.

These steps of marble and beams of wood, Are the work of officials of the Public Works, As stars move round the pole, So all nations follow us.” The pathetic lines written by Mr. G. C. Stent, of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs, in reference to the 1 Turkish money.

2 What follows in the original is in verse with only four characters to the line. The transliteration of Arabic words makes it doubly perplexing.

3 The Emperor always sits facing south, consequently all Chinese officials bow north. The Moslems in China bow to the west towards Mecca. The Emperor classes both acts together, and thus makes himself equal to Mohammed.

H 98 ISLAM IN CHINA Kashgarian Concubine looking out from her “Tower for gazing on one’s home,” and seeing the Turkish settlement opposite, may fittingly close this chapter, which deals with some of the Monuments concerning the religion of a people who are still regarded as an alien race, though now fully naturalised as Chinese subjects.

THE CAPTIVE MAIDEN.1 ‘Tis very like my home. Yes, I can seeAs like as art can make them-facing me, The balustrade, the gate, the massive wall, The great pavilion, too, o’ertopping all. Within those courtyards I can now and then Catch glimpses of some old familiar faceA wife or daughter of those Kashgar men, Wearing the costume of my native place.

Tis very like my home.

home. But oh! I miss That other home the more I look on this; I miss loved forms that made my home so dear, Those who made home a real home appear.

I do not see my kindred and I feel The loss of them, the cruel blank they leave; I gaze and try to picture this as real; Alas! the more I gaze the more I grieve.

Tis very like my home. From yonder tower, Breaking the stillness of the twilight hour, In the soft accents of my native tongue, I hear the ballads of my country sung. But that is all, there the resemblance ends That only makes me grieve and crave for more; I long for other voices, those of friends; “Twould then be like the home I had before.

‘Tis very like my home. But yet its walls Too oft and much my other home recalls; Filling my breast with many a vain regret, With recollections I would fain forget. Twas built in kindness, yet ’tis mockery; It makes me pine, when he would have me gay; Why do I look ? O! that my home should be So very near and yet so far away.

G. C. STENT.

1 Reprinted from The China Review, vol. v. p. 40.

AN ARABIC INSCRIPTION 99 “The sacred language of Islam is Arabic. Mohammed called it the language of the angels. And the Arabic Koran is to this day the text-book in all Moslem schools of Turkey, Afghanistan, Java, Sumatra, New Guinea, Russia, and China…. As a written language it has millions of readers in every part of the Moslem world; and yet to three-fourths of the believers Arabic is a dead language and not understood of the people. Still all public worship and all daily prayer must be in the Arabic tongue. In the Philippine Islands the first chapter of the Arabic Koran is repeated before dawn paints the sky red. The refrain is taken up in Moslem prayers at Pekin, and is repeated across the whole of China. It is heard in the valleys of the Himalayas and on “The Roof of the World.” A little later the Persians pronounce these Arabic words, and then across the peninsula the muezzins call the “faithful” to the same prayer. At the waters of the Nile the cry, “Allahu acbar,” is again sounded forth, ever carrying the Arab speech westward across the Soudan, the Sahara, and the Barbary States, until it is last heard in the mosques of Morocco and Rio de Oro.“SAMUEL M. ZWEMER.

• “It is impossible to repeat too often, or to impress too deeply upon the hearts of Christians in England, the immense future that Arabic must have before it, and the enormous influence that this language will have upon tens of millions of mankind in the days to come. I do not hesitate to say, or fear to be contradicted when I assert, that next to the English language, Arabic is read and reverenced over the widest area of the earth’s surface, and as to the actual number of those that speak Arabic there are at least fifty millions of souls, and no non-Christian language is spreading at anything like the same rate.“D. M. THORNTON.

100قال الله جان و حالا والد يرجعون الله الوزارة الأرواح والاشباه وعظم والجالية البداير الارواية الاشباح خود الاشباح بالادوار الرحمة احسن المدار و مدح خبراء فى الى الراقي وفي التامرى الفكر النهار وصول البريات وعصمة من شو والعبرة لذوى العول السلبي العامرة ناظر الى ابد ان السوق الاحتمال ة عاجمد المادي الى استعالى عراق ولوا الى أول واجبات اداس وذكر الله منوعاء والانام اون آریا برار والسلامة وجمال المارة الملايكة يساعد المنک و با نام زبان عرب کی ایک وعدون عاديا بالثلاين الرتب والمحمصة والله قصرت من الما للين العامرات وكلى انقط ابن بدر العالمين واستحل في الما ومحمادي ليه متعادل مناسب با الذين تبا مسایل در املال ودواعتبر يوم السورفات في ميها وان يكون قويسنا على القطاعات والمخدرات اتحاد بیاء وعبادة الاربان از انگر الولية و العمرة والرضوان وان عمر زیاده الدود ويتج لاین استانها وب است و کود هاوت بوده او نه ماه انها ما را ارسا و الماء الروان وان القائد إلى حدود اه الله خو مودی وی ار و العدوان قالوانت بانک الشعر الأبرائت ايام المهرة و الليالى المندل الاشيا دارم حمولا ابن العادي لازال الناد ماليا مات هذا الشيخ سيد الساحة على سلالة الوقوة النبوية خلاصة الأسيرة المصلوة ورة الأسرية الامر ملكة المرساوة لاط لازال قبره روند الرضوان ما نازل في سفك الكرامة الى من البلدان الم و مربا خاء العظامة نار نرد المدرس مكان الله ومرت اخيها بالماء السادة مجراه وكاره از المركل مشروكي استعداد بلاد المنون شارة ان اللتي زادت على المراه الله ن أهل الملسان المستلفاء الولي ما AN ARABIC MONUMENT IN SIANFU, DATED 1545 A.D.

A reduced facsimile of a rubbing kindly obtained for the Author by Rev F Madeley. The original is 5 feet 5 inches long by 2 feet wide.

To face page 101.

STANFORD LIBRAR CHAPTER VI AN ARABIC INSCRIPTION1 A.D. stands, there is a This is reproduced here, IN the same mosque in Sianfu in which the Monument bearing the date of 742 beautiful inscription in Arabic. with a literal rendering kindly supplied by the Rev. W. St. Clair Tisdale, D.D.’ It is dated 952 A.H. or 1545 A.D., which was during the reign of Kia Tsing of the Ming dynasty, or, to accept a landmark in English history, during the reign of Henry VIII. The Ming inscription, which has been cut upon the back of the 742 A.D. monument, is dated during the same reign. This Arabic inscription, while of no particular historic value, is a well preserved specimen of what could doubtless be found in many another mosque, and illustrates some of the Moslem life of past centuries in China. The translation reads as follows:“God-may He be praised and exalted-hath said: ‘Everything perisheth except His face: to Him belongeth the government, and unto Him shall ye return.’ (Suratu ‘I Qisas, xxviii. 88.) 1 See The “Toung Pao,” series ii. vol. vi., for six Arabic and Persian inscriptions. Inscriptions arabes et persunes des mosquées chinoises de Kaifongfou et de Sian-fou, publiées et traduites par Ol. Huart. The first of these, which is only partly legible, records an important discussion as to the place the Imam should occupy in the conduct of worship. The others are of general interest. No. 3 is the same as the one reproduced here. The “Toung Pao” does not give facsimiles of the rubbings, but the text only. The dates of the inscriptions vary from 1455 A.D. to 1809 A.D.

In this translation Dr. St. Clare Tisdale’s spelling of Arabic names has been retained, though differing from what occurs elsewhere in this book.

101 102 ISLAM IN CHINA “In the Name of God the Merciful, the Gracious. Praise be to God, the Originator of spirits and of forms and Manifestor of marvels and of inventions and of explanations, Fixer of spirits in forms and Interlacer of forms with spirit, whose praise is the best of laudation and unique, the best beginning, Who hath commanded pilgrimage to bodies and spirits and to do the good and the seemly and good actions: and His mercy is on all of it, evening and morning. And our prophet forbade us to utter foolishness and chatter in tombs and forms: and prayer blessing be upon Muhammad, the guide into salvation and prosperity, the inviter unto rest and abundance and upon his family the keys of welfare, and the master of graciousness and generosity. God most High hath said: ‘Every soul tasteth death’ (Surahs iii. 182; xxi. 86; xxix. 57), and in another verse, ‘Increase engrosseth you until ye visit the tombs’ (S. cii. 1). The verse (ends). Accordingly the pilgrimage to the tombs is a path unto the coming down of alms (good works) and a method for the attainment of blessings, and a protection from the pollutions of wicked deeds and a present admonition, remainder of a day when one shall blow upon shapes and the brightness of hearts, and their glances shall be humble, and a warning to owners of intellects and bodies, and an arousing of oneself from the sleep of carelessness and wickedness, and the preparation for that goal to which man must come. For the good and pure spirits gaze upon their bodies because of their longing and their love which they bear towards their bodies. If, therefore, the pilgrim present himself at the goals (i.e. graves) of the bodies when he is stained with defilement, dirt, and filth, and they see the sinner disfigured with the abominations of crimes, he is rendered infamous of the hand of the holy gracious spirits. They therefore bear witness concerning him, nor do they in any wise aid him. And they desire that he repent of offences and sins and ask pardon for AN ARABIC INSCRIPTION 108 For them in every wise, that he may become good, pure. Then the good, pure spirits aid him and speak to him and intercede for him in attainment of his main desires. And the pilgrim thinks about the matter of his own death and all the dead. For the lords of this world are careless regarding the affairs of the next world and sins. verily the matter of this world is easy and contemptible, and the matter of the next world is hard and stern. It behoves that what is permanent should be preferred above what perishes. Verily this world is as salt water, which quencheth not thirst nor profiteth, and as the mists of summer, and as the shadow of the cloud, and as the departing guest, and as poisoned honey. Its sweetness is salt, and its promotion to rule is dismissal, and its pleasant is bitter. Its rest is toil, its leisure is business, its safety is destruction, its new is worn out, its union is separation, its much is little, its noble is contemptible. He that relies on it is deceived; therefore it is a magician, an impostor, a calamity-causer, a murderer. It is like the snake, whose touch is soft and whose poison is deadly. Ah, the Pen of Terror! And after the hurry and dread of the road and the perplexity of affairs, it is incumbent on them to ask aid from the people of the tombs, according to his (Muhammad’s) saying,-peace be unto him,-When ye have become perplexed in affairs, then ask aid from the people of the tombs.’ A pilgrimage to the tombs softens hearts and makes the eyes weep and expands breasts and puts in mind of the next world and the Trumpet: for the people of the tombs rescue them from the troubles of this world and vanities, and guide them to the joys and the palaces (of Paradise). And when the pilgrim presents himself at the goals (i.e. graves) of the bodies, the people of the tombs say: O careless one, if you were certain of the meeting with your Lord, what concern would you have? You laugh and weep not. If you were in certainty of the rewards of the next world and its 104 ISLAM IN CHINA punishments, then what concern would you have? You wash your garments and defile your hearts, and you cleanse your bodies and conceal your breasts, and you enlarge your houses and contract your tombs, and you cling to your this world and bear ill-will to your next world, and you make your words better and make your deeds worse, and you abandon what God has commanded you and engage in what God has forbidden you. Gently, gently (? words indistinct). Do ye therefore finish! God has fastened the snares (Cords) of death and the anxiety of decease. O careless believer! reflect upon a day when the angels shall open the stock-in-trade’ of thine obedience, and reflect upon a time when they shall open thy book and shall find thy stock-in-trade. If therefore thy stock-in-trade be genuine, pure, naked, empty of doubt and rebellion and sin and defect, then thou shalt escape from the wrath of the Merciful One. And if thy stockin-trade be paltry, then thou hast become of (the number of) the perishing, the lost. But despair not of the mercy of the Lord of the worlds, and strive in thine obedience and adoration, and prepare thy provision for the day of thy return (to God), and settle the account with thy lowly soul before thine account-giving, and make a pilgrimage to the people of the tombs, and beware of the Day of the Trumpet, for verily the price of Paradise is abandonment of this world and what is in it. And if one be feeble in respect of acts of obedience and almsgivings, then let him devote himself to all obedience and adoration and to doing the Pillars: then perchance those deeds of obedience will be the cause of mercy and pardon and approval. And if one loves to make a pilgrimage to the tombs and asks quarter from them,-because asking the aid of the people of the tombs is a necessity for admission 1 I.e. supply of merits laid up.

I.e. the five most necessary things, according to Islam; these are: (1) recitation of the Kalimah or creed of Islam; (2) offering of the regular prayers; (3) payment of the fixed alms; (4) Pilgrimage to Mecca; (5) Ramadan fast.

AN ARABIC INSCRIPTION 105 to Paradise and its Houris and its palaces and its pleasures and its rivers and its trees and a meeting with the Merciful One,-and if he affixes his end’ completion to good and happiness and demonstration, then, if the genuine slave (i.e. adorer) does not know his completion, whether unto happiness or unto misery, he must perform good and generosity and noble deeds: and whoso does not do good, he is far from God’s mercy and pardon. Therefore it is incumbent on all Muslims that they should circle round the tombstone of this pious Shaikh on blessed (lucky, fortunate) days and blessed (lucky) and good nights. May God protect all genuine Muslims, especially the residents, the travellers, the passers by. May He continue high and exalted. Verily this Shaikh is sayyid and sayyids, pillar of nobility and lordship, good of disposition and character, pure of nature and inclination, offspring of the family of the Prophet, essence of the consolation of the Chosen One, pillar of the Hashimites, cream of the Fatimites the divinely approved Sayyids, refuge of the sublime descendants of Ali, sprung from the essence of the Lord of Messengers (Muhammad), most glorious lord. May his tomb remain the garden of delight, the vineyard of forgiveness and pardon! And there came a grandson from (the number of) his generous grandsons to this district to honour the resting-place of his great (ancestor) grandfather, in the era of the Lord of Messengers (i.e. Muhammad) the era of the Hijrah, year nine hundred and fifty and two, by the sufficiency of God: and he beautified the completion of it, he finished it with the completion of happiness without expense and deceit: truly he is the solver of every difficulty. And his honoured name was Badruddin son of Shamsuddin Sung Kan-ki: from their relations to the relations of the Apostle of God-may God bless and preserve him-are thirty generations. May God have mercy upon my abode and prolong lasting 1 I.e. deems himself fated to future happiness.

106 ISLAM IN CHINA honour. And the cause of the composition of this ode: A body of the Muslims requested of me that I should represent matters clearly with regard to pilgrimage to the tombs, and the virtues of the sayyid of the community, in order that it might be inscribed upon the tablet of the tombs, as a brightness to the hearts of those who know (God), and a healing to the spirits of pilgrims, and I assented to their request, I compiled this ode. (I entertain) hope of prayer from those who look at it and the sincere, with good fortune and deliverance in the day of judgment. And whoso looks at it and sees a grammatically incorrect blunder, let him not find fault with me, for the sake of Muhammad the Chosen the Approved.

“Author of the ode the humble, the despised Hafir, son of Qul Muhammad Kajai. May God pardon him and his parents and his two teachers. At date, year nine hundred and fifty and two.

“O God, pardon him who looks, and him who reads and hears, and him who guesses and reflects and him who has worked and preserved (or learnt by heart), for the sake of Muhammad and all his family.” (In Chinese characters.) The name of the city Ch’angan now Sianfu.

THE MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON 107 “From the deck of the Canton steamer as you near that city, and thread your way through the busy throngs of junks, boats, sampans, you notice two pagodas raising their slender shafts towards the sky, right in the very heart of the Old City itself. They are quite different: one is of the usual style of architecture so common in China and so picturesque, adding always a piquant air to the landscape; the other very dissimilar, not broken into nine stories as the Flowery Pagoda is, really not a pagoda at all, but a smooth round tower of considerable height, on the top of which is another tower, or minaret, as it were. From the minaret at one time the Moslem Mueddin daily proclaimed to his co-religionists that the hour of prayer had arrived.”—J. DYER BALL 108Photo by THE MOSQUE OF HOLY REMEMBRANCE, AND SMOOTH PAGODA.

Chinese Photographer.

This smooth pagoda is quite unique in China and clearly of foreign origin. A spiral stairway lends up inside to the minaret from which formerly the Moslem call to prayer was made. For details see text and Chapter IV.

To face page 109.

CHAPTER VII THE MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON SPECIAL interest attaches to the Mohammedan buildings and monuments at Canton, because it is here the reputed pioneer, the maternal uncle of Mohammed, is said to have been buried. It is here also tradition states he built the first mosque, a claim, however, which is at variance with the Sianfu monument dated 742 A.D.

The city of Canton with its environs has five important mosques.’ We are only specially interested in two of these, viz. The Mosque of Holy Remembrance, and the Mosque and graveyard outside the great North Gate, about half a mile from the city.

The “Mosque of Holy Remembrance” is the largest and most ancient of all the five mosques in Canton. It is situated in the old city in Smooth Pagoda Street, which street takes its name from the unique pagoda which stands within the court-yard of the mosque. According to tradition this mosque was built by Mohammed’s maternal uncle, which tradition has already been discussed in these pages. Unfortunately for this claim, there are no really ancient monuments in Canton to substantiate so remarkable a statement. The mosque was destroyed 1 These are situated as follows:-(1) on the Hao Pan Street; (2) on Nan Sheng Li Street; (3) the Mosque of Holy Remembrance on Smooth Pagoda Street; (4) on Siao Tung Ying; and (5) beyond the great North Gate of the city.

懷聖寺 2 光塔街 109 110 ISLAM IN CHINA by fire in 1848 A.D. and was rebuilt in 1849-1851 A.D. by a certain Emir Mahmond. The pagoda, according to the late Dr. Kerr’s Canton Guide, was built about 900 A.D. and is practically all that remains of the original buildings. This pagoda stands about 160 feet high and is altogether unlike any other pagoda to be found in the Chinese Empire. The accompanying illustration, reproduced from a photograph, makes any description unnecessary. There is a spiral stairway leading up to the minaret built on the top.

In 1469 A.D., during the Ming dynasty, the mosque was repaired at the expense of a man named Hung Yung who was at that time a leading official in the city. In the same year an Arab named O Ta-la (Abdallah) arrived at Canton, accompanied by a suite of sixteen persons, for the purpose of presenting presents to the Emperor. Imperial request he and his suite settled at Canton, taking up his residence within the mosque and presiding over the local Moslem community.

By On the summit of the pagoda there was originally placed a golden cock as a weather vane and, to quote the Kwangtung Chih, which shows the Chinese idea of Islam, “Every year the foreigners used to go to the top of the pagoda during the 4th and 5th moons (probably Ramadan), at about 4 a.m., and call out with a loud voice, praying to the weathercock”! In 1888 A.D. a typhoon blew down this golden cock, which was thereupon appropriated by the Imperial Treasury and a copper one was put in its place. This was subsequently thrown down and replaced by a wooden gourd, which in its turn fell in 1670 A.D.1 In this Mosque of the Holy Remembrance the most important records are on two monuments dated respectively 1851 A.D. and 1698 A.D. The tablet dated 1 See Gray’s Walks in the City of Canton, Dr. Kerr’s Canton Guide, the Kwangtung Chih and Devéria’s Origine.

Photo by THE ANCIENT MOSLEM GRAVEYARD AT CANTON.

Chinese Photographer.

This graveyard is attached to the mosque outside the North Gate of Canton city. See text of Chapters V and VII, especially page 60.

To face page 111.

MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON 111 1351 A.D. has a bilingual inscription in Arabic and Chinese and records the rebuilding of the premises. The Arabic text, which occupies the greater portion, states that “The rebuilding of this great Mosque Cathedral of the Sahib was undertaken by Emir Mahmond, who by the power of his genius made a happy beginning and prosperous ending. The work was commenced in 751 A.H.” The Chinese counterpart tells us nothing about the reputed maternal uncle of Mohammed. It makes only a vague allusion to one or more Sahib who came to the East “by command of the prophet about 800 years ago.” The other monument, which is dated 1698 A.D., throws no light whatever upon the much disputed topic of the origin of Islam in China.’ It is distinctly disappointing not to be able to find any more valuable records than these in this building, which is undoubtedly ancient, and the building of which the Chinese Moslems attribute to the prophet’s maternal uncle.

The other mosque at Canton, which next claims special attention, is the one situated about half a mile from the great North Gate. The mosque itself is a well constructed edifice and is regarded as the most sacred of the five Canton Moslem places of worship. It contains, however, no monument anterior to 1698 A.D. Judging by its appearance it has been somewhat recently restored. In this respect it is favoured beyond most mosques in China, for it is specially endowed with land from the rent of which the needs of the building and worship are met. This will be referred to later.

Attached to the mosque is a small graveyard of about a quarter of an acre in area, which is surrounded by a substantial and well-built wall. This enclosure with its stately cotton trees, rural aspect, and clean state has a distinctly pleasing appearance. Here are buried some of 1 Devéria’s Origine, pp. 20-21.

What follows is taken from Gray’s Walks in Canton, and especially from the detailed descriptions in The Chinese Repository for 1851.

112 ISLAM IN CHINA the earliest converts to Islam, and here at the extreme end stands the famous domed tomb of the so-called maternal uncle of the prophet. This tomb, with its Moorish style of architecture, is called by the Cantonese “The Bell Tomb,” or perhaps more commonly “The Echo Tomb,” Hsiang-fen, because of noises which, according to local report, constantly issue forth from this building to the consternation of the superstitious neighbours. The tomb is looked upon as a very sacred spot and is constantly visited by Moslem pilgrims from distant parts of the Empire. In the same vicinity are other domed or Moorish tombs and ordinary graves.

With the guidance of The Chinese Repository let us visit this interesting spot. “The visitor enters a narrow vestibule, and thence by a side door passes into a paved court about 50 feet square. In the centre of this is a raised pavilion furnished with benches and tables for the convenience of visitors. On the west side of the court are two open rooms raised three steps, one of which is matted and used for the reading of the Koran and prayers. The other room is furnished with seats. On the east side is a sitting-room and lodging-place, and in the opposite corner, adjoining the matted room, is another bedroom. All of these are for the accommodation of those who serve.” “Separated from this court by a brick wall is the burying-ground; in its centre is the principal tomb, which is a solid brick building 20 feet square and covered by a dome. On the right are two graves sheltered from the weather by a roof. In the partition wall (between the court and graveyard) are three wooden gateways arranged in Chinese style with a centre and two side doors. Over each is a text from the Koran in Arabic and an inscription in Chinese. In the middle is the legend, ‘Stop and admire his high fame.’ On the side doors are the phrases, 6 The Gate of the Virtuous’ and ‘The Borders of the Upright.’. . .

…

قال الله سما جهان ال مس دائمة الموت ثم الساره جو سوباس الحمقال مال التي عليه السلام مرمات فریبا فقد رفضه الله ) عدد ماه بیا مات سعيدا هذه الضعيف المرحوم ذولجة يحتاج الى رحمة الله تعا حاج محمد ابن الحاجی محمد افندی رو می بریاره سيدنا سعد بن ابی وقاص رضی الله عنه حصل المراد و وسكنته في مسجد بیدی شد است 世 درگاهه سه ثانی ترولوم الشوق وهو ت مرتع دو الفعل الرواية نير والراحة ذائقة الموت 從證

• • 211 A

++ 九六 赤到 苋 无 阿格 月 睦月 A TRILINGUAL INSCRIPTION AT CANTON, DATED 1750 A.D.

A reduced facsimile of a rubbing kindly obtained for the Author by Mr. Hans Döring. The original is 2 feet 3 inches long by 1 foot 6 inches wide. The three languages are Arabic, Persian, and Chinese. The rubbing was very poor and has had to be considerably touched up to produce a legible block. In doing this, some of the dots which form essential parts of the Arabic have been blackened over.

To fare page 113.

MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON 118 “The enclosure contains about thirty graves built in a foreign style, covered with mortar and destitute of inscriptions. The domed tomb is matted, and prayers are read by the side of the grave. It is a plain brick sepulchre, destitute of all writing, as are the walls of the building. A careful scrutiny shows some pieces of freestone, built in the wall, with what look like Arabic inscriptions cut upon them.

The two tombs under the shed and the larger one in the dome, together with a paved walk leading to them, have all been built or repaired within the last twenty years’ by subscriptions among the Mohammedans of Canton.” Since the sacred tomb is destitute of inscriptions, it is necessary to look elsewhere for information. This is found on another tomb close by. Here there is a trilingual inscription in Arabic, Persian, and Chinese. It is dated 1750 A.D., and, as will be seen from the facsimile reproduced opposite, reveals very poor penmanship in the Chinese writing. A translation of the Arabian and Persian text by Dr. St. Clair Tisdall reads as follows:Arabic Text: “God (may He be praised and exalted!) hath said: 666 Every soul’ tasteth of death: then unto Us shall ye be caused to return.’ “The Prophet (peace be upon him!) hath said: “Whoso hath died a stranger hath died a martyr.’ “This feeble [man], the deceased, needing the money of God (may He be exalted), Hâjî Mahmûd, son of the Haji Muhammed Effendi of Rûm (=Turkey), hath attained his desire in visiting [the tomb of] our Lord Sa’d ibn Abî Waggâş (may God be pleased with him!) and in his dwelling in the Mosque of Dargâhah for two years. Then on the twenty-seventh day of the month 1 Written in 1851.

Or, “Every one who.”

• Surah xxix. 57.

4 Often rendered “Most High.” I114 ISLAM IN CHINA Dhû’l Qa’dah in one thousand one hundred and sixtyfour and he ’tasteth of death.”” Persian Text [in the margin]: “Sa’d ibn Abi Waggâş (may God be pleased with him !) deceased in the month Dhûl Hijjah, on the twenty-seventh.” Chinese Text: “Haji Mahmoud came expressly to visit the ancient sepulchre of the pioneer sage. It was the 26th day of the 8th month of the 14th year of the Emperor K’ien Lung when he arrived, which is the month Dhû’l Qa’dah. In the 29th day of the 8th month of the 16th year of the Emperor K’ien Lung, which is the month Dhûl Qa’dah, he died.

“The pioneer sage died on the 27th day of the month Dhû’l Hijjah, in the year of the Caliph Omar Baba, which is the third year of Cheng Kwan of the T’ang dynasty.” It will be seen from this inscription, which is dated 1750 A.D., that it is claimed that this ancient tomb is the sepulchre of Saad, son of Abu Wakkas, which is an impossible claim, since, as has been already mentioned, this man died and was buried in Arabia. It is also stated that Timour exhumed his remains and removed them to Chebri Seby, which circumstance made that city impregnable.* It must be frankly confessed that the Chinese traditions on this point are full of inextricable confusion. In view of the rival claims of the monuments of Sianfu and Canton, and in face of the impossible dates and impossible personnel given on these monuments, the traditions would hardly deserve the careful investigation that has been bestowed upon them, were it not that they have obtained such a hold upon the Chinese Moslems’ belief and imagination. How much of truth forms the basis for all this tradition will possibly never be known.

1 Evidently of the Hijrah.

Sic, contrary to grammar, as are other parts of the inscription.

The third year of Cheng Kwan was 629 A.D. Omar was not Caliph before 634 A.D.

4 M. E. Helouis. See Devéria, Origine, note, p. 19.

MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON 115 Though further study of records and monuments at Canton offers little hope of solving the riddle of the origin of Islam in China, it will not be without interest to peruse some of the statements which are current about this mosque and graveyard. The following extracts taken from the Kwangchow Chih simply recapitulates much that has been already said in other chapters.

“When sea-going vessels began to resort to Canton in the T’ang dynasty, Mohammed, the king of the country of Medina, belonging to the Mussulmans in western parts, sent his maternal uncle Su-ha-pa-sai (Sahib), a foreign priest, to travel in China. He built the plain pagoda and the mosque of Holy Remembrance, and they were hardly finished when he suddenly died and was buried in this region.” “The Moslem tomb is situated beyond the Northern Gate of Canton. It was erected in the 3rd year of Cheng Kwan, 629 A.D., the sepulchre being built dome-shaped and like a bell. When people enter it their words re-echo, moving for a time and then stopping, whence people usually call it ‘The Echo Tomb.’ From the time of the Tang dynasty to the present day, more than a thousand years, the villagers have feared and respected it, and have forborne to cut wood near it.” “In the reign of Chih Cheng of the Yüan dynasty, 1341-1867 A.D., Liu-su-tu-la, and seventeen other families, resided in Canton and took care of the monastery and tomb. Towards the end of the Ming dynasty (1860-1646 A.D.) it was ordered that a Mussulman, invested with the hereditary rank of lieutenant, should reside at Canton, because the soldiers and people of this sect daily increased. Every clan annually resorted to the Echo Tomb to reverently worship and rehearse their canonical books, which custom has been handed down even to this day without change. Whenever co-religionists come from the western country they all accord therewith, and those 116 ISLAM IN CHINA who sail the ocean myriads of miles to Canton, consider it decorous to visit this tomb and worship at it. Even the highest and most honourable among them, when they approach, crawl on their hands and knees to evidence their unfeigned respect.” “1 The only other record worthy of special mention is that contained on a black marble tablet dated 1698 A.D., which is during the reign of the famous Emperor Kang Hsi. This tablet, which is in a state of good preservation, reports the purchase of land by the Mohammedans of Canton for the endowment of the mosque and Ancient Tomb. The following are the most important passages of this inscription :“In the thirty-first year of Kang Hsi the seventh month (1698 A.D.), Sha Ting-piao, Ma King-hsün (and fourteen others whose names are given) of our religion, in consequence of a landowner Kwei Ming-feng having sold them in perpetuo a portion of land of which the title was perfect, and fearing it would run to waste if there was no one to keep up the ownership by paying the taxes, came together in the mosque outside of the Northern Gate publicly to deliberate respecting it. Seeing the produce of this land was small, Sha Ting-piao and the others, in the tenth month, bought of Kwei Ying-küin another portion of land in perpetuo which had descended from his uncle King Yoh. Both parcels of land lay in the district of Lung-men, in the ridge of Luki in a place called Hwang-chang (Broad Dike) below the stone tumulus under the Great Range, and measured about 58 mou.’ Sha, and the others, engaged two brothers Chou, and two brothers Shen, to cultivate the plot annually, and that after enough had been reserved to meet the taxes, they should bring every year thirty stone of grain from the produce, to supply oil and incense for the mosque 2 1 Chinese Repository, 1851.

• A mou is about one-sixth of an English acre.

MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON 117 and also to defray what was necessary for keeping in good repair the grave of the ancient worthy (Shih-hapeh) Sahib buried there. These are the circumstances of the public meeting of Sha Ting-piao, and the others, when this land was jointly purchased. . .

“These are the evidences of the possession of the land by Sha and others, that the public and private affairs have been arranged, and that this mosque has a permanent income for its supply of oil and incense. It is here engraved on a stone that it be not forgotten, and is set up in 1698 A.D. by Sha Ting-piao and his associates.” 1 Some few other monuments are to be found in Canton, but none which throw any certain light upon the origin or spread of Islam in China. They all are of a comparatively recent date, and merely repeat, in one form or another, the generally accepted and already quoted legends. Some portion of one which was dated 1880 A.D., but which has been somewhat recently removed, may be quoted as typical of the others. It was originally inserted in the wall of the mosque, outside the door, but at some time between 1851 and 1878 A.D. it was removed because it was considered offensive to the present Government. It reads as follows:“The honourable name of His Excellency the former Sage was Su-ha-pa (Sahib). He is also known as Sarti. He was the maternal uncle of King Mohammed the honourable and holy of Arabia, in the country of Medina. He came by command to Tungtu (ie. the East LandChina) as an envoy to return gifts. In the sixth year of Kai Hwang of the Sui dynasty, 586 A.D., a comet appeared, and the chief historiographer, having divined it said, ‘A remarkable man has arisen in the West.’ Afterwards it was heard that a king of Medina in the West was born, a divine and holy personage, and that when he ascended the throne he received the true Canonical book from heaven, 1 Chinese Repository, 1851, 118 ISLAM IN CHINA which book enjoined the king of the country to teach his people to worship only the one Lord, to exterminate all strange doctrines, and make them receive the true, pure and correct faith, All the kingdoms of the West received his belief.

" “The Emperor commanded an envoy to proceed westward, through Yungkwan (now in Kansu), and carry gifts to exchange with that country, and form amicable relations.

“In the True Records of the Holiest in Arabia’ it is said that, ‘In the sixth year of the Hegira, the Emperor of China sent an envoy hither, and that Sarti and Kankus were sent back to China, in company with the envoy, to return gifts. When they arrived at the Capital, the Emperor had an audience with them. He asked, “By what means does your king rule so virtuously and teach his people to become so prosperous?” They replied, “It is only by observing the three social relations and the five cardinal virtues, the true, pure, and correct doctrine, and the evident manifestations of the holy and honourable ones.” His Majesty, without reflection, joyfully made his obeisance, and retained H. E. Sarti to disseminate the faith in China.’ (“He (Sarti) built the Mosque of Holy Remembrance in Canton and was allowed to reside in it. Subsequently he returned to his country on account of some affairs, and on reaching it found that the king had mounted the Dragon Chariot (died). After venting his grief, he inquired of his friends what orders the honourable and holy one had left. They all said the Holiest had left orders that he wished the Koran to be taken to China and to be taught there on Fridays. Accordingly His Excellency followed these orders and, bringing with him all the volumes of the Celestial Canon, he returned to China where he taught the Moslems.” (!)2 2 1 It need hardly be stated that such a question in 6 A.H. would be absurdly inappropriate.

So China already had a Moslem community to teach! MOSQUES AND TOMBS OF CANTON 119 The inscription goes on to tell of the rebellion organised by An Lu Shan, and the coming of troops from the West to assist in the restoring of order. It also records the building of the Manichean (Moni) temple at Taiyuanfu in 807 A.D., as though it had been a mosque, thus repeating the mistake of the Emperor K’ien Lung. It then proceeds— “To this day the Mosque of Holy Remembrance, where His Excellency lived and the old sepulchre where he was buried still exist. In the latter, there is a portico, a room for worship, a pavilion for reading the Koran, a room for receiving company, and a guest chamber for those who visit the sepulchre, besides places for the manager and door-keeper to sleep. From time to time, members of the faith have left shops, houses, money, and lands for its upkeep. From these a monthly revenue is derived to defray the current expenses. The balance is put by.” “Since the first erection of the tomb, more than a thousand years have elapsed, during which, as we learn from a tablet, it has been thrice repaired; and during the reign of the Emperor Kia King (1796-1821) about forty years ago, contributions were levied from all the community with the object of repairing it again. At present the whole of the rooms are decayed and the surrounding wall broken down. Those who had the management of the establishment called a public meeting and… the whole community joyfully responded. .

. We look up to the Lord who has commanded them to superintend this matter, and now this sepulchre will not fall into decay. This stone is set up as a record.” The stone is undated, but the “about forty years ago” from the reign of Kia King, fixes it somewhere between 1886 and 1851 A.D. It cannot be later than 1851 A.D., for the translation from which the above extracts are copied was published in the Chinese Repository in 1851 A.D.

मा 120 ISLAM IN CHINA In the pavilion and other rooms, connected with the mosque and graveyard, are many inscriptions and scrolls with extracts from the Koran. There are also many votive tablets presented by pilgrims and worshippers. The following are one or two specimens of these :“The original ancestor who came from the West.” “The Illustrious and Famed of Western Lands.” “We look up to his holiness and virtue.” “He introduced the thousand Canons to China: “By these his teachings are perpetuated thousands of years.” After all we have still to ask, “Who was this original sage?” and, “When did he come?” The question is still unanswered, and it appears likely to remain so.

THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 121 “The rebellion in Yunnan seems to have been brought about solely by the oppression to which the Mahomedans were subjected by their rulers. Riots occurred in which their mosques were despoiled, and this roused their religious hate, and ultimately led to the complete destruction of nearly every Buddhistic temple in Yunnan. As the insurrection spread, the Chinese towns and villages were pillaged, and indiscriminate slaughter overtook the male population, the women being spared to minister to the passions of a brutal, undisciplined mob, while the unresisting children were eagerly preserved to be educated as Mussulmans. The desolate and ruined villages between Nantin and Momien, and the almost unbroken line of deserted towns and hamlets encircling the once-smiling and busy valley of the latter town, are incontrovertible evidence of the relentless ferocity with which the Panthays prosecuted the rebellion."-JoHN ANDERSON, M.D., Medical Officer and Naturalist to the Yunnan Expedition.

122 CHAPTER VIII THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS THE date and mode of the introduction of Mohammedanism into the province of Yunnan are obscure. It is sometimes stated that it was introduced by the soldiers of Kublai Khan, when he subdued the province and united it to the Chinese Empire at the beginning of the Yuan dynasty. While it is possible that that was the time and occasion of the more permanent establishment of Islam in south-west China, the extract from Dr. S. W. Bushell’s article on The Early History of Tibet, already quoted on page 30 of this book, points to the first entry having been at a much earlier date.

Apart from this solitary statement in the Nanchao Records, we know of no other authentic reference to Mohammedans in the province of Yunnan prior to the Yüan dynasty, 1260-1868 a.d. Had there been such, one would have expected to find it in M. Rocher’s historical section of his work La Province chinoise du Yunnan. We are not, however, lacking in facts to support the statement, found in the Nanchao Records, that Mohammedan troops were present in Yunnan in the battle of 801 A.D.

It will be remembered that Marco Polo, who only passed through Yunnan within a few years of its having been conquered by Kublai Khan, stated that in the province of Carajan (Yunnan) “the people are of sundry kinds, for there are not only Saracens and Idolaters, but also 128124 ISLAM IN CHINA a few Nestorian Christians.” Further, Rashid ud Din, who died in 1816 A.D., wrote within a few years of Kublai Khan’s reign, “All the inhabitants of Yachi (the modern Talifu) are Mohammedans.” These two statements can hardly be explained by the presence of the Mohammedan troops who had only recently entered the province. They are strong presumptive evidence that Islam had been established there for some considerable time, and the physiological characteristics of the people and their traditions confirm this opinion.

’ In considering the evidence for and against this view, it is important to remember that if Arab troops entered Yunnan prior to or about 800 A.D., they must not be looked upon as nationalised Chinese subjects at that date. M. George Soulie has argued against the entry of Moslems into Yunnan from Canton, because there are no evidences of the Cantonese dialect among the Moslems of Yunnan, and because there are no Moslem communities in the province of Kwangsi, which would be their only route. The last statement is, however, not correct, as will be seen by a reference to the chapter on Population in this present volume, and the absence of traces of the Cantonese dialect is to us no proof either way.

The Arab traveller of 851 A.D. (see page 49) tells us that he knew of no Chinese who had embraced Mohammedanism or who spoke Arabic. The Arab communities known to him, lived under their own Kadi, somewhat as our foreign communities reside in our Treaty Ports today, and possibly many of them did not speak Chinese at all. It is certainly improbable that the Arab soldiers of 800 A.D. should do so. The question of dialect therefore, so far as this very early company is concerned, hardly counts. The dialect of more recent settlers is of course quite another matter.

1 Yule, Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 39.

Yule, Cathay, p. 269.

3 Revue du monde musulman, Oct. 1909.

H Photo by A CHARACTERISTIC GROUP OF YUNNANESE MOSLEMS.

Dr. I. T. Clark.

This group was photographed in the courtyard of a mosque. They worship in an upper room. The group shows a great variety of faces. Note number 3 from reader’s left in front row. The centre one between the pillars in back row is the leader. The fourth one from reader’s left in back row, and his son standing on the left of step in front can be seen without their turbans in the plate opposite page 222. One of this group applied for baptism, but was spat upon in the streets and has since held back. To face page 125.

• THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 125 In regard to physical characteristics, Dr. John Anderson, Medical Officer and Naturalist of the Expedition to Bhamo and Western Yunnan more than forty years ago, states that he was led to believe that the original Mohammedans of Yunnan may have been of Arab descent, augmented by a Turkish element, and that these two races have amalgamated and married with the Chinese, so that their blood and their traditions have become blended.1 If we can accept the evidence of the Nanchao Records concerning the Arabs of 801 A.D., and add to this the statements that Mohammedan troops settled in the province in the thirteenth century, and that more recent Moslem colonists from Kansu and Shensi were added to them, the main problem, as presented in tradition and physical characteristics, would be fairly well solved.

Speaking of the Panthays or Yunnan Mohammedans as he saw them, Dr. Anderson states that “they are generally well-made, athletic men, of moderate height, and all are fair-skinned with slightly oblique eyes and high cheek bones, with a cast of countenance quite distinct from the Chinese. Their general type of face recalled to me those one meets with among the traders who come down to Calcutta from Bokhara and Herat. They usually wear a moustache, but pull out, in Chinese fashion, all the rest of the hair on their faces.” Consul F. S. A. Bourne, in his “Report on South-West China,” a report of unusual value, has the following statement which relates to this question of origin. He says: “Of the Mohammedans, there are two stocks in the Yunnan province centred in Talifu and Linganfu. The former profess to be sprung from Mohammedan soldiers of Jenghis Khan, who were settled in Western Yunnan in the thirteenth century by Sa-ha-ma-ting and by the Prince of Hsien-yang (Hsien-yang Wang), 1 John Anderson, M.D., Report on Expedition, pp. 146 et seq. 1 Parliamentary Papers, China, No. I., 1888.

126 ISLAM IN CHINA lieutenants of that monarch; the latter are said to have migrated from Shensi. Some Mohammedan families can trace their genealogy back to one or other of these hordes without a break. Their family names (Hsing) are usually one of the following syllables, which are said to represent foreign words: Sa, Ha, Ma, Na, Hu, Su, Sai. I had not the time that the subject deserves, but the traveller cannot fail to be struck by the very un-Chinese appearance of some of these Mohammedans.” The opinion of one other careful observer of Yunnan matters may be quoted. Major H. R. Davies who, as Surveyor for the British Government, has spent some years in the province, writes"Though there is doubtless a certain amount of Arab or Tartar blood among the Panthays, they have far more Chinese in them than anything else. I imagine most of their ancestors were Tartars or Turkomans, who came into the province with Kublai Khan’s armies, but these men must have married Chinese wives. Also, many of the present Panthays have their origin from Chinese children who have been adopted by the Mohammedans and brought up in that religion. In some cases one can tell a Mohammedan by his features, but very often they are indistinguishable from the Chinese.” 1 Passing from the difficult questions connected with the early origin of Mohammedanism in Yunnan, we may direct our attention to the days of the Yüan dynasty when, according to popular tradition, Mohammedanism became more definitely established through the Moslem soldiers who conquered the province for the Mongols.

For many years prior to this Mongol dynasty, the ancient kingdom of Nanchao was divided into numerous petty states, ruled over by princes who were, more or less, independent of China. These were conquered by Kublai Khan, and the territory united in 1257 A.D., under the 1 Major Davies, Yunnan, p. 53.

THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 127 name of Yunnan, as part of the Chinese Empire. Kublai Khan entrusted the government of this new province to one of his ministers, who is called by some Omar, and by others Sai Tien-ch’ih (Seyyid Ajal). This man, who was a native of Bokhara, is said to have been a descendant of Mohammed (twenty-seventh generation), and had submitted to Jenghis Khan, by whom he had been appointed to his Guard. Under Ogotai and Mangou, two sons of Jenghis, he held high office. By Kublai he was appointed first as Minister of Finance, and afterwards as governor of Yunnan.1 He appears to have been a man of power, and, while making all due allowances for the flowery compliments and legendary additions found in his Chinese biography, it is evident that he was successful in enforcing order and in introducing many needed reforms. He can hardly have been a bigoted Mohammedan, for, in addition to building several mosques, he conciliated the people by the erection of the large Confucian temples in Yunnan city.

The mosque which now stands within the south gate of the capital, Yunnanfu, and the mosque at Yangpi, two days west of Siakwan Tun, on the Yungchungfu road, are attributed to him. This latter building was converted into a city temple (Ch’eng-hwang Miao) at the end of the last rebellion. Sai’s image was erected in the city temple in Yunnanfu-a questionable compliment to a Mohammedan–and though this image was destroyed during the recent rebellion, it has since been renewed. His grave lies about two miles distant from the south gate of the city, and has somewhat recently been restored, as well as 1 This statement is based upon an extract from the Yuan Chih, History of Yuan Dynasty, quoted by De Thiersant, but Marco Polo names Nassruddin as the conqueror of Yunnan. Dr. Macgowan, in his History of China, follows Marco Polo, but Nasaruddin appears to have been one of Sai’s sons. In a little book published by Mr. George Clarke of the C.I.M. in 1885, based upon data collected in Yunnan, Sai is also called Prince Haien Yang. Mr. Clarke prints the translation of a short Chinese biography of this man. The Chinese biography was written over 200 years ago, and some of the facts stated in the text are based upon it.

128 ISLAM IN CHINA the building erected over it. His son, Nassruddin, and grandson, Saadi, succeeded him and carried on the work he had commenced.

The Moslem troops brought in at this time, supplemented by emigrants from the north and the earlier Arabs, formed the stock of the present Panthay element. Although intermarriage with the Chinese and aborigines of the province has resulted in a preponderance of Chinese blood and a consequent indifference to the claims of religion, the racial and religious antagonism which still exists between the Panthays and native Chinese has been sufficient to arouse and sustain several serious rebellions, though the responsibility, it is to be feared, as will be shown later, rests largely with the Chinese rulers.

It is certainly significant that there is no record of Mohammedan rebellions in China before the present Manchu dynasty came into power. “For some reason, which has not yet been made quite apparent, the Mussulmans, who were so militant and aggressive elsewhere, and who (as Abbasside Arabs) repeatedly fought both for and against China during the Tibetan wars of 758-801 A.D. in Kansu and Yunnan, seem never to have pressed in the least degree their claims to religious recognition. . . Particularly remarkable is the fact that at no period whatever in Chinese history, up to the time of the Manchu conquest of Kashgaria 150 years ago, is there the slightest mention of Mussulman religious trouble. Even in Kublai Khan’s time, when Mussulman gunners managed the artillery and Mussulman usurers farmed the taxation, we hear absolutely nothing of Mussulman religious disputes.“1 The sacking of Canton by the Arabs and Persians in 758 A.D. (see p. 27) is the only disturbance of which we know anything, and that was not on religious grounds. How far the present dynasty is responsible for the 1 E. H. Parker, China and Religion, p. 5.

THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 129 rebellions which have broken out during the last century and a half, the reader will be in a better position to judge after a brief review of the disturbances themselves.

The first Mohammedan rebellion in Yunnan broke out in 1818 A.D., in consequence of a lawsuit between two of the leading families in Yungchang, as well as the destruction of a mosque in that city, with the subsequent injustice of the officials. The Imperial troops were defeated and Yunnanfu besieged; but fresh Imperial forces conquered the Mohammedans, and cut their leaders in pieces. An amnesty was proclaimed in 1819 A.D.1 During the years 1826-1828 A.D. further disorders arose, and from 1884 to 1840 a serious rebellion raged. This trouble was provoked by the officials of Shunningfu, who massacred sixteen hundred Moslem men, women, and children at Mengmienting. The Mohammedans retaliated with terrible effect. The affair was afterwards referred to Peking, and called forth an Imperial edict from the Emperor, Hsien Feng. The wording of this edict is interesting as indicating how the Mohammedans and native Chinese are differentiated. “The Mohammedans,” it states, “and the Chinese (Han-ren) are massacring one another…. The Mohammedans are my children as well as the others.” The memorials of the Emperor and the Imperial decree are published in full by M. de Thiersant.” The rebellion, which broke out in 1855 A.D. and lasted right on till 1878, was the greatest of all, and deserves more detailed reference. The full account of this awful upheaval is given by M. Rocher in his monumental work entitled La Province chinoise du Yunnan. M. Rocher, who was in the employ of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs, was in the province during the rebellion, and visited the leading actors and most important scenes of 1 De Thiersant, Le Mahométisme en Chine, vol. i. p. 122; John Anderson, Expedition to Yunnan, ch. vi. p. 143. Col. Burney states that in 1813 almost the whole of the Chinese traders visiting Mandalay were Mohammedans.

Le Mahométisme en Chine, vol. i. pp. 123-127.

K 180 ISLAM IN CHINA this terrible tragedy. He has devoted the greater part of his second volume to a graphic account of these terrible eighteen years. The brief résumé which follows is based upon his official report, together with a free use of what M. de Thiersant, and others who have visited the province, have written.

The original quarrel arose through the mutual greed and envy of the native Chinese and Mohammedan miners working in the rich silver and lead mines of Shihyangchang in the Tsuyang prefecture, the valuable deposits of which had drawn together some two thousand workmen. The Mohammedans, though in the minority, were the most successful, and were soon attacked. During the early days of strife they more than held their own; but being at last attacked by an overwhelming force, they were compelled to seek refuge in some neighbouring woods. Many, however, had been killed in the fight, and those who fell into the hands of the Chinese were massacred. Among the slain was Ma Hsü-ch’eng, the brother of Ma Hsien, a military Bachelor of Arts, who subsequently became one of the most prominent Mohammedan leaders. Although bitter animosities had been awakened on both sides, it is quite possible that the Viceroy of the province might have succeeded in restoring order, had it not been for the evil influence of Huang Chung, formerly VicePresident of the Board of War. This man, who entertained a fierce hatred of all Mohammedans, won over the Governor of the province to his policy of a general Mohammedan massacre. The Viceroy, overpowered by the Governor, the Provincial Treasurer, and Provincial Judge, committed suicide by way of protest, and thus unfortunately left his power and his seal in the hands of the murderous party.

May 19, 1856, was fixed upon as this Mohammedan St. Bartholomew’s Day, and secret orders were sent to the various officials throughout the province. The news, THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 181 however, came to the ears of the Mohammedans, and after the first massacre of some three hundred Moslem families at the small market town of Ningchow, when not only were the people killed, but their homes and mosques burned, the Mohammedans arose as one man to avenge and defend themselves. An old Imam of Talifu, named Ma Teh-hsing, who was greatly respected by his co-religionists, was appointed as Mohammedan leader.1 Being an old man, he appointed one of his nephews, named Ma Hsien,’ who was a military graduate and a man of considerable energy, to assist him in all military service. Even now a peaceable settlement might have been possible but for the sudden massacre of some seven hundred Mohammedan families in Yunnanfu, together with a number of Mohammedan graduates who were present in the capital for the examinations.

The slaughter which followed was truly terrible. The Chinese, though in greater number than their Moslem antagonists, became paralysed with fear in the presence of the energy and fierce wrath of their enemies. The whole province now entered in earnest into a deadly civil strife, and one writer who was present in the province at the time estimates that no less than a million people were slain. Trade was destroyed, thousands fled, while desolation and war reigned on every hand.

The conflict soon assumed the following situation. With the old Imam, Ma Teh-hsing, as supreme leader of the Mohammedan party, Ma Hsien made Kwanyi his 1 M. Devéria, in Origine de l’Islamisme en Chine, and M. Rocher, who personally met him, give some interesting details about this man, who is also named Ma Fu-tsou. During the years 1839-1846 he visited Mecca, Constantinople, and many other Moslem centres. In addition to some works on astronomy and geography, he published in Arabic a short work summarising the pilgrimages made to Mecca by Chinese Moslems. A Chinese translation of this was made by his disciple, Ma An-li, entitled Ch’ao-kin-tou-ki. A facsimile page is reproduced by M. Devéria. It is a real curiosity, for the text is in Chinese and all placenames in Arabic, the translator evidently having no satisfactory Chinese geographical nomenclature.

This was the brother of the man killed as previously mentioned. He was subsequently known under the name of Ma Ru-lung, as will be mentioned later.182 ISLAM IN CHINA centre of operations. Kwanyi is a small place south of the capital, and about thirty miles north of Linanfu, and is of great strategic importance. In the west, Tu Wen-siu (Sultan Suleiman), a man of remarkable energy and great reputation, captured Talifu, where he was joined by many of the Aborigines, who were only too ready to avenge themselves upon the Chinese for wrongs they had received in the past. In his desire to secure Mohammedan recruits from Tibet, Tu Wen-siu issued a proclamation in Lhassa itself. This proclamation is prefaced with a quotation from the Koran, and announces the overthrow of the polytheistic Chinese and the erection of a kingdom of true believers “as single-hearted as Abu Bekr and as bold as Ali.” The document is said to be in good Arabic. It is certainly a remarkable proclamation to publish in Lhassa, the stronghold of a polytheistic creed.

The importance of Talifu as a strategic centre, and as the headquarters of this rebellion for sixteen years, cannot be exaggerated. Mr. E. Colborne Baber gives the following description of this important stronghold :“Talifu is renowned as the strongest hold of western Yunnan, and it certainly must have been impregnable to bow and spear. From the western margin of its majestic lake, which lies approximately north and south, rises a sloping plain about three miles’ average breadth, closed in by the huge wall of the Tien-tsang mountains. In the midst of this plain stands the city, the lake at its feet, the snowy summits at its back. On either flank, at about twelve and six miles’ distance respectively, are situated Shangkuan and Hsia-kuan (upper and lower passes), two strongly fortified towns guarding the confined strip between mountain and lake; for the plain narrows at the two extremities, and is intersected by a river at both points.

1 See Article, Edinburgh Review, 1868.

• Royal Geographical Society’s Supplementary Papers, vol. i. p 155.

THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 133 “Shang-kuan we had not time to visit. Hsia-kuan, built on a river to which it gives its name, is circled by a labyrinth of walls. One long arm of masonry even follows the right bank of the river into a gorge through which the high road passes, and there finds an appropriate terminal in a solitary tower of native rock. These two outflanking fortresses constitute the strength of Talifu.

“That city is a more or less regular square of one mile and a quarter, surrounded in the usual manner by a high wall backed with earth. Of itself it is neither stronger nor weaker than other Chinese cities; but so long as Shang-kuan and Hsia-kuan are held, it is unapproachable except by the snowy passes in its rear. It was by these passes, we are told, that the Mohammedan insurgents succeeded in capturing the place. The long, narrow plain, some eighteen miles by three, celebrated as the most fertile rice ground in Yunnan, affords the garrison and people an abundant harvest of provisions, and the lake never fails to supply a plentiful tribute of excellent fish.” In following the different stages of this conflict, it is necessary to remember that the Chinese Central Government were at the same time overwhelmed with the Taiping rebellion; with Great Britain’s second opium war, leading up to the occupation of Peking by the Allies; and were upon the verge of the Tungan rebellion in the north-west. This last-mentioned rebellion broke out in 1861 whilst the Yunnan troubles were at their height. To all this may be added the Chinese suspicion of British intentions in Burma. Distracted by these almost overwhelming catastrophes on every hand, the metropolitan authorities could do little to aid the most distant province of the empire, and consequently full power was left to the local officials, who, however, had few resources.

Ma Hsien, in the east, had been able to relieve a number of Mohammedan villages which had been besieged by the Chinese, and at the same time he had reduced 184 ISLAM IN CHINA several cities to submission. In the west, Tu Wen-siu had made himself master of nearly half the province. Among the imperial officials at Yunnanfu many changes had taken place, and the city had already been besieged by the Mohammedan forces. Ma Hsien, though wounded several times, carried forward the campaign with great vigour, and captured the cities of Tunghai, Kunyang, Haikow, Anning, Laoyakwan, Lufeng, Kwantung, and at last the prefectural city of Tsuyang, where the Chinese were all slaughtered.

The capture of this prefectural city had important consequences, for it not only greatly encouraged the Mohammedan troops, but placed a large sum of money in their hands and enabled the two armies to make a juncture. Later, Chengkiang, Tsinningchow, Chengkunghsien surrendered to them. In the west, Tu Wensiu had brought the greater part of the province under a regular administration. Trade had revived, and regular caravans came and went between his capital, Talifu, and Burma. Tu Wen-siu now adopted the title of Generalissimo (Yüan Shuai).

Ma Teh-hsing again commenced a vigorous siege of the capital. This was pressed with all earnestness, and the imperial troops being greatly discouraged, the number of refugees within the city being great, the capital was at length reduced to terrible straits. The Imperial Commander-in-chief, pressed beyond measure, at length opened negotiations with Ma Hsien to learn his terms of surrender. Huang Chung, the originator of the Mohammedan St. Bartholomew’s, seeing that his schemes had failed, committed suicide, and had the old Imam been ambitious he could easily have made himself master of the greater part of the province, so that with Tu Wen-siu at Talifu, and himself at the capital, the province of Yunnan would have become two independent Mohammedan kingdoms.

THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 185 The issues were momentous. A crisis of the greatest importance had certainly arrived, but Ma Teh-sing and Ma Hsien, either knowing that their successes could not be permanent, or only desiring peace and security for the followers of Islam, did not seek revenge. The imperial commander-in-chief, finding his enemies open to negotiations, followed a not uncommon custom in China of offering the leaders, with their subordinate officers, official rank and honours if they would come over to the imperial side. The old Imam, Ma Te-hsing refused all rank, but accepted a monthly pension of two hundred taels, while Ma Hsien was appointed Brigadier-General (Ch’en-T’ai) to the imperial troops, with adequate rank to his inferior officers. To the honour of Ma Hsien, and in utter contrast to the subsequent policy of the imperial party, the Mohammedans kept their compact, and the capital was entered in November 1860 without any act of violence being committed by the victorious troops.

To gain the approval of Peking to the arrangement made, Ma Hsien was persuaded to change his name to Ma Ru-lung, and in this guise he was represented to the Central Government as the saviour of the city and not as the notorious rebel leader. Peking, embarrassed with the Taiping and Tungan rebellions, was only too glad to obtain peace at almost any price, and confirmed what had been arranged.

The settlement, however, did not bring peace to the province, though this division in the ranks of the Mohammedans led to the ultimate downfall of the Mohammedan party some thirteen years later. It is difficult to pass a judgment upon this settlement at Yunnanfu. Tu Wen-siu in the west regarded the old Imam, Ma Teh-hsing, and Ma Ru-lung, as he will now be called, as traitors to the cause of Islam. In addition, the Prefect of Linanfu refused to recognise such a settlement, on the part of the provincial authorities, with the Mohammedan enemies, 186 ISLAM IN CHINA and declared himself independent of the provincial government, which separate attitude he maintained for many years.

From the standpoint of Islam the conduct of Ma Tehhsing and Ma Ru-lung was of course inexcusable, but from the standpoint of the provincial well-being, they certainly did the best thing, though subsequent events proved that the provincial authorities were unworthy of their magnanimous settlement. The absence of loyalty and cohesion amongst the Chinese Mohammedans may be illustrated by the following quotation from Major H. R. Davies’ book, Yunnan. Referring to the ferry which crosses the Mekong at Kali, five days from Yunchow, he mentions that it was in charge of a retired highway robber. Being “a Mohammedan by religion, he naturally sided with his own people in the Panthay rebellion, but towards the end, being a prudent and far-seeing man, he recognised how things were going and went over to the Chinese side. So zealous did he show himself in the slaying of his former brothers-in-arms that the Chinese governor rewarded him by granting him official rank and a small piece of country to rule. Such instances of treachery on the Mohammedan side were very common all through the rebellion.” About this time several changes were made in the personnel of the officials. Lin, the Governor, resigned his office, and was subsequently beheaded for irregular conduct. P’an, the Viceroy, was invited to enter the capital and assume office, which he did; and Ts’en Yüying, a sub-prefect, was appointed chief treasurer (Fant’ai), while Hsü Yüan-chi was appointed governor. The death of the Emperor, Hsien Feng, in August 1861, also took place, but this did not materially affect the situation.

Ma Ru-lung, the former Mohammedan leader (Ma Hsien), had now become virtual chief of the imperial forces and had practically arranged the change of offices THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 187 mentioned above. His appointment of Ts’en Yü-ying as provincial treasurer was really a calamity. During the local rising in the capital, the Viceroy P’an was assassinated, Hsü, the Governor, lost his reason, and Ts’en, who subsequently proved himself to be treacherous and inhuman to a degree, obtained the post of Governor of the province. This man, who to the end of the rebellion wrought entirely for his own advancement, showed himself to be the jealous partisan of Ma Ru-lung who had first raised him from obscurity, and the very incarnation of brutality and baseness.1 Ma Teh-hsing, the old Moslem leader, temporarily held the post of Viceroy and went in person-his position as a Hadji enabling him to do so-to negotiate with Tu Wen-siu at Talifu. His visit, however, was in vain, and the second stage of this great rebellion proceeded in dead earnest. The suppression of the Taiping rebellion, with the help of Gordon, in 1864, enabled the Central Government to concentrate its attention on the two Mohammedan rebellions, the one now raging in the north-west, and the other in Yunnan. Strengthened by the aid of the Mohammedans who had joined the Imperial side, the chief problem lay in the reduction of Talifu, though Kwanyi was still the Mohammedan strategic centre in the west.

1 In our sketch we follow the detailed story as told by M. Rocher, who personally met Governor Ts’en Yü-ying, but, desiring to be impartial, we quote the following lines from Mr. George Clarke’s little book on the province. He states: “Six li from the city (Talifu) the scholars erected two marble tablets to the honour of Governor Ts’en and Yang Yü-kou (Ts’en’s subordinate). The former did not estrange the hearts of the people from him, but the latter by his life did, and this is shown by the way in which some persons have treated these tablets. The former’s name is hardly touched, while the latter is knocked out by repeated stone-throwing.” It is of course necessary in estimating any man’s character to remember his national environment. All persons acquainted with Chinese history will remember the perfidy of Li Hung-chang, which so aroused Gordon’s indignation. Wholesale massacre of the defeated foe was the policy on both sides in all Chinese rebellions, and has characterised Chinese history in the past. The contrast manifest in professedly Christian nations is a great testimony to the power of Christianity.

188 ISLAM IN CHINA In the years of conflict which followed, the Imperial troops at times pressed Talifu hard, while upon several occasions the Mohammedans in their turn besieged Yunnanfu. In 1867 the Viceroy died, probably by poison, and thus Ts’en Yü-ying became acting Viceroy, and thus had Ma Ru-lung practically under his direction. In 1868 Tu Wen-siu seized the salt wells to the north of the capital, and by this stroke not only deprived the Imperialists of important means of wealth, but cut off all their communication with Szechwan, while the Mohammedan party on their part obtained through Burma fire-arms and ammunition of British, German, and French manufacture. The value of Burma to the rebels doubtless caused the Imperial Government to view with disapproval any attempt on the part of foreigners to open an entry into China that way, and indirectly had something to do with the subsequent murder of Margary.

During the years 1868-1869, Yunnanfu was subjected to a terrible siege which reduced the city to great straits, and for a time it looked as though Tu Wen-siu might make himself master of the whole province. The Mohammedan troops who had with Ma Ru-lung gone over to the Imperial side were unwilling to fight their co-religionists, and a mutiny was only stamped out by the execution of a number of their officers. Had Ma Ru-lung proved disloyal to his agreement with the Imperialists, the Mohammedan cause could hardly have failed to carry all before it. His loyalty to the Government, and Ts’en’s treachery against the Mohammedans, stand out in striking contrast. Of course the one had much to gain and the other everything to lose.

Had Tu Wen-siu conducted this siege in person he might even yet have been successful. But living at Talifu in a magnificent palace with walls inlaid with marble, ornamented with elaborate carvings and rich gildings, among which were large white marble slabs THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 189 with quotations from the Koran engraved in gold,’ he left the direct conduct of affairs at the front to Ta Sijung. This leader through age and indisposition failed to show the energy necessary, and through the prolonged siege the ardour of his troops wearied and he himself at last sickened and died. This slackness brought about Tu Wen-siu’s downfall. Precious time had been lost, and Ma Ru-lung succeeded in winning over many of the enemy, and at last the Imperial Red Flag was seen floating among some of the besiegers in place of the Mohammedan White Standard.

Had the conduct of affairs been left in the hands of Ma Ru-lung, it is probable that large numbers of the Mohammedans would have deserted from their own cause, but the inhuman cruelties and wholesale slaughter of the surrendered rebels effectually stopped submissions for many months.

From this point onward the campaign consisted of slowly pressing back the Mohammedan troops into Talifu for the final siege. The reader must not picture to himself a series of pitched battles, but rather a succession of sieges. All the country had been occupied by the Mohammedan forces, and as taxes had been paid in kind and not in silver, every village and city had been victualled for a prolonged resistance.

The Imperial army was divided into four divisions under the four leaders, Yang Yü-ko, Li Sin-ku, Ma Rulung, and the governor, Ts’en Yü-ying. City after city fell, sometimes only after a prolonged resistance, and wherever the governor Ts’en could make his presence felt, his policy was one of heartless and wholesale slaughter. M. Rocher, who reached the stage of conflict about this time, tells us how, at the fall of the prefectural city of Chengkiang, thousands of Mohammedan women committed suicide by throwing themselves and their 1 George Clarke, The Province of Yunnan.

140 ISLAM IN CHINA children down the wells, while some five thousand women who refrained from self-slaughter suffered all the violence of the soldiers. The whole city was given over to loot and massacre. There is no need to pursue in detail the sickening tale of bloodshed as city after city fell. Chengkiang is a type of others, and the full details which will be given of Talifu will be more than sufficient to indicate the policy pursued elsewhere.

Dr. Anderson stated that the desolate and ruined villages which he saw, and the almost unbroken line of deserted towns, villages, and hamlets were incontrovertible evidence of the relentless ferocity with which the rebellion was prosecuted. From what he observed, he concluded that the Mohammedan fury was mainly directed against the Buddhist temples and monasteries, for so far as his personal observations enabled him to judge, very few had escaped.

In 1871 Tu Wen-siu, perceiving that the campaign was going against him, sent his son Hassan to England via Burma to ask for aid. “The envoys sent by the Panthay Sultan in 1871 carried with them pieces of rock hewn from the four corners of the mountain as the most formal expression of his desire to become feudatory to the British Crown. Our unsentimental Foreign Office, blind to romantic symbolism, would not suffer them to be extricated from the bonded warehouses of the Customs; yet it seems unlikely that the tariff includes among forbidden imports the sacred rock of the golden teeth.“1 From London, Hassan proceeded to Constantinople, but being disappointed in all his hopes, returned to the East to find Talifu fallen and his father dead.

Those who know the province intimately state that there is little doubt that the real or supposed sympathy shown to the Mohammedan Pretender by the British and others during this rebellion is responsible for much of the 1 E. C. Baber, Geographical Society’s Supplementary Papers, vol. i. p. 162.

THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 141 ill-will subsequently manifested towards the foreigners by the Chinese authorities of the province.

In 1872 Tu Wen-siu had concentrated all his troops in and around Talifu for the final stand. As has been already explained, his position was exceedingly strong if only the two passes, Sia-kwan and Shang-kwan, were properly held. The attack upon Sia-kwan was entrusted to Yang Yü-ko; and the governor of the province, eager to be present at the fall of the city, hastened the surrender of Kwanyi, the Mohammedan centre in the east, by his customary policy of fair promises and subsequent massacre. With Kwanyi in his hands he hastened west, just in time to organise the final scene of bloodshed.

The fall of Talifu is another example of Mohammedan disloyalty, as well as of Chinese treachery. Yang Yü-ko, unable to reduce Sia-kwan by assault or siege, seduced Tung Fei-lung, who had been entrusted with its defence, to open the gates in the hope of thus rehabilitating himself with the Imperial Government, and soon the Mohammedans of Talifu saw with horror the Red Flag of the Imperial party floating from the impregnable key to their plain and city. The traitor, however, and all who sided with him, gained nothing by their perfidy, for they were all immediately decapitated.

Within Talifu itself counsel was divided. One party, quoting the case of Kwanyi, argued for resistance to the uttermost; but the other party, who had already received promises from the governor Ts’en that only the head of Tu Wen-siu and a money ransom would be demanded, succeeded at last in carrying the day, and in token of their surrender, handed over to Yang Yü-ko the seal of Tu Wen-siu.1 1 This seal was of gold, and weighed eighty-six ounces, being worth about £500. The handle had the design of a lion with a ruby in its mouth, and the impress was in Arabic and Chinese characters. A facsimile of the impress is given by M. Rocher on the title-page of his work, La Province chinoise du Yunnan.142 ISLAM IN CHINA Tu Wen-siu, who had been practically Sultan of half Yunnan for sixteen years, now found himself deserted. Willing to surrender his life if only he could spare his people, he poisoned his three wives and five daughters, threw into the lake all his most valuable possessions, dressed himself in his best robes, and set forth on January 15, 1878, in his yellow sedan chair, such as Emperors alone are allowed to use. Before entering the audience chamber where the four delegates were who were to escort him to governor Ts’en, he swallowed a ball of opium and, some say, gold leaf also.

Following the narrative as given by Mr. E. C. Baber, Tu Wen-siu, when ushered into the presence of the imperial commander, “begged for a cup of water,” which being given him, he said, “I have nothing to ask but this -spare the people (Shao-sha-ren).” He then drank the water, and almost immediately expired. “It appears that he had taken poison, which was suddenly brought into action by the water. His head was immediately cut off and exposed, and heedless of his prayer-probably the most impressive and pathetic ever uttered by a dying patriot-the victors proceeded to massacre the helpless garrison and town-folk.” The city gates had been closed to prevent the escape of the population, and three or four Chinese soldiers had been quartered with each Mohammedan family. The governor, Ts’en, under pretext of celebrating the capitulation by a feast, invited all the Mohammedan leaders to attend. As these men were entering the banqueting hall they were set upon and beheaded, after which, at a preconcerted signal-the firing of six guns-the general massacre in the city commenced. The scenes that followed were indescribable. In every home the soldiers slew those who were giving them hospitality, so that in the city and suburbs and villages of Laoyang and Takiao, the dead were counted by thousands, and the soldiers, • THE YUNNAN REBELLIONS 143 weary at last of slaughter, commenced to fire the houses, and then shoot the poor wretches who sought safety in flight.

M. Rocher states that of the fifty thousand persons found within the city, some thirty thousand perished. The governor glorying in his successes sent twenty-four baskets containing ten thousand pairs of human ears, with the heads of seventeen leaders, to the capital as proof of his victory. The head of Tu Wen-siu was preserved in honey and forwarded to Peking. Hundreds if not thousands perished in the lake,’ and Mr. Baber when he visited Talifu says: “We found lodging in a caravanserai of more than average dampness and discomfort which had been the scene of a horrible episode of massacre; nearly one thousand Mohammedan partisans (all our informants agree in the number), mostly men who had laid down their arms, were here pent up by the Imperialists and deliberately butchered.” Some five or six thousand Mohammedans under cover of darkness and while the Imperialists were busy with loot, managed to escape from the city and fell back upon Menghwating, which was about twenty miles away. These men, knowing that whatever fair promises might be made them, no quarter was really to be hoped for, determined rather to die than surrender. Consequently, when the Imperialists reached that city, all the women and children were poisoned and the city set on fire. The gates were then thrown open, and the desperate band of Mohammedans perished fighting amid the flames. With the subsequent fall of Tengyüeh, in June 1878, this terrible episode in Chinese history came to an end.

How many hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children lost their lives in these eighteen years will probably never be known. But for the cruel policy of Huang Chong, which prevailed at the capital when the 1 Reports vary from five hundred to nine thousand.

144 ISLAM IN CHINA troubles in the mines broke out, and the insatiable love of slaughter of governor Ts’en1 during the latter’s years of the rebellion, the story might have been very different. Of the misery of those days and of the sufferings which followed none can adequately tell. Numberless villages and even cities practically ceased to exist, and M. Dupres relates how he himself saw Mohammedan women and children and booty all sold together in a veritable bazaar outside the governor’s yamen. The animosity felt against the Mohammedans was such that Mr. George Clarke, writing twelve years after the rebellion had closed, stated that at Talifu the Mohammedans were not even allowed to open shops, and this policy has been on the whole the general rule up to the present time. To this day “the ruins still to be seen in many parts of the province tell the sad tale of how fearful the struggle must have been, and with the exception of the capital, Yunnanfu, the province has not even yet recovered all its former prosperity.” 1 Ts’en yü-ying is, we believe, the father of Ts’en Ch’en-hung, recent Governor of Hunan during the Changsha riots.

2 J. M’Carthy, in The Chinese Empire, 1907.

THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 145 L “We know not what dreams may have entered the mind of the staunch Mussulman in his palace at Kashgar of uniting in one crusade against China all the followers of the Prophet in Central Asia, and of emulating the deeds of some of his predecessors who had carried fire and sword into the border provinces of China, and whom even the Great Wall could not withstand. Over these bright imaginings, arising from tales told of the decadence of China, we know not how much Yakoob Beg may have brooded as he saw his power spread eastward through fifteen degrees of longitude, through Aksu to Kucha, Kucha to Korla, Korla to Karashar, and Karashar to Turfan, until from his far outpost at Chightam he could almost see the rich cities of Hamil and Barkul, cities which are the key to Western China and Northern Tibet, and imagine them to be within his grasp."-D. C. BOULGER, Life of Yakoob Beg.

146 CHAPTER IX THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS THE story of the entry of Mohammedanism into the north-west regions of China has been already told. In this chapter we are concerned mainly with the rebellions which, from time to time, have raged in that distant territory.

Considerable controversy has centred around the name Tungan or Dungan, by which the Mohammedans of these parts are designated, in contradistinction to the Chinese Buddhists who are spoken of as Khitay. Dr. Bretschneider in his Mediaeval Geography has devoted two or three pages to a discussion about this name, and concludes by saying that “all attempts to explain the word Tungan and its origin have proved to be unsatisfactory.” Professor E. H. Parker comes to the same conclusion, but Arminious Vambery, the famous Hungarian orientalist, however, states that Tungan in the Turki language, as spoken in Turkistan, means “convert,” and this explanation has been confirmed by M. de Thiersant, who has made many inquiries concerning it from Chinese Mohammedan priests.

1 Mediaeval Geography, p. 125 et seq.

China and Religion, p. 150.

3 De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 163.

Also T. W. Arnold, Preaching of Islam, p. 247. It is probable that they were a distinct race, for missionaries state their features are not purely Chinese, though the name may be as Vambery suggests. The term is now frequently used in a generic sense for Chinese Moslems of northwest China.

147 148 ISLAM IN CHINA Vambery affirms that in 1865 A.D., about one million Tungans were spread throughout Ili as far as Hami, and that they were Chinese who had preserved their language, and who had been converted to the Shafite sect by an Arab taken by Timour from Damas in Central Asia during the fifteenth century. These Chinese were, he believes, the ancient military colonists called Tun-ren, which the Chinese employed to guard their frontiers. The many Manchu and other colonists, who were sent by the Emperor, K’ien Lung, in 1770 A.D., to re-people the country, embraced Islam and considerably increased the number of Tungans.

In the previous chapter it has been stated, on the authority of so prominent a sinologue as Professor H. E. Parker, that previous to the establishment of the present (Ta-ts’ing) dynasty there is no record of any religious uprising on the part of the Mohammedans. The first outbreak, however, followed very rapidly upon the advent of this new power for, in 1648 A.D., & Mohammedan of the name of Mi Lo-yu of Lanchowfu, the present capital of Kansu, raised a revolt and murdered both the governor of the province and the commanding general of the Chinese troops. He made himself master of the important cities of Lanchow, Hochow, Ninghiafu, and besieged the then capital of the province. The governor of Shensi marched against him, and defeated the Mohammedans, and the leaders, Mi and Ting, were cut in pieces. Two years later there was another outbreak at the prefectural city of Kungchang, when many Moslems were slain.2 Nothing of importance is recorded until the year 1781 A.D., when the Emperor, Yung Chen, forbade, in the interests of agriculture, the slaughter of oxen. The Mohammedans protested that being unable to eat pork, 1 De Thiersant, Le Mahométisme en Chine, vol. i. p. 163.

2 Ibid. vol. i. P. 233.

THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 149 by reason of their religion, such a decree subjected them to unwarrantable restriction of diet. Their protest called forth the following Imperial edict from the Emperor and is of value as throwing light upon the condition of the Mohammedans at that time.

“In every province of the empire, for many centuries past, have been found a large number of Mohammedans who form part of the people whom I regard as my own children just as I do my other subjects. I make no distinction between them and those who do not belong to their religion. I have received from certain officials secret complaints against the Mohammedans on the ground that their religion differs from that of the other Chinese; that they do not speak the same language, and that they wear a different dress to the rest of the people. They are accused of disobedience, haughtiness, and rebellious feelings, and I have been asked to employ severe measures against them.

“After examining these complaints and accusations, I have discovered that there is no foundation for them. In fact, the religion followed by the Mussulmans is that of their ancestors; it is true that their religion is not the same as that of the rest of the Chinese, but what a multitude of different dialects there are in China. As to their temples, dress, and manner of writing, which differ from those of the other Chinese, these are matters of absolutely no importance. These are matters of custom. They bear as good a character as my other subjects, and there is nothing to show that they intend to rebel.

“It is my wish, therefore, that they should be left in the free exercise of their religion, whose object is to teach men the observance of a moral life, and the fulfilment of social and civil duties. This religion respects the fundamental basis of Government, and what more can be asked for? If then the Mohammedans will continue to conduct themselves as good and loyal subjects, my favour 150 ISLAM IN CHINA will be extended towards them just as much as towards my other children. From among them have come many civil and military officers, who have risen to the very highest ranks. This is the best proof that they have adopted our habits and customs, and have learned to conform themselves to the precepts of our sacred books. They pass their examinations in literature just like every one else, and perform the sacrifices enjoined by law. In a word, they are true members of the great Chinese family, and endeavour always to fulfil their religious, civil, and political duties. When the magistrates have a civil case brought before them, they should not concern themselves with the religion of the litigants. There is but one single law for all my subjects. Those who do good shall be rewarded, and those who do evil shall be punished.“1 In 1785 A.D. some six thousand Salar families, living near Hochow in Kansu, rose against the local authority. Of all Mohammedans the Salars are said to least assimilate with the Chinese. They resent the wearing of the queue. According to the late Archimandrite Palladius, they were Uigurs of Hami, and spoke a dialect akin to Turki.’ The rising was soon crushed, but though local it gave rise to somewhat serious results. The Imperial Government forbade henceforth their pilgrimages to Mecca, and also prohibited the coming of Mullahs to Chinese soil, andwithdrew permission for the building of mosques. These strict regulations fettered the Mohammedans’ liberty until 1868 A.D., when they rose en masse.

The Salar rising of 1785 A.D., just referred to, also 1 De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 154-6. Quoted also in Arnold’s Preaching of Islam, p. 254.

Ibid. vol. i. p. 234. Archimandrite Palladius has given details of this rising in his Russian Memoir; also Ekvall, Tibetan Outposts, p. 174. The Edinburgh Review, 1868 (Mr. A. Wylie), speaks of the Uigurs as a Turkish race deported from Kashgaria and settled in Kansu and Shensi in the eighth century. Originally Buddhists they followed the example of their famous Prince Sartook Bookra Khan and embraced Islam. Strange to say this article, as also Sven Hedin’s Through Asia, uses the word Salar as though it were a place-name and not a people. See also page 262.

THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 151 called forth two Imperial edicts which are of interest as throwing light upon the Mohammedan situation both in Kansu and in Shensi. From the edict directly referring to the Kansu rising, we learn that it originated with the object of establishing a new sect. The Red Caps (Shiite) and White Caps (Sunnite) are differentiated,’ and the Mohammedans of Ili are spoken of as the old sect, but the new sect is promised consideration if they submit to the restrictions of regular government.’ The other edict is in response to a memorial from the governor of Shensi, from which we learn that at that time the province of Shensi had a considerable Mohammedan population, with many fortified villages (Ch’ai). Sinanfu is stated to have from four to five thousand Mohammedan families with seven mosques, most of which were said to have been built under the T’ang dynasty. The Emperor commanded that there should be no partiality on the part of the officials, but that justice should be administered to all, whether Mohammedan or Buddhist, irrespective of religious distinctions. The Mohammedans are assured that they have nothing to fear in consequence of the suppression of the Salar Mohammedan revolt in Kansu, if they themselves maintain order, but they are strictly warned against any attempt to rise.

?? freet From the date of these edicts up till 1862 A.D., the last fyear of Hien Feng’s reign, there is nothing recorded of special note. In this last mentioned year, however, there broke out the great Mohammedan insurrection of the north-west, which is comparable only to the Panthay rebellion in the south, and lasted from 1862 to 1876 A.D. The origin of this trouble is somewhat obscure, but in the brief account which is here given we follow the facts as stated by M. de Thiersant, who states that he only obtained the information through Mohammedan sources IE. H. Parker, China and Religion, and China Review, vol. i. p. 197. ‘De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 234.

Ibid. vol. i. p. 157.

.::152 ISLAM IN CHINA with much difficulty. In the subsequent developments we have made free use of Boulger’s Short History of China and his detailed Life of Yakoob Beg.

In 1861 A.D. some rebels who had been devastating the province of Szechwan invaded Shensi. Some have asserted that these rebels were connected with the Taiping Rebellion, but that is uncertain. To resist them the people of Shensi organised their local militia, the Mohammedan militia keeping themselves distinct from the Chinese troops under their own leaders. The rebels were successful in capturing the city of Weinanhsien, situated on the river some thirty English miles east of the capital. The Mohammedan militia from the neighbouring city of Hwachow marched against them and re-took the city, in which they found considerable treasure, either brought by the rebels as booty from Szechwan or abandoned by the original inhabitants of the city who had fled. This stroke of good fortune on the part of the Mohammedans created envy in the minds of the native Chinese militia who claimed at least a share of their gains. This was refused, and thus was engendered bitter feelings of antagonism, which only needed a suitable opportunity to lead to strife.

The occasion was not long in arriving. In a small town named Hiaoyi, dependent on Weinanhsien, the Mohammedans cut down some bamboo in a small wood without having obtained the permission of the proprietor. When complaint was made they replied that what they had done was for the making of lances to be used in the common interest of all. The mandarin was appealed to, but he, not daring himself to punish the delinquents, advocated a general massacre, with the result that all the Mohammedans of a village named Tsinkia were attacked and put to the sword.’ 1 Colonel Mark Bell, V.C., C.B., in his two articles on the Tungan Rebellion, which occur in The Asiatic Quarterly Review for January and July 1896, gives other explanations. One is that the Mohammedan troops in Kansu, entrusted with the work of preventing the Taiping Rebellion spreading to that province, THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 158 The Mohammedans throughout the whole district arose, and on the 17th of the 4th moon of the 1st year of the new Emperor Tong Chi, there broke out in and around Hwachow a terrible slaughter which lasted for three days and nights. The Imperial troops who arrived upon the scene were defeated, and soon the whole province was in a blaze. Peking, hearing of these troubles and fearing their inability to suppress the outbreak by force, first tried conciliation. Two high officials were despatched, the one, Tsang Peh, a native of Shensi who had been a Han-lin from the age of twenty-six and subsequently governor of Shantung; and Ma Peh-ling, who was a Mohammedan Tao-tai. Tsang Peh was soon assassinated by a Mohammedan fanatic, and the Emperor in rage ordered the total extermination of all the Mohammedans of the Shensi province, and charged the Tartar General To with the execution of this decree.

The Emperor had been led to this dreadful decision, not only by the facts mentioned above, but also by a serious incident which had occurred at Sinanfu, the capital. In many parts of the north-west, Tungan soldiers formed part of the Chinese garrison. At Sinanfu the Tungan soldiers had a quarrel with their Tartar colleagues, of whom some were wounded. The local authorities attempted to punish the Tungan delinquents, who thereupon took up arms and joined their coreligionists of Hwachow. By this combine, and by the disloyalty of part of the garrison of the capital, the outbreak assumed much more alarming proportions.

Partly by force and partly by intrigue, General To succeeded in driving the rebels into the neighbouring found their homes rifled by their heathen brethren, and in retaliation raised the standard of revolt. In another account he attributes it to the Mohammedan leaning towards the Taiping Rebellion. It is possible these all had some part in causing the trouble. Doubtless the Panthay Rebellion would excite the Tungans and predispose them to revolt.

154 ISLAM IN CHINA province of Kansu, where they concentrated around the city of Lingchow. In the meantime the Chinese troops stationed at the prefectural city of Kunchang had massacred the Mohammedans of the city and suburbs. Immediately all the Mohammedans of the Kansu province arose en masse, and it was not long ere some thirty thousand of the sixty thousand troops charged with the protection of Hami and Urumchi, in the present province of Sinkiang, joined the rebels. These rebellious troops found the merchants and farmers of Sinkiang sympathetic, and in this way the Tungan ranks soon mustered a very large and formidable force.

The Imperial troops found themselves hopelessly defeated, and the victorious Mohammedans divided themselves into two bands and made themselves masters of the two routes north and south of the Tienshan range. General To, who sought to arrange terms with the Mohammedan rebels by the employment of two prominent Mullahs who acted as intermediaries, failed. Annoyed that his agents had not been more successful, he beheaded them. This action only the more inflamed the anger of the Tungans, who again defeated the Imperial troops and decapitated General To.

Every effort on the part of the Chinese Imperial troops failed until the famous General, Tso Chung-t’ang, appeared upon the scene about 1870 A.D. Tso was a native of Hunan who had shown himself conspicuously successful in dealing with the Taipings. In a little time he had pacified the provinces of Shensi and Kansu, and had it not been that the rebellions in these two provinces had encouraged a similar outbreak in the far west, it would not have attracted much attention. The subsequent developments, however, severed the Chinese provinces of Central Asia from the Empire for a period of several years. Before proceeding to briefly relate the events connected with that far distant region, we must THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 155 note the fact that Sinanfu had been besieged by the rebel bands for the three years 1867-1870 A.D. Although reduced to great straits the city was not taken, as the insurgents had no cannon.

The Mohammedan rebels were chiefly confined to the suburbs of all the cities, and most of the walled towns on the main roads of the province were able to resist them. It is stated by those who visited the province soon after the rebellion, that the soldiers and not the insurgents destroyed and looted the villages and devastated the country. Rebel bands scoured the country and great distress and even cannibalism are said to have prevailed. Colonel Bell affirms that the population of Kansu was reduced from 15,000,000 to 1,000,000, and that nine out of every ten Chinese were supposed to have been killed, and two out of every three Mohammedans. These figures may be somewhat overstated, but in an extended journey through the province he states that “all the villages and farmsteads for miles and miles in all directions were in ruins, and the huge culturable hills were for the most part deserted.” It is necessary now to transfer our attention to the events which were proceeding in the far west, and which were partly the outcome of the preceding historical complications of that district, and partly the result of the Tungan rising in the east already recorded. The political conditions which obtained in Kashgaria and its contiguous territory prior to its conquest by China in 1760 A.D., need not be detailed here. At the date just mentioned China’s aid had been sought to settle some local quarrels, with the result that China responded, but only to take possession of the country herself and form it into a military province with a governor stationed at Ili. The Tartar General, residing at Kuldja, had thirty-four Ambans under him with 60,000 troops.

In the government of this territory the Chinese, who 156 ISLAM IN CHINA retained the supreme command in their own hands, allowed the Mohammedan leaders to manage the local affairs of their own people, and for many years this system served the country well. No disturbance of importance is reported for more than half a century. The Khodjas, however, who had been defeated and expatriated by China in 1760 A.D., settled at Khokand, and thence, as opportunity allowed, intrigued against their old enemy. Khokandis came and settled in that country, and China subsequently allowed the government of Khokand to appoint its own agents or tax collectors to arrange the levy upon their own people. The intervention of this third party eventually succeeded in establishing a formidable opposition to the Chinese Throne, after at least four unsuccessful attempts. The Tungan revolt in Kansu and Shensi, and the serious defeat of the Chinese army by these rebels at Taraussa, which is situated some little distance north-east of Ansichow, gave them their long-looked-for opportunity.

All the cities garrisoned by the Chinese north and south of the Tienshan range, fell into the hands of the Tungans with the exception of Yarkand, Kashgar, and Yangihissar. The successful Tungans, having no great leader to unite them, soon broke up into numerous petty states with local Moslem leaders. The Chinese garrisons at Yarkand, Kashgar, and Yangihissar, unable now to obtain help from the Central Government, shut themselves up in their citadels, and the Chinese governor at Yarkand, knowing that there were many Tungan soldiers among his own Imperial troops, held a council of war to discuss the best mode of procedure. Fearing that these Tungan levies might ‘prove disloyal in the day of battle, he advocated their massacre, but the Tungans themselves, getting wind of the plot against them, surprised the Chinese troops during the night, murdered more than two thousand of them, and then opened the gates of the THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 157 citadel and entered the city, where they founded an independent government. The Chinese governor of the citadel, knowing that relief by China was hopeless and being subsequently hard pressed to surrender, gathered his family and men together, and then throwing his lighted pipe into the powder magazine, perished with all his company.

In the events which followed, Yakoob Beg came from Khokand in 1864 A.D., as a subordinate officer with some sixty odd men. Being a man of ability he soon made himself master of the situation. Yangihissar, Kashgar, and Yarkand all fell into his hands, and under the title of Atalik Ghazi, which the Emir of Bokhara conferred upon him, he set up an independent kingdom which lasted for some twelve years. Many of the surrounding little states soon yielded to him, so that ere long he found the cities of Koucha, Aksu, Urumchi, and Turfan added to his territory.

While these events were proceeding in the south-west, an independent Tungan-Taranchi government had been established at Ili, which, disturbed by constant strife and bloodshed, lasted for some five years, until in 1871 a.D., the Russians stepped in and seized Kuldja for themselves. A glimpse into the horrors of these days is given by the statement made by Colonel Prejevalsky1 that at the New or Manchu city of Kuldja, where there was a flourishing Chinese city of about 75,000 inhabitants, the Mohammedan rebels put the whole population to the sword and reduced the place to ashes.

Yakoob Beg on his part proved himself an able and astute ruler. His independence was recognised by Russia in 1872, and subsequently by the Sultan of Turkey and by Great Britain. The Sultan of Turkey, rejoicing at such Moslem successes, conferred upon him the title of Emiral-mumenin, or Commander of the Faithful, a title formerly 1. From Kuldja across the Tian-shan, p. 31.

158 ISLAM IN CHINA borne by the Caliphs of Bagdad.1 In 1874, Great Britain, through Sir Douglas Forsyth, who visited the country at that time, stated that his kingdom had been brought into wonderful order, so that crimes of violence and robbery were almost unknown. Yakoob Beg faithfully observed the treaties he had made with both Great Britain and Russia, though at times he had many inducements to do otherwise.

It was these astounding successes of a new Moslem power in Central Asia, and the deep interest it awakened among the Moslem peoples of the world, which led Professor Vasil’ev in his work on the Mohammedans of China to make such alarming statements as to the Moslem dangers which threatened that country. As the situation then appeared to him, it seemed not impossible, but even probable, that China might become a great Moslem state.

This view was shared by quite a few of the most competent observers of the time. Dr. Anderson, when writing of Yunnan, said: “The fact that these Mohammedans claim kindred with those of Kansu and Shensi is one which seems destined to exercise a powerful influence on the future of the Chinese Empire; and the present course of events points in the direction of a Mohammedan monarchy, which will comprise the provinces of Yunnan, Szechwan, Shensi, and Kansu.” The writer of the able article in the Edinburgh Review,’ said to be Mr. A. Wylie, states that “we really have before us grounds to surmise that this remote part of the world may at present be the scene of a great Moslem revival.” Though these fears have passed away, it is necessary to remember the situation as it then existed, which accounts for the somewhat alarming views expressed.

In view of the facts mentioned above, it will be 1 The Mohammedans ruled by Yakoob Beg are said by M. de Thiersant to have been Sunnites and the Tungans Shafites.

3 1868 A.D.

Expedition, p. 146, written about 1870.

THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 159 recognised that China had before her in the north two great problems if she was to recover her lost power. The first of these was the overthrow of Yakoob Beg, and the second that of obtaining back from Russia the important territory of Kuldja, which is reputed to be the richest land in the Chinese Empire outside the limits of China proper, and the key to the land route between eastern and western Asia. Russia, who had, as she asserted, only occupied Kuldja until such time as China could restore order elsewhere, promised to withdraw when China had been successful. To this end the Chinese government now addressed itself. With prodigious pains she commenced to prosecute one of the most remarkable of modern campaigns, which was conducted under the direction of Tso Chung-tang, a campaign which cost the country something like thirty million pounds sterling. General Tso appointed two assistant generals to co-operate with him, named Kin Shun and Chang Yao. With Suchow as base, they were ordered to march across the Gobi desert and subdue the country.

“Then followed one of those strange episodes which could not occur in any other country in the world except China. Chinese methods occasionally grind surely, but they always grind slowly, and with the most leisurely indifference the two chiefs arranged that, on the several oases in the desert, crops should be grown for the supply of the expedition which was to be dispatched into Central Asia. For the time being the soldiers were turned into farm labourers. They sowed their seeds, they watered their fields, and when the autumn sun had ripened their crops they reaped their harvests.” 1 This extraordinary “agricultural army” was successful. In 1876 A.D., Urumchi fell without striking a blow, and ere long the important city of Manass also succumbed, but not without a desperate resistance, when the whole 1 Professor R. K. Douglas, China, the “Story of the Nations Series,” p. 351.

160 ISLAM IN CHINA garrison was massacred.1 From this point onward the Chinese troops experienced little resistance, and Russia became also a substantial though secret helper. Whether this was because Russia now recognised that the days of Yakoob Beg were numbered, and she desired to obtain the goodwill of China, or whether events in Europe guided her policy in the Far East, we cannot say. Certain it is that at this time Russia was engaged in war against Turkey in Europe, and this may have decided her to sacrifice the other Moslem power in the East.

2 While Tso Chung-t’ang waited north of the Tienshan, his subordinate officers pressed forward in their march to the south of that range. At this critical stage of the conflict, Yakoob Beg suddenly died on 1st May 1877 a.d., whether from fever or by poison will probably never be known. The remaining period of strife was not prolonged, though the reconquest of Kashgaria had at Yakoob Beg’s death but partly commenced. General Tso unexpectedly crossed the Tienshan range by almost unknown passes, and thus suddenly appeared before the walls of Aksu. All resistance collapsed, and by 17th December 1877, Kashgar, the capital, fell before the Chinese troops by a coup de main, when the re-conquest of Eastern Turkestan was practically complete. Thus closed a rebellion which had throughout its various stages lasted from 1862 to the close of 1877, or almost as long as the Panthay rising in the south. Yakoob Beg, who for twelve years had been the Mohammedan Sultan of this northern region, corresponds to Tu Wen-siu who had governed at Talifu in the south.

Concerning the subsequent diplomatic negotiations It should be remembered that many of the victorious Imperial troops employed in Yunnan were, when the Panthay rebellion closed, marched direct north through Szechwan to assist in the suppression of the Tungan troubles. These men, hardened to scenes of cruelty and bloodshed, would not be likely to improve the situation.

It is probable that the Chinese had observed Colonel Prejevalsky take this route somewhat earlier.

THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 161 which proceeded between China and Russia for the restoration of Kuldja we need not go into detail. Suffice it to say that China in the long run came off better than many had expected, though Russia still retained those parts of that territory which were of most strategic importance.

Less than twenty years had elapsed from the settlement of the above mentioned troubles, when another serious outbreak occurred. This took place during 1895, when many of the Chinese troops were away engaged in conflict with the Japanese. This new rebellion was occasioned by the development of a new sect, among the Salars’ at the village of Kaitsikong, not far from Sünhwating. The contentions between the old and new sects, sometimes concerned merely with the question of whether incense should be burned or not, led to fighting. During the intervention of the Yamen runners from the neighbouring city, one of the Mohammedans was killed. Immediately the two conflicting sects united in an attack upon their common enemy, the unbeliever, with the result that the Chinese officials issued a proclamation ordering a general massacre of the Salars. Though a subsequent edict attempted to undo the evil that such harsh measures encouraged, the stage when conciliation was possible had passed.

On the Chinese side the General Tung Fu-hsiangfamous or infamous for his attack upon the Legations at Peking in 1900-who, though a Mohammedan, because of some small personal pique, had sided against his coreligionists, played an important part as leader of the 1 Bretschneider and Palladius speak of Salar as a place. See Bretschneider’s Mediaeval Geography, pp. 126-7. Sven Hedin and other writers do the same, though this is probably incorrect.

David P. Ekvall, Tibetan Outposts, ch. xv., “Mohammedan Rebellions.” According to this writer, western Kansu has three distinct classes of Mohammedans. (1) The Salars who speak a colloquial similar to Turki; (2) Tung-hsiang Mohammedans who probably entered China with Kublai Khan and who speak a dialect resembling Mongolian; and (3) the many Chinese proselytes. The chief sects are the new sect, Sin-kiao, and the old sect, Lao-kiao, which sects are constantly in conflict.

M162 ISLAM IN CHINA Imperial troops. In a few months the conflict spread from place to place, neither party giving quarter to the other. Many of the finest valleys of western Kansu were fearfully devastated, and the trees by the roadside were in many cases decorated with Moslem heads. Several missionaries were residing in these scenes of disturbance, and Mr. and Mrs. Ridley, with a baby not a year old, and Mr. Hall, all of the China Inland Mission, endured the terrors of several months’ siege within the walls of the prefectural city of Sining.’ The horrors of these days may be readily imagined from the one statement that, during one month only more than eight hundred Mohammedans in the city of Sining were beheaded at the magistrate’s yamen. Though these troubles threatened to spread and even involve Kashgaria, that catastrophe was in the providence of God averted, and order was restored after many months of heartless bloodshed and cruelty on both sides.

It is quite impossible to arrive at any reliable estimate as to the loss of life during these terrible upheavals. Some authorities state that during the rebellion of 18621878 A.D., as many as ten million persons perished. There is no question whatever that these great rebellions in the north-west and south-west largely depopulated the provinces affected, ruined local industries, and resulted in famine, plague, and pestilence. They have also permanently imposed restrictions upon the Mohammedans’ liberties which did not exist before, so that in many parts they are not allowed to reside within the cities, and are handicapped in their business pursuits.

It would not be wise to attempt to generalise in regard to these matters, for localities vary considerably, but when one writer states concerning the prefectural city of Tungchwan in Yunnan that “No Mohammedan was 1 See China’s Millions, 1895, et seq.

Richards’ Comprehensive Geography of the Chinese Empire, pp. 362-3.

THE TUNGAN REBELLIONS 168 allowed even to live within the city,” and another writer says that at Titaochow in Kansu, “Since then (1895) all Mohammedans have been positively forbidden living on this side of the river” (east of the Tao river), and when many other testimonies could be quoted to the same effect concerning other districts, it will be recognised that great changes have come over the status of the Mohammedan subject during the present dynasty.

Up to the time when the Manchus conquered China, nearly three hundred years ago, as has already been stated, there is no record of any Mohammedan rebellion, and everything points to the Moslems having enjoyed equal liberty with their Chinese fellow-subjects. In view of the rebellions as mentioned in the preceding pages, when the policy on both sides was one of wholesale massacre, it is only natural to conclude that the Mohammedan population has been greatly reduced during the last fifty years. In regard to the several millions of Moslems who still remain, it is hardly strange that they are more hated and more restricted in their liberty than they have ever been before.

THE TITLE “HUI HUI” (This chapter will interest few save students of Chinese, and can be omitted by other readers.) 165 “Mohammedans were found in every part of our journey. They frequently hold situations in the Government.

“On the evening of September 10th, whilst walking on shore, at a village called Too-leaou, about fifty miles from Teen-tain, I observed written on the lantern of a poor huckster’s shop, Hwuy-Hwuy laou teen, ‘An old Mohammedan shop.’ On stopping to ask the owner, who was an old man, whence he came, he replied, from Se-yang, ’the Western Ocean.’ When urged to say from what country of the West, he said he did not know. He understood his family had been in the place in which he now was for five generations.

“He informed me that there were many Mohammedans in the neighbourhood; they had a Lo-pae See, ’temple for worship’; they observed every third and seventh day, chiefly the seventh. They used for the Chinese word Teen, ‘Heaven,’ the word Choo, ‘Lord or Sovereign.’"-Dr. ROBERT MORRISON (from An Embassy to Peking in 1816).

166 CHAPTER X • 66 THE TITLE HUI HUI” THE common term by which the Mohammedan is known to-day in China is Hui Hui or Hui tzu, the latter form, with the diminutive tzu, conveying some slight tone of contempt. The Mohammedan religion is commonly designated Hui Hui Kiao1 or Sect of the Hui Hui. It is also known by other titles such as Ts’ing Chen Kiao,’ “The Pure and True Religion,” or the Siao Kiao, “The Small Sect,” in contradistinction to Confucianism, The Great Religion. Although it is not possible to offer any final and satisfactory explanation of the term most commonly employed, viz. Hui Hui, it is desirable that the explanations which have been suggested should be briefly considered.

The character Hui signifies, according to Professor Giles’ Dictionary, “To come or go back to the starting point; to return,” and is a word, as every student of Chinese knows, in common and daily use in this sense. There are some who hold that this character, reduplicated, is the equivalent of the Arabic Islam, and signifies “To Return and to Submit.” M. de Thiersant, in his exhaustive treatise, advocates this theory, and quotes several passages from the Koran in support of his contention. While it is not possible always to verify his references, 回回收

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167 168 ISLAM IN CHINA the following passages from the Koran may be given as illustrations of this view.

Sura iii. v. 17 reads: “Verily the true religion in the sight of God is Islam,” by which name-the official designation of Mohammedanism-the resigning of oneself entirely to God and His service is meant. In Sura ii. v. 122, the following passage occurs: “Lord make us also resigned unto Thee’ (i.e. Muslims); and of our posterity a people resigned unto Thee (i.e. A Muslim people); and teach us our holy rites and be turned towards us, for Thou art He who turned, the Merciful.” Again, in Sura ii. 155: “But as for those who turn to Me, and amend, and make known the truth, even unto them will I turn Me, for I am He who turneth, the Merciful.” Again, in Sura xi. v. 4: “Unto God shall ye return and over all things is He potent.” Many other passages of a like nature could easily be quoted, and it is quite possible that the dominant thought of submission and return to God may have given rise to the name of the Double Return, especially if the invariable custom of turning towards Mecca in prayer and even of returning thence in pilgrimage be considered. In Richards’ Comprehensive Geography of the Chinese Empire, the name is attributed solely to the custom of turning towards Mecca in prayer.

Chinese Mohammedan writers accept these theories, with the addition of a mysticism akin to that found in the Taoist writings. Thus in the Chinese Mohammedan tract, printed in the Appendix, will be found in addition to an explanation of the name “The Pure and True Religion,” an explanation of the name Hui Hui, “The Double Return,” as The Return of the Body to its true place in death and the Return of the Mind to the path of Truth. The whole passage should be read in full. The 1 From the word here used, Moslemun (the resigned ones), the singular of which is Moslem, the official title of the followers of Mohammed is obtained. See Sale’s Koran in loco.

THE TITLE “HUI HUI” 169 explanation given in the Chinese books, Hui Hui Yuan lai, “The origin of Mohammedanism in China,” is to the same effect.” Hui alludes to the temporary stay of man upon earth, which he leaves to return at death, to the soul returning to the other world, to the return of the erring conscience to the right way, and to the return from illusion to the real.” 66 While there is the analogy of Taoism receiving its name from the Tao, which was the centre of its teaching, and of the Buddhist priest being called Ch’u kia tih, “A home (or family) forsaker,” because he leaves his clan and people, the explanation of Hui Hui as given above is not wholly satisfactory, no matter whether the doctrinal or practical aspect be considered. It cannot be accepted by any one without mental reservation.

There is another theory which deserves careful and serious consideration, though great names can be quoted for and against it. Dr. E. Bretschneider, in his “Notes on Chinese Mediaeval Travellers to the West,” makes the following observations on the name Hui-ho or Hui-hu3 which frequently occurs :“The Hui-ho or Hui-hu formed during the T’ang dynasty, from the seventh to the ninth century, a powerful nation in northern Mongolia. The capital was on the border of the Solong River (Selenga). It has been incontestably proved by Klaprath, that these Hui-ho, and the Uigurs of Western authors, are the same people. Subsequently the Hui-ho had their capital near the place where afterwards Caracorum was built. In the middle of the ninth century the power of the Hui-ho in Mongolia was broken, and they were dispersed. The Yuan Shih or History of the Mongols, mentions the Uigurs under the name of Wei-wu-erh. The capital of this realm of the Wei-wu-erh was Bishbalik, according to Klaproth’s 1 See page 67. ‘or N 3 The Chinese Recorder, 1874-5.

4 長兀兒 170 ISLAM IN CHINA .

• There is investigations, the present Urumtchi some confusion about the terms Hui-ho or Hui-hu by the Chinese writers of the thirteenth century, as I shall show further on; they call the Mohammedans also by these names.” Before quoting Dr. Bretschneider’s next comment on this subject, it may be well to give an extract from Ch’ang Ch’un’s account of his journey, out of which the observation arises. Ch’ang Ch’un, a contemporary and correspondent of Jenghis Khan, relates 1221-24 A.D., “After having passed two towns, we arrived on the 9th of the 9th month at a city of the Hui-ho called Ch’ang Balik. The ruler there was a Wei-wu-erh, ‘Uigur.’ He was an old friend of Chen-hai and came with his relations and priests of Hui-ho to meet us far outside the city.. The Hui-ho only worship the West.” Commenting on this passage, “The Hui-ho only worship the West,” Dr. Bretschneider says: “Here, by Hui ho, the Mohammedans are to be understood; for the Mohammedans when praying always turn towards Mecca. I repeat here my remark about the confusion in the Chinese authors of the thirteenth century as regards the application of the names Hui ho or Hui hu-by both names the Uigurs were designated at the time of the T’ang dynasty. In Ch’ang Ch’un’s travels, as we have seen, first the Uigurs are termed so, but further on he calls the Mohammedans also by the same name of Hui ho. The Yuan Shih (Mongol History’) generally names the Uigurs of Bishbalik Wei-wu-erh, and the Mohammedans Hui hu-in a few cases also Hui Hui. In Ch’ang Ch’un’s travels the name Wei-wu-erh is met only once. There may be some reason for the fact that the Chinese in the thirteenth century called the Mohammedans Hui Ho or Hui Hu, terms used in former times only to designate the Uigurs. It is known that the socalled western Uigurs in the tenth and eleventh centuries THE TITLE “HUI HUI” 171 extended their power far to the west over the Mohammedan countries, and so the Chinese confounded the Uigurs and Mohammedans. In the History of the Ming Dynasty, the Mussulmans are always termed Hui Hui and the Uigurs Wei-wu-erh. It seems to me that the name Hui Hui in use up to this time originated from Hui Ho or Hui Hu.” Were it not that Professor E. H. Parker does not accept the conclusions of Dr. Bretschneider, it would hardly be necessary to quote further evidence, but since opinion is so strongly divided, the writer may be excused for giving a few more extracts on this particular point.

Another traveller named Wu-ki-suen, envoy of the Kiu Emperor to Jenghis Khan in 1220 A.D., repeatedly refers to the Hui Ho. From some of the passages it is evident that he is speaking of the Mohammedans, yet from others-where he refers to the Mussulman Hui Ho, in distinction to the Hui Ho of India-it is not easy to arrive at a wholly satisfactory decision. The most important passages are the following: “The people (of the Mohammedans) have thick beards, the hair of which is entangled like sheep’s wool and of different colours, black or yellow in different shades. Their faces are almost entirely covered by hair-only the nose and eyes can be seen. All their customs are very strange. There are the following kinds of Hui ho :“The Mu-su-lu-man Hui ho are very bloodthirsty and greedy. They tear flesh with their fingers and swallow it. Even in time of lent (!) they eat meat and drink wine. The Hui ho of Ili are rather weak and delicate. They do not like to kill and do not eat flesh when they fast. There are, further, the Hui ho of Hindustan, who are black and of good character. Many other things could be reported about the people. They have not the custom of burning their dead. At their funerals they never use coffins or sarcophagi. In burying the dead they always172 ISLAM IN CHINA put the head towards the west. Their priests do not shave their heads. In their temples no images or statues are seen.” Commenting on part of the passage quoted above, Dr. Bretschneider adds-“The account given by Wu-ki-suen regarding the Hui ho may serve to throw more light upon the question, repeatedly ventilated in these pages, what people in the thirteenth century the Chinese understood by this name. Some of our European savants, and especially Pauthier, have considerably confused our notions on this matter in translating invariably Hui ho by Uigurs. The Yuan Ch’ao Mi Shih always calls the Mohammedans Hui hu, but in the Mongol original of that book they are termed Sartol. Even now the trading class of the people of Transoxianan are known in western Asia under the name of Sarty.“1 In Dr. Bretschneider’s able work, Mediaeval Researches, under the section devoted to the topic of “The Mohammedans in China,” he makes the following observations in which he sums up his views on this theory :“Down to the twelfth century the Mohammedans are not designated by a general name in Chinese history. In the T’ang History, where they are first mentioned, they go under the name of Ta-Shih (Arabs). Hui Hui is now the common Chinese name for all professors of Islamism. It seems this term occurs first in the Liao Shih. In the article on the Western Liao or Kara Khitai,’ it is stated that the ruler of the Hui Hui paid tribute to the chief of the Kara Khitai (1124 A.D.). The History of the Kin also once uses the name, stating that in the twelfth century there was a regiment of the Hui Hui in the army of the Kin who were able to cast inflammable substances.

“In the Yuan Shih (History of the Mongols’) the term Hui Hui for Mohammedans is met with in only a 1 See p. 118, where Saad Wakkas is called Sarty. * Vol. i. p. 267.

THE TITLE “HUI HUI” 178 few instances, they generally being styled there as Hui ho or Hui hu. These latter denominations have given rise to a great confusion in Chinese history; for in the T’ang period, and even in the twelfth century, only the Uigurs were designated by these names. The Yuan Shih, however, applies to the Uigurs a new name, Wei-wu-erh, while the terms Hui ho, Hui hu, when met with in the Yuan history, always denote the Mohammedans. It is difficult to explain this confusion of names. Perhaps the Chinese confounded Uigurs and Mohammedans because the Western Uigurs in Turkestan, Kashgar, &c., had accepted Islam.” “In the Yuan Shih, chap. v., we read that in 1260 a.D. an Imperial decree was issued that young men belonging to the families of the Mu-su-man (Mussulmans), Wei-wuerh (Uigurs), Ye-li-k’o-wen (Christians), and Ta-shi-man1 (Mullahs) are to be employed in military service.” With these suggestions as to Hui Hui made by Dr. Bretschneider, Professor E. H. Parker does not agree. When two such able sinologues disagree, and a Chinese Emperor has himself been confused, as Mr. Parker’s criticism shows, the general student may be excused for withholding his opinion, and perhaps nothing better can be done than to quote in turn Mr. Parker’s own comment and leave the reader to make his own decision.

In his book on China and Religion, Professor E. H. Parker under the section devoted to Islam discusses this question as follows :— “The following are the facts on historical record. When the Cathayans lost their empire in North China to the Nüchens, one of the Cathayan princes mustered all the forces he could, and determined to found an empire in Persia. On arrival at Kan Chou (Marco Polo’s Campichu), he reminded the Hui hu (Ouigour) king reigning there that for over ten generations he had enjoyed the patronage 1 From the Persian danishment, “a learned man.”

• See page 95.

174 ISLAM IN CHINA of Cathayan suzerains; ‘I am now about to proceed to the Tazih, and want a road through your dominions, etc.’ Bilga Khan offered him every hospitality. Then he went on to Samarcand, fought various battles, and after subduing several states, ‘received at Samarcand the submission and tribute of the Hui Hui (Mussulman) king.’ The use of this word does not, of course, create the word Mussulman; but as, ever after, the word means exclusively ‘Mussulman,’ the effect is the same. The modern Pekingese put a final r at the end of most nouns as a diminutive, and when this is done the final vowel or nasal is often modified. Thus Hui-hur Hu-hwer, freely uttered, are as indistinguishable as our sounds sailor and sailer. Hence when 150 years ago the Manchu Emperor K’ien Lung, after conquering the Turkestan states, and establishing a mosque for the captive Mussulmans in Peking, looked up his history of Ouigour relations with China, he officially announced to his people that ’the Mussulmans now amongst us are the identical Mussulmans (Ouigours) who came with mullas Mani 1100 years ago.’ Thus the not unnatural confusion between two different ideas has received Imperial sanction; the second confusion of the word Mulla with the word Mani is proved by the Imperial dedication being written in Turkish, Mongol, and Manchu as well as in Chinese.’ But it is plain from the Cathayan history, quoted above, that 650 years before the Manchu Emperor’s mistake, the fugitive Cathayan prince visited or saw first the Ouigour Khagan Bilga, and then the Mussulman king (probably of Otrar), at intervals of several weeks; and this at places thousands of miles apart, but in the same year. There is another point. Although the sign hui of ‘Ouigour,’ may be the same as the reduplicated sign hui of ‘Mussulman,’ still it need not be so, and the oldest form was not so; on the other hand the hui of ‘Mussulman’ has never once varied. It is useless to 1 See reproduction opposite pages 94 and 95.

THE TITLE “HUI HUI” 175 speculate why the Mussulmans were so called; but, if conjecture is to be allowed, then M. Devéria’s conjecture that the Moslems are in the habit of addressing each other as my brother,’ Akhouya (plural khaoua), e.g. ya akhouya, my brother,’ is as suggestive as any.” “1 To complete the discussion on this point it may be as well to quote in full M. Devéria’s conjecture referred to above by Mr. Parker. It occurs in a long and elaborate footnote in his work Origine de l’Islamisme en Chine.? The important passage is as follows:“Certain Chinese Mohammedan authors of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have attempted in vain to find the origin and explanation of the term Hui. It appears to me to be only a nickname (sobriquet), based on an Arabic word which repeatedly occurs in the common speech, and which would specially have struck the Chinese during their first contact with the Arabs. My learned colleague, M. Houdas, suggests to me that the word might be Khouya (Ya Khouya = my brother), plural = Akhawa. These terms have been employed from time immemorial in common Arabic. In support of my hypothesis, I recall that during the occupation of Tientsin by the Anglo-French troops in 1860-1861, the Chinese nicknamed the French, ‘Dis donc,’ and the English, ‘I say.’” Before leaving this perplexing topic another quotation may be made, and this time from Mr. A. Wylie’s article of” Israelites in China,” in his book Chinese Researches. The passage is as follows:“Father Trigault, in his account of the Christian Missions to China, published at the beginning of the seventeenth century, states that in his time the Mohammedans, Jews, and Cross worshippers or ancient Christians were all known to the Chinese under the present name of Hui Hui, while for the sake of distinction, the Mohammedans were called ‘Hui who abstained from pork.’ The Cross 2 Pp. 6-7.

1 China and Religion, pp. 144-146.

176 ISLAM IN CHINA worshippers were called ‘Hui who abstained from animals without the cloven foot,’ and the Jews were called ‘Hui who extract the sinews.’ The reason of this common appellation for the three sects was not known; the probability is that it originated in the desire of one or other of the parties to avoid detection during a time of persecution. At present the name of Hui tzu or Hui Hui is almost exclusively applied to the Mohammedans, though the Jews are also occasionally termed the Lan Mao Hui tzu, or Blue cap Hui-tzu,’ but the common name of the sect at Kaifeng is Tiao kin kiao, or ‘Extract sinew religion.’ (Genesis xxxii. 82.) 6 “Another fraternal link between the Mohammedans and Jews seems to exist in the name applied to the synagogue, which is inscribed over the front door of the building Ts’ing chen ssu, ‘Temple of Purity and Truth,’ being the same name that is used on the Mohammedan mosques in China; and this is not only of recent date, for it is found on two old stone inscriptions standing within the precincts of the synagogue applied to the building which was restored in the thirteenth century. Gozani who visited them in 1704 A.D. calls the synagogue a Li-paissu, which is also a common colloquial name of mosque.” The official title by which Mohammedanism in China is known is the Ts’ing tsing Kiao, or “The True and Pure Religion.” This title, according to M. de Thiersant, was granted to the Mohammedans by Shuen Ti, the last Emperor of the Yüan dynasty, in response to the request of Sai Tien-ch’ih (Seyyid Ajal) in 1885 A.D. There is either an error here in date, or in connecting the incident with the name of Sai Tien-ch’ih, who was appointed governor of Yunnan by Kublai Khan in 1275 a.d. cannot have been a very young man when he was appointed to Yunnan, for he had held office as Minister of State previously to this.

He THE TITLE “HUI HUI” 177 As has already been noted, the mosques are called Li pai ssu, a term also used by the Jews, the Li having reference, it is said, to the rite of cleansing, and the pai to the worship which followed and which was not allowed without the preceding Li.

The Mohammedans of Yunnan are known to foreigners by the name of “Panthays.” This name is utterly unknown in Yunnan itself, but was adopted by Europeans from the Burmese for Mussulman, during the great Mohammedan rebellion which devastated Yunnan from 1854 to 1878 A.D.

The name “Dungan” or “Tungan,” applied to some of the Mohammedans of the north-west provinces, is less easy of explanation. Concerning this term Mr. E. H. Parker says: “In 1290 A.D. occurs a passage which may possibly explain the mysterious Persian term Dungan or ‘Chinese Mussulman,’ the origin of which has for many years puzzled students of Asiatic history. In the year 3000, Teng-kie-r Mussulman families were supplied with seed-unfortunately no further details are given.” Some further details about this name are given in the chapter dealing with the rebellions in the north-west.

Since this chapter was in type it has been suggested to the writer that for the same onomatopoeic reasons as the word Bapẞapos was used by the Greeks of those who spoke an unknown tongue, and as the Egyptians now call non-Egyptians “Berber,” so the Chinese may have spoken of those strangers in their midst speaking a foreign language thus-“Hui-bui-hui.” N PART II PRESENT-DAY CONDITIONS 179 TWO VIEWS OF MOHAMMED’S POSITION “Had he (Mohammed) witnessed a purer exhibition of its rites and doctrines, and seen more of its reforming and regenerating influences, we cannot doubt that, in the sincerity of his early search after truth, he might readily have embraced and faithfully adhered to the faith of Jesus. Lamentable, indeed, is the reflection that so small a portion of the fair form of Christianity was disclosed by the ecclesiastics and monks of Syria to the earnest inquirer; and that little, how altered and distorted! Instead of the simple majesty of the gospel-as a revelation of God reconciling mankind to Himself through His Son-the sacred dogma of the Trinity was forced upon the traveller with the misleading and offensive zeal of Eutychian and Jacobite partisanship, and the worship of Mary exhibited in so gross a form as to leave the impression upon the mind of Mahomet that she was held to be a goddess, if not the third person and consort of the Deity. It must surely have been by such blasphemous extravagances that Mahomet was repelled from the true doctrine of Jesus as ’the Son of God,’ and led to regard Him only as ‘Jesus son of Mary,’ the sole title by which He is spoken of in the Coran. We may well mourn that the misnamed Catholicism of the Empire thus grievously misled the master mind of the age, and through him eventually so great a part of the eastern world."-Sir WILLIAM MUIR.

“The chief reason which led Mohammed to declare hostility against Christianity certainly did not consist in these corruptions of the Gospel doctrine, which he found intermingled with it, so much as it did in the relation of his own fundamental position in religion to the original and peculiar essence of Christianity itself-that fundamental position of an abstract monotheism, placing an infinite chasm, never to be filled up, between God and His creatures, from which position a mediatorial action of God, for the purpose of bringing human nature into fellowship with Himself, must appear as derogatory from the dignity of an infinitely exalted Being, and an approximation to idolatry."-Dr. AUGUSTUS NEANDER, Church History, vol. v. pp. 115-116.

180 ¡ A VISIT TO A CHINESE MOSQUE 181"Mirza Sayyid Ali told me accidentally to-day of a distich made by his friend. . . . I was cut to the soul at this blasphemy. In prayer I could think of nothing else but that great day when the Son of God shall come in the clouds of Heaven, taking vengeance on them that know not God, and convincing men of all their hard speeches which they have spoken against Him.

“Mirza Sayyid Ali perceived that I was considerably disordered, and was sorry for having repeated the verse, but asked what it was that was so offensive. I told him ‘I could not endure existence if Jesus was not glorified; it would be hell to me if He were to be always thus dishonoured.’ He was astonished, and again asked why. If anyone pluck out your eyes,’ I replied, there is no saying why you feel pain; it is a feeling. It is because I am one with Christ that I am thus dreadfully wounded.’ . . .

“The Word of God is more precious to me at this time than I ever remember it to have been; and of all the promises in it, none is more sweet to me than this-‘He shall reign till He hath put all enemies under His feet.”"-HENRY MARTYN.

182 CHAPTER XI A VISIT TO A CHINESE MOSQUE AMONG the various contributions of useful information sent by the many correspondents who kindly replied to the present writer’s inquiries, was an interesting but unpublished article in manuscript by the Rev. D. MacGillivray, entitled “The Clean Sect in China.” Omitting such portions of this article as have been dealt with in fuller detail in other chapters, the following account of a visit to a mosque at Lintsingchow, Shantung, is copied with such editorial modifications as are necessary to bring it into harmony with the arrangement of this book-from Mr. MacGillivray’s manuscript. The speaker is, of course, Mr. MacGillivray, who was, when he wrote the paper, resident at Lintsingchow.

“The precise number of Mohammedans in Lintsingchow, Shantung, cannot be given. Some reckon them at about one thousand families. They have two very large mosques and one somewhat smaller. But this as a criterion of numbers is unreliable. Where the money to build these came from and why there are three, I cannot tell. One mosque is said to have been five hundred years in being completed, and as these structures are probably rarely so large, outside places must have helped, as is always the case in the building and repairing of temples. The people here are reported to be poor, although there may have been some wealthy members formerly.

188 184 ISLAM IN CHINA “One of the mosques is called The Hung Mosque, because a clan of that name was chiefly instrumental in building it. The immense size of these places, which are capable of holding some ten thousand worshippers, is apparently now in advance of the zeal of the people. An audience of thirty or forty-the usual number-do not require a cathedral, although a cathedral may be serviceable for special demonstrations.’ “The appearance of these mosques from a distance is not what the reader may imagine. He may perhaps think of the mosque of Omar on Mount Moriah, or of St. Sophia at Constantinople. The architecture of those differs greatly from that of these structures. Here the dome is replaced by a four-sided roof, with green tiles, which begins far out beyond the walls beneath, and which increases its slope until the apex is reached. The whole is surmounted by a large ornament, globular, tapering to a point. Again the minaret is wanting, chiefly, I suspect, because the muezzin is also absent.

“Everyone knows the beautiful custom of calling to prayer in Moslem countries. I have made diligent inquiry regarding any similar custom among the Lintsingchow faithful, and am inclined to think that there may be something like it during the fast of Ramadan. They say it takes place at midnight.

“The mosques are surrounded by numbers of different 1 We learn from Professor Vasil’ev’s little book (p. 8) that when he was in Peking there were known to him to be thirteen mosques and some 20,000 Mohammedan families in that city. He states that all the Mullahs in the mosques of Pekin and the surrounding country were educated at the merchant city of Lintsingchow, situated on the famous Imperial canal to the south-east. From this he naturally argues that if Pekin and the surrounding country are, from the Moslem standpoint, dependent upon Lintsingchow, that city must have been a very important Moslem centre. The facts stated by Mr. MacGillivray all go to confirm this view. Richards’ Comprehensive Geography of the Chinese Empire informs us that Lintsingchow was, prior to the Taiping rebellion, a commercial centre of great importance, but since it was taken by the Taipings in 1855 it has not recovered. It would be instructive to examine any Moslem monuments in the Lintsingchow Mosque if such have been preserved. The Taipings in many cases spared the Mosques as they had no sign of idolatry. We offer the suggestion to any members of the American Board resident there.

A VISIT TO A CHINESE MOSQUE 185 buildings in varying heights. The various roofs have highly ornamented eaves, and in the case of the old mosque, the effect from the river is very fine. The Gate Building, in accordance with Chinese and indeed Eastern custom, is very imposing. The central doors are only opened on grand occasions.

A “We entered by a small side door and were introduced into the front court, spacious and well paved with a high stone way from the Great Gate up to the main building. The side rooms were for the priest and his little scholars whom he taught the Koran in Arabic. venerable old man, who might be mistaken for a prophet, unlocked the door of the mosque proper, and I was requested to remove my shoes. The Chinese, like the Japanese, find the practice rather grateful than otherwise. Why not ease the foot of a hot shoe, as you enter the cool retreat of a mosque or temple? The story goes here that some foreigners visiting this mosque complained that their shoes being laced they could not take them off, and so with unpardonable affront walked in with shoes on.

“As we enter we are struck with the vastness of the place, with the immense pillars which support the roof and with the height of the roof, amid the rafters of which many birds have made their home. Our second thought is, This place is clean. Those who know what a Chinese temple is like, will appreciate this remark. Our third thought is, Here there are no hideous idols. The whole of the west end, the Mecca side, is adorned with Arabesque in gold, blue, and black, some sentences from the Koran being most conspicuous. In the centre, in a circle with a gilt filling, is the name of God, with tortuous bewildering curves. This circle probably corresponds to the niche called Mehrab in other lands, towards which the faithful are required to look during prayer.

“The rest of the building is destitute of ornament. Its west wall is its glory. In one corner a flight of steps 186 ISLAM IN CHINA leads up to a small blind door. My guide called this ‘The Gate of Heaven ‘-the Moslems call prayer ’the Key of Paradise-and there they pray betimes. They also know of a future world, of heaven and of hell, and as if to remind us, in one corner stands a four-handled frame of open wood-work, in which they place the coffin. This coffin strikes one at once on account of the thinness of the boards, which are only about one inch thick, and in marked contrast to the ordinary Chinese coffin with its wood several inches thick. The Mohammedans, however, only use their coffin for carrying the corpse to the place of interment and not for burial. (As in Arabia.) “Services are sometimes held here at night, and there are many pretty glass lanterns hung here and there, while in a corner was stored an extra supply of larger ones. As we passed out I took a closer view of the Emperor’s tablet next the door. It was placed on a high table with curved legs, something like a foreign parlour table. Above and around it was a canopy of dirty white cloth, which parts in the middle and is tied back to imitate curtains, thus revealing the tablet. This is made of wood, is about three feet high and four inches wide, and bears the inscription in gilt on a blue ground-The Emperor, the immortal, may he live for ever.’ This tablet is worshipped with incense in temples, and its presence here, with two candles before it, naturally excites surprise. Mr. Milne, the Scottish missionary, when visiting a mosque in Ningpo, charged the priest with idolatry because of it. Of course he stoutly denied the charge, as my friend here did. Be this as it may, it seems a polite concession to the other sects, and a method of placing themselves under Imperial sanction. I asked to see their Sacred Book, but the priest was not at home. A second opportunity, however, soon came.

“One day my neighbour, who had at my invitation previously attended our Christian service, came and A VISIT TO A CHINESE MOSQUE 187 invited me to go and witness theirs. Their worship day is Friday, and on this day the faithful close their shops and about noon repair to the mosque. I was nothing loth to respond, and at about twelve o’clock we reached the building. As it was early we were shown into the Priest’s guest room, which was a spacious, lofty, and wellventilated apartment, infinitely superior to any ordinary Chinese house. The brick floor was unusually level. In the centre of the room, opposite the door, was the usual table flanked by two chairs, such as are found in guest rooms. I was invited to take the seat of honour. Behind us on the wall hung a large wooden board, on which in large gilt caligraphy were the characters for The Doctrine has a great origin,’ meaning, of course, the Mohammedan doctrine.

“For about an hour or so the faithful continued to straggle in at intervals, and either went off into the side rooms to smoke and chat or to bathe. There were a few old men and a good percentage of young men, making about forty in all that day. Presently the priest entered. He was an intelligent-looking man with a husky voice. From time to time I anxiously inquired when worship was to begin, and was always told ‘soon.’ I suspected that my presence was not appreciated, and that they wished to weary me by delay. So, notwithstanding the pangs of hunger, I sat on, solacing myself with unlimited supplies of tea. It was half-past two before they led me out.

“In the rear were some bathing rooms where the worshippers wash before coming into the guest room, and as they stripped to the waist while waiting, owing to the heat, they certainly looked clean. Off the guest room was a sort of robing room, or rather capping room. The priests always wear little blue cloth caps with conical crowns, and all the faithful secured similar caps for themselves before entering the mosques. Their queues were 188 ISLAM IN CHINA carefully tucked away under these caps by winding them round the head. The priests and a few helpers wound a long piece of white cloth around their caps, and thus made very fair turbans. Apart from this the priest had no differentiating dress.

“The priest entered first and I could hear his voice uplifted in prayer. Then the worshippers filed in and, after a pause, I was introduced behind the worshippers. It was a pretty sight to see them sitting and kneeling in three rows on the mats, all dressed in the white grass cloth worn at this season. The priest and twelve lay helpers faced the east during the reading of the Sacred Canon and the remaining eighteen or twenty faced west. At prayer all faced towards Mecca.

“The conical caps, the turbans, the absence of queues, and the foreign tongue all remind one of a land foreign to China. The only thing to bring one’s mind back to the Middle Kingdom was the universal use of the fan by the worshippers. All shoes were left at the edge of the matting and not at the door, and so I was not required to remove mine. In one mosque the floor is all plank, but in this there is a wide border of brick.

In the midst of the worshippers was a low table on which stood a pewter pot containing, as I afterwards learned, sandal-wood. Whether this has any religious use or not I cannot tell. Shortly after my arrival this was removed and the reading of the Koran proceeded. The reading was not from a pulpit, but by one of the lay helpers as he sat on the mat. During the reading of the Koran, individuals would go aside to the flight of steps leading to ‘The Gate of Heaven’ and pray silently. When the reading was over the priest arose and gave a short exhortation in Chinese.’ He eloquently set forth the fact that they worshipped the only true God, 1 Mr. MacGillivray thinks this was done specially to enlighten him, but Mr. Pettus speaks of a similar experience. See page 243.

Photos by Rer. F. W. S. O’Neill.

CHINESE MOSLEMS AT WORSHIP IN MANCHURIA.

The upper picture shows the leaders in the front with different head-dress. In the lower picture all the heads are bowed towards the floor. The Kiblah or prayer niche, indicating the direction of Mecca, can be plainly seen.

To face page 188.

A VISIT TO A CHINESE MOSQUE MOSQUE 189 employing terms which were quite like the opening of our Christian catechism. Mohammed was their holy man (sage). When the sermon was over the faithful responded in Arabic and the prayers towards Mecca commenced.

“One turbaned official went out and stood on the edge of the front pavement of the porch and opened with a plaintive recitation. All the prayers reminded one of the beautiful chant with which the Highland precentors are still wont to ’line’ the Psalms. Towards the end of his part he deliberately turned his head right and left in succession1 and then went within. Why he went out I do not know. He thus faced the Emperor’s tablet, as it looked outwards, but it is hardly likely that any worship of that was intended.

“The audience took little audible part in the prayers. At frequent intervals they bowed their heads, then their whole bodies, then kneeling, touched the floor with their foreheads. Again, standing erect with fingers outstretched and thumbs on the lobes of their ears, then with the hands on the stomach, then on the knees, and then more prostrations. Towards the middle of the service one man ascended the steps and clasping a long staff with both hands muttered his part. At the close of the service, all rose, and standing close together, prayed towards Mecca. The priest led them in tones which fancy might well suppose to be tones of penitent confession. A few more motions and the worship was concluded.” Before leaving Mr. MacGillivray’s interesting paper, a few facts mentioned by him and not treated of elsewhere may be referred to. The priests, he states, gain their living by the teaching of pupils, by subscriptions from the people, and by the slaughter of animals permitted for food, they having the monopoly of the killing trade. For every fowl they kill, the faithful give them one big cash, 1 All Moslems do this. This is the greeting to Munkir and Nakir, the two guardian angels on right and left. (S. M. Z.)190 ISLAM IN CHINA and 200 cash for every ox or cow. The tanning business seemed to be entirely in the hands of the Moslems. No women or children were allowed any part in the worship of the mosque at Lintsingchow, the boys only being privileged to creep to the open door and peep in.

Mr. MacGillivray also noticed the use of certain Arabic phrases by the Mohammedan beggars and by the faithful when saluting one another. The uplifted forefinger signified, “Are you in the church”; and a circle, “The True God.” In closing one may recall a story told by the Chinese in explanation, so they say, of the reason why the Moslems prefer the use of Arabic inscriptions on their mosque in the place of Chinese. Many years ago some wag or evilminded sprite-said to be Kwan Ti the god of warseeing the inscription A, “The Sage of the West,” hung up on a complimentary tablet outside a mosque, surreptitiously cut off the top part of three of the characters thus, EA, leaving the remaining portions to read, “The Bastards of the four winds of Heaven.” Whether or not the facts as related be true, the story remains as a standing gibe against the followers of this foreign religion.

1 This is used to signify belief in the unity of God, and in East Arabia distinguishes the Sunnis from the Shiahs. (S. M. Z.) 3 Chinese Repository, 1844.

THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 101 “O Lord, alone in the Divine Essence! Much do I wonder concerning men who are in the true way, how it can be that after they have received the gift of true life they do not attempt to help those who are outside the truth into the true way.

“Daily I behold men who are in the truth die without admonishing and preaching to the infidels that they may come to the Truth; and although Catholics know the truth in which they are, and the error in which the infidels are, nevertheless they do not take care to show the Truth to the infidels, or only so little, as if they did not know their own truth nor the falsity of the thoughts of unbelievers."-RAYMOND LULL, First Missionary to the Moslems.

192 CHAPTER XII THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION UNTIL such time as the Chinese Imperial Government furnishes the world with an authoritative census it will be impossible to obtain any reliable figures as to the Moslem population of China. There is no better proof of the ignorance which still exists on this important subject than the wide divergence of opinion among those who have seriously endeavoured to ascertain the facts. In taking up this difficult question, the writer only hopes to throw a little more light upon what will still remain a debatable point. He certainly makes no claim to unquestioned accuracy. At the best all that is possible is a careful estimate based upon such data as is obtainable.

The first difficulty with which the student of this subject is faced, even when he has a number of personal and local estimates before him, is how far is the informant cognisant of the facts, and how far is he an impartial judge. The high figures given by some prominent Chinese Moslems are obviously an exaggeration. On the other hand the impartial observer is frequently not fully aware of all the facts. In the following pages the writer has endeavoured as far as possible to check one estimate against another and accept a mean position.

The following statements made by several prominent Moslem officials are so obviously inflated that they may be dismissed without serious consideration. They are 198 194 ISLAM IN CHINA quoted, however, because the mere mention of them shows how cautiously even local estimates from Moslem sources need to be considered. Seyyid Sulayman, a Chinese Moslem official of Yunnan, who was interviewed at Cairo in 1894 by a representative of an Arabic journal, places the Moslem population of China at 70,000,000. Surat Chandra Das says 50,000,000.1 Abd ur Rahman, a Chinese Moslem scholar interviewed at Cairo in December 1906, estimated the Moslems of China as one-twelfth of the whole population, or 84,000,000.3 Passing from Chinese Moslem statements to those made by careful students, we find A. H. Keane, in his standard work entitled Asia, giving 80,000,000 as the probable figure even after the Panthay and Tungan rebellions, which statement the Statesman’s Year Book follows. M. de Thiersant, for many years the French Consul-General in China, who devoted, it is said, eighteen years to his investigations on the Moslems of China, gives the number in 1878 as 20,000,000. A writer who signs himself “Nigarende,” in an article in the Revue du monde musulman, for January 1907, gives his reasons for thinking M. de Thiersant’s figures are “toutefois exagéré” and thinks 15,000,000 more approximate. W. S. Blunt in The Future of Islam accepts the same figure of 15,000,000, but H. H. Jessup, in The Mohammedan Missionary Question, places it as low as 4,000,000, while the Archimandrite Palladius, one of China’s most reliable sinologues and a careful student and author of a Russian work entitled Mohammedanism in China, estimates the figures at somewhere between three and four millions. Dr. Happer of Canton, in his review of De Thiersant’s book in The Edinburgh Review for April 1880, states that he does not think the whole Mohammedan population of the Chinese Empire exceeds 8,000,000. And now the 1 Wherry, Islam and Christianity in the Far East, p. 83.

⚫ Revue du monde musulman, Jan. 1907. His interviewer adds “très exagérée.” Arnold, The Preaching of Islam, p. 245.

Photos by Rer. F. W. S. O’Neill and Lieut.-Col. Oye.

FAKUMEN MOSQUE WITH MINARET AND GROUP OF MOSLEMS.

The photograph showing exterior of Fakumen (Manchuria) Mosque and Minaret (or Pagoda) was taken by Lieut. Col. Oye, a Christian Japanese Officer, an elder in a Tokio Presbyterian Church. One of those shown in the group below (purposely not identified) has been for long showing great interest in Christianity.

To face page 194.

THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 195 writer ventures to add one more opinion to the bewildering estimates quoted above.

As M. de Thiersant’s figures have been so frequently quoted it may not be out of place to say that estimates of 8,850,000 for Kansu; 6,500,000 for Shensi; and 8,500,000 or 4,000,000 for Yunnan are entirely unsupported by anyone who has resided during recent years in these provinces, and these figures represent more than 90 per cent of his total.1 After the careful consideration of details kindly supplied by about 200 correspondents from different parts of the Chinese Empire, the following conclusions, together with some of the data upon which they have been based, are offered to the public. To publish all the data supplied would require almost a small book in itself, and would have proved too statistical for pleasant reading. The statements quoted, however, will indicate the basis upon which the generalisations have been formed, and some references to the number of mosques are added as somewhat confirmatory information, though it must be borne in mind, as Chapter XI. clearly proves, that in some cases the buildings may be out of all proportion to the population. The fact that this is the case in some centres appears to indicate that Mohammedanism has not been a progressive faith in China for some time.

The statement made by Dr. A. H. Smith that there are only several hundred Mohammedan families in Peking to-day, whereas they used to swarm in the east suburb, would seem to indicate great changes, or at least a migration of the population, though we shall venture shortly to qualify somewhat Dr. Smith’s conclusions. Professor Vasil’ev, after investigations on the spot, stated that Pekin had, in 1867, 18 mosques and 20,000 1 See Dr. Happer’s criticism in The Edinburgh Review.

The writer submitted questions to over 800 persons in China. Many who replied did so on behalf of themselves and others, so that the opinion of many more than the 200 correspondents are included.

196 ISLAM IN CHINA Mohammedan families, and with this statement M. de Thiersant agrees. Professor Vasil’ev also reported that all the Mullahs of the Peking mosques were educated in Lintsingchow on the Grand Canal in Shantung. It is interesting to compare this statement with that made by Rev. D. MacGillivray which is quoted on page 184. It is not improbable that there may have been Imperial patronage in the days of Emperor K’ien Lung (see page 92), and it was reported to T. W. Arnold that K’ien Lung was almost “induced to embrace Islam, but the weighty considerations of state set forth by his ministers dissuaded him from openly adopting this faith, and he contented himself with showing great favour to his Mohammedan subjects, keeping them about his person and building a mosque for them in his palace.” We have no means of testing this report, which is probably an ex parte statement by Seyyid Sulayman, and based upon the favour shown by the Emperor to his Kashgarian concubine.

There is no doubt whatever that Mohammedanism in China received a series of serious checks during the rebellions of recent years. And although it is stated by Bishop Roots that an effort is being made by a PanIslamic movement having its centre in Tokio to revive Moslem interests in China, Mohammedanism does not present anything like that menacing problem contemplated by Professor Vasil’ev some forty odd years ago. That writer has drawn an alarming picture of the Moslem menace in the East, and even went so far as to suggest that Mohammedanism might become the national faith of China. On the contrary, the facts unquestionably show that Mohammedanism has lost much ground during the last hundred years. It is certainly a remarkable fact that Mohammedanism, which deprecates the translation of the Koran into other languages, has prospered so much as it has in China, where its tenets have not been propagatedKOREA SINKIANG INCLUDING MONGOLIA KANSU 2,000,000 CHIHLI SHAN 500.000 SI000.000 25,000 SHANTUNG 100.000 MANCHURIA 50,000 200009 1500,000 TIBET BURMAH SHEN SI 26.000 500.000 SZECHWAN 100,000 250.000 200,000 YELLOW SEA HONAN KIANGSU 200,000 250.000 ANHWEI 250,000 40,000 HUPEH 10.000 CHEKIANG 7.500 HUNAN KIANGS 2,500 FUKIEN 1000 KWEI 20.000 CHOW 10.000 YUNNAN 20,000 300,000 1,000,000 KWANGSI 15.000 20.000 TONGKING KWANGTUNG 20.000 25.000 FORMOSA HAIN CHINA SEA ENGLAND A WALES MAP SHOWING THE ESTIMATED NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION OF MOSLEMS IN CHINA.

The figures on the map represent the estimated minimum aryl maximum Moslem population. The following table giving the total population of each province as printed in The Statesman’s Year Book will enable the reader to see the proportion of Moslems to the native Chinese population. Thus supposing Yunnan and Chihli each possess a million Moslems, the proportion of these to the general population would be nearly twice as great in Yunnan as in Chihli.

Province.

Population.

Province.

Population.

Anhwei.

23,670,314 Chekiang 11,580,692 Kweichow Shansi 7,650,282 12,200,456 Chihli 20,037,000 Shantung 38,247,900 Fukien 22,870,540 Shensi 8,450,182 Honan 35,316,800 Szechwan 68,724,890 Hunan 22,169,673 Hupeh 35,280,685 Kansu 10,885,376 Kiangsi 20,582,125 Yunnan. Manchuria Mongolia Sinkiang 12,324,574 • 8,500,000 (including .

3,780,000 Kiangsu.

13,980,235 Tibet 6,430,000 Kwangsi 5,142,330 Kwangtung 31,865,251 426,045,305 To face page 197.

THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 197 by the sword or by much political influence, at least during recent years, for it must be borne in mind that in times past, as during the Mongol dynasty, Mohammedanism did receive a measure of Imperial patronage, as was seen by the appointment to high office of Mohammedan officials. It remains to be seen whether Mohammedanism will be able to hold its own in the presence of the modern revival of learning, for as we have shown elsewhere, it is evident that Arabic is little known and understood even by the leading Moslems of the country.

Proceeding now to briefly summarise the situation as it exists in the various provinces, we may commence with the north-west province of Kansu, which the writer thinks possesses nearly half of the total Mohammedan population of the Empire, if Sinkiang be excluded.

Kansu.-The Mohammedan population of Kansu appears to be unevenly distributed, and general estimates vary according to the locality of the writer. Thus at Fukiang, a hsien city, there is not a single Mohammedan family, and the estimate from this centre for the province is given at one-tenth of the whole, whereas at Pingliang the estimate varies from forty to ninety per cent. The lowest estimate for the province is 2,000,000, and the highest, given by Mr. H. French Ridley, is 8,500,000 at most.

The Mohammedans are more numerous in the western part of the province, and the increase by birth is more rapid than with the ordinary Chinese. 1 Some districts have been practically depopulated through the recent rebellions so far as the Mohammedan element is concerned. Thus in the important prefectural city of Liangchowfu there are only about seventy Mohammedans in all, and these are only allowed to remain on sufferance.

‘The Chinese census, which counts according to families, estimates six for a Moslem family and five for a native Chinese. See Revue du monde musulman, October 1909, p. 214.

198 ISLAM IN CHINA They are not permitted to possess property, but only to rent it. This condition has existed since 1869, when the Mohammedans were driven into their mosques and homes which were then fired, and all landed property reverted to the crown.

The following details concerning the population of a few centres may be taken as typical of others. In the country (? prefecture) of Siningfu, Mr. Ridley estimates that there are about a quarter of a million;1 at Lanchowfu, the capital, Mr. George Andrew gives 25,000 as the number; at Titaochow and Hochow, Mr. Ekvall believes there are 200,000. Hochow is a city of importance to the Mohammedans who are one-half of the total population. At Taochow, Mr. W. W. Simpson estimates 25,000 Mohammedans, or one-third of the whole; at Tsinchow Mr. Harding gives 700 families; at Hweihsien 1000 families; and at Tsinan over 200 families; while at some of the surrounding towns the inhabitants are all Moslems. Mr. Fiddler estimates 50,000 as the Mohammedan population of Ninghiafu and neighbourhood; while at Pingliang and Tsingningchow the Mohammedans are believed to be forty per cent of the whole, whatever that may be.

The large number of mosques is another evidence of the prevalence of Mohammedans in Kansu. To enumerate the towns and cities where these are to be found would be impossible without giving a list of all the most important centres of the province. Hochow city has no less than 12; the Taochow district about 50, those within the city being large buildings; Lanchowfu, the capital, has 10 within the city and neighbourhood; Tsinchow has 4 in the city and 8 in the country near by. The oldest one in Tsinchow was rebuilt in 1522 according to a stone record, and is a fine building, but no one knows when it was first erected. Prior to the Mohammedan rebellions 1 Where the word “family” does not occur, “persons” is intended.

THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 199 of 1862-73 mosques abounded everywhere, there being according to report over 100 in the Changchiachwang district alone.

To-day, while there are not a few cities with several mosques each, as mentioned above, nearly every city has at least one with smaller buildings for the villages where Mohammedans reside. In some cases the Mohammedans are not allowed to reside within the cities, and the mosques are then in the suburbs. This is the case at Ninghia and Pingliang. If the total Mohammedan population of the province be placed at 3,000,000, it would probably be substantially correct.

Shensi.-The Mohammedan population of Shensi is said to have been more than a million before the rebellions, since which time many have moved into Kansu. Mr. C. J. Anderson states that the official figures for Sianfu, the capital, are 9480; and 26,000 for the whole of the province; and, according to Mr. Madeley, they are only reported as residing in the districts of Sianfu, Hanchungfu, and Hinganfu. The total number for Hanchungfu and district is given by Mr. A. B. Lewis at about 700.

The capital has 7 mosques, Hanchungfu 8, one being within the city, one in the eastern suburb where the majority of the Mohammedans reside, and a small one about a mile away. Several of the district cities of the prefecture have small buildings. Sisiang is said to have 2 mosques, and one or two other places, which need not be detailed, 1 each. The figures are certainly small, but we have no data to prove that the official figures are not substantially correct. We venture, however, to put the maximum as high as 500,000 awaiting fuller information. More data concerning this province is certainly desirable.

Shansi.-The Mohammedan population of Shansi can hardly be less than the minimum of its neighbouring 200 ISLAM IN CHINA province Shensi, for Mr. Oberg of Saratsi sends details for the district north of the Great Wall which give a total of 10,000 for that area alone. For the prefecture of Tatungfu, Mr. Edward Larsson gives the Mohammedan population as 2500, and it is not likely to be less than double that number for the whole district between the two arms of the Great Wall. In the prefecture of Luanfu there are about 8000, and judging by the replies from six centres in central and southern Shansi, in the majority of which places there are no Mohammedans whatever, it may be safely said that 10,000 would be a liberal estimate for the remaining portions of the province. North of the Great Wall there are in all 10 mosques and a few smaller buildings scattered in other parts of the province. The total for the province may be about 25,000.

Chihli.-In Chihli there is undoubtedly a large Mohammedan population. As has been already mentioned, Dr. A. H. Smith thinks the 20,000 families of forty years ago has dwindled now to several hundred. “They used to swarm in the east suburb and were the carriers of the Imperial rice from the boats to the granaries. Now that this is abolished, large numbers have drifted to other places.” Without wanting to appear to challenge the statement of so careful an observer as Dr. A. H. Smith, we would, however, quote part of a letter from Mr. Arthur Cotter who, as a speaker of Arabic, has special facilities for making such inquiries. Mr. Cotter most kindly made special investigations to, as far as possible, elucidate this point. He writes as follows:“With regard to the number of Moslems in Peking, I think Dr. Smith is under-estimating the actual numbers. All the Ahongs whom I have seen are agreed in estimating the number of mosques in Peking as between thirty and forty. At the chief mosque in Niu Chieh, where Ali THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 201 Riza Effendi is Professor, I am informed that the actual number is 88, which I think will be correct, although I have not seen them myself. I have, however, come across small mosques in out-of-the-way lanes. This number of mosques would imply a much greater number of Mohammedan residents than Dr. Smith’s few hundred families. At Niu Chich, the chief mosque district, there are, I am informed, about 8000 Mohammedans. At the Ping-tsemen, where there is a large mosque, I am told there are about 2000 Mohammedans. I think you will be safe to put the number at over 10,000.” To the south of Peking there are, according to the Rev. F. L. Norris, large colonies near the Hun river and also around the prefectural city of Hokienfu. In the north there are large numbers, for Mr. Robert Stephen reports that Jehol city has about 800 families, and the Jehol territory more than 10,000 families. In the northwest at Süanhwafu, Mr. C. G. Söderbom states that there are 4500, with smaller numbers in the neighbouring cities, and he also remarks that there are many living on the newly cultivated land on the Mongolian border, north of the Great Wall. These emigrants who may possibly have come north from Peking, number several thousands, and as they form themselves into robber bands, are much feared by the people. Kalgan city has, according to Mr. W. P. Sprague, 1200 families.

In the south, Rev. H. P. Perkins estimates that there are fully 2000 families within a radius of eighteen miles of Paotingfu.1 Farther south at Shuntehfu, Mr. M. L. Griffith estimates 2000 families, and other statements received indicate that the Mohammedans are spread pretty generally throughout the province.

In the district of Jehol there are 10 mosques, 2 of which are within the city. Süanhwafu has 5, Kalgan 1 A more recent letter from Mr. Cotter who had just visited Mr. Perkins says 30,000 persons.

202 ISLAM IN CHINA 4, Tungchow 4, though Dr. Arthur Smith says one of these is disused and will be abandoned. The one outside the North Gate is in a bad condition, the one within the city prosperous, and the one outside the West Gate new. Paotingfu with district has 10, 8 of which are within the city, Shuntehfu has 2, and Hokienfu 1 large building. Many other cities and even villages have mosques. Making a rough generalisation from the data supplied, the Mohammedan population of the province can hardly be less than 250,000, and may possibly be as high as 1,000,000.

Shantung.-The replies from Shantung illustrate the great difficulty of estimating for the whole province from some parts of the same. It is evident that there are few Mohammedans in the east of the province, while there are a good many towards the centre and west. The fullest answer to the question concerning population was given by Rev. John Murray of the American Presbyterian Mission, and the following extract from his reply, in which he quotes figures given him by a Mullah, indicates a considerable population in certain areas.

Tsinan Tsining Yenchowfu 1 Taianfu • 33 3000 families.

· 2 large mosques and 2 smaller ones.

5 2 or 3 · 99 99 99 5000-10,000 99 1000 99 99 99 2 1000-2000 99 99 99 2000 99 99 99 1000 99 99 99 1 1000 99 99 99 1000-2000 99 99 99 Tsaochowfu 1 Lintsingchow 3 Laichow Tsingchowfu 2 These figures being supplied by a Mullah may be generous estimates, and possibly partly guesses, yet Mr. Murray judges the statements as fairly correct for his own city of Tsinan, though he regards some of the other figures as too large, but is not in a position to contradict them. The Rev. R. C. Forsyth estimates the Mohammedan population of Tsingchowfu, with about fifty other places THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 208 in that region, at 100,000; and the Rev. D. MacGillivray, as will be seen from his interesting account of Lintsingchow, confirms the figures as to mosques and Moslems in that city.

It should be mentioned, however, that Bishop Iliff gives the Mohammedan population of the whole prefecture of Taianfu as only 1000 persons, and of the whole province as not more than 10,000 persons. In face of the other estimates it is extremely probable that these figures are much below the mark, and the total Moslem population of the province can certainly not be less than 100,000, as given by Mr. Forsyth, and may be over 200,000, as Mr. Murray thinks possible.

Honan.-In Honan there appears to be a pretty strong Mohammedan element, especially in certain areas. The Rev. A. J. Slimmon thinks that there are some 40,000 living in the city of Hwaikingfu and surrounding villages. These villages are entirely Moslem, some containing two or three hundred families with one or two mosques each. For Honanfu, Mr. Blom estimates 1500. No estimates are given for the capital, but the Moslems are strong in Tungsu, about thirty miles to the south-east. In Chengchow, the Rev. W. W. Lawton thinks there are about 10,000, and he states that the Mohammedans are more prolific than the ordinary Chinese, the number of children to a family being greater. From some cities in the province, such as Sincheng Ho, they were driven out many years ago while many were killed. In Jungyang and Szeshui Ho there are probably about 6000 to each city.

In the commercial mart of Chowkiakow, Mr. W. W. Shearer estimates 8000, and there are seven mosques. At Hwaitienki, about thirty miles lower down the river, the entire population is Mohammedan, and about an equal distance up the river are several Moslem villages. At 204 8000.

ISLAM IN CHINA Yencheng Ho there are some 500, and at Sihwa about Mr. MacGillivray has estimated the entire Mohammedan population of the province as 200,000, but in view of some of the figures given it is not improbable that the total is fully a quarter of a million. Mosques seem fairly plentiful. The capital, Kaifeng, has 7, Yencheng Ho 6, Chowkiakow 7, Hwaikingfu 5, Sihwa 5, Chengchow and vicinity 7, Jungyang and vicinity 8, and many other places smaller numbers. Some correspondents think that most hsien cities have at least 1.

Kiangsu.-In Kiangsu the Rev. B. C. Patterson estimates the Mohammedan population of Peichow at more than 1000 families, and that of Sutsien at about 400 families. The Rev. Henry M. Woods gives a few hundred for Hwaianfu, but several thousand persons for Tsingkiangpu and some of the large villages to the north. This figure is confirmed by the Rev. J. R. Graham of Tsingkiangpu, who estimates 40,000 Mohammedans for his district.

In Nanking Mr. W. B. Pettus says there are 10,000 Mohammedans and 25 mosques. The number in Shanghai is thought not to exceed 1000. Tsingkiangpu and district has 30 mosques, Yangchow has 6, and Shanghai 2 or 3 (reports vary); while Dr. J. M. W. Farnham states that there are mosques in nearly every city of the province.

These are very imperfect figures upon which to generalise, but with about 80,000 Mohammedans at the few centres from which reports have been received, and with no reports from such important and populous districts as Soochow, the Mohammedan population may be roughly stated as about a quarter of a million.

Szechwan.-Estimates for Szechwan vary considerably, one resident placing it at 10 per cent of the whole, while another thinks 10,000 the total. A comparison of the THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 205 reports received show that there are many in the northwest, and a somewhat remarkable development on the Tibetan border. It is an interesting fact to know that the first ordained Chinese pastor in Bishop Cassels’ diocese, the Rev. Mr. Ku, is a converted Mohammedan.

Starting from the north-west we note that the Rev. D. A. Callum attributes 2000 families to Sungpan, 210 families to Mienchow, 800 families to Lunganfu, and 100 families to one or two other places. Mr. Hutson gives 140 families for Kwanhsien Sze, and 240 families for Penghsien. In the Paoning prefecture Bishop Cassels estimates 4000 persons, and in Chengtu Mr. A. Grainger states that the Mohammedans themselves reckon there to be 1000 males, but the police, who reckon both sexes, say 2597.

This probably does not include children. In Chungking Mr. R. B. Whittlesey says there are about 800, of whom some 60 can read and understand Arabic. For Wanhsien the Rev. W. Taylor reports 1000 persons, while reports from a number of other centres give varying numbers from 100 families to smaller figures.

Before passing to the Tibetan border it is necessary to examine some figures given in the Revue du monde musulman for October 1909. Unfortunately the writer’s name is not printed, but considerable detailed knowledge is shown which encourages credence. The writer gives 1000 families, or 12,000 persons, for Chengtu city, with 30,000 for the city and district. The average of twelve to a family at once attracts attention, and of course far exceeds the ordinary basis of calculation. If Mr. Grainger’s statement of 1000 males, which was given by the Mohammedans themselves, be accepted as 1000 heads of families, the total of 6000 for the city would be only half what the article claims.

The writer of the article quoted, states that of the 1000 families, 800 are officials who possess from 50,000206 ISLAM IN CHINA to 60,000 taels each, that the Moslem merchants practically monopolise the border tea trade, one merchant at Kwanhsien, named Pen Li-seng, having a capital of 500,000 taels. The names and ages of the Imams and Ahongs are given, the Kiu Kiao in Chengtu having 12 Imams and 100 Ahongs, of whom only 35 know Arabic; the Sin Kiao 15 Ahongs,-only one man among this group has been to Mecca. We are inclined to regard the figures as somewhat exaggerated. Certainly an average of twelve to a family is too high. The details of this letter are very interesting.

Mr. J. R. Muir has supplied some interesting details concerning Tibet and the Chinese Tibetan border. The figures are as follows:Lhasa Chiamdo 2000 families.

100 · 99 Draya Batang · 30 families.

12 • 99 Garthok 80 Tatsienlu. 1500 · 99 99 Suching (including Tsunghwa, Mowkong, and surroundings), 2000 to 8000 families.

Mr. Muir adds, “We know there are numbers of them in northern Tibet. They are called ‘Kachee’ by the Tibetans, which is a name they also give to Kashmir. This may mean either that they originally entered Tibet from Kashmir, or that the majority are from that country.” At Suching, on the border, Mohammedanism is making some headway among Tibetan proselytes. These Tibetan families make a difference in their houses, taking down corners and other things which have an idolatrous meaning.

To refer to mosques. Sungpan and district has 8, Lungan 9, Mienchow 7, the Paoning prefecture 5, Chengtu 11,’ while many other places have smaller 1 The writer in the Revue du monde musulman substantially agrees. He says Kiu Kiao, 11 mosques; Sin Kiao, only 1.

THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 207 numbers. Speaking of Chengtu, Mr. Grainger says that the mosques seem to be out of proportion to the population, which appears to be decreasing. There is no propaganda, and they do not seem to increase naturally, but rather the reverse. This, it will be noted, does not agree with the reports from other provinces, where the Mohammedans are considered as having larger families than the ordinary Chinese, nor with the writer quoted above, who attributed twelve persons to a family.

The reports received, not including those in Tibet proper, show about 50,000 Mohammedans in the districts to which reference has been made, and in view of the few replies received in comparison with the vast area of the province, it would be a conservative estimate to place the total at 100,000. If in the south-west of the province, towards the Yunnan border, the Mohammedans approximate in numbers to those in the north-west and centralwest, as is more than probable, the total could easily be a quarter of a million.

Kweichow.-The Mohammedan element in Kweichow is very small, only 4 mosques in all being reported. The prefecture of Anshunfu has about 200 families, and there are about 100 families in the eastern third of the province. The Rev. Samuel Clarke would not estimate more than several tens of thousands for the whole of the province, but in the light of the details received it is not improbable that 10,000 would be a fair figure.

Yannan.-There is great diversity of opinion as to the Mohammedan population of Yunnan, estimates varying from 100,000 to 1,000,000. Undoubtedly the Panthay rebellion, referred to elsewhere, greatly diminished their numbers, and it is possible that the Mohammedans may intentionally under-estimate their strength to avoid Chinese jealousy.

208 ISLAM IN CHINA In the north-west the Rev. C. E. Hicks estimates 10,000 families for the neighbourhood of Chaotung,1 of which number 600 families are within the city. Mr. E. Amundsen states that about 20,000 live in and around the capital. In the Tali Plain, which is about thirty miles long and three miles wide, there are some 1200 Mohammedans, but, according to Dr. Clark, there are a large number living at Mengwa (Ting), two days’ journey to the south, there being 1200 families in two large villages not far from that city, where the ordinary Chinese are not allowed to live. In other centres west and north smaller numbers are to be found. At Tengyueh there are some 300 families with similar or larger numbers at other centres between that place and Tali.

The last-mentioned fact, stated by Mr. Embery, is confirmed by Major Davies in his work entitled Yunnan.

“Along the main road from Tengyueh to Tali there is a considerable Mohammedan population, and they are found distributed all over the province, more in some districts than in others. Perhaps in Yungchang, Tali, and Yünchow there is a larger proportion of Panthays than in other towns. Sometimes one finds Mohammedan colonies in very out-of-the-way places, probably men who have taken refuge there after the suppression of the rebellion; and even in the Shan States, within British territory, there are two or three Panthay settlements.

“No doubt the numbers of the Yunnan Mohammedans were considerably thinned by wholesale massacres when the Chinese troops finally got the best of them, but I do not suppose that they ever formed a very large proportion of the inhabitants of the province. At present I should say at a guess they would not amount to more than three per cent of the total population. Mohammedans are 1 Mr. George Soulié in the Revue du monde musulman, October 1909, estimates from 10,000-15,000 for Chaotung; 2000-3000 for Tungchwan; 800010,000 for Yunnanfu; 1000-1500 for Tali; 1000-1200 for Menghwa, and 30004000 for Linanfu.

THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 209 distributed all over China, and I do not think there is any province which has none, but I believe the proportion in Yunnan is greater than in any other province except Kansu. It is often supposed that Chinese Mohammedans are more honest and straightforward than the real Chinaman, but from what I have seen of them I very much doubt if this is the case in Yunnan; their customs and ways of thought are quite Chinese.” The province of Yunnan is the one province which has been the most carefully surveyed of any, in consequence of the expeditions organised by the Indian Government. The important place it has held in Mohammedan questions makes it worth while to quote still from Major Davies’ book, as his views as to the population are of special value. In his Appendix on “The Area, Population, and Inhabitants of Yunnan,” p. 806, he writes:“After my second journey in Yunnan I made a rough calculation of the density of population to the square mile over those tracts of country which I had surveyed the most thoroughly. In all of these I had noted the number of houses in the towns and villages, and I allowed an average of six persons to each house.

“The result gave about 400 to the square mile in the plains and 40 to the square mile in the hilly tracts. Taking the whole province I calculated that about onefifteenth of the total area is plain land and the remainder hills. This then would give 10,000 square miles with a population of 400 to the mile, and 140,000 square miles with a population of 40 to the mile. Total population 9,600,000. My very rough methods of calculation naturally only give an approximate result, but in default of any better estimate the population of Yunnan may be taken as about 10,000,000.” If then the Moslem element be three per cent of the total, Major Davies’ estimate would be only 800,000 for P 210 ISLAM IN CHINA the province. These figures are certainly startling, especially when M. de Thiersant and others estimated it at 4,000,000. The conclusions of a scientific surveyor, who has given many years to the province and travelled some 5500 miles in connection with his observations, are not to be lightly dismissed. Mr. Commissioner F. W. Carey, who writes from Tengyueh, gives as his estimate, “Less than half a million at present: in fact, I should say about 350,000.’ 99 M. George Soulie,’ who evidently writes from careful personal observation, says from 800,000 to 1,000,000, and Mr. Rhodes of the C.I.M., who has devoted as much attention to the Mohammedan problem as perhaps anyone in China, and who has had long and frequent intercourse with the Moslems of Yunnan, gives it as his opinion that there are about 1,000,000 in the province. We therefore accept the two extremes of 800,000 and 1,000,000 as the minimum and maximum figures.

Yunnan the capital has 6 mosques, and Mr. Rhodes estimates 35 for central and eastern Yunnan, in which district he himself has visited 25. The largest buildings, he states, are often found in the country, where the population is mainly Moslem. Some of them are only small, humble halls, though many fine buildings were in use prior to the rebellion. Their strength at that time was such that in Talifu they actually used the city temple as a mosque, but now not infrequently are limited to the large upstairs room of an ordinary dwelling-house. In the Tali Plain there are at present about 15 mosques. Some of the buildings are only mortgaged and others merely rented.

Hupeh.-In Hupeh the Mohammedan element is very small, there being probably not more than 10,000 persons in all. At Ichang there are 50 families, many of the restaurants and tea-shops being in their charge. In the 1 Revue du monde musulman, Oct. 1909.

THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 211 locality of Fancheng 800 families are reported, and a smaller number at Sianyangfu. Laohowkow has about 200 families, and estimates for the prefecture of Wuchang vary from some hundreds to several thousands. In the light of all the reports received, 10,000 appears to be a fair average. Bishop Roots states that Wuchang has 8 mosques and Hankow 2; while the replies from other centres report mosques at thirteen places in the province.

Kiangsi.-There is very little to be said concerning Kiangsi. The capital has less than a 1000, and the numbers reported from other centres are but few. Nanchang has 2 mosques, while only three other centres are reported as having any. Probably 2500 Mohammedans in the province would not be wide of the mark.

Anhwei.-In Anhwei most cities have a mosque, and several large cities, such as the capital Anking, Taiho, Showchow, and Shucheng have 2 each. There are not many Mohammedans south of the Yangtze, if the neighbourhood of Wuhu be excepted. Around Wuhu there are about 3000, and several hundred families for the remainder of the province south of the river. Towards the north they are stronger, 6000 being the number given for the capital and neighbourhood; from two or three thousand for Taiho, about a thousand for Shucheng. 40,000 would probably cover the total for the province.

Chekiang.-Although history shows that there was formerly a strong Mohammedan community in parts of Chekiang, there are probably not more than 1500 families to-day. Three friends who write from Hangchow, vary in their estimates of that city and neighbourhood from 120 to 1000 families; and reports from other centres vary from 20 to 40 families. Hangchow has 8 or 4 mosques (reports vary), one of which is large. Chüchowfu and Wenchow have mosques, but at the latter place worship 212 ISLAM IN CHINA depends upon the visit of a Mullah from some other place. At the most the number of Mohammedans must be almost too small to attract attention among a population of 11,000,000, and we place it at 1500 families or 7500 persons.

Hunan.-Replies have been received from seven workers resident in Hunan which prove that the total cannot be high. The following extract from the Rev. A. Fleischer’s letter, with which on the whole other reports agree, will indicate the reasons for accepting 20,000 as a probable total.

66 ‘Judging from the results of my own investigations in our Mission - field (the districts of Yiyang, Anhwa, Sinhwa, Ningsiang, and Yuanhsiang (?) with Changsha), I should think the number given, 25,000, is rather exaggerated. In Yiyang I found 5 colonies, with some 60 homes in all, which would make the Mohammedan population of that district about 600 persons. From Anhwa, Sinhwa, and Yuanhsiang I got the answer ‘No Mohammedans here.’ Even in Changsha I only heard of some hundreds. The total Mohammedan population of our field, comprising 7 out of 64 hsiens of the province, would amount to only some 2000 at most.” On the other hand, Mr. Owen gives 3000 persons for Changteh, Dr. Keller estimates 100 families for Changsha, and the Rev. W. W. Gibson 200 persons for Paoking. Changsha has 2 mosques, Changteh 3, with 6 others in the district in and around Taoyuan, and 8 in and around Lungyang. Hengchowfu and Paoking both have mosques, and Lichow district 4. Mr. Fleischer only found 1 in all his district-Changsha excepted-and that was in the country.

Kwangtung.-Mr. Hans Döring has taken considerable trouble to collect information concerning Kwangtung, and estimates the total for that province at from 20,000 THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 218 to 25,000 persons.

Of these there are about 7000 to 10,000 in Canton and vicinity. In Shiuhing, as reported by Miss Dunk, there are only some 400 families.

Three replies from the Island of Hainan vary from 600 to 6000, but the Rev. Clarence H. Newton has the following interesting statement:-“There is one colony at a place called Sama, on the south coast and out of the route which we ordinarily take in our itinerations. I was there the year before last, and the Mohammedans are perhaps one-half of the total population of the town.” Canton has 5 mosques, Shiuhing 2, while there are a number of other places with one each. The island of Hainan has 1 at Sama, and, according to the Rev. F. P. Gilman of Kachek, 2 at Tamngae. The total Mohammedan population of Kwangtung and Hainan may be roughly said to be about twenty-five thousand.

Kwangsi.-The total number of Mohammedans in Kwangsi is estimated at from 15,000 to 20,000, and of this number about 2000 families have settled at the capital, Kweilin. They are apparently of northern origin. Kweilin and Wuchow are both reported as possessing 6 mosques each, one building at the former place being quite new. Nanning and other centres also have mosques.

Fukien.-The information from Fukien is scanty, but judging by the Rev. P. W. Pitcher’s statement that there are only 3 mosques reported, these being Foochow, Amoy, and Changchowfu, and from his own statement that the 40 or 50 Mohammedans in Amoy city are all of the official class, there being apparently none in the middle and lower classes, the total Mohammedan population of the province is hardly appreciable. It may be estimated as not exceeding 1000 in all.

Manchuria.-Replies concerning Manchuria have been received from the Revs. F. W. S. O’Neill, W. Hunter, and R. T. Turley. Striking a mean between the figures 214 ISLAM IN CHINA given, Moukden has about 17,000 Mohammedans, Kaiyuan 2000, Sinminfu 2500, Chinchowfu 8500, Fakumen 2000, Liaoyang 2500, Newchwang 2000, Tiehling 1000, and Kwanging 7500. The total for the province of Fengtien (or Shengking) cannot be less than 50,000 and the same in the case of Kirin, though it is possible that the Mohammedan population of the whole of Manchuria may not be less than 200,000.

Moukden has 8 mosques, the district of Kwanging 9, and probably every city has its own meeting-place.

Mongolia.-No definite information has been received concerning Mongolia, though, as has been mentioned already, Mohammedans are settling in the south of this great dependency.

Sinkiang.-Of Sinkiang it is extremely difficult to speak, since so little is known about the total population of this new province. Rev. G. Raquette of Yarkand gives the Mohammedan population as 2,000,000, but this is more than the population of the whole dominion, as given by the Statesman’s Year Book, where it is only 1,200,000. Mr. George Hunter, who has travelled widely in Sinkiang for the last five years, has, strange to say, given even a higher estimate than Mr. Raquette. Some of the details he communicates are of special interest.

He estimates that there are some 2,000,000 Turki Mohammedans or Ch’an Tou (wrap-heads), as they are called from the custom of wearing the turban; some 200,000 Tungans or Chinese Mohammedans; about 200,000 Hasak Mohammedans, and several thousand Kirghiz Mohammedans. As Mr. Hunter’s figures for Kansu, which province is well known to him, are in excess of those which have been quoted, it is possible that his estimates are somewhat high. Nearly every city has one or more mosques. He states that the marriage tie is very loose, many Mohammedans in Kashgar having had as THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 215 many as 100 different wives. Such a condition in China proper would be practically impossible, and in this the restraining influence of Confucian ethics is clearly seen.

In view of the Statesman’s Year Book figures for the total population of Sinkiang, we place the minimum figure for the Moslems of this new dominion at 1,000,000, and the maximum, with some hesitation, according to Mr. Hunter’s statement at 2,400,000.

Summarising, then, the position as stated above, under minimum and maximum columns, we append the following table as an approximate generalisation based upon the data briefly summarised in the preceding pages. We must apologise for wearying the reader with these details, but the value of the conclusions reached depend so entirely upon the data given that it has seemed essential to at least give a précis of the material at present before the writer.

SUMMARY OF MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION OF CHINESE EMPIRE.

Province.

Kansu • Shensi Shansi · Chihli Minimum.

Maximum.

2,000,000 3,500,000 26,000 500,000 25,000 25,000 500,000 1,000,000 Shangtung Honan 100,000 200,000 200,000 250,000 Kiangsu 250,000 250,000 Szechwan 100,000 250,000 Kweichow 10,000 20,000 Yunnan 800,000 1,000,000 Hupeh 10,000 10,000 Kiangsi.

2,500 2,500 Anhwei • 40,000 40,000 Chekiang 7,500 7,500 Hunan 20,000 20,000 Kwangtung 20,000 25,000 Kwangsi 15,000 20,000 Fukien.

1,000 1,000 8,627,000 7,121,000 Manchuria 50,000 200,000 Sinkiang 1,000,000 2,400,000 Mongolia (no figures) say 50,000 100,000 4,727,000 9,821,000216 ISLAM IN CHINA To sum up the preceding statements, it may be given as a rough generalisation that the Moslem population of the Chinese Empire lies somewhere between the minimum and the maximum figures of 5,000,000 and 10,000,000. The reader must himself decide how far the data and deductions deserve his credence, and whether the minimum or maximum figure is the more probable. Despite the general tendency there is to over-estimate numbers, the writer after careful considerations, based upon the full correspondence before him, leans rather towards the higher than the lower figure. The Moslem population of China has not yet attracted with sufficient seriousness the attention of the Missionary community, and it is more than probable that many small settlements have been entirely overlooked. As one illustration of this, the writer may mention that Mr. Pettus has given details of a Moslem centre and important Moslem schools where another missionary, generally noted for accuracy, reported none. On the other hand, Major Davies’ report on Yunnan shows how easily numbers can be over-stated, and probably the figures for Sinkiang are beyond the facts.

In spite of the somewhat uncertain light which at present exists, we may, however, safely say that the Moslem population of China is certainly equal to the entire population of Algeria or Scotland or Ireland; that it is in all probability fully equal to that of Morocco, and possibly not less than the total population of Egypt or Persia. A few millions among the hundreds of millions of China may not seem many, but if we think of a community equal to that of Egypt or Persia, peculiarly accessible to the Gospel, and yet practically without any missionaries specially set apart or qualified to deal with them, and, apart from one or two small exceptions, with no literature for use among them, we shall have a more adequate conception of the real problem.

What should we think of Manchuria or Mongolia THE MOHAMMEDAN POPULATION 217 without any missionaries, or of no interest centring around the closed land of Tibet. Yet the accessible Moslem population of China is certainly two or three times that of Mongolia, is fully equal to that of Tibet, and probably not less than that of Manchuria. It may, therefore, be said that within China there is a special people, equal in number to the population of any of China’s dependencies, for whom practically nothing is being done, and whose presence hitherto has been almost ignored.

PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 219 “The social condition of Mohammedan women in Kansu Province in northwest China is not so hard as those of their sisters in the more western countries. The Mohammedans, having been in China now about a thousand years, have, save in the matter of idolatry, practically adopted the Chinese customs, even to the binding of the feet of their little girls. Among the wealthier Mohammedans, as with the wealthier Chinese, polygamy is common, many having two or three wives, and among the middle class, when there has been no issue by the first wife, many take unto themselves a second wife. Divorces are of rare occurrence.

“There are no harems. The better-class women are not seen much on the streets, but in the country places, the farmer’s wife, daughters, and daughtersin-law go out into the fields, weed and reap the corn, carry water, gather in fuel, and wear no veil. The daughters and daughters-in-law of the better class, from the age of fifteen to thirty, often wear a black veil when going on a visit to their friends, as also do the Chinese."-Mrs. F. H. RIDLEY, in Our Moslem Sisters.

220 Photo by A YUNNAN MOSLEM FAMILY.

Dr. W. T. Clark.

Note the man’s features and full moustache, which is quite different from that of a native Chinese (Han-ren). The boy belongs to the new soldiers now being drilled in Talifu. The little girl standing at the back does not belong to the family.

To face page 221.

CHAPTER XIII PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS CORRESPONDENTS residing in every province of China acknowledge that the Chinese Moslem, though in most cases dressed like his Chinese fellow-subject, can be detected not only by his different religious habits and customs, but by his physiognomy and bearing alone. Though an alien in origin, he has with varying degree, according to district, approximated to the ordinary Mongolian type in proportion to the degrees of intermarriage. It is probable, however, that the few who think he cannot be recognised by his features alone, have not accustomed themselves to look for those small details which betray his foreign blood and distinguishing habits of dress.

The photograph reproduced on the opposite page will be the best means of bringing this point home to the reader, though many Chinese Moslems are not so strongly differentiated from the sons of Han as the one shown in the picture. Allowing, however, for those ever-varying modifications which must always exist where intermarriage has taken place, it may be broadly stated that the Mohammedan is of a larger and finer build, has a longer face, a heavier beard, a more healthy complexion, a stronger nose, with a brighter and more restless eye. He possesses also a greater superabundance of energy,. with a fearless and open expression, and generally a more dignified bearing. With many the nose is well bridged, 221 222 ISLAM IN CHINA and the typical Chinese almond-shaped eye lacking, while the colour of the Moslem’s eye approximates to blue rather than black. In some cases, especially in Honan and North Anhwei, there is a distinctly Jewish caste of countenance, confirming the opinion that many of the Jews have become merged in the Mohammedan communities.

Reports, emanating from districts as far apart as Kansu, Manchuria, and Canton, speak of the habit of clipping the moustache flush with the upper lip for the length of the mouth alone, it being allowed to grow at the sides as long as it will. This custom is said by themselves to have descended from Moses, and has the advantage of enabling them to identify one another when among strangers. The Mullahs and Ahongs in many cases, if not always, shave the entire head, and all conceal the queue during worship.

Mr. Robert Shaw, British Commissioner in Ladak, thus describes an incident relating to this custom, which occurred when on his visit some forty years ago to the King of Yarkand :-“The Mihmandar, or official welcomer of guests, this morning amused himself cutting the mustachios of half the men in the place with my scissors. All orthodox Mussulmans only let the moustache grow at the two corners of the mouth, removing the hair between; they also shave the whole head. My Hindostanee servant, who has most heretically allowed his hair to grow long, as all Indian Mussulmans do, had his upper lip trimmed by the Mihmandar himself, who then sent him out with a sepoy, to remove his too luxuriant locks. I found him sitting with a rueful face under the wall of the fort, while a Moghul standing over him triumphantly wielded the shears. Great was the laughter and applause, in which I cordially joined, for the neatness of my servant’s appearance was decidedly improved.“1 1 Shaw, High Tartary, Yarkand, and Kashgar, pp. 115-116.

Photo by Dr. W. T. Clark.

ANOTHER YUNNAN MOSLEM FAMILY GROUP.

The father Muh Ta-tie was in Talifu at the time of the Mohammedan rebellion. The father and son will be seen with turbans in the group opposite page 125. To face page 222.PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 228 In certain parts of the Empire the Moslems prefer to dress in grey and wear white or blue caps. In the matter of head-dress there is considerable divergence of custom throughout the Empire. At worship the Imams, Ahongs, and Mullahs, and those who read the Koran and sit within the railings in the mosque, wear white or green turbans, the green probably being his badge as being his badge as a Haji. The leader’s turban is distinguished by being more elaborate, and by the addition of a long end with tassel hanging down the back, as shown in the photographs. Of turbans there appear to be two varieties; the round one of Arabic pattern and the one with a pointed crown after the Bokhara type.

The laity in general wear a pointed octagonal cap, as shown on the next page.

This is of varying colour, either white, red, or black. The colours, they say, distinguish the sect to which they belong. The queue is concealed beneath the cap. Some Moslems have been seen wearing a fez cap like the Turks. Some head-gear the Chinese contemptuously name “the pig’s head cap,” or some other even less worthy title. The horsehair cap with a red button is worn by many both winter and summer. The women in some parts dress differently to their Chinese sisters, and wear a sort of turbaned hat, though opinion is fairly agreed that in the greater part of China, even when the men can easily be distinguished, the women are not so easily recognised. There is almost universal testimony to the fact that there are comparatively few opium smokers among them. Even in the opium-cursed province of Yunnan, Mrs. Rhodes, in visiting among Moslem homes, never came across a Moslem woman smoking opium.

The Mohammedan can also in many cases be recognised by his accent. In Kansu many speak a colloquial dialect, said to be corrupt Mongolian, others speak Turki, and even so far south as Kwangsi the pronunciation of a 224 ISLAM IN CHINA Mohammedan frequently bewrays him. This is certainly remarkable after so great a lapse of time.

Like the Jew he is a keen business man, and very persevering in trade. In China-if the north-west and south-west be excepted where they have larger communities-he seldom takes to farming, and where they are found in villages as farmers, the district is not uncommonly notorious for highway robbery and cattle lifting. This does not necessarily imply that the Mohammedan is the thief, but he is a ready receiver and dealer in stolen cattle. In the main they are engaged in certain well-known trades or callings. Many are horse dealers and carriers, the Mohammedan being a fearless horseman, and dearly fond of a good animal. In parts of Szechwan they control the Tibetan tea trade. Where they do engage in agriculture they are said not to equal the native Chinese, whom, however, they excel in dealing with cattle. They monopolise the beef trade, frequently are engaged in sheep farms, are skin merchants, bakers, workers in jade, money changers, and are frequently the inn or restaurant keepers of the neighbourhood.

The signboards hung outside their restaurants generally have the representation of a water-pot surmounted by a dress hat, with the characters “Kiao-men” (the sect), or “Hui hui,” about which two characters remarks have been made elsewhere. The water-pot signifies ceremonial cleanliness, and is a guarantee that no pork is used, while the hat indicates respect to customers. The photograph of the signboard reproduced opposite lacks the dress hat, and the two characters on the tea-pot are “Pure and True.” The Mohammedan, who is generally stronger and more overbearing in disposition than the native Chinese, is feared by his neighbour. Among the many proverbial sayings which depict the Moslem character the following illustrates this point:-“Ten Peking slippery ones cannot TEL 回 Photos by SOME CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN PARAPHERNALIA.

Dr. W. Guinness and Dr. Clark.

The sign-board on the left is such as is suspended outside Moslem restaurants and inns, etc. In many cases a dress hat is painted above the water-pot. In the centre two kinds of hats are shown, that of the ordinary member and that of the officiating priest. The bucket is used for bathing purposes. It is filled with warm water and suspended above the person, and the plug in the bottom of the bucket then withdrawn. The pot is used for pouring water over the hands. The spout is of bone. These two photos are from Honan, by Dr. Guinness. The picture on the right, by Dr. Clark of Yunnan, shows Moslems at prayer. These hats the Chinese contemptuously called Chu t’ou mao, pig’s head hats.

To face page 224.

PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 225 talk down one Tientsin brawler, and ten Tientsin brawlers cannot talk down one Mohammedan.” It must, however, be remembered that this is the character given him by the native Chinese, who are hardly impartial judges. Many Europeans speak highly of them. Dr. Anderson, in his book, speaks “of their strict honesty in all trading transactions, and their ability as traders.” One personal experience of the writer may be mentioned which was an astonishing revelation to him of the aggressive and overbearing character of the Mohammedan as compared with the more stolid Chinese. Crossing Honan in 1895, he engaged a Mohammedan carter with his small cart (Kiao-ch’ae). Never before nor since did he accomplish a journey by native conveyance at such speed, for the carter allowed no obstacle to obstruct him. When the roads were impassable through mud or water, he would dash up on to the neighbouring fields, defying the angry farmers who threatened terrible things with their pitchforks. Lashing up his mules, he plunged wildly forward while the cart simply danced along over the rough ground. Other carters who blocked his way when on the high roads, were not infrequently subjected to fierce threats, and upon one occasion, before the writer had time to intervene, when obstructed by a long string of salt carts drawn by oxen, he actually cut a man’s face open with his lash. Though he was travelling single-handed and the ox carts were in caravan, he so cowed his opponents that he passed on with no protest from the offended Chinese other than hard words. This contrast to the lethargic Chinese, who will waste hours by the roadside in wranglings and disputes, but who seldom proceed to blows, was truly astounding.

In general the Mohammedan abstains from pork and wine, though in this matter great laxity prevails. If the pork is called mutton it is to be feared that many indulge; and as for wine, in certain districts they have a rather bad 226 ISLAM IN CHINA name concerning this. They are less addicted to the smoking, planting, or selling of opium than their Chinese fellow-subjects, and they avoid the eating utensils which have been used by the ordinary Chinese. One pathetic illustration of this is related by the Rev. F. W. S. O’Neill of Manchuria. He states that during the late war a party of Russian soldiers had been billeted among the houses in the Mohammedan quarter of Fakumen when the troops were passing through the town. The soldiers prepared their food in the ordinary large pots belonging to the homes, and because pork was then cooked in these pots, even the very poor among the Mohammedans, rather than incur defilement, smashed their own utensils after the Russians left, though they sorely lamented at the same time the loss they could so ill afford.

It is, however, quite impossible to generalise for China as a whole, for Mr. Pettus states that he has been to a Mohammedan hotel at Kiukiang where pork was served to non-Mohammedan guests. With some the very name of pig (chu) is avoided, and they speak of it as “the black one.” In some parts they are said to prefer river water to well water, as they are unwilling to drink from the same well as their Chinese neighbours.

Arabic is generally used for the inscriptions which adorn their homes, and these are frequently written with white ink on blue paper instead of black on red paper, as is customary with the Chinese. They greet one another with Arabic salutations, and have also some distinguishing sanitary habits peculiar to themselves.

• They live chiefly in colonies, either in separate villages and towns, or in sections of the city. This, however, cannot be universal, for Mr. Pettus stated in The Chinese Recorder for July 1908, that at Nanking they are scattered, because the Chinese authorities have refused to allow them to segregate. Such isolated and scattered Moslems not infrequently become demoralised and readily PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 227 compromise with the ways of their Chinese neighbours. This fact has led to the following gibe, which is proverbial throughout China,-“One Mohammedan is no Mohammedan, two Mohammedans make half a Mohammedan, and three Mohammedans make one Mohammedan.” On the whole, Mohammedan laxity in China is such that Indian Mussulmans, who have accompanied British Missions, even in Mohammedan Yunnan have expressed their disgust at their indifference to the faith.

The following is an illustration of this, and gives at the same time a pathetic glimpse into the bond which binds the Moslems of different race. “The presence of our jemadar,” writes Dr. Anderson,1 “was a great godsend to them, and the demand for his services at the mosque was so great, that he entirely lost the use of his voice, to the grievous disappointment of the celestial Mohammedans. He frequently lamented to me the laxity that prevailed among them, and my native doctor held them in extreme contempt, and used to assert that they were no Mussulmans. They were full, however, of kindness to their fellow-religionists in our guard without distinction, and did everything for their comfort. On our departure a few of the officers accompanied us nearly a mile from the city weeping bitterly as we left them, and our last sight of Momien embraced these tender-hearted men anxiously looking after us from the spot on which we had parted from them.” Within two or three years of this touching farewell these poor fellows would be included among the countless thousands massacred at the close of the Panthay rebellion, for with the fall of Momien in 1878 that rebellion closed.

The Chinese Mohammedan still regards himself as belonging to an alien people, and as superior to his Chinese neighbours. The passages quoted elsewhere from the Arab travellers of the ninth century and other more recent 1 Expedition to Yunnan, p. 152.

228 ISLAM IN CHINA evidence, go to show that the Moslems in China once enjoyed a measure of extra-territorial rights, and efforts have somewhat recently been made, but without success, to regain these lost privileges.

The Chinese Mohammedan appears to prefer military to civil rank, yet there have been Mohammedan viceroys and governors, and not a few have risen to the highest positions in the military service. Their attitude as students or as officials towards the worship of the Emperor and of Confucius, or even of idolatry, is that of compromise. Compelled by law to conform, they excuse themselves by saying that they only do so outwardly and not in heart. In prostrating themselves before the Emperor’s tablet or idol they will avoid bringing the head in contact with the ground, which they do when worshipping Allah, and they thus satisfy their consciences that the true significance of the rite has been avoided, or that it has been merely an empty official ceremony. Every mosque is obliged by law to have a tablet to the Emperor called a Wan-suipai-tzu. This is placed on a table near the door of the mosque, and is either removed during worship or has, as some assert, a small piece of paper with Chen Chu (Allah): ̧ placed in front when the prostrations are made. Various expedients are resorted to to show that the outward form of worship is done under protest or is regarded as invalid because imperfectly performed. Some will content themselves by bowing at the side or not directly in front of the tablet, and some will send a substitute. Sometimes even high officials are excluded from the mosque during their term of office. As Dr. Arthur Smith remarks, they follow the maxim, “When you are with the wolves you must howl as the wolves do.” These things they regard as incidental and not essential evils, and as such belonging to the Kismet class. Even Mohammed in the Koran made allowance for those who were subject to force or persecution, as in Sura xvi. 5. 108, “Whoso after he hath PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 229 believed in God denieth Him not, if he were forced to it and if his heart remain steadfast in the faith, shall be guiltless” (Rodwell’s translation). Such permission, of course, is really subversive of all morality.

Their customs of marriage and burial, etc., differ from those of the native Chinese, though in these things they approximate more or less to the Chinese ways in different districts. They never, however, marry their daughters into native Chinese families, though a Moslem will marry a Chinese wife, who by marriage is supposed to become a Moslem. When a native Chinese becomes a Mohammedan, it is customary in some parts of the Empire for him to eat some crude soda (t’u kien) to obtain internal purification. At their marriage ceremonies the Ahong officiates, reciting passages from the Koran. The usual Chinese custom of worshipping heaven and earth is not performed.

Following the note of Dr. Arthur Smith concerning the Mohammedan marriage rites of Peking, we understand that three sedan chairs go to the home of the bride. The mother-in-law is in one, one is for the bride, and the other for her mother. All then proceed together to the bride’s new home. The betrothal card has the name of the girl in Arabic, and there is an Arabic certificate of marriage, the ceremony being celebrated by the Ahong in a style something like a Christian wedding.

Their funeral customs are perhaps more distinct from those of the Chinese than in the case of marriage. After death, the body is ceremonially washed, frequently by officials from the mosques, who appropriate the garments of the deceased as part of their perquisites. The body is then carefully swathed in white bandages, every member of the body being bandaged separately. Considerable importance is attached to the correct performance of this rite. The body is then placed upon a board under which are the bands necessary for the lowering of the corpse into280 ISLAM IN CHINA the grave. It is then covered over with a bottomless coffin or bier, as elsewhere in the Moslem world, which is merely used en route to the cemetery and is never interred. This coffin is kept at the mosque and is regularly requisitioned for funerals in the same way as a hearse is hired in western countries. In some parts of China the native Chinese ridicule the custom of bringing back the empty coffin by greeting the cortège with cries of Shae puh teh lai liao (“Here come the stingy ones”).

In bandaging the body, all but the poor use a kind of incense which is sprinkled over the cloths used. In addition, musk and camphor are placed in the grave where the body lies, the wealthy using considerable quantities. This is according to Moslem tradition. The graves themselves vary in different parts of China, but this is also true of the purely native Chinese graves. The sides of the Mohammedan graves are boarded up or lined with stone or brick, Sometimes the body is boarded over so as to leave a hollow space where the dead can kneel for prayer, and sometimes the grave is dug in the shape of an L, only the upright part being filled in again with earth, the recess being left as a small room. This latter custom, though in keeping with Moslem tradition, generally prevails in certain parts of North China, where the writer has attended the funerals of not a few Chinese Christians.

The corpse is laid in the grave with the head towards the north, and the feet towards the south, and the face turned towards Mecca, though sometimes a sitting posture is adopted. The Mohammedans have their own burial grounds, which are square, and the mounds raised over the graves are rectangular and not round, as is commonly the case with the Chinese.

In the matter of food, no meat is eaten by the Chinese Mohammedan unless it has been killed by the Ahong in approved Moslem fashion. Many Mohammedan PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 281 carters will carry their own bread for long distances, and they are frequently put to great inconvenience. Though unquestionably many of them are extremely lax, freely taking wine and even eating pork if it is called by another name, there are also many who suffer much for conscience sake. One such case has already been related earlier in this chapter.

In addition to the foregoing information gleaned from those who have come into personal contact with the Chinese Moslems, a good deal of light is thrown upon their customs by one of their books entitled Siu-chenmeng-in (” A Guide to the Rites of the True Religion “),’ published in Canton in 1668 A.D. The greater part of this book, which has sixty chapters in its sixty odd pages, is devoted to ritual. Every posture and every prayer has its Arabic name transliterated. One point of great interest is that this book by its statements re the modification of ritual, and numerous directions for female worship, gives irresistible evidence that woman has a place in Chinese public Mohammedan worship. No exception, it tells us, can be made in the five daily prayers in favourof poor or rich, young or old, male or female.

Mr. Hogg’ learned through personal conversation with the Moslems that public worship could not be performed by fewer than four persons. The women had mosques of their own-he states that of the ten mosques in Chowkiakow, Honan, three were for women, and these mosques were exclusively set apart for them and were in the charge of female attendants. They, however, always worshipped as individuals, and never as a congregation, even though there might be a number of them gathered together at the same time.

The book referred to above indicates that the Moslem was supposed to engage in proselytising, for the exhorta1 See page 302. Also review by Mr. C. F. Hogg in Chinese Recorder, 1891.

s Chinese Recorder, 1892, p. 57.

282 ISLAM IN CHINA tion of men is commended, and reference is made to such as may have recently become converts from among the heathen. Two hundred taels of silver is given as the minimum of capital from which a man must pay Zakat or legal alms, and the proportion is one in forty, or two and a half per cent.

The many details which relate to ritual connected with worship need not be repeated here. The majority are puerile, and yet are, from the Moslem’s point of view, essential. Confining our attention to customs, we note that a Koranic name King-ming has to be given to a child within seven days of its birth, upon which occasion a feast has to be made. (Still-born children are not to be named.) The rich are expected to kill a sheep, two if the child is a male, and the poor are to be fed with the meat. In selecting the name the father has to hold the child with its face turned towards Mecca and repeat a prayer in each ear of the child. Then taking the Koran he turns over any seven pages, and from the seventh word of the seventh line of the seventh page gives the name. At seven years of age the child is taught to worship and is circumcised. The age of puberty for a boy is fifteen and fourteen for a girl. They have then to kneel towards Mecca and repeat the words of witness. The children must then be mated.

After marriage the husband may not go upon a long journey for at least a year, nor may he take a concubine without his wife’s consent. It is a noteworthy fact, and a testimony to the beneficent influence of Confucian ethics, that none of these Chinese Moslem books contain any reference to the characteristic paradise of the Koran. Did such passages occur, the religion as a religion would be hopelessly condemned by Chinese public opinion. This does not mean to say that the Chinese as a people ‘are more moral in practice than other nations, but their standards are high and, as is well known, no passage PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 233 occurs in the Confucian classics that could not be read aloud without objection in a public drawing-room.

Somewhat elaborate instructions are given in regard to death, the main items of the ritual to be observed being under ten heads. These include the recitation of prayers as death approaches, the making of a will, the giving of alms, rites at the grave, and the recitation of prayers and giving of alms on the seventh, fortieth, and one hundredth days after death as well as at the first, second, and third anniversary. While all the last offices are being performed, the Imam sits on an elevated seat and recites prayers. These prayers are, however, omitted in the case of an unnatural death.

At the funeral the body is to be carried out of the house head first, but en route to the burial ground the feet foremost. Should the corpse be that of a woman, no one but members of the family may look on when the coffin or bier, which is not buried, is removed, and only blood relations, preferably sons, are allowed to descend into the grave to arrange the body. The shape of the grave has been already described. The top of the grave, when filled in, must be square and must stand at least five inches high-half a Chinese foot-lest the locality be forgotten. A stone may be erected, but no personal name (Ming) may be engraved thereon.

The various ranks of the Moslem officials is, after the Sheik-ul-Islam, the Imam, then the Mufti, then the Mullah or learned priest, and lastly the Ahong or simple priest. The term of Mullah is also applied to all who are able to read Arabic.’ The Chinese speak of the 数 Ahong’ as the teacher (Kiao-hsioh-tih), and the Imam as the congregational leader, or “the one who stands in front” (Chan tsai ts’ien-t’ou tih).

1 Devéria, Musulmans et Manchieens chinois, p. 13, etc. * Possibly = Arabic Akhwan. See Sell’s Essay on Islam, p. 105.

ļ 1 RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 285 “There is not a single Moslem sect that looks to the Koran as the only rule of faith and practice. It is well to remember this when superficial students of comparative religion tell us that the Mohammedan religion is all contained in the Koran. Who seeks to understand what Islam is from the Koran alone, will succeed about as well as one who should draw his ideals of Roman Catholicismn in Mexico from the New Testament."-SAMUEL M. ZWEMER.

236 CHAPTER XIV RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS THE traveller in China, unless he happen to be passing through those areas where the Chinese Mohammedan is strongly in evidence, would see little to call his attention to the presence of the Moslem at all. The eye of the man who is accustomed to observe, and who knows what to look for, would detect signs here and there which would make the presence of the Moslem probable. The absence of the customary door god from the street door would awake suspicion, for in that case the inhabitant would either be a Christian or a Moslem. A change of colour in the paper inscriptions pasted up outside, and especially the presence of Arabic characters, would be sufficient proof.

Speaking of China generally, the mosque, with few exceptions, conforms to the native type of architecture, there being nothing in many cases to distinguish the building from an ordinary temple or dwelling, apart from the name. In Chinese Turkestan the style of architecture is not Chinese and the buildings as a rule have a minaret. At Hami nearly every other house, in the Turkoman city, has a minaret in miniature either in front or at the side of the house, while the mosque has a big one. In Urumtchi, Kuldja, and Zugutschack, the mosques within the Russian settlements have minarets, but those within the Chinese settlements have none.

237 288 ISLAM IN CHINA In China proper a good many mosques have small towers (see photograph, facing page 194) which in form are like an ornamented Chinese pagoda. These are generally used either for calling the people to prayer or for taking observations, and the Chinese name varies according to its use. Thus in the majority of cases they are called Wang Yuch lou1 or “Towers for A observing the moon,” while in other places they are 楷 called Kiao Pai lou or “Towers for summoning to worship.” Sometimes the Chinese who fail to understand the significance of the Mezzaret cry, mistake it for the prayer itself, and name the building Han Tien lou, or “Towers for calling upon (shouting to) Heaven.”

** In many parts of China the Moslems are so scattered among the ordinary people that the muezzin’s cry would be useless. For this and probably for other reasons the custom has apparently ceased to be the rule, though it is certainly continued at a few centres. At Hochow in 13 Kansu, a great centre of Mohammedanism in the northwest, it is common, and Mr. Pettus states that he both saw and heard a Mullah give the call to prayer for the principal service on Friday from a minaret in Tungchow Chihli.

Some of the better class mosques have domed roofs and occasionally a handsome Arabesque front. Mr. Larsson describing one at Tatungfu, Shansi, says that the inside is divided into three or four sections by rows of arches. The innermost section has a recess for the leader to kneel in. The floors are boarded and painted, which is a great luxury for parts of Shansi, and the roof over the inner part is round, resembling the Moon Temple at Peking. Most if not all of the mosques show a recess or closed-up door, rounded at the top, in memory of the one through which they say Jesus, according to their 三阧羿樓 `喊天樓 「望月樓

#5/55 RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 289 traditions, escaped to heaven when Judas was taken and crucified.

The Rev. F. W. S. O’Neill says that the mosque in Fakumen, Manchuria, is in Chinese style) with a high pagoda, and is the highest and handsomest building in the city. Speaking of Moukden, Mr. R. T. Turley states that the buildings have no minaret, but usually a squareroofed tower, well proportioned and picturesque, with lattice work around between the roofs of the lower and main buildings. They are well and strongly built and generally have a feature of beauty in keeping with the surroundings. Inside, the large hall is roomy and airy in summer and warm in winter. There are no stools or seats, only a pulpit for the Reader and felt on the floor for the congregation. Quite a few of those who have corresponded with the writer on this subject think that the mosques are preferable as buildings to the ordinary Protestant or Roman Catholic churches, and that the missionaries could well follow the example of the Moslems in China of making their buildings more conformable to Chinese architecture, especially in regard to the exterior.

In Peking there are said to be thirty-eight mosques. Mr. Arthur Cotter, who has visited a good many of these, says that some are small buildings in out-of-the-way lanes, while others are large and well situated, sometimes in very pretty compounds (see illustrations, p. 242). The Chinese Moslems who use many Arabic words when speaking one to another differentiate the larger and smaller mosques by the words mesjid and djami, the former for the small building and the latter for the large. One of the Peking mosques which was built in the Ming dynasty has many stone monuments, but unfortunately owing to exposure to the weather they are absolutely illegible. The reduced facsimile of the Chinese, Manchu, Mongol, and Turkish inscriptions in the mosque built by order of the Emperor240 ISLAM IN CHINA K’ien Lung will be found opposite pages 94 and 95. This mosque is semi-Arabic and semi-Chinese in style. Its interior, as with most mosques, is the same as in Mohammedan countries.

Schools are connected with most of the mosques throughout China, these schools varying somewhat according to the locality and Mohammedan community. In those provinces where the Moslems are few, the schools are purely “church schools” and limited to those who are training for the priesthood. In the stronger Moslem centres such as Kansu there are schools attached to many of the small village mosques in which, however, the boys are taught the tenets of their faith, a smattering of Arabic, and occasionally Persian or Turkish. Except, however, in the case of those who are to become priests this knowledge is of the most superficial nature. Even in the stronger centres, where a fair percentage of the men can recognise and scan Arabic, there are not more than one or two per cent who can understand what they read, and several missionaries testify that in some of the larger schools among the young men called Mullahs, and who aspired to become Ahongs, few could be found who could read and understand the Arabic New Testament.

That this is not always the case is evident, and a few illustrations may be quoted to show that at the more important educational centres more thorough training prevails. At Hochow in Kansu there is a special college for teaching the Koran, and Mr. Ekvall, who has visited this school, states that there were some thirty to forty students present.

These men had come from the neighbouring provinces to which they would return, after having completed their course of training, to promulgate their faith.

According to Dr. A. H. Smith, such pupils are supported by the Moslems at public expense and often RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 241 remain for seven or eight years with the Mullah. They are drawn from a distance and are not allowed to serve as Mullahs in their own city lest they should, as prophets in their own country, be despised and be unable to reprove the wrongs which abound. In this matter the principle which controls the appointment of the ordinary Chinese official appears to prevail. In the college at Fakumen, Manchuria, the course of study lasts for ten years, and as many as ten Arabic commentaries on the Koran have to be studied before the Koran itself.1 Some years ago the Rev. C. G. Sparham escorted Mr. Budgett Meakin, who had a good knowledge of Arabic as spoken in North Africa, to the chief mosque in Hankow. Mr. Meakin and the Ahong conversed together in Arabic and could understand each other, though the pronunciation was very different.

Mr. Arthur Cotter of Peking, who speaks Arabic, has visited a number of mosques in that city and a few elsewhere. Speaking of his visit to a mosque in the village of Matien, north of the city of Peking, he writes: “There is a very fine mosque there, indeed one of the finest I have seen. The Mullah and those living in the mosque wear large white turbans. The Mullah was an exceedingly pleasant man and highly cultured. He spoke Arabic, Persian, and Chinese, as well as a little German. He had a small school where fifteen pupils were learning Arabic. His knowledge of Arabic was very thorough.” The same correspondent states that Paotingfu has two mosques, one of which he has visited. The Mullah there was an interesting man, and spoke Arabic and Persian. Mr. Cotter also visited a large mosque in Peking city, situated within a very pretty compound and surrounded by a neighbourhood where presumably many 1 The names of some of these commentaries are Nich-t’ich, Hai-t’ich, K’ai-fu, Teo-wu, Man-lia, Mo-hsi-ma-t’ai, Erh-mu-t’ai.

R 242 ISLAM IN CHINA Moslems reside, judging by the Arabic inscriptions on the houses. Here he met a Turkish gentleman, a highly cultured and educated man, one of the Ulema of Al Azhar University in Cairo, who had a school of some 280 pupils for Arabic and a good many for Turkish. Those whom he had instructed in Arabic spoke that language well. This Turkish gentleman is a Moslem missionary to China, and has paid visits to mosques and Mohammedan communities at a number of the more important centres such as Paotingfu, Shanghai, Hankow, and Nanking, etc. He is the author of a number of articles on Islam in China which have been published in the Constantinople paper Ikdam, and is now writing a book on “Islam in China” in Arabic.

Mr. Pettus states that Nanking has a Moslem Theological College with about a dozen students, and Yangchow also where there are some fifty students studying Chinese and Arabic. The leader of the Nanking school has been to Mecca, where he resided for about a year.

In the province of Yunnan there are also several colleges which are the strongholds of Moslem thought. Yunnanfu the capital has three such centres, two outside the city, and one within. Taying, about sixty English miles to the south of Yunnanfu, is looked upon by the Mohammedans in the northern part of the province as their chief centre. It is here that many of the Mullahs receive their final training. Through the kindness of the British and Foreign Bible Society, Mr. Rhodes of the C.I.M. was able to leave a large type vowelled Arabic Bible here.

Near Mengtze there are two more active centres, Tachwang and Shatien. None of these places, however, can be compared with similar centres in Moslem lands, but so far as China is concerned they are of great importance. They are the strategic centres of Chinese Mohammedanism, upon which prayer and definite Christian effort should be focused.

Photos by CHIEF MOSQUE IN PEKING IN THE NIU CHIE, Arthur Cotter, Esq.

This is a large mosque in a very pretty compound, and in a neighbourhood where, judging by the Arabic inscriptions, many Moslems live. At this mosque resides a Turkish gentleman, one of the Ulema of Al Azhar University, Cairo, who is engaged in teaching Arabic and Turkish. The top picture shows the entrance to the mosque with Arabic inscription over the door. In the group of Moslems in the lower picture, the tall man second from the end on the reader’s right has been to Mecca and was received in audience by the late Sultan Abdul Hamid and decorated. He speaks excellent Arabic. The second man from the end on the reader’s left, standing behind, is an Arab Mollah.

To face page 242.

RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 243 While enough has been said to prove that serious efforts are being made to qualify Chinese for the posts of Ahongs, etc., among their own countrymen, it still remains true that those who really understand Arabic are but few. The laity know only a few words, such as are used in mutual salutations, etc., as Bismillah, Salaam-aleikum, Allahu akbar, the Kalima, and a few other religious expressions. Many of them have Arabic names as well as Chinese.

Arabic is almost solely the liturgical language, and even as such many of the Mullahs can only read it withX out understanding what they read. In some cases the Arabic appears to be transliterated into the Chinese character, as is occasionally done with some of the Buddhist classics. Mr. Pettus, who has attended a large number of Mohammedan services, has never heard any language but Arabic used, except in Tungchow, where the leader expounded in Chinese. It is also employed for purposes of correspondence with the West. Some of the Mullahs receive letters in Arabic, and in this way are kept up to date with the political and religious movements in Islamic circles. It is also the language used in conversation with the Moslem visitors and missionaries who cannot speak Chinese. These men are highly esteemed and carefully escorted from place to place. Their stay varies from a few days to a few years, during which time they are hospitably entertained. Mr. Rhodes, who has met several of these Moslem missionaries in Yunnan, speaks of them as “tall, swarthy, bearded, and turbaned.” It is somewhat surprising to hear of Moslem schools for girls, and even of women acting as Mullahs in Kansu, though this last statement is contradicted by some. In the Kwangtung province Miss Dunk says that some of the Mohammedan girls she knows can repeat the Kalima in Arabic.

244 ISLAM IN CHINA As has been mentioned in the chapter on Population, there are Moslem communities settled in Tibet, and on the Szechwan Tibetan border. Mr. J. R. Muir, who has spent a good many years in these regions, states that there is a very large Moslem school at Suching, as well as at other places. In Batang Mohammedanism dates back about four generations, at which time a certain Moslem came from Shensi. His descendants are still at Batang, and a few other families have joined these. The original mosque was destroyed by the Tibetans during a recent rebellion. Pigs were sacrificed in it and it was otherwise desecrated. The Chinese commander-in-chief of the Szechwan forces rebuilt it when he came to punish the Tibetans, and at the same time sent two Ahong (Mufti), but as the place could not support them they were compelled to withdraw.

The school at Batang was, however, maintained by one of the local Moslems who was educated at Tatsienlu. During the last two years it has been discontinued, owing to the Chinese insisting that every family which does not send its children to the Government schools will be fined Rs. 100. The local superintendent of education endeavoured to force the Moslems to open the mosque for a Chinese school and to accept a salary for teaching. He was met with a flat refusal and had no alternative than to accept the situation.

Speaking of the Chinese Mohammedans as a body, they understand little of their religion beyond the outstanding duties of abstinence from pork and idol worship. On this subject no sweeping generalisations are, however, possible. Some will take part in idolatrous practices and subscribe to idol temples, and are satisfied to compromise with calling pork “mutton,” and then partake. This laxity is popularly known, and has given rise to one or two popular gibes such as “One Moslem travelling will grow fat, two on a journey will grow thin,” the inference being the one RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 245 will eat pork, being unobserved, while the two dare not. Another proverb says, “Ten Mohammedans, nine thieves.” The Mullahs are ready to acknowledge this laxity, and ascribe it to lack of authority over their flock. They have said to the Protestant missionary, “You have authority and can control your people, but we have none and can da nothing.” Individuals, and whole villages, have been known out of spite to abandon Mohammedanism. Dr. Arthur Smith relates an instance, known to him, of a Mohammedan in Kansu who left the faith because the Mullah could not tell him where a stolen piece of property was, and a Buddhist fortune-teller could and did. When the Mullah subsequently forbade the man to build a temple for this Buddhist, he forsook the flock. On the other hand, another missionary testifies that despite the Chinese love for foreign tins, she was not even permitted to leave an empty tin behind her in a Mohammedan inn in which she had stayed, lest it might have had pork in it. Other instances have already been related in the chapter “Personal and Social Conditions.” We may now proceed to consider the Chinese Moslem attitude towards the ritual of Islam, viz. those practical requirements called Din. That some of them at least have a clear idea as to those great duties, which are “the five pillars of the Mohammedan faith,” is evident by the fact that Mr. Commissioner F. W. Carey at Tengyueh, Yunnan, was told by a Chinese Moslem acquaintance that the chief tenets of his religion were contained in the five following characters: ‘_ 1. Ren, i.e. “Recognition,” or the bearing witness to the One God as the Only God.

Li, i.e. Rites and their observance.

Chai, i.e. Fasting.

K’o, i.e. Tithes or taxes, viz. the Zakat or legal alms.

The Chinese student will be reminded of the five virtues, Ren, I, li, chih, sin, and the four standards, Li, I, Lien, Ch’ih, of the Confucianist.

246 ISLAM IN CHINA 5. Ch’ao, i.e. Looking towards. This term evidently is intended to include both the facing towards Mecca and the pilgrimage thither.

These five characters accurately summarise the five chief duties of an orthodox Moslem. It may be well to examine them a little more in detail so far as China is concerned.

1. Recognition.-While there are some few correspondents who think that not many of the Chinese Moslems, other than the Mullahs and Ahongs, recite the Kalima, some even appearing to be ignorant of it, the majority of those who have made inquiries on this point believe that it is fairly well known. The facsimile of the Kalima in Arabic and Chinese reproduced opposite, suggests the thought, however, that considerable concessions are made to the ignorant, for its translation into Chinese can have no other significance. The free translation, embracing in its phraseology a denial of idolatry or pantheism, shows how it has been adapted to suit the superstitions of an idolatrous people. Many Moslems appear to be content in ordinary conversation to fall back upon the briefer statement, viz. Tuh-ih-wu-erh-tih-Chu, of the fi 2. Rites.-The five daily prayers are observed by few, with the exception of the Mullahs and Ahongs, and then only in the mosques and never in public places as is the custom in other lands. The scattered homes of the Mohammedans make it impossible for many of them to go out to the mosque, and the keen business competition with the native Chinese causes him to begrudge the time necessary. In some provinces the women, who are less pressed with business than the men, are more regular in their attendance at the mosque, but in some cities, such as Nanking, for example, men only are allowed to enter the mosque.

These five times of daily prayer are called :-(1) Adam’s time, i.e. before daylight; (2) Abraham’s time, just 言之淨清 الالها للاللَّهُ 念的獨只是都萬吾 此 主一有主不物教 佘此命至貴至湖 محمد رسول الله 聖欽主是黙穆 强人美的真德罕常 堂慶實 吾教男女老少時 THE KALIMA IN ARABIC AND CHINESE.

Slightly reduced facsimile of a Chinese Moslem leaflet. The two double rows of Chinese characters in the centre literally translated read: “Ten thousand things (i.e. created things) are not God. There in only one God. Mohammed is the True God’s officially (Imperially) appointed sage.” The Chinese characters in the right and left columns merely state that the constant repetition of these words is of great merit. The Arabic is “There is no Deity but God, Mohammed is the sent one of God.” To face page 246.

¡RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 247 after the sun has passed the meridian; (8) Jonah’s time, about 8 p.m; (4) Jesus’s time, about sunset; (5) Moses’ or Mohammed’s time about 9 p.m. The man in the street boasts that the priest prays five times a day, but business claims prevent him. The ordinary Moslem even has not time for worship on Friday. At Fakumen, Manchuria, about 100 men from some 400 families would be present at the Friday service.

Washing before food is not common, but all mosques of any importance have bathing places annexed, as bathing before worship is general. These bathing establishments consist of small stalls about 8 feet square, and as only running water is allowed for these ablutions, a rude contrivance is employed which serves the purpose of a shower bath. A pitcher similar to those depicted on Mohammedan sign-boards (see illustration, page 224) is used for the hands and feet. The washing of head, hands, and feet suffices for the minor ceremonial ablution, but where defilement has taken place the whole body is washed.

Mr. Pettus relates that upon one occasion a Mullah was so strict that he refused to re-enter a mosque he had only just left for a few moments, though he was perfectly willing that Mr. Pettus should enter after he had removed his shoes. The following extract from Mr. Pettus’s interesting articles in The Chinese Recorder will supplement what has been written by Mr. MacGillivray in the chapter “A Visit to a Mosque.” “After bathing, those who have not said the prayers of the morning go in before the leaders are ready, so that they may get prayed up to date and ready for the current service. All remove their shoes at the door. The laity wear little round caps which run up to peaks at the top. The Mullahs wear turbans. Otherwise their dress is the usual Chinese costume. The leaders sit tailor fashion in a hollow square just in front of the prayer niche, 248 ISLAM IN CHINA while the others sit in rows a little farther off. The incense is lighted and the Koran is read in a droning tone; the book being passed from one to another. One goes to the door, and facing back into the room sounds out the call to prayer several times. This, as well as all other parts of the services which I have witnessed, is in Arabic. During their month of fasting, Ramadan, which now falls in the ninth month of the Chinese year, they have some teaching in Chinese. After the call, prayers are said, and at one time during the service a leader mounts the stairs, stands on the third step, holding a staff, the bottom of which rests on the first step, and drones away in Arabic; all the time having his eyes fastened on the staff in order that he may not be in any way influenced by the sight of men. Prayer is begun by placing the thumbs behind the ears with the fingers extended. This is an attitude of adoration of the deity who is being contemplated. Then standing erect with the eyes gazing on the floor a few feet in advance, the fact that all plant life should praise God is shown in tableau. Next the body is bent at the hips till the back is horizontal, and as a four-footed beast man praises God. Then kowtowing with the elbows extended at the side, he represents a bird; and lastly, on his knees with his head bent forward he worships as a man. This is only one of the many explanations of the four positions in prayer.” In the matter of circumcision, which is not commanded by the Koran, and is not universally practised among Moslems, there is no uniform practice throughout the Empire. The general opinion of some ten correspondents from different districts in Honan, which is a fairly strong Mohammedan province, is that circumcision is not now practised, and some of the Mohammedans are even ignorant of the nature of the rite. The strictness with which this rite is observed varies greatly, Sinkiang, Kansu, and 1 See Islam and its Founders, by J. W. H. Stobart, p. 195. (S.P.C.K.) RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 249 Yunnan being the most orthodox. Yet even where circumcision is observed, it is often not true circumcision, but merely a compromise. The hair is also pulled from the nostrils and arm-pits, etc.1 8. Feasting. The feast or fast of Ramadan is kept with more or less strictness throughout the whole of China, in many places a messenger going round the Mohammedan quarters calling out the times for observing and breaking fast. The belief in fengshui has probably militated against the erection of towers and minarets for this purpose. Messengers also go round by night lest any should oversleep themselves and fail to get their necessary food before daylight. The Calendar is so arranged that the same month serves for the Ramadan fast for three years in succession, and in time it makes the tour of the whole year. When it falls during the hot weather many allow themselves to rinse out the mouth with water, but without swallowing it.

The Rev. W. W. Gibson of Hunan states that Mohammedan soldiers have been known to absolutely abstain from meat and drink during daylight throughout Ramadan, even when on the march during hot weather, and Mohammedan scholars in his school have also strictly observed the fast. Several missionaries relate that during Ramadan the Mohammedans make a special kind of fried cake, which is prepared with hsiang-yu and this they have frequently sent as presents to the missionaries.

4. Zakat or Legal Alms.-The giving of alms by the Chinese Mohammedan is limited almost exclusively to the helping of their own poor, and there is a fairly unanimous opinion in all parts of China that Mohammedan beggars are few, and sometimes quite unknown. Of course those temporary conditions of destitution which have followed the rebellions are not considered as normal. Alms are 1 The compromise in circumcision consists in merely severing the frenum of the prepuce. Circumcision is not limited to the male sex. Depilation of the whole body is a universal custom with both sexes, based on Moslem Tradition.

250 ISLAM IN CHINA also given to the public upon the occasions of funerals, which custom results in great crowds of Chinese beggars assembling at such times.

Several correspondents, from districts as widely separated as the provinces of Honan and Szechwan, state that every devout Mohammedan is supposed to set aside for charity about 85 cents out of every complete 14 taels of his income. For some reason not known to the writer, this sum of 14 taels has been fixed upon as the minimum sum necessitating the legal alms, though the Chinese Moslem tract referred to in the previous chapter, says 200 taels. The 85 cents are exactly one-fortieth of that sum, which is, according to Dr. Zwemer, “about the usual rate” among the Moslems, though the sects disagree in matters of detail.1 In Professor Vasil’ev’s book on the Progress of Mohammedanism in China,’ there is given a Russian translation of a Chinese Mohammedan proclamation which sets forth fourteen rules of the Moslem’s religion. Rule 11 reads as follows:-“To pay Zakat is the first duty that Heaven requires. Every one that possesses more than 14 taels possesses a full capital of money, and must pay 8 ts’ien 5 fen (85 cents) for the poor, orphans, and widows. If any one has 1000, or 10,000, or 100,000 taels, he must pay proportionately. As this rule was given by God, it is called ‘Heavenly alms.’ He who has not a full capital (14 taels) need not pay this ‘Heavenly alms,’ but if he will nevertheless help the poor, that is called Sadakat or God’s Grace,’ which delivers men from accidents, 1 S. M. Zwemer, Islam,-A Challenge to Faith, p. 109.

2 Kindly translated for the writer by Miss Smirnoff of the C.I.M. The fourteen rules given in the proclamation deal with-(1) marriage; (2), (3), and (4) burial; (5) washings; (6) prohibiting a Moslem woman marrying an unbeliever; (7), (8), (9), and (10) good conduct, avoidance of wine, smoking, gambling, profligacy, bribery; (11) alms; (12) schools; (13) sacrifice and killing of animals; (14) duties of Imam, Khatib, and Muezzin, the three Moslem ministers. This proclamation was issued by Si Lan-siu, Prefect in the province of Chihli in 1863 A.D.

• This proclamation has been translated into French from Professor Vasil’ev’s book by M. de Thiersant, vol. ii. p. 334 et seq.

· RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 251 etc. Every one who has riches gives riches, and those who have not got wealth, can give help in teaching others. In the sight of God these are equally precious.” 5. The Pilgrimage. There is hardly a province in China from which Chinese Moslems have not made the pilgrimage to Mecca, though the information received naturally shows a great disparity between the provinces, the greater number going from those districts where the faith is strongest. Thus the Rev. G. Raquette, writing from Yarkand, states that hundreds go every year. Kansu, Yunnan, and Canton probably come next in order, while in some provinces the pilgrimage is an almost unheard-of undertaking.

Those, however, who can claim the title of Haji are proud of it, and frequently wear a distinctive badge and carry about with them their Meccan1 passport, which they show with great pride. The distinctive badge appears to vary, if the information received is correct, for one writer from Kansu speaks of it being a yellow hat, which is rather extraordinary, a certain yellow being the Imperial colour, while others state that a green cap is worn. Mr. Pettus reports that two Chinese Haji with whom he is personally acquainted in Nanking do not wear the green cap. Mr. Hans Döring says that “In Manchuria the Mohammedans who have been to Mecca paint their beards red as a sign of distinction.” When an Ahong desires to make the pilgrimage, a collection is frequently made among the people towards his expenses. Mr. Rhodes tells of one splendid Arabic scholar in Yunnan who had made the pilgrimage four times. He died on the return journey of his fourth visit. One party applied to the missionary for Consular introductions, and after having obtained assistance from the British and French Consuls in Yunnanfu, they, upon their return from Mecca, came to return thanks for help 1. See illustration of one in Dr. Zwemer’s Arabia, ch. iii.

252 received.

ISLAM IN CHINA In one case known to Mr. Allen, a man and his wife both made the pilgrimage from Yunnan.

Those who have been to Mecca sometimes complain of the bad treatment meted out to them in Arabia, where they have been unmercifully fleeced by their co-religionists. They are looked askance at by the orthodox Turk or Arab, who will not acknowledge them as good Moslems, nor allow them to enter the precincts reserved for the faithful. This is probably because of the irregularities known to exist in China. To meet the many Chinese Moslems who cannot attempt the journey to Mecca, the first season of worship in the mosque in the morning is called “The Pilgrimage.” Regular attendance at this service is supposed in some degree to atone for failure to visit the city of the Black Stone.1 The Mohammedan communities in China occasionally receive visits from Moslem missionaries or inspectors from abroad. Thus the mosques in Chowkiakow, Honan, were visited during 1908 by a Turkish Mohammedan whose boat bore the flag of the Star and Crescent. It is possible, if not probable, that this was the Turkish Moslem missionary who is at present residing in Peking, and to whom reference has already been made. He was very severe upon the breaches of discipline which he found so prevalent.

A Sikh from India, with a Chinese escort, has also recently visited the same centre, doubtless engaged in a general tour of inspection. Visitors from Mecca and from other Mohammedan strongholds travel from time to time throughout China. In a mosque situated in Tatungfu Shansi, Mr. Edward Larsson found a framed picture of Mohammed’s grave at Medina, and the Ahong said that he had been appointed priest at Stamboul. This probably merely meant that a Turkish superintendent from Stamboul had appointed him and given him credentials stamped 1 On a monument dated 1351 A.D., which is in the large mosque at Canton, Islam is designated, “The Religion of the House with the Stone” (Deveria, Origine, etc., p. 8).

RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 253 at that centre of Moslem faith. Though the political conditions which obtained in China until recent years have not been favourable for such missionary operations, there is little doubt but that that freedom now enjoyed by Protestant Missions will also be used by the Moslem powers for strengthening and reviving the interests of Islam throughout the Empire.

Before concluding this chapter a few words may be added on the as yet little known subject of Moslem sects in China. In those provinces of China where Mohammedanism is not strong it is hardly recognised that there are differences of sects. But in the north-west and southwest of China, and in Manchuria, what are commonly called “The Old Sect” and “The New Sect,” are clearly divided and are fairly bitter the one against the other. How far these correspond with the Shiahs and Sunnites, or whether they are subdivisions of one of these sects, the writer has not yet been able to ascertain.

The Old School Lao Kiao are conservative and zealously maintain the old practices and simplicity of worship, while the New School or Sin Kiao are more liberal in their religious views and practices. The latter will grow opium, sometimes smoke it, and compromise with heathen customs such as the burning of incense, etc. This is the cause of much bitter feeling, which not infrequently terminates in lawsuits and free fights. In the lawsuits the officials, like Gallio of old, sometimes refuse to adjudicate, declaring that the points of controversy are outside their province and knowledge.

The fighting which takes place between the sects purely on religious matters, not being understood by the Chinese officials, is sometimes stamped out by the Government by force of arms, but in so doing they have at times actually compelled the two sects to unite for self-protection and resist the Imperial troops. Such a step has at once assumed the appearance of rebellion against the Govern254 ISLAM IN CHINA ment, and real and devastating internecine war has followed. Such calamities might have been avoided more than once had the local officials shown more discrimination and less race hatred. The rebellion in Kansu in 1895, which has been referred to in the chapter dealing with the disturbances in the north-west, is one case in point.

THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES 255"Après la prise de Constantinople, les Sultans ottomans adoptèrent l’emblème byzantin ten remplaçant la croix par une étoile . Le croissant n’est donc qu’un emblème ottoman et non musulman. Mais lorsque le sultan Selim devint khalife, le croissant servit d’emblème aux khalifes. Tous les Musulmans, sauf les Chiites, lui reconnurent ce caractère."-Revue du monde musulman.

256 CHAPTER XV THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES FROM time to time various articles on Islam in China have appeared in the Turkish paper entitled Ikdam, published at Constantinople, from the pen of Turkish missionaries who were either residing in or travelling through the Chinese Empire. In one case at least these articles have been republished in booklet form, and in the following pages the substance of one will be reproduced in the form of a much condensed English translation. This method will enable the reader to see the Chinese Moslem as his Turkish co-religionist sees him.

The booklet is entitled The Moslems of China, by Abd-ul-Aziz of Kuldja. The writer of this brochure calls himself a servant and teacher of the Inner department of the Imperial palace, presumably of Stamboul. The book was printed by the permission of H.E. the Minister of Public Education and of the Press, in 1812 A.H. The preface states that as the progress of Islam in China had called forth several European works on the subject, which works are not wholly accurate, he had contributed some articles to the Ikdam to correct the misstatements. To these articles he had subjoined further information on the condition, reformation, and progress of the Moslem cause in China. These articles with further additions were subsequently published separately under the patronage of “the merciful and powerful 257 8 258 ISLAM IN CHINA Ghazi Abd-ul-Hamid Khan 11. the lover of Islam, Successor of Mohammed and Chief of all believers.” Chapter i. deals with the attitude of the Chinese Government towards Mohammedanism. This he states is one of respectful toleration, which respect he attributes to one of the following three reasons. The first proposition is that the (reputed) pioneer Wahab-ibn-i Raasha, “Let God be pleased with him,” gained such fame in China and so pleased the Emperor, with whom he obtained an interview, that protection for the faith he preached has been continued ever since. The second suggestion is that the disorders of Moslem rule in the west caused many Moslems of good family to settle in Chinese Turkestan and that these gained China’s goodwill. The third suggestion is that the assistance given by the Arab troops, sent into China by the Caliph Abu Giafar, and the glory and power of the Abbasside Court at Bagdad, and envoys to China from such illustrious Caliphs as Harun-al Raschid, naturally inspired China with a respect and honour for so great a people.

The writer Abd-ul-Aziz, while not regarding the first two suggestions as baseless, believes that the third reason is the most probable and the one best supported by facts. In confirmation of this he states that some few years ago, in 1806 A.H., when the Chinese Government were rebuilding the walls of the fortress of Suidum, about thirty miles north of Kuldja, they found a jar containing copper, silver, and gold coins of various kinds. Some of these belonged to the Abbaside dynasty and were sold by the local officials. Abd-ul-Aziz obtained some of the silver coins which bore on the one side the inscription, “Mohammed the Prophet of God,” in ancient Arabic letters (Cufic ?), and on the other side, “There is no God but God.” They also bore the date of 161 A.H., which was during the caliphate of Mahmond-el-Mehyd, son of Abu Giafar, the succourer of China.

THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES 259 This discovery of Arabic coins within the borders of the Chinese Empire is extremely interesting, and shows how well established the Arab power must have been in the neighbourhood of Kuldja at that early period. Through the liberty thus early attained Islam, so Abd-ul Aziz says, spread throughout China with extraordinary speed.

From these remarks about the attitude of the Chinese Government towards Mohammedanism, the writer proceeds to speak of “the Chinese converts who have been enlightened by the sun of Islam.” The Moslems of North China, known by the name of Tungans, are, he says, more than 80,000,000. To prove that this figure is not an exaggeration he calls attention to the fact that they are spread throughout a wide area, extending throughout Chinese Turkestan as far as Taskend, the capital of Russian Turkestan. Between these limits the Tungans may not only be 80,000,000, but even possibly 40,000,000. The geographical boundaries given thus by Abd-ul-Aziz show that he has not limited himself to those Moslems strictly within the Chinese Empire.

In explanation of the name Tungan he states that the Turks of China use it as meaning “they who are turned,” deriving it from the verb Tunmek, “to turn,” as used in the language of Kashgar and Kuldja. Were this correct the Chinese character Hui would be a fair equivalent. The Kirghiz Tartars, he suggests, using the word with the same meaning, pronounced it as Tungans, and the Russians adopted it from the Kirghiz, thus making it familiar to Europe, and especially to the press of Constantinople.

Discussing the origin of the Tungans, Abd-ul-Aziz refutes their claim to be descended from the Arabs, because their physiognomy and customs are all of the Mongolian type and not Arabic; because the mosques of Peking are called Chin-ta-sze, and because relics to 260 ISLAM IN CHINA be found around Peking prove they received Islam from the Turks.

Further, it is proved by the statement made by the Tungans themselves that the Turks were instrumental in turning many Magians or fire worshippers to Islam, and lastly, because the holy Arab Saad Wakkas, whom they erroneously think to be buried at Canton, died in 55 A.H. at Akik, five miles from Medina and was buried at Medina. These things all prove that they are not descendants of the Arabs as they believe, but Chinese converted by Turks, who therefore named them Tungans or “converts.” For this noteworthy service the Turks may well be proud, and the Tungans, who among hundreds of millions of idolaters are on the Heavenly way, may well be congratulated.

The Tungans, who are, generally speaking, a faithful, pious, diligent, hospitable, patient, and contented people, speak the Chinese language. They are divided into two branches. Those of China proper and those of Chinese and Russian Turkestan. The Tungans of China proper are in custom, costume, and language in no way different from the Chinese people, save that their teachers, students, and priests can be recognised by their turbans. The Tungans of Chinese and Russian Turkestan, though in physiognomy and language like the Chinese, are in costume different from the Turks among whom they dwell. Being, however, closely related to the Turks, the majority of them speak the Turkish language. The Tungan women, however, have been less influenced by contact with the Turks, though they come in contact with the Turkish women, and still retain their old costumes and customs.

In manner of life, the Tungans are like the ordinary Chinese. They cultivate rice, engage in commerce and other industries. They have many mosques and schools. In Peking alone the Tungans have seventeen mosques and THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES 261 seminaries. They have, however, few well-educated men and much ignorance prevails amongst them. They teach and preach in the Chinese language. They show great respect to the Hafiz,’ Meshayikhs,’ and Sadats who visit them. They have very few Sheiks and have not any Huffaz.

8 Their marriage customs, with the exception of the wedding ceremony itself, and some other things of which we shall speak, are the same as the Chinese. Before the wedding feast, they follow the good Mohammedan custom of having one of the Moslem instructors to read some passages from the Koran by way of congratulation, after which he admonishes and counsels the parties concerned.

They have some religious books called “The Eye of Knowledge, the Breath of Men.” Most of their ancient books are in manuscript, the script being similar to the Turkish capitals. Their printed books are printed in India. They have their own letters (caligraphy) with which they can also write Arabic words. These letters are written with upright and curved lines and are employed when writing quotations from the Koran. Because of the readiness with which they read and write their own language they soon master the Chinese characters and consequently not a few of them obtain official appointments.

Every year many of them make the pilgrimage to the tomb of the Prophet. Thirty years ago a Chinese Haji could scarcely be found anywhere in Peking and neighbourhood. To-day there are some communities entirely composed of Moslem pilgrims. The Tungans are a great people, industrious and capable of education and progress. It is therefore of great importance that the schools of the people be improved and modelled upon modern systems with a view to higher education.

1 One who knows the Koran by heart.

A Moslem religious chief.

A descendant of Mohammed.

• This statement is, we believe, greatly exaggerated.

262 ISLAM IN CHINA The Turks of China live in Salar, which is a district in the province of Kansu.’ They number nearly 100,000. According to their own traditions they are descended from those Moslems who were scattered towards China proper when Tamerlane in 700 A.H. invaded Kashgaria and the surrounding country with the Moslem troops he gathered from Samarkand, Tashkend, and other cities in Central Asia where he had centred his government. As the Turks of China (the Salars) have divisions among themselves which are called Kokandi, Samarkandi, and Tashkendi, etc., this seems to confirm their tradition. Though the Salars are the smaller division of Moslems in China, they are the most advanced in education and industry. They are noted among the Moslems of China for their seminaries, for the number of their mosques, for the ability of their teachers, and the fame of their scribes.

Among their teachers they have such persons as Penshenbih Akhoud, Shemsi Akhoud, and Yonsiff Akhoud, each one of whom is worthy to be called the distinguished man of his century. It is a joy to observe that the students instructed by Penshenbih Akhoud have spread to every part of China and become the leaders of their co-religionists. This prudent man is seventy years of age.

In the Salar seminaries grammar, logic, interpretation, and law, etc. are taught. They use Arabic books imported from India. They administer their own laws in all matters except murder. They engage in agriculture. Their costumes vary from that worn by the Chinese. Their women retain their ancient customs and use the veil. They engage in the manufacture of cotton, silk, and leather goods, not only for the supply of their own wants, but for export. These industrious and tireless Turks have gained important offices in China. Many of them 1 No map or gazetteer we know gives Salar as a place or district.

In Turkish the final “i” means “belonging to.” Thus Kokandi-belonging to Kokand.

THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES 263 have visited the holy land, Hejaz, and the glorious place of Mohammed.

The Turkish Moslems of Peking are not connected with the Salar Turks of whom we have just spoken. The Turks of Peking are descended from the Moslems of Chinese Turkestan whose chiefs are called Khojem, and they are known by the Moslems of China by this name. The name is probably a corrupt pronunciation of the word Khoja which in Turki means master. According to the opinions of well informed persons the Turks in Peking reached that city some 200 years ago. The Chinese Government being unable to repress the Turks of Chinese Turkestan, transported their chiefs and most influential men with their families to Peking, where they were settled within a corner of the city inside of the Great Imperial Wall.’ The part of Peking where these Turkish Moslems live is called Chintusze. Chintu is a term which the Chinese apply to a Turkish-speaking nation, and Chintusze means the place of the Turks. Here they have several large and famous mosques as well as 28 parish mosques. These Turks were only 100 families strong when they came from Chinese Turkestan, but they now number 2000 families. They have great influence in Peking, and their chiefs are supported by funds supplied from the Government Treasury. Each family (house) receives twenty pieces from the Government per month. Each piece is worth about five shillings, so that each family receives approximately five pounds per month.

The older ones among them can speak the Turkish language, but none of the children, who now all speak Chinese. All their customs and dress, except in religious matters, are purely Chinese. They are not well educated nor industrious. Every three years they are visited by officials from Chinese Turkestan, and according to the 1 The author must mean within the Manchu city, not the Imperial city.

1 264 ISLAM IN CHINA testimony of these visitors the aged Turks of Peking are well aware of their decadent position, and the danger there is of their losing their nationality. These men are eager to find some way of improving their position and reviving their national language.

It is good news from the Moslem point of view to hear this, but it is not an easy task to accomplish, for these Peking Turks relying on their government pension have little incentive to retain their nationality and to seek education. They do not readily accept the advice given them and consequently they have sunk pretty low. If they will, however, conquer their pride there may be a remedy for their miserable condition, and the remedy will come through the following means:(1) They should obey the counsel that the other Chinese Turks give them. (2) They should invite teachers from the Turks of China and Chinese Turkestan. (8) Upon all occasions when their aged people meet together they should speak Turkish and thus encourage their young men to a use of this language.

Though these Turks in Peking are few in number compared to the Turks of China, the position is one of great importance. They live in a most influential part of the famous city of Peking and have preserved the name Chintu, which means Turk in Chinese. Further they live in that part of the capital which belongs to the Imperial family, all of which proves that they are greatly respected and honoured in China.

Speaking now of the Moslems of Chinese Turkestan, we note that Chinese Turkestan is a great Turkish country. Its most important cities are Kashgar, Yarkand, Aksu, Turfan, and Khotan. The population of these cities with the surrounding towns and villages is 10,000,000.1 1 This figure must be beyond the mark. The Statesman’s Year Book only gives 1,200,000 for the total population of Sinkiang.

THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES 265 Of this number 2,000,000 are Maghians of Mongolia and China, and Sheyfens. The remainder are all Moslems.

It is a well known fact of history that Islam was introduced into this territory through the heroic efforts of Kutaiba the Governor of Khorassan in 95 A.H. under the Caliph Abd-al-Melik.’ Since this time the Moslems of Chinese Turkestan have been under the influence of Islam, though they have not received the full influence of this great faith.

Therefore when we examine the personal, general, social, industrial, and educational state of these Moslems we find them yet in an undeveloped condition. A good deal has been written about these peoples, and for those who are interested we call their attention to a book called Kamous-el-Allam, We append some general information about them, but would call special attention to our remarks entitled “A Thought and Memorandum.” 66 Let us speak of Kuldja and its Moslems. Kuldja is a prosperous and healthy city at the centre of the Ili district. It was captured by the Russians in 1871 A.D., but in 1881 was restored to the Chinese, while the Russians took another city called Yarkent, but called by the Chinese Semrew, by way of indemnity. Kuldja has a population of nearly 70,000 souls, of whom 40,000 are Moslems. The others are Mongols, Sheyfens, Chinese, and Manchu. The city and suburbs have forty small mosques (Mesjid) and four large ones (djami). There are printing presses which belong to the Christians (Roman Catholics) and heathen, and there are also two churches. Of the larger mosques one belongs to the Tungans and two to the merchants of Turkestan. The largest mosque, which belongs to the natives of the place, has 28 religious schools attached to it. This one is within the city, the others are outside. In these 1Of the Galcha stock who stand in an intermediate position between the Iranic and Indian branches of the Aryan family.

There is an error here, for Abd-al-Melik died in 86 A.H.266 ISLAM IN CHINA mosques the education is Arabic, so that all the judges, teachers of law, and the priests of the country are provided from the students who go forth from these mosques.

The municipal control of the city is placed within the hands of three officials appointed by the Chinese Government. One of these is a Moslem and the other two are Chinese (Confucian). The Moslem is the Chief Judge, while the Civil Governor and the Tartar General are Chinese. The Moslem Chief Judge is responsible for the collection of the taxes from the Moslems, to arbitrate in law cases, and to appoint or depose subordinate judges and teachers of law. In all commercial matters the Chinese jurists decide, unless it should be anything prohibited by the Moslem Chief Judge, in which case it has to be submitted by them to the Governor and reported on again to the Moslem Chief Judge.

Under the jurisdiction of these three officials the majority of the people live by agriculture. The land is fertile and well watered. In the mountains are gold, silver, iron, and copper mines, but the natives only work the coal, which they need for fuel. The Russian Government can bring its soldiers into these parts in three days.

It is time now to speak of the education of these people, and here I will repeat with some additions what I formerly wrote in the Ikdam under the title of “A Useful Memorandum about some of the Chinese Turks.’ 99 Some two years ago I became acquainted with the able Menla-abd-ul-Rahim, a Chinese Turk who was a graduate of the honourable Penshenbih Akhoud’s seminary. He had resided for some time in Egypt and Constantinople when on pilgrimage, and had become known to all the learned Moslems of Egypt and Constantinople as an enlightened man. I was at the time, 1808 A.H., in Kuldja, which is my birthplace, and hearing of his return from Hejaz I had the honour to make his THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES 267 acquaintance. His apartments were full of the prominent men of the city, and he wisely answered the many questions with which they plied him. It was at once manifest from the simplicity and eloquence of his speech that he had an intimate knowledge of Arabic, Persian, and ancient Turkish languages. He was fascinating all who listened to his speech and his Platonic thoughts. The following is a summary of his words :“Gentlemen (Akhoudlar),’ you are well acquainted with the educational and industrial progress of the Salar Turks. Our forefathers faced great perils and dangers to introduce the torch of Islam to those corners of China enclosed within the darkest glooms of ignorance. Even the Magians when they saw the torch of honesty, justice, and equality became enlightened by its holy light and received the honour of Islam. It is right for the Salar Turks to praise the Almighty God for having bestowed upon them the honours of Islam. The Chinese Moslems know that worthy men educated by our master and leader, Penshenbih Akhoud, have scattered themselves throughout China that they may spread the faith, no matter how great the hardships. Gentlemen, shall we maintain and retain this honour ourselves. Yes, we shall if we improve the educational standards of our seminaries. If we do this I am sure we shall retain this honour. Don’t be startled at my words. Until recently I had thought like you that our schools and educational standards were perfect. But my pilgrimage has convinced me that we greatly need improved methods.

“In Constantinople and Egypt I visited the great libraries and saw many new books, and of these we have great need. I obtained the Calendars of the great Universities of Constantinople and Egypt,’ and my reason for doing so was to apply the information therein for the Among the Moslems of China Akhoud is used as signifying Mr. or gentleman. The ending lar is the sign of the plural.

2 Dar-ut-Tedris and Jamy-el-Asher.

268 ISLAM IN CHINA betterment of our schools. As soon as I get back to my home I shall invite all the learned Moslems around to come and I shall call their attention to these Calendars and with their help try to model our schools and seminaries on these lines. If we are able to do this we shall lead all the Moslems of China into the right way. Here are some copies of this Calendar. Take them, and I beg of you to have done with your useless and unjust religious jealousies, and by union and co-ordination improve your schools and seminaries according to the lines laid down in these programmes.

“I trust I shall be able to arouse the Moslems of Kashgaria and Peking to their duty. I am confident that my plans will be accepted, for they are sincere and unfeigned. And let us not forget that after improving our schools and seminaries there will yet be three things for us to do. These three things are practicable now in the three places of Kuldja, Kashgar, and Salar. They are as follows:"(1) After improving our schools to invite some teachers from Constantinople and India. (2) To obtain a printing-press from India so as to print ourselves the books we need. (8) To publish a newspaper in the vernacular so as to encourage the people to take up education.

“If these three things be done, it is certain that the Moslems of China will be raised to a more worthy position, and I have great reason to hope that the Chinese Government would, if necessary, encourage or assist such undertakings.” After this précis of Abd-ul-Rahim’s remarks, Abd-ulAziz proceeds:— As to my own views. I think that these three steps outlined by Abd-ul-Rahim are undoubtedly of the greatest Ximportance. But it is very certain that there will be great difficulties to be overcome in carrying through the proposed programme. Not only will many of the Moslem THROUGH TURKISH SPECTACLES 269 leaders be perfectly satisfied with the system of schools handed down to them by the forefathers, but in a country like China where generally such ancient methods of education prevail the people themselves do not know better. Therefore the first step is to establish a native newspaper.

Such a paper should contain frequent articles about education. The great place given to education among the European nations and the consequent rise of Europe to the highest degree of wealth and progress should be clearly explained. Such articles would be bound to command attention, and would incite the people to definite action for the improvement of their own schools and seminaries. From such methods a gentle yet powerful and irrepressible desire for improvement would be kindled within the heart. If only once such articles obtained a circulation among our people they would move heaven and earth to secure like benefits themselves. When once the democracy begin to understand these things, all the objections and opposition of their Ulema, who are opposed to new methods, would be unable to deceive or hinder them.

Having gained this point, then teachers might be summoned from abroad and the work once begun could not but proceed to a consummation.

The remaining pages of Abd-ul-Aziz’s paper are occupied with a brief résumé of Chinese history, in which the leading dynasties and most distinguished Emperors are mentioned.

1 THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 271 “Fifteen years ago correspondence was begun between missionaries in Syria and in the north of China with the hope that it might be possible to further the cause of Christ among the Mohammedans in China by sending from Syria some earnest native evangelists to work among them, who would be under the supervision of the missionary resident in the district where they laboured. The desire was not carried into effect. Is it not possible that now something might be done by the Syrian churches as a beginning? “All missionaries who have had experience of work among the Mohammedans realise how many difficulties there are in trying to reach the Chinese and Mohammedans at the same time. Therefore the setting apart of special workers to reach the Mohammedans, who should have a knowledge of Arabic as well as Chinese, who should reside in Mohammedan centres, open schools and dispense medicines, getting into close touch with the people, would greatly further the cause of Christ among them."-FRENCH H. RIDLEY, in China Centenary Conference Records.

972 CHAPTER XVI THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION SPEAKING generally, the Chinese Moslem, throughout the whole of the Empire, is accessible to the missionary and in some respects is more disposed to be friendly than the purely native Chinese. Knowing himself to be somewhat of an alien in the midst of a nation largely given over to idolatry, although he is now a resident Chinese subject, he has some points of sympathetic contact with the foreigner, as one who at least nominally worships the same God, and who abhors idolatry.

During the terrible upheaval of 1900 when so many missionaries were openly exposed to danger and death, some of the Mohammedans proved themselves friendly and sympathetic and gave practical help in protecting the foreigner. On the other hand it must be stated that General Tung Fu-hsiang, who commanded the attack upon the Legations in Peking, was a renegade Moslem commanding many Moslem troops. As he, however, had fought against his own co-religionists in 1895, he is hardly a fair specimen, though it is to be feared such conduct is characteristic of a great many, as the Panthay and Tungan rebellions prove.

As illustrating the friendly feeling which exists, it may be mentioned that at one station on the river Yangtze, 1 Possibly some little modification of this statement may be necessary for the western parts of Sinkiang.

278 T X 274 ISLAM IN CHINA an open port, a Mohammedan merchant annually invites all the missionaries to a feast, while it was only through the assistance given by Mohammedans to one of the C.I.M. missionaries that he was enabled to enter a hostile city in China’s most anti-foreign province and secure property.’ In the early days they received him as a guest in one of their inns, where for more than a year he was allowed to conduct the daily preaching of the Gospel; and these same friends subsequently helped him to purchase property for permanent mission premises.

The chief Ahong in this city is still very friendly, and frequently attends the Sunday services. He told the missionary, now resident at that station, that the Chinese Moslems’ only hope of extending their religion was through the training of the children, as their mosques were not opened, as our chapels, for purposes of propaganda. He argued, that were they allowed to engage in the same aggressive street preaching as the Protestant missionary did, they might also be successful in winning converts from among the people. He acknowledged that they were winning over a few people, but such as did come understood very little and made poor Moslems.

How far the general work of a Mission Station in China is furthered by the facts mentioned above may be open to discussion. Some correspondents have asserted that their having rented property from Mohammedans or having Mission premises among Mohammedans has been detrimental to aggressive work amongst the ordinary Chinese. Those very elements which have proved points of contact between the foreign missionary and the Moslem are apt to lay the foreign worker open to suspicion from without. This would, of course, be specially the case where Mohammedan rebellions have taken place, though the hindrance has been felt in central provinces untouched 1 It has been thought well to omit names and places in this case for obvious reasons.

THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 275 by any Moslem rising. The sympathy shown by the British people and others to the Panthay Sultan in Yunnan, and the acknowledgment by Great Britain and Russia of the independence of Yakoob Beg in Chinese Turkestan, have not unnaturally given grounds for misunderstandings.

The Chinese Mohammedan appears to have no objection to entering the Protestant street chapel and listening to the Gospel. Nor does he object to the missionary visiting him in his home or in the mosque.

Even the Mullahs and Ahongs will welcome the foreigner with real hospitality within their mosque, as the writer knows from experience. Mr. Pettus writes: “I can always get access to their mosques and in them have had perfect freedom to present Christianity. Many of them come frequently to my home in Nanking and listen to all I have to say. They become students in Mission Schools and some of the students become Christians. From what I have read of Mohammedans in other lands, I judge that those in China are the most accessible in the world.” Mr. Rhodes, who has given special attention to the Mohammedans in Yunnan, says concerning that province : “The Moslems in Yunnan were never more accessible; the door is open for a work among the followers of Islam. We receive far more invitations to the mosques to discuss the Gospel than we can possibly accept. Again and again I have been asked by zealous students of the Koran for an Arabic-speaking missionary, for the discussions in Chinese were never satisfactory.” Reports received from all the provinces of the Empire speak of the accessibility of the Mohammedans, though the majority testify to the opposition which is aroused, in a more or less open way, as the case may be, when the conversation passes from the common ground of belief in God, abhorrence of idolatry, reverence for the patriarchs of the Old Testament, etc., and proceeds to a discussion around the Person of our Lord Jesus Christ.276 ISLAM IN CHINA Though no missionary has been specially set apart for working among the Moslems of China, except in Chinese Turkestan, a good deal of work, of a more or less direct nature, has been done amongst them. The personal testimonies of some who have been brought directly into contact with the Moslem problem may perhaps be the most interesting and accurate way of indicating what has already been accomplished.

In the extreme north-west, the Swedish Missionary Society at Kashgar and Yarkand have schools, medical work, and Gospel preaching specially for the Turki Mohammedans. The China Inland Mission in Sinkiang have a station at Urumchi, the capital, where Mr. Hunter comes into personal touch with these people. Mr. Hunter has for several years travelled extensively throughout this little known province.

In a recent letter from Urumchi he says: “Since coming to Sinkiang I have seen the great need of Christian literature in the Turki language. Before I went to Kashgar, with the help of a Turkish Mullah, I prepared a tract which Mr. G. Raquette of the Swedish Mission kindly revised. He has also prepared a tract himself, and these are the only two tracts I know of in the language of these people. In view of the great need, I have, with the help of a Turkish Mullah, translated into Turki part of the tractate entitled ‘The Torch of Guidance to the Mystery of Redemption.’ One great difficulty connected with the work in this distant region is to get these tracts printed.” In the province of Kansu while the workers have been too few for any one to be set apart solely for work among the Moslems, many opportunities have been utilised to reach them. They attend the ordinary meetings and many have received copies of the Gospels in both Arabic and Chinese. A monthly paper published in Egypt is being regularly sent to some of the Moslem leaders.

THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 277 Periodical visits have also been paid by several workers to the Mohammedan strongholds of Hochow, where Mr. George Hunter resided for the best part of a year some time before the outbreak of 1895.

During this rebellion, when Mr. and Mrs. Ridley and Mr. Hall were shut up in the city of Siningfu, as mentioned in the chapter on the Tungan rebellions, hundreds of Mohammedans were fed and cared for daily, during which time they were taught Christian hymns and instructed in the truth. Mr. Pettus, speaking more particularly of Central China, says that “the little work that has been done for them has been very fruitful. I have circulated Scripture portions and tracts among them in Arabic and Chinese in several cities, and have found that they are read freely.” Concerning the province of Yunnan the following extracts from Mr. Rhodes’ communication gives some interesting information as to what has been attempted. After stating that no worker has as yet been set aside for this important work, and that a knowledge of Arabic is indispensable, for the ordinary Moslem when driven into a corner falls back upon the Mullah, and he in his turn asserts that without a knowledge of Arabic the Koran cannot be understood, Mr. Rhodes proceeds: “As God has given the opportunity several missionaries have tried to get into touch with the Mohammedans, and much prayer has ascended both at home and in China on their behalf. A little has been attempted in the Name of the Master to remove some of their prejudices and to give the people and their religious leaders the Word of God. By the kindness of the British and Foreign and American Bible Societies, grants of Arabic Scriptures and a few large type and vowelled Bibles have been placed at the disposal of the workers for presentation to the Mullahs and students in the mosques. In the distribution of these the writer made a special journey, visiting many of the G 278 ISLAM IN CHINA mosques, and tested the ability of the Moslem leaders to read intelligently the Word of God in Arabic. Some who had never previously seen the Scriptures read and freely translated the same into Chinese.

66 Through the kindness of one who is deeply interested in the North African Mission and its work, a number of books in Arabic with English translations were sent to Yunnan. Of these none has been more serviceable than Sir Wm. Muir’s Testimony of the Koran to the Scriptures. Dr. Pfander’s masterly works, Sweet First Fruits, etc., have, in the Arabic, only a limited sphere in Yunnan. Very few can read the unvowelled books. The English translations of the above-mentioned works have, however, proved of the greatest benefit to the workers in helping them to appreciate the Moslem position.

“The little books, abridged from the larger works, giving an outline of the chapters in the Koran, and the answers that Christianity has for Islam, have been very useful. This series, published in Madras-some having pictures of Mecca, and quotations from the Koran in Arabic-have gained us many friends in the mosques. The intense veneration for Mecca, and the delight of getting a booklet, which actually had a picture of the Kaaba, etc., frequently gave us an open door, when they would listen to our statement of the truth. Many stumbled over their misconceptions of the Trinity, and would say, ‘We shall never worship Mary, the Mother of Jesus, as you do in your Trinity!’ “In the capital, Yunnanfu, letters were sent to the local mosque covering a small parcel of books, while visits were also paid. As the news travelled, we received demands from many quarters for Arabic portions of the Scriptures. These requests came from practically all over the Moslem districts of Yunnan, and even Mohammedan traders from South Szechwan and far-away Kansu called, Photo by Rer. W. W. Lawton.

THE BAPTISM OF A CHINESE MOSLEM.

This aged Moslem was 79 years of age when he was baptised. He is now 81 and comes regularly to public service. The scene is near (‘hengchow, Honan.

To face page 278.

THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 279 begging for one or two copies of these books to take back to their Mullahs.

“Among the rank and file, the Chinese editions of the Scriptures have commanded large sales, and now not a few have clearer ideas of the truth. In personal dealings with them one has noticed a distinct change in their attitude towards Christianity. Formerly they would frequently say, ‘We are practically the same as you are, we only differ on a few minor points.’ Of late one has heard with gladness the opposite statement. The Word of God, preached and circulated, has convinced manywho previously had been glad to side with us against idolatry-that Moslems and Christians are really very far apart.

" “One elderly Mohammedan, after receiving an Arabic Gospel, came frequently to see us and to discuss the truth. At one interview he expressed what many were beginning to think and say, viz. A good deal in your Gospel Injilli is quite correct, but you are quite wrong in the statement that Jesus was crucified and was divine.’ Some of the interviews have been more or less stormy, part of the Koran being brought out upon one occasion to refute the missionary. Frequently after hours of testimony from the Word of God, they have fallen back upon the old excuse, ‘Your Book has been corrupted, we cannot accept its statements. As for our Koran, it can never really be understood except in its original Arabic.’ “The final appeal made to them, based on the present tenses of salvation, and illustrated by the lives of a few Chinese Christians, has seemed at times to come home with power to not a few who realised that this was ground upon which they could not enter. One deeply interesting conversation is recalled when, after some time spent with two Mohammedan visitors in the guest-hall, one quietly said to his companion, ‘It is rather strange after all; these people believe in Jesus, they say He is the Son 280 ISLAM IN CHINA ..

· of God and died for them, and they do not commit the sins that we do. We, on the other hand, say they are wrong; we trust in Mohammed, but we are not saved from our sins.’ Another asked in all seriousness, Do you mean to affirm that your Scriptures have not been falsified?’ “While holding the Virgin birth, and that Jesus was a Spirit from God, and His Word (as taught in the Koran), they resolutely deny His divinity, His death, and the plan of salvation. They accept the truth that He is coming again, but they say he will then become a Mohammedan. At the Day of Judgment, when several prophets have been asked to intercede for sinners, and have refused to do so; when Jesus Himself has been asked and refused; then Mohammed will come forward, and his mediation will be accepted. They hold that one of Jesus’s disciples (at the Master’s inquiry) volunteered to take His place, and God stamped His likeness on the disciple’s face, so that Jesus Himself was never crucified, but was taken up to God. The disciple, they say, purchased heaven by his death, in the place of the Lord Jesus. This rigid denial of the only way of salvation is a clarion call to the Church of Christ, to arise and send out the light.” In regard to definite results, quite a few workers from different parts of China have reported the reception of a few converts from Mohammedanism. In some cases, but not all, opposition has been bitter. Dr. Arthur Smith states that one of the most trustworthy and valuable men in the Pangchwang Church was a Mohammedan, who came of his own accord, and has never proved false. His family has, at least nominally, followed him. The London Missionary Society at Tsangchow Chihli has a deacon and several members who formerly were Moslems. In Szechwan, the first ordained Chinese clergyman in the C.I.M. Church of England district, working under Bishop THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 281 Cassels, came from a Mohammedan family. He was brought in as a lad through the school. The Church Missionary Society in Kwangsi has eight or ten converted Moslems in the church.

Similar testimonies come from other centres, the opposition and persecution naturally being most serious where the Mohammedans are in greatest force. Thus Dr. Clark of the C.I.M. at Talifu, Yunnan, tells of the eldest son of their gate-keeper, who manifested considerable interest in the Gospel, but when he came to the point of openly confessing Christ, the Mohammedans interfered. One Mohammedan openly spat in the lad’s face in the public street to show his contempt.

In addition to the Scriptures which, through the help of the Bible Societies, have been placed in certain of the mosques, little has been done in the way of providing suitable literature for use among this special class. So far as the present writer can ascertain from the Rev. D. MacGillivray’s Catalogue of Current Christian Literature (1907) there are only three small books specially prepared for this work. The first, a book of 122 pages (Chinese 61) entitled E, Tien Tao Cheng Tung, was prepared by the late Rev. J. S. M’Ilvaine, a talented young worker connected with the American Presbyterian Mission, who died a good many years ago. The first edition of this work took more than twenty years to sell, partly because little was being done among the Moslems, partly because of the author’s early death, and partly because of the unfortunate title under which it appeared in the Presbyterian Mission Press Catalogue, A View of Christianity. Under this English name it was completely buried out of sight from all who sought for literature for use among the Moslems of China. The work is, however, considered by competent judges as too polemical in style and such as few Moslems would read through.

The only other works are a tract of thirty pages entitled 282 ISLAM IN CHINA Hui Kiao Kao lioh, E, “Mohammedanism and Christianity,” by the Rev. D. MacGillivray, which is a reprint from the same author’s work on Comparative Religion, specially prepared for Moslem work. The standpoint is more modern and irenical. The first edition of this special reprint has not sold out after some years, which fact is a sad commentary upon what has been done to meet the needs of these millions of a special class in China. There is also another eight-page leaflet by Dr. Timothy Richard, entitled Hui Kiao K’iu Chen Ki, ***E,“Nathan the Wise,” based upon Lessing’s work of the same title (1729-1781 A.D.).

While very little is being done to evangelise the Moslems of China, little is being done by themselves to propagate their own faith in that land. Apparently they are not allowed to preach on the streets, a restriction which some, on the principle of Esop’s “Sour Grapes,” pretend to be a testimony to the superiority of their faith, it being a proof they say that it does not need the public pleading needed by Christianity.

Little is also done by the Chinese Moslems in the way of circulating literature, and many correspondents speak of great difficulty experienced in even ascertaining whether they have any literature at all. The books are in some cases transcribed by hand, though many are printed, but for some reason they are somewhat unwilling for the general public to see them. M. Devéria made a collection of over forty Chinese Mohammedan books, and copious extracts from some of the more important ones are translated into French by M. de Thiersant in his exhaustive study of this subject. The names of a few of the more important are given in Appendix I. p. 301.

At several centres they have special printing establishments, and Mr. Pettus has visited one of these in the mosque in Chinkiang and seen several hundreds of old Chinese blocks used in the production of their works. Heاستيقاظ الاسلا لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله 留虫清真教育會送 印 MY OW www.

醒 非 賣 47 www 篇 號 一 第 茅 SLIGHTLY REDUCED FACSIMILE OF COVER OF HSING HUI PIEN.

The three large central Chinese characters are the title Haing Hui Pien, “Magazine to awake Moslems.” The Chinese characters on the reader’s left state that it is issued from the Moslem College in Tokio. Those on the reader’s right state that the pamphlet is not for sale. The three characters at the foot are “Number One.” The Arabic at the head is “The Awakening of Islam " with the Kalima beneath.

To face page 283, THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 288 states that he experienced some difficulty in getting copies of some of their books, which they seemed afraid to let him have. Not only did he find it impossible to get a copy of the Koran, but in one case they refused to allow him so much as to see it. They were amazed to see the copy he had obtained from Syria, and were even more surprised to see an English translation, the authenticity of which was proved by the translation of several passages into Chinese.

One interesting fact is stated by the Rev. Samuel Clarke of Kweichow, viz. that the only Mohammedan book he ever saw was one which undertook to prove that the Shang Ti of the ancient Chinese classics was the same as Allah. So the Chinese Moslems have also had their Term controversy! One correspondent had obtained a copy of the first number of a new magazine published by Mohammedan students in Tokio. It is called Hsing Hui Pien (see opposite), “Moslems Awake,” and is issued quarterly by thirty students resident in Japan. This magazine is not for sale, but is intended for distribution among the Moslems of China. The Contents Table of the first volume reads as follows (for original see facsimile on next page) :The relation between religion and education. Religion as an awakening of conscience.

Exhortation to a realisation of responsibility in education.

Concerning Mohammedanism.

Learning among Moslems.

Moslems and the Assassins? Wu-ssù tao.

Progress of Mohammedanism.

History of Mohammedanism in China.

Education among Chinese Moslems.

The New Mohammedanism.

In conclusion we may proceed to briefly sum up the situation, and the present appears to be a fitting time for 原說 醒回篇第壹號總目 ◎論 說 宗教與敎育之關係: 留東淸眞敎育會紀事 東亞淸眞敎育總會之狀況 ◎附 件 宗敢改良論…

保廷 留東淸眞敎育會章程 勸同人負興教育之責任說· …

論回民· 回敢與武士道.

宗敎進化論: ……

中國回敎之來歷· 論中國回敢之國民教育 回回新 回敎振興策: 留東清真敎育會序: ◎内地來稿 趙鍾奇 趙鍾奇 ·馬宗燧 主廷治 童童李蔡 芍大 琮琮珊憑 留東淸眞敎育會會員錄 FACSIMILE OF CONTENTS PAGE OF HSING HUI PIIN.

For a translation of the subjects mentioned on this contents page see letterpress on preceding page.

THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 285 so doing. Fifty years ago, when China was largely closed to the Gospel, there was, humanly speaking, every prospect of two large independent Moslem powers establishing themselves in the western provinces of China. For nearly twenty years the greater part of Yunnan was in the hands of Moslem rebels, while a Moslem government was established at Talifu, which appealed to Great Britain for help and support, testifying at the same time, in their symbolic manner, by a tribute of rock hewn from the four quarters of their sacred mountain, their willingness to acknowledge the suzerainty of Great Britain.

At almost the same time, in the far north-west, Yakoob Beg had set up another Mohammedan kingdom, the independence of which was acknowledged by both Great Britain and Russia, which independence lasted the greater part of twenty years. To some of the most competent and careful observers, such as Mr. A. Wylie on the British side, and Professor Vasil’ev on the Russian side, it looked as though these Moslem states were to become permanent. Trade relations had been established and in one case a commercial treaty actually signed. It appeared not impossible that the two Moslem powers, the one in the north-west and the other in the south-west, would join hands across Szechwan, which had aboriginal disturbances of its own at that time. This view is actually set forth in the Edinburgh Review of 1868, and Professor Vasil’ev also drew an alarming picture from the Russian point of view of the danger that threatened Asia, and even the civilisation of Europe. High hopes of a revival of Islam reigned in Turkey, and the Sultan honoured Yakoob Beg, the man upon whom his hopes chiefly rested, with the great honour of the title “Commander of the Faithful.” It is easy for us to look back to-day and smile at these hopes and fears. Had the rebellions been successful it is certain that a great Moslem problem would have arisen 286 ISLAM IN CHINA not only in the New Kingdom, but in China itself, where the smaller Mohammedan communities would have been greatly stimulated. The risings, however, failed, and Islam received a tremendous backset. Millions perished, and those who survived did so under the heel of a stronger power determined to keep them shorn of their strength. And thus they are to-day.

A new situation, however, can already be dimly seen. When the two risings referred to were crushed by China, that country was just becoming open, so far as the inland provinces are concerned, to missionary work, and some of the early C.I.M. pioneers found only too abundant evidence of the widespread devastation wrought. Now that China is fully open and access to all parts is permissible by passport, Moslem missionaries are availing themselves of the privileges China offers. As has been indicated already, these men are visiting the Moslem centres, while schools, as at Peking, are being opened for the training of those who shall become leaders in this faith. The periodical published in Tokio specially for circulation in China, and the publication in Constantinople of articles concerning Islam in China, are further indications that the Pan-Islam Movement has China within its purview.

We therefore appear to be standing at what may be called a low ebb in the Moslem position in China. Past rebellions which would have propagated Islam by the sword have failed, and the new propaganda has hardly commenced. To-day we are told that there are probably no Moslems in the world so open to access as those in China. Largely ignorant of their faith, with their fanaticism greatly neutralised by the infusion of Chinese blood and the imposition of Chinese rule, not easily influenced by Moslem missionaries, since the Chinese in the main do not understand Arabic, and the Moslem visitor does not speak Chinese, the nominal Moslem of THE PROBLEM OF EVANGELISATION 287 China to-day stands in a state peculiarly fitted for aggressive work.

It is easy to be always saying that there is no time like the present. In many senses this is always true, for the future is not ours to reckon upon.

But every probability points to the present being not only a fitting opportunity, but the best opportunity which may ever be offered for reaching the Moslems of China. They are friendly and not suspicious, accessible and not resentful, willing to listen to what we have to say and to read the books we have to offer. They have been humbled by China, but have no animus against the foreigner who is always an alien in a land of idolatry, and they have not yet been primed with arguments against the truth.

It is not likely that this somewhat neutral state can continue. With increased facilities for travel the pilgrimage to Mecca will become more common and the visits of Moslem missionaries more frequent. With the spread of Western learning and circulation of newspapers, etc., the past indifference must largely pass away. The old conditions must go and are beginning to go. The railway into Yunnan is practically completed as far as the capital, and this is but one typical illustration of the progress and change elsewhere. Whither shall these changes lead? To the anti-Christian position of the Moslem, which is far worse than the non-Christian position of the heathen, or to the acceptance of Him who was proclaimed by God the Father to be “My beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, Hear ye Him”? In the three statements of this one sentence, taken respectively from the Psalms, the Prophets, and the Law1-the three great divisions of the Old Testament-we have our Lord declared from heaven itself, by God Himself, to be His Son, our Prophet, Priest, and King.’ Does not loyalty to Him and obedience to His 1 Psalm ii.; Is. xlii. 1; Deut. xviii. 18.

See context of passages.

288 ISLAM IN CHINA command demand, now that a century of preliminary labour has been devoted to China generally, that our prayers and service shall at length begin, at least in some measure, to centre in this special class who all the world over constitute to the follower of Jesus Christ “The Reproach of Islam”? THE PRESENT URGENCY 289 U “It is my belief, O Christ, that the conquest of the Holy Land should be attempted in no other way than as Thou and Thy Apostles undertook to accomplish it-by love, by prayer, by tears, and the offering up of our own lives."-RAYMOND LULL.

“Often have I sought Thee on the Cross and my bodily eyes have not been able to find Thee, although they have found Thine image there and a representation of Thy death. And when I could not find Thee with my bodily eyes, I have sought Thee with the eye of my soul; and thinking on Thee, my soul found Thee. And when it found Thee, my heart began immediately to warm with the flow of love, my eyes to weep, my mouth to praise thee."-RAYMOND LULL 290 60 18 Photo by THE IMPERIAL TABLET.

Dr. Keller.

The characters on the tablet are the equivalent of our “Long live the King.” The tablet as shown in this picture is taken from a photograph in an Imperial temple, and is somewhat more ornate than is generally found in a mosque. Though the Author has several photographs of tablets actually inside Chinese mosques they are not clear enough to reproduce well. The characters in all cases are the same. In the mosque the tablet usually stands on a table and not as here shown.

To face page 228.CHAPTER XVII THE PRESENT URGENCY WHEN Stanley in 1876 published his famous letters addressed to the Christians of Great Britain, in which he invited them to inaugurate a Mission to Uganda, then ruled by King Mtesa, he mentioned that Islam had become prominent at the Court of Mtesa and that the King and the Court were about to become Moslems. This letter found its way into the Turkish and Arabic newspapers and stirred up a movement to strengthen Islam in those parts of Central Africa. A Mohammedan Missionary Society was actually founded, with its headquarters at Constantinople, and large subscriptions were promised, while young men offered to go as Moslem missionaries to Uganda.

This movement, however, appears to have come to grief. The Turkish war with Russia, which broke out shortly afterwards, which indirectly led to the downfall of the Mohammedan kingdom of Yakoob Beg in Chinese Turkestan, also turned the attention of the Turks in other directions; and nothing more was heard of that Mohammedan Missionary Society.

Little is known of any subsequent efforts to organise missionary operations from Constantinople, but there is nevertheless sufficient evidence to prove that Islam has not been inactive in this direction. Limiting our remarks to China, we note that in 1890 Turkey sent a mission to the Far East in the frigate Ertogrul under Admiral 291 292 ISLAM IN CHINA Osman Pasha. This vessel was wrecked off the coast of Japan on 18th September 1890, with a fearful loss of life.

In June 1901 another Mission, the inception of which was due to the German Emperor, headed by Enver Pasha and accompanied by two Mullahs, reached Shanghai, where the members of the Mission stayed in the German Consulate. After experiencing considerable financial embarrassment owing to the failure of remittances, the Mission returned to Europe via Japan. The two Mullahs, however, remained in China and paid a visit of inspection to the various Moslem communities scattered throughout the Empire.

Another glimpse into the relations between Turkey and China is given in the Revue du monde musulman for January 1907, where some details are given of the honourable reception at Constantinople of a Chinese Moslem, a mufti from Peking, in November 1906. Though unable to speak Arabic, which language he could read and write fluently, the negotiations all took place in written Arabic.

In September 1907 the Sultan sent another Mission to Peking, this time composed of two theologians and an inspector of primary schools. The school inspector stayed in Peking that he might organise schools for the Moslem population. This man is probably Ali Riza Effendi, who is still in Peking in charge of a large school of some two hundred scholars. One member of this Mission was regarded as a member of the Pan-Islamic Movement, and had been in communication with the late Mustapha Kamel Pasha, the Egyptian Nationalist. The Mission was also reported to have been in touch with the German Legation in Peking, and subsequent events tended to confirm this statement.

The following year, 1908, was full of significant movements, though we probably know but little of what actually transpired. In a quiet and unostentatious way a semi-religious and semi-official ambassador with credentials THE PRESENT URGENCY 298 from the Commander of the Faithful, the Sultan Abdul Hamid, arrived in China. His real mission was to the Emperor at Peking, and his request was nothing less than that Mohammedan Consuls should be recognised and accorded official status in China, in order that the followers of Mohammed, resident in China, should be looked after and conserved in accordance with the ideals of Constantinople.’ This official, accompanied by a colleague, visited many Moslem centres, reaching Nanking in July, but the Central Government very properly refused to recognise Mohammedan Consuls on the ground that the Moslems are now purely Chinese subjects, no distinction having been made for centuries. It was to guard against any similar claims that the Chinese Government in 1886, when issuing an edict of toleration, stated that men who may embrace Christianity did not thereby cease to be Chinese subjects, for the Pope had at that time decided to send a Papal Legate to the Court of Peking to represent the interests of the Chinese Roman Catholics.

This request for Turkish Consuls was not the only move made during 1908. According to the Convention made between France and Turkey as far back as 1515 A.D., “Les sujets ottomans pourront voyager sous la bannière de France.” Suddenly and unexpectedly during 1908 the Chinese Government was informed by the German Minister that Germany had been requested by the Porte to undertake the protection of Turkish subjects, and to this he said Germany had assented. Considerable interest was awakened by the news which, to several Powers, was by no means welcome. China, on her part, declined to either issue passports or grant extra-territorial rights to Turkish subjects, since Turkey herself, like China, had to grant extra-territorial rights to other powers.

The issue of these important negotiations, so far as 1 The Shanghai Times, 6th Aug. 1908, and Chinese Recorder, 1908.

294 ISLAM IN CHINA information is available, was that on 12th September 1908 the Chinese Foreign Office communicated a note to the various Foreign Ministers at Peking declining to grant extra-territorial rights to Turkish subjects since Turkey had no treaty with China, but stating that in consequence of the friendly relations existing between Germany and China, the Chinese Government would be willing to receive communications from Turkey, through the German Legation in Peking, about her subjects in China.1 The London and China Telegraph, referring to the various negotiations which were taking place at this time, said that “Japan supported Great Britain because she resented the idea of Germany assuming the protectorate over any section of the Chinese population.” It is not easy to ascertain what is the real extent of the intercourse between Turkey and China, but there are grounds for believing it to be greater than is generally suspected. A correspondent of The Times living in Peking computed that some two hundred Chinese Moslems annually visit Mecca, while Imams from Turkey are constantly moving about among the Chinese Moslem communities.

It is not to be wondered at that the Chinese Government has been suspicious of a religious movement like Islam which has a religious and political centre of control in another land, and China, though it has done much in assimilating and incorporating the alien element of her Moslem population, still regards the Moslems with some measure of fear and suspicion. The Chinese Moslems on their part speak of their present subjection as merely temporary, saying “Our heads are low,” and by this implying that they are only waiting a more favourable opportunity to free themselves from the position of subordinates. Given able leaders and a fresh infusion of religious fanaticism, it is quite possible that they may even 1 The Times, July 17, 18, 22, 1908.

THE PRESENT URGENCY 295 yet menace the peace of the country, more especially in the north-west. Yet the strong hand of China which has so often somewhat ruthlessly crushed them in the past and thus greatly diminished their numbers will, if general order be maintained elsewhere, be more than sufficient for any such emergency.

Enough has been said to show that the Turkish Moslem authorities are alive to the possibilities of Islam in China. In China the Mohammedans at Peking seem to be making special efforts in the establishment of schools, and the success of Ali Riza Effendi, who, as a graduate of Al Hazar University, has for the last two years been teaching in and organising the Moslem schools of Peking, shows what can be accomplished by one efficient teacher. Information also shows that another Turkish missionary has been travelling throughout China for the last four years.

In addition to this, a recent article in a Peking paper called the Ai Kwo Pao, eulogises Islam to such an extent that it is suspected that the editor is himself a Moslem, or at least friendly to the claims of Islam. In this connection the editing and publishing in Tokio of the magazine Moslems Awake, intended for circulation in China, shows that earnest efforts are being made to utilise the press for purposes of reviving the Moslem cause, and from the tone of the articles printed it is evident that the Moslem communities throughout China are feeling the general awakening which is more or less affecting both China and the Moslem world. This fact is confirmed by correspondents in various parts of China, who affirm that the Moslems generally are more on the qui vive than formerly.

The opening of the railway into the heart of Yunnan will also make it much more easy for Moslems in the south-west of China to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, as well as facilitate the coming of foreign visitors.

296 ISLAM IN CHINA In closing this chapter it may help the reader to realise the problem, if a letter recently received by Mr. Rhodes from a Chinese Mullah in the west of China be printed in full. The letter is the shorter of two received within a few days of one another, in response to Arabic Scriptures which had been sent them. The other letter, which was written by one of the youngest and most intelligent of the Mullahs resident in one of the Central Provinces, occupied twenty-four pages of a penny exercise book, and was written in vowelled Arabic.

The following letter has been translated by Miss Hodges of the North African Mission. The Arabic used is the ordinary classical Arabic as used in Egypt and surrounding countries. There are a fair number of mistakes. The letter reads as follows:“We take refuge in God from the silly tales and the opinion of the unbeliever. . . . He who says that Jesus Christ is the Seal (Last) of the Prophets.. . . is an unbeliever, and a polytheist, for he disbelieves the prophetship of Mohammed and his authority. He knows not the truth of Mohammed, neither root nor branch; he knows not what is in the Koran, its evident, or hidden meaning; nor what is in the rest of the books concerning the histories and traces of the Celebrated One (Mohammed).

“We believe that Jesus Christ is one of the sent ones, and His book the Gospel is true, and revealed from heaven; but we do not believe that He is the seal (last) of the prophets.

“As for the one who asserts that Jesus is the last of the prophets to the exclusion of others, such an one is an idolater, and more ignorant than the ignorant beasts.

“Whoever says that Jesus Christ, the son of Mary, is The Apostle of God, knows not the truth of the Koran. He is not ignorant of the knowledge concerning Jesus Christ as A sent one, but he is ignorant of the true knowledge concerning the seal of the Apostle (Mohammed).

THE PRESENT URGENCY 297 Verily he is ignorant concerning the Koran, and the other books, indeed he is ignorant of the Gospel itself. And he who knows not the text and the words of the Gospel, how shall he know what is in the Koran? Just as how can a bat in the darkness of night know the light of the sun in the day? And as for Mohammed, the Chosen One, he is the light of the world and the Koran is the candle pointing to him.

“After the descent of the Koran, the rest of the books are abrogated, such as the Gospel, Pentateuch, and Psalms, because the Koran comprehends what is in those books concerning the nature and importance of religion.

“The sorcerers, such as the Nazarenes, who are ignorant of the Truth of the Gospel, and change the copy of the Gospel into folly and untruth, and say that Jesus Christ is more excellent than Mohammed, do not know what is in the Koran; We have made some Apostles more excellent than others.’ When the sun of Mohammedanism arose upon the earth, man obtained light on the straight way, and returned from unbelief and error into true guidance-except the Nazarenes.

“As God Almighty has said in the verse-Truth has come and error has vanished.’ How should we come out from the light into darkness, and be led from the true guidance to error? When the decree shall come from the wise will of the Righteous God, He will drive those who came out from light to darkness, and apostatised from the truth, and left the religion of Mohammed for the religion of the Nazarenes, into hell fire in which they shall be for ever. O thou stupid one! art thou put to shame or not for seeking to turn men from the faith? “As for those who disbelieve, their heretical leaders will lead them from light to darkness. They are the companions of hell fire and shall be in it for ever. Now reflect which matter is right, and which religion is true, O thou who art cut off from reason and intelligence; to thee 298 ISLAM IN CHINA shall be painful torment for ever-and God does not guide the wicked.” It is unnecessary to add more to prove the need for workers among these people. While many of the uneducated Moslems can be reached by the ordinary Chinese missionary, the Mullahs and Ahongs are practically unassailable by a worker who cannot speak Arabic. This statement needs no proof to those at all acquainted with the Moslem problem, though it can be fairly conceded that so long as Chinese is the common speech of the ordinary Chinese Moslem, the difficulties of work among them will not be so great as where there is an Arabic-rooted language.

The ideal worker is of course one who can speak both Chinese and Arabic-no light task for any man to face. Until such a worker is forthcoming, it has been suggested that some Arabic-speaking missionary from another country might, in company, with a Chinese missionary, or some Chinese Christians already won from Islam, pay visits to the more important Moslem centres, much in the same way as special workers have from time to time visited the Jews in important Jewish centres.

In conclusion, those who are seriously interested in the spiritual welfare of China are urged to remember the needs of these Moslem communities. Without saying that the Moslem problem in China is as acute as it is in some other parts of the world, there should be no need to press the claims of a people equal in the aggregate to the Moslem population of Egypt or Persia, a people more accessible than it is probable they will be in a few years’ time, even if China remains an open country. In view, then, of present opportunities and present favourable conditions, and in view of those signs of Moslem activity which augur greater difficulty in the near future, the earnest prayer and sympathetic consideration of God’s people is sought for Islam in China.

APPENDICES 299APPENDIX I CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN LITERATURE CHINESE Mohammedan Literature is not easily obtained, as it is only sold privately, and seldom, if ever, offered to the public. It is also somewhat scarce in consequence of the action of a former governor of the province of Kwangsi, who in 1788 A.D. had a great many of the Moslem printing plates destroyed. The name of this official, Tsou, is held in execration by all Chinese Moslems, as is that of Li Ssu by the Confucian scholars.

By order of the Emperor Kang Hsi a catalogue of all printed works and manuscripts was made in 1686 A.D. At this time a number of Arabic books were discovered, and of these a good many were translated into Chinese. It is reported that the Imperial Library at Peking contains many Arabic Moslem works. Those which have been examined by M. Guyard are said to be almost perfect in their style.

Of all the Chinese Moslem authors Liu Chih is the chief. He lived in the latter half of the 18th century, and devoted eight years to the study of Confucian literature, six years to the study of Moslem works, three years to the examination of the Taoist writings, and recorded that he had read in all one hundred and twenty-seven European works. The following are some of the more important Moslem books in Chinese, and among these a number of Liu Chih’s are mentioned.

清具指南 The Compass of Islam. A work in 10 至鄩實錄年譜 天方性禮 天方典禮 volumes by Ma Yüen Ping of Yunnan. 1646 A.D.

Life of Mohammed, by Liu Chih. volumes published 1785 A.D.

the standard Chinese Life.

The Nature and Rites of Islam, by Liu Chih, in 5 volumes.

The Laws and Ceremonies of Islam, by Liu Chih, in 6 volumes.

801 10 This is 802 证 五攻釋義 具攻發源 清 天方字 天方三 義 母字 天方四字解 幽明釋義 修具囊引 阿要語 人禮至要 回回原來 回回收 祝天大贊集解 西來宗譜 四典要會 省迷具原 ISLAM IN CHINA An Explanation of Five Works, by Liu Chih, in 1 volume.

An Explanation of Four Works, by Liu Chih.

The Explanation of Islam, by Liu Chih.

The Elements of Islam, by Liu Chih.

A Three Character Classic on Islam, by Liu Chih.

A Four Character Classic on Islam by Liu Chih.

An Explanation for the Blind and Seeing, by Tsin Peh-ao of Peking. 1700 A.D. Guide to the Cultivation of the True Religion. Published at Canton in 1668 A.D. 1 volume 60 pp.

Important Points for Chinese Moslems, by Ma Fu-tsai.

The Most Important Rites for Man, by Ma Ki-kong. This book accuses Christ of massacre.

The Origin of Chinese Mohammedanism.

Quoted on page 62.

A Talk on Islam.

A Prayer Book (?).

A Record of the Coming of Islam. Quoted on page 68.

A Compendium of the Four Canons.

An Examination into the Origin of Error and Truth.

APPENDIX II A CHINESE MOHAMMEDAN TRACT THE following translation of a Chinese Mohammedan tract entitled Tsing Chen Kiao Shwo which has been kindly sent to the writer by Mr. F. Madeley, is printed as a specimen of some of the Chinese Moslem literature. The translation has been slightly modified from the form in which it was received so as to make it as intelligible as possible to the Western reader. It illustrates the way in which Mohammedanism and Chinese philosophy have become mixed.

A DISCOURSE ON MOHAMMEDANISM The Pure True Religion.

The Pure True Religion (Mohammedanism) dates from the Creation, and the Sages handed it down one to another, up to the present day. Before the heavens and earth were there existed the One Exalted and True Lord, active without end and opening the door to all mysteries, creating heaven and earth and all material things with the primal essence. And when heaven and earth were completed and all things made ready, He created man’s ancestor, Adam the Sage. In the heavenly kingdom (Arabia) was built the heavenly habitation (the Kaaba), in the centre of heaven and earth’s four points, for “Adam” to commence life here. At that time a heavenly spirit descended, by command of the True Lord, and clearly promulgated the commandment to Adam. Adam forthwith respectfully received the Lord’s commands, first unfolding for comprehension the Lord’s Doctrine and next establishing the usages connected with the constant obligations of morality. Thus was Religion established.

From this time onward the great Doctrine progressed daily, and the descendants became versed in it, not venturing to make the least change. When people multiplied and spread to every quarter, that which they sedulously venerated was the knowledge of One Lord, the Genii and Buddhas and all kinds of heterodoxy were yet unheard of.

808 804 ISLAM IN CHINA Yet when man filled the eastern earth (China), religion declined somewhat. But heresy had not yet arisen. Therefore in the times of Yao and Shun all its various names had not been heard, but from the Ts’in and the Han dynasties onward, men all followed their own private (opinions), and those who set up heterodox views were forthwith many.

Wherefore the three sects (Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism) spread over the nine divisions, and the hundred families, and all the philosophers came forth promiscuously so as to delude this people, and the statement concerning the (our) origin was rendered vague and could not be known.

But our Pure and True Faith, the Correct Religion, arose and gradually reached this land from the Sui and Tang dynasties onward. The statement of the recognition of the Lord (derived) from Adam was not yet lost. Moreover they obtained the most Holy Mohammed’s very detailed account of the plain commands of the True Lord. Therefore our Religion is very Pure and very True, and only holds what is correct, not vainly taking the name, while lacking the ability to prove its truth.

As to the Lord, there is the Lord’s Purity and Truth. He being without beginning of course does not dissolve into emptiness and nothingness; much less is He confined to place or subject to sex (ying and yang). He is transcendent and self-existent without the least pollution; and what is most minute He naturally comprehends. This is the Lord’s Purity. Everlasting without change, and not like nature. Most Exalted of separate Personality, nothing like unto (Him). Heaven and earth most great, and Life and extinction wholly depend on His government. Men and spirits in all their comprehension, both exalted and mean, all give heed to His (power of) death and life. This is the Lord’s Verity.

As to man. Then there is man’s Purity and Truth. None of the depraved Buddhas (and) images cause delusion to his mind. Degrees, name, riches, honour cannot cause confusion in his heart. The body dwells awhile in this fleeting life, and comes and goes without defilement. The person dwells in the dusty world, but the whole heart is constantly quiet. This is man’s Purity. The heart only has one Lord, and does not set up conflicting (lit. two) opinions. It practises only the Holy Instructions and does not beget loitering and carelessness. Filial piety, and brotherly submission, loyalty and faith, are matters which have their root in the Lord’s command, and should be respectfully practised with attention. The principles of courtesy and rectitude, modesty and moderation, came forth from the Canon (Koran) and Commentary, and should be increasingly respected. This is man’s Truth (or Verity).

As to Religion. Then there is the Purity and Truth of Religion. Nature’s origin is the Lord’s command, and is not as all philosophers APPENDIX II 805 say, self established. The Doctrine united heaven and man, and is not like the heresies with their tendency to decay. As for the power of turning towards or turning from the Truth, this is that whereby is proved the original endowment of choice. Delusion and enlightenment differ. These are the means whereby are distinguished all the promotions and degradations (lit. heights and depths) which come after death. This is the Purity of Religion. From heaven above to the earth beneath those who follow religion make no distinction of the sacred or secular. From creation till now those who submit to Religion, without invidious distinctions as to the prophets, hand down their teaching to one another. Men thus cause each other to be thoroughly versed in (Religion) and do not venture to favour their own opinions. This is the Truth of Religion.

Now the Lord, and man, and Religion, all have their Purity and Truth capable of proof. Wherefore Mohammedanism is called the Religion of Purity and Truth. But whence came the further name Hui Hui (The Double Return, or the Return)? Because earth (Tien-ti) is merely for men’s temporary lodgment, and not for a country of permanent abode. Therefore the affections though constantly dwelling (in the world), forget not their original source. Therefore though the body dwells in the world, the heart reverts to its source, and when its meritorious work is complete and its course fulfilled, it gives in its report and reverts to its true (place). And although it has the name of dwelling in the world, and body also returns. Not only this. The illimitable which enwraps all mysteries is undiluted purity without defilement, and acts as the greatest bond of all spirits (or all that is immaterial). .

…

When Purity and Truth have set men right so that they obey the True Lord’s plain command and tread (in the steps of) the teaching of Mohammed, then the body returns to the (pure abode) of the Great Limit, and the mind returns into the mystery of the illimitable, entirely completing its proper fruit, able to mount to heaven’s gateway and obtain the True Lord’s great rewards. This is the meaning of the name Double Return (Hui Hui).

As to the meritorious work of stooping to learn and comprehend, there is nothing more explicit than the Koran, which the True Lord revealed to Mohammed. This is the Canon which above all else contains the investigation of the mysterious plan of creation, which explains to the utmost the mysterious purpose of human relations, and examines the principles governing the difference of things, recondite in meaning, deep in essence, which cannot be investigated fully. And as to the Koran’s revelation of what is the prime duty on becoming a disciple, there is nothing greater than the recognition of the True Lord who created Heaven and Earth, men, spirits, and nature. When the Lord is recognised, then there is nothing greater X 806 ISLAM IN CHINA than worship of the Lord, and the worship has its rules and purposes. What are these rules? They unite seven days’ rites as the usages of one week. They contain the Lord’s twelve Commands and twelve Regulations, and the rites. The sacred rites are twenty-eight, harmonising with the constant turns of the heavenly wheel, embracing the motions of sun and moon, and comprising the deep meaning of the five elements, summing up the entire work of all species. This is the practice of worship.

And what comprises its purpose? To seek the forgiveness of one’s bodily sins, to secretly implore the peace of the sovereign, to ponder one’s parents’ grace, and to be grateful for one’s teacher’s instruction. To think on friends and friendliness so as to comprehend all men. This is the purpose of worship. Now the subject of ritual is already wide in its embrace, and as to the meritorious work of penetration, it also cannot be exhaustively told. Compared with all the philosophies, when it comes, its beginning is unknown, and when it goes, its end is unknown. Some regard the body and world as glory, but some regard (a state of) abstraction and inanition as the root (of all good). Why (have we written) like this? Only in the hope that those who look at (the words) will clarify their heart and breast, and enlarge their horizon beyond the common and the visible, and sweeping away heresy will consider the traces of origin and exit. will investigate the essential matter of reversion to the Source. Thus you will almost get hold of the correct Doctrine of Purity and Truth (Islam).

APPENDIX III BIBLIOGRAPHY Giving the titles of works used and cited.

Abd-ul-Aziz-Turkish book “Islam in China,” M.S., translation by an Armenian used.

Anderson, John, M.D.-” A Report of the Expedition to Western Yunnan”; ch. vi. Mohammedans in Yunnan. Calcutta, 1871. -“Mandalay to Momien”; ch. viii. The Mohammedans of Yunnan. 1876. - Anthropological Institute Journal, vol. i. 1871.

Arnold, T. W.-“The Preaching of Islam.” Constable: Westminster, 1896.

Asiatic Journal. Ser. viii. vol. xiv. Nov., Dec. 1889.-“Two Insurrections of Mohammedans in Kansu, 1648-1788,” by M. Camille Imbauld Huart.

Asiatic Society’s Proceedings in Bengal.-“The Panthays in Yunnan,” by A. Fytche. 1867.

Baber E. Colborne.-Royal Geographical Society’s Supplementary Papers; vol. i. “Travels and Researches in Western China.” Ball, J. Dyer.-“The Celestial and his Religion.” Hongkong, 1906. Bellew, Dr. H. W.-“Kashmir and Kashgaria.” A full description of the country ruled by Yakoob Beg.

Boulger Demetrius, C.-“A Short History of China.” Allen & Co., London, 1893.-“The Life of Yakoob Beg.” Allen & Co., London, 1878.

Bretschneider, Dr. Emil.-“Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources.” Trübner.-“Notices of Mediaeval Geography and History of Central and Western Asia. Shanghai Royal Asiatic Society, 1876.-“On the Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of the Arab and Arabian Colonies.” Pamphlet, 1871.-“Notes on Chinese Mediaeval Travellers to the West.” Chinese Recorder, 1874.

Bullock, J. L-“The Great Mohammedan Rebellion in Yunnan.’ China Review, vol. xvi.

307 808 ISLAM IN CHINA China Mission Hand-Book.-Noyes, H. V. Shanghai, 1896. China Review.-Vol. i., Walters, T., “Mohammedan Literature.”— Vol. v., Stent, G. C., “The Captive Maiden."-Also vols. vi., ix., xi., etc.-Vol. xiv., Parker, E. H., “Mussulmans."-Vol. xv., Parker, E. H., “Red Caps."-Vol. xvii., Parker, E. H., “Islam.” China’s Millions.-Vol. 1895, et seq. London.

Chinese Recorder.-Vol. i., Clarke, G. W., July, Aug. 1886; Edkins, Dr., Aug. 1891; Hogg, June, July, Aug., Sept., Dec. 1891; Noyes, H. V., Jan., Feb. 1889.

Chinese Repository.-Vols. 1844, 1846, 1850, 1851 especially. Clarke, G. W.-“The Province of Yunnan.” Articles in Chinese Recorder.

Shanghai. Also Contemporary Review.-Walshe, W. G.-“Religious Toleration in China.” July 1904.

Davies, Major.-“Yunnan.” London.

• Devéria, Gabriel. “Musulmans et Manichéens chinois.” - Imprimerie Nationale, Paris, 1898.-“Origine de l’islamisme en Chine.” Imprimerie Nationale, Paris, 1895. This is by far the most able and critical work on this subject yet published. Douglas, Robert, K.-“China.” The Story of the Nations Series.

Unwin.

Edinburgh Review, The.-Vol. xxvii., 1868. Able article by A.

Wylie.

Edkin, Dr. J.-“Notes on Mohammedans in Peking.” Chinese Recorder, vol. i.

Ekvall, David P.-“Tibetan Outposts”; ch. xv. Mohammedan Rebellions. Alliance Press, New York.

Forsyth, Sir Douglas.-” Report and General Description of Kashgar.” 1875.

Fraser’s Magazine.-“The Panthays,” by W. F. Mayers.

Gairdner, W. H. T.-“The Reproach of Islam.” Gaubil, A.-” Abrégé de l’histoire chinoise de la grande dynastie Tang.” In “Mémoires concernant l’histoire des Chinois,” 17 vols. Vol. XV.

Gibbon, Edward.-“Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,” vol. vi. Gray, Archdeacon, J. H.-” Walks in Canton.”-“China”; ch. iv.

Religion: Mohammedanism. Hongkong.

Hakluyt, Richard.-” Collection of Early Voyages.” Journal of W.

de Rubruquis.-“The Voyage of Joh. de Plano Carpini.” Hartmann, Martin.-“Der islamische Orient.” Berlin, 1905. Hedin, Sven. “Through Asia”; ch. xcvi. The Dungan Rebellion.

Methuen, London.

Heins, O. K.-“Rising of the Dungans or Mussulman Population in Western China.” Translated from the Russian Military Journal for Aug. 1866. See Edinburgh Review, 1868.

APPENDIX III 809 Huart, Cl.-“Inscriptions arabes et persanes des mosquées chinoises de Kaifong-fou et de Sianfou.” Toung Pao Series ii. vol. vi.

No. 8. Leyden.

Hui Hui Yüan lai.-Chinese book.

Ibn Batuta.-“The Travels of.” Dr. Samuel Lee. 1829.

See p. 62.

Translated from the Arabic by Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review. -Jan. and July 1896, “The Dungan Rebellion,” by Col. Mark Bell.-Feb. 1896, “The Dungan Rebellion,” by W. W. Rockhill.

Indian Antiquities.-Vol. xxx., 1901. Derivation of word Panthay, by Taw Sein Ko.

Koelle, S. W.-“Mohammed and Mohammedanism.” Rivingtons, London.

London and China Telegraph.-July 27, Aug. 31, Oct. 5, 1908. Manuel d’art musulman.-L’Architecture, par H. Saladin, p. 545, re Mohammedan Monuments in China.

Mayers, W. F.-“The Panthays.” Fraser’s Magazine, 1872. Milne, W. C.-“Life in China.” Part iv. ch. ii.

Muir, Sir Wm.-“The Life of Mahomet.” London.-“The Caliphate: Its Rise, Decline, and Fall.” London.

North China Herald.-Aug. 31, 1867; Nov. 16, 1869; March 21, 1890; Aug. 22, 1908.

Noyes, Dr. H. V.-Chinese Recorder, vol. xx.

Palladius Archimandrite.-“Traces of Christianity, etc.,” in Chinese Recorder, 1875. Also books in Russian on Mohammedanism in China.

• Parker, E. H.-“China and Religion.” Murray, London. Also many articles in Quarterly Review, China Review, Imperial and Asiatic Review, etc. Pauthier, J. P. G. “Chine: ou description historique, etc.” Paris, 1853.—” Histoire des relations politiques de la Chine.” Phoenix, The.-1872, pp. 133-134, 154-157, and 176-177. Articles by E. Delmar Morgan, Esq., based on Prof. Vasil’ev. 1872, pp. 177-180.

Letter by Baron Richthofen on Tungan Rebellion.

Records of Missionary Conferences, Shanghai.-1877, 1890, 1907. Renaudot Eusebius.-” Ancient Accounts of India and China Two Mohammedan Travellers.” Translated from the Arabic. London, 1733.

Revue brit.-Juin 1880. N.S. III. La Chine mahométane. Revue du monde musulman. Paris. Especially Jan. 1907, June, Oct., and Dec. 1909.

Rocher, Émilie.-“La Province chinoise du Yunnan.” 2 vols. Paris, 1879.

Rodwell.” Koran.“810 ISLAM IN CHINA Royal Asiatic Journal.-Vol. 1880.

Sale, Canon G.-“The Koran.” Schefer, M. Ch.-“Notices sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois depuis l’extension de l’islamisme jusqu’à la fin du XV. siècle.” Paris, 1898.

Sell, E.-“Essay on Islam”; ch. vi. Islam in China.

London, 1896.

Trübner, Shaw, Robert.-“Visits to High Tartary, Yarkand, and Kashgar.” Murray, London.

Shedd, W. A.-“Islam and the Oriental Churches.” Philadelphia, 1904.

Siam Repository.-Vol. ii. Oct. 1870. “The Mohammedan Successes in China.” Stobart, J. W. H.-“Islam.” S.P.C.K., London.

Thiersant, M. de.-“Le Mahométisme en Chine.” 2 vols. Paris, 1878.

Vasil’ev, V. P.-Russian work, “The Advance of Islam in China.” M.S. translation by Miss Smirnoff used.

Welby, M. S.-“Through Unknown Tibet.” Chapter on Mohammedan Rebellions in China.

Wherry, Dr. E. M.-“Islam and Christianity in India and the Far East.” Revell.

Williams, Wells.-“The Middle Kingdom.” Allen & Co., London. Wylie, A.-“Chinese Researches.” Shanghai, 1897.

• Yule, Sir Henry.-“Cathay and the Way Thither.”-“Marco Polo.” Royal Geographical Society’s Proceedings, Nov. 1882. “Notes on the Oldest Records of the Sea-route to China from Western Asia.” Zwemer, Samuel M.-“Islam: A Challenge to Faith.” S.V.M.U., 1907, etc., etc.

INDICES I. CHRONOLOGICAL II. GENERAL III. BIOGRAPHICAL IV. GEOGRAPHICAL 811 1 A.D.

INDEX I CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX TO CHIEF EVENTS The Northern Wei Dynasty, 386-535 A.D.

461. First Recorded Persian Embassy to China.

The Western and Eastern Wei Dynasty, 535-550 A.D.

Mohammed born at Mecca.

The Sui Dynasty 581-618 A.D.

-581-601. Traditional (but impossible) entry of Islam into China Mohammed’s Prophetic career commenced 610.

The Tang Dynasty, 618-907 A.D.

The Hegira or Mohammed’s Flight to Medina 627-650. Emperor Tai Tsung Mohammed’s embassies to foreign powers. Reputed date of old Moslem tomb at Canton Mohammed died.

-635.

Nestorian missionaries enter Sianfu 635.

Basra founded by Caliph Omar 638. Tai Tsung receives Yezdegerd’s embassy.

-651.

Firuz, son of Yezdegerd appeals to Emperor Kao Tsung First official embassy to China from Arabia 673. Saad, son of Abu Wakkas, died in Arabia. 674. Firus appointed Captain of Guard to Chinese Emperor 675. Arab siege of Constantinople 707.

Ni-ni-cha, grandson of Yezdegerd, died at Sianfu Defeat of Turks, Tartars, and Chinese by Arabs 713-756. Emperor Hsuan Tsung’s reign.

713-742.

China and Arabs at War 713. Kutaiba’s embassy to China demanding submission • 715. Death of Walid and assassination of Kutaiba save China 732. Battle of Tours saves Europe 732.

Revolution at Basra 742. Reputed date of Sianfu mosque Flight of followers of Ali to borders of China (680-750) 1 750. RISE OF ABBASIDE DYNASTY 755. Great Rebellion in China under An Lu-shan 818 PAGE 9 86 9, 70, 85 86 74 78 115 73 40 12 13 13 76 14 14 14 17 16 87 · 17 19 19 45 83 21 21 • • 225 26 814 A.D.

ISLAM IN CHINA 756-763. Emperor Su Tsung’s reign 756. China appeals for help to Arabs 757. Arab troops sent by Caliph Abu Giafar enter China 758. Arab troops and Persians sack Canton 763. China again seek Arab aid against Tibetans 787. 4000 foreign families at Sianfu 801. Abbaside troops in Yunnan 806. Arrival of Mo-ni in China 814.

Revolutions in Basra · Arab traveller interviews Emperor of China 851. Arab traveller in China • PAGE 26 26 8, 27, 128 27

*********8 888 28 30 874-880. Great Rebellion in China, 120,000 Arabs, Jews, and Christians massacred 878. Abu Zeid in China - All Arab intercourse with China ceases The Five Dynasties, 907-960 A.D.

The Sung Dynasty, 960-1260 A.D.

Some twenty Arab embassies 1069. Said writes about China 1127. Sianfu mosque repaired 1146. Sam’any, an Arab, writes about China 1163. Persian Jews arrive in China 1257. Yunnan conquered by Kublai Khan 1258. First use of Tien-fang, etc. for Arabia The Yuan Dynasty, 1260-1368 A.D.

1267. Persian astronomical instruments presented to China 1270. Moslems commanded to join Chinese Imperial Army 1271. Siege of Siangyangfu. Persian catapults used 1-1275-1292. Marco Polo in China.

1268. First Roman Catholic effort to evangelise China 1315. Sianfu mosque repaired 1316. Rachid Eddin died (writes of China) 1324. Ibn Batuta visits China Friar Odoric visits China Seventeen Moslem families reside in Canton 1341.

1269. Death of Ahmed who writes about China 1343. Mosque of Holy Remembrance burned ៩ ត ត ត ន គ 32 50 126 87

***5 8123: 34 53 55 118 34 · 110 110 110 115 1349. Mosque of Holy Remembrance rebuilt 1351. Date of Monument in Mosque of Holy Remembrance 1360. Moslem official appointed at Canton The Ming Dynasty, 1368-1644 A.D.

• 1368. Emperor Hungwu employs Moslems to translate Arabic books 1368. Sianfu mosque repaired Frequent Arab Missions to China 1370. Great Ming Geography commenced. It contains earliest reference known to Saad Wakkas 1385. Moslems ordered to quit Canton 238 23 35 35 89 75 34 - Moslems settle at Macao.

A.D.

CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX 1388. Typhoon blew down vane of Canton Smooth Pagoda 1403. Sianfu Mosque repaired 1406. Date of Sianfu Ming Monument 1465.

1469. Mosque of Holy Remembrance repaired 815 PAGE 110 89 91 34 110 1532. Board of Rites protest against numerous Arab embassies 1545. Date of Arabic inscription at Sianfu 35 101 1594.

Benedict Goes in China 55 The Tsing (Manchu) Dynasty, 1644 A.D.

Earliest copy of known Chinese Moslem literature 1648. First Moslem outbreak in Kansu 1693. Land bought to endow Canton Mosque 1693. Date of oldest Monument in Mosque outside Canton North Gate.

1721. Chinese standard Life of Mohammed published 1731. Emperor forbids Moslems to slaughter oxen 1750. Date of Canton trilingual inscription 1763. Erection of K’ien Lung’s Mosque at Peking 1770.

Manchu colouists sent to Chinese Turkestan and vice versa 1785. Salar Rebellion in Kansu 1818. First Mohammedan Rebellion in Yunnan 1826. 1834-1840. Another serious Mohammedan Rebellion in Yunnan 1855-1873. Great Mohammedan Rebellion in Yunnan 1862-1876. Great Mohammedan Rebellion in North-West Another Mohammedan Rebellion in Yunnan 61 148 116 111 73 148 114 96 148 150 129 129 · 129 · 129 151 } INDEX II GENERAL INDEX See Biographical and Geographical Indices for persons and places.

Abbaside Arabs, fight for and against China, 128 Abbaside Caliphate, ii.; Abbaside Court at Bagdad, 258 Abbaside dynasty, 258 Abd-el-Rahim’s gramme, 268 Educational ProAbd-ul-Aziz refutes Tungan claim, 259, 260 Aborigines join Moslem forces, 132 Accessibility of Moslems, 217, 273, 275, 286 Agricultural army, 159 Ahong appointed priest at Stamboul, 252 Alarming statements by Professor Vasil’ev, 158 Al Hazar University, 295 Almsgiving, 232, 233, 249, 250 Amalgamation of Mohammedans and Chinese, 125 Amnesty proclaimed, 129 Ancient Arabic letters, 258 Ancient Sage (see Saad Abu Wakkas) Antagonism, racial and religious, 128 Appeal for Arabic-speaking missionary, 275, 298 Appendices, 299-310 Appendix I. Chinese Mohammedan Literature, 301-302 II. A Chinese Mohammedan Tract, 303-306 III. Bibliography, 307-310

-Arabs, the, as carriers, 6; sack Canton, 27 Arabs in China, conditions of, 47 Early traces of, 258, 259

-Arab route to China, 7, 29, 40, 124 Arab trade in China, conditions of, 47, 48 Arab traveller of 851 A.D., 124 Arabia and China, commercial intercourse, 5 et seq.; terminates, 31; sends embassy to China, 13 817 Arabian Nights, 25 Arabic as liturgical language, 243 Arabic Bibles and Scriptures distributed, 242, 277, 278, 279 Arabic books with English translations sent to Yunnan, 278 Arabic, Chinese, and Persian Text, translation of, 113 Arabic coins discovered, 258, 259 Arabic conversations with Ahongs and Mullahs, 241, 243 Arabic inscription, an, chap. vi., 101 Translation of, 101 Arabic inscriptions on Peking houses, 226, 242 Arabic, little understood by Moslems, 197, 243, 264 Arabic names, 243 Arabic taught in Moslem schools, 241, 242 Arabic text, 111, 113 Architecture of Mosques, 237, 238, 239, 240 Armour, Arab captured, 30 Assassination of official by Mohammedan fanatic, 153 Assassination of Viceroy P’an, 137 Astronomical Board, Peking, 71 Astronomical instruments, Persian, 34 Attitudes of worship described, 248 Awakening of Moslems in China, 295 Babylonian religions, 36 Badges, distinctive, 251 Barracks built for Turkish captives, 93 Bathing before worship general, 247 Bathing-places annexed to Mosques, 247 Beard, differentiating mark, 53 Beards, painted red, 251 Beggars unknown, Mohammedan, 249 “Bell Tomb,” the, 112 Betrothal, 229, 232 Bibliography (Appendix III.), 307-310 - 818 ISLAM IN CHINA Brigadier General, Ma Heien appointed 136 British sympathy with Moslem tender, 140 Baddhist Tradition and Islam, Buddhist temples and monaster 140 Calendar, difference between Chinese and Arabic, 88 Moslem, 71, 240 Caliphs of Bagdad, 158 Call to prayer sounded in Arabic, 248 Cannibalism prevails, 155 Cantonese dialect, 124 Capa, yellow and green, 251 “Captive Maiden, The,” by G. C.Stent, 98 (poetry) Capture of Weinanksien by rebels, 152 Catapult makers, Persian, 33 Cemetery at Canton, 69, 72, 75, 111 Census, Chinese, 197 Central Government overwhelmed, the, 133 Characteristics and habits of Moslems, 125, 221, 222 Charitable Moslems, 250 Chenkwan, Tai Tsung’s Nien Hao, 64 Children, Moslems buy orphaned, 57 Naming of, 232; training of, 274 China and Arabia, commercial intercourse, 5 et seq. China and the Arabs, chap. i. (Till the Close of the Omeyide Caliphate), 3 Chap. ff. (From the Rise of the Abbaside Caliphate), 23 China declines to issue passports or grant extra-territorial rights to Turkish subjects, 293, 294 China and Russia, diplomatic negotiations between, 161 China’s respectful toleration of Mohammedanism, 258 Chinese authors, confusion of, 171 Chinese Commander-in-chief rebuilds mosque, 244 Chinese converts to Islam, 259 Chinese Emperor’s knowledge of Old Testament history, 42 et seq. Chinese Government suspicious of Islam, 294 Chinese Government towards Mohammedanism, attitude of, 258, 259 Chinese idea of Islam, 110 Chinese Mohammedan 301 Literature, Chinese Mohammedan Tract, A, (Appendix II.), 303-308 Chinese Moslem easily detected, 221 Chinese Moslems not acknowledged by co-religionists at Mecca, 251 Chinese Researches, A. Wylie, 175 Chinese troops surprised by Tungans, 156, 157 ardered Chintame, meaning of, 253, 264 Christians in China, 50, 52, 53, 55 Chronology, errors in Chinese M 74, 88, 89, 90 Circulation of Christian literature among Meelems, 276, 277, 278, 279, 281, 282 Circumcision, 232, 248, 240 “Clean Sect in China, The,” Rev. D.

MacGillivray, 183 College and schools, 240, 241, 242 Commentaries on the Koran, Arabic, 241 Committee appointed by K’ien-lung to revise foreign names, 93 Comprehensive Geography of Chinese Empire, Richards’, 168 Confucian ethica, influence of, 232-233 Confucian philosophy and Islam, 67 Confucian temples erected by Sai Tien-Chih, 187 Consul Arab Judge in China, 48, 54, 55 Contention between old and new Sects, 161 Contents Table of Moslem Magazine, 283 Converts from Mohammedanism, 280, 281 Correspondence in Arabic, 243 Council of War held by Chinese Governor, 156 Cross worshippers, 175-176 Customs and characteristics of the Tungans, 260, 261 Customs and dress of Peking-Turkish Moslems, 263 Customs of the Hui-ho, 170, 171 Customs without passports, passing the, 91 Daily prayers, five times of, 246 Death of Mohammed, 118 Decadent position of Peking Turks, 264 Decapitation of General To, 154 Decapitation of traitors, 141 Defeat of Imperial troops, 129, 163, 154 Definite results from work among Moslems, 280 Destruction of a million people, 131 Destruction of villages and farmsteads, terrible, 155 Difficulty of procuring Moslem literature, 282, 283 Discipline, breaches of, 252 Distinguished teachers among the Salars, 262 Division in Moslem rauks, 135 “Double Return,” 168 Dream, Chinese Emperor’s, 64 et seq., 74, 75 GENERAL INDEX “Dungan,” or “Tungan,” name of, 147, 177 Early traces of Arabs in China, 258 East India Company, 47 Edict, Imperial, 149, 151 Edict issued by Emperor Haien Feng, 129 Edinburgh Review, 158 Education, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 262, 268, 275, 292, 295 Emigrants feared by the people, 201 Emperor Haien Feng, death of, 136 Endowment of Mosque in Canton, 116, 119 Extermination of Mohammedans ordered, total, 153 Extra-territoriality, Arabs enjoy, in China, 48, 54 Facsimile of Contents page of “Moslems Awake,” 284 Facsimile of Kalima, 246 Failure of Chinese Imperial troops, 154 Fall of Urumchi and Manass, 159 Family names of Mohammedans, 126 Fanjanfur, 54 Fasting, 248, 249 Ferghana, 18 Fighting between sects, 253 Figures exaggerated by Moslems, 193 Fire-arms and ammunition obtained by Moslems, 138 Fortress of Suidum, rebuilding walls of, 258 Friendliness and sympathy of Mohammedans during Boxer Riots, 273 Fukien, history of, 75 Genealogy, Moslem, 125 General massacre of Mohammedans, 152 Genuineness of monuments, evidences against, 87 Geography, Great Ming, 75, 83 German Consulate, members of Turkish Mission stay in, 292 Germany undertakes protection of Turkish subjects, 293 Girls, schools for Moslem, 243 Gospels and tracts distributed among Moslems, 276, 277, 281 Governor of Yarkand, death of, 157 Greece, kings of, 49 Greek sailors, G Hafiz (one who knows Koran by heart), 281 Haji, title of, 251 Han-lin Academy, 16 Head-dress, wearing of, 223 Heh-i Ta-shih (name of Abbasides), 25, 30 Hejaz, 263, 266 819 Horse dealers, Moslems as, 224 Hospitality and assistance given to missionaries by Mohammedans, 274, 275 Hei-lai Toung-pu, 68 Huai-Shen (see Mosque of Holy R.). Huang Chung commits suicide, 134 “Hui Hui,” The Title, chap. x. 167 Hui Hui, explanation of term, 167, 259 Hunter’s work in Urumchi, Mr., 276 Idolatry, attitude towards, 228 Imperial Patronage, Mohammedans receive, 197 Imperial troops defeated, 129, 153, 154 Improvement of schools and seminaries, 268 India, Hui Ho of, 171 Prince of, 29, 49 Indus, banks of, 10 Influence of Turks in Peking, 203, 264 Inscriptions, 27, 83, 89, 90, 93, 101, 111, 116, 118, 119, 176, 239 Canton, 83, 117-118, 119 Inscriptions on silver coins, 258 Inspector, Moslem School, 292 Intercourse between Turkey and China, 294 Intermarriage of Moslems with Chinese, 125, 126, 128, 221 Islam as a universal religion, 10 Islam, Chinese idea of, 110 Islam in China, spread of, 259 Islam into China, entry of, 86, 87, 88, 89 Islam introduced into Chinese Turkestan by Kutaiba, Governor of Khorassan, 265 Islam prominent at Court of Mtesa, 291 Islam, rapid spread of, 10 “Israelites in China,” A. Wylie, 175 Jews in China, 50, 52, 55, 175-176, 222, 224 Kadi, Moslem in China (see Consul and extra-territoriality), 48, 55 Kalif, title altered, 95 Kalima fairly well known, 246 Kansu Mohammedans rise en masse, 164 Kansu Rising, origination of, 161 Kashgar, fall of, 160 Kashgaria, reconquest of, 160 Kashgarian Concubine, K’ien Lung’s, 93 Khodjas defeated and expatriated, 156 K’ien Lung’s inscription with verse, 93 Kirghis Tartars, 259 Koran brought to China, 118 Koran, passages read at weddings, 261 Quotations and selections from, 278; study of, 241 Koranic name “King-ming,” 232820 Koreish, tribe of, 40 K’ot’ou, the, 17 ISLAM IN CHINA Kuldja captured by the Russians in 1871 A.D., 265; Kuldja restored to Chinese in 1881 A.D., 265 Kuldja seized by Russians, 157 Kwang Tah (Plain Pagoda), 72 Land purchased by Moslems in Canton, 116 Land route to China, 61 Lao Kiao (old schools), 253 Lawsuit leads to rebellion, 129 Laxity among Mohammedans, 227, 244, 245 Legends. See Traditions Letter from a Chinese Mullah, translation of, 296-298 Liao Dynasty, 31 Life of Yakoob Beg, Boulger, 152 Literature, Chinese Moslem, 61 Loyalty of Ma Ru-lung, 138. Lai-hwa-K’iao, bridge at Canton, 69 Magazine published by Mohammedan students, 283, 295 Ma Hsien changes his name to Ma Rulung, 135 Major Davies’ Report, 126 Man and his Customs, The, chap.

xiii. 221 Manichees and Moslems, confusion of, 95 Marriage and burial customs and rites, 229, 230, 233 Massacre of garrison, 160 Massacre of Moslems in China, 50, 129, 131, 154 Mazdean Temple in China, 14 Mecca, trade of, 6, 35, 68 Mediaval Researches, Dr. Bretschneider, 172 Military rank preferred, 228 Military service, Moslems to be employed in, 173 Minarets, 237, 238, 239 Min Chou (see Fukien History) Ming dynasty monument, text of, 91 Ming Geography, 35, 75, 79 Ming inscription, 101 Missionaries endure horrors of siege in Sining, 162 Mohammed, death of, 118 Mohammed’s embassies, 78, 79 Mohammed’s grave at Medina, picture of, 252 Mohammed’s maternal uncle, 109, 111, 112, 115 Mohammed’s portrait, given Chinese Emperor, 68, 74 Mohammedan camp in Peking, 93 Mohammedan Consuls, refusal to recognise, 293 Mohammedan faith, spread of, 85 Mohammedan girls repeat Kalima in Arabic, 243 Mohammedan infiuence, a hindrance to mission work, 274 Mohammedan insurrection in the north-west breaks out, 151 Mohammedan laxity, 227 Mohammedan Missionary founded, 291 Mohammedan chap. xii. 193 Society Population, The, Mohammedan populations greatly reduced, 162, 163 Mohammedan protest, 149 Mohammedan Rebellion breaks out, first, 129 Mohammedan Rising, 153 Mohammedan women and children sold, 144 Mohammedan women commit suicide, thousands of, 139 Mohammedanism in China checked by rebellions, 196 Mohammedanism in China, origin of, 169 Mohammedanism in Yunnan, origin of, 123, 124, 125, 126 Mohammedans and Jews, fraternal link between, 176 Money, Turkish (Tenga), 97 Mongol Conquest, 32 Monthly pension, Ma Teh-hsing accepts, 135 Monuments, Moslem, 70, 83, 89, 90, 91, 92, 95, 101, 110, 239 Moslem appointed as Chief Judge in Kuldja, 266 Moslem colonists, date of settlement, 125 Moslem communities in Tibet, 244 Moslem families settle in Canton, 110, 115 Moslem intermarriage with Chinese, 125, 126, 128, 221 Moslem leaders cut in pieces, 129 Moslem misconception of the Trinity, 278 Moslem missionaries and visitors, 242, 252, 291, 202, 203, 294 Moslem missionaries and visitors highly esteemed, 243 Moslem officials, rank of, 233 Moslem pilgrims, 261 Moslem prisoners of war brought to Peking, 93 Moslems abandon their faith through spite, 245 Moslems as students in mission schools, 275 Moslem schools, 240 Moslems joined by aborigines, 132 Moslems massacred in China, 50, 129, 131, 154 Moslems not permitted to possess property, 198 г GENERAL INDEX Moslems purchase land in Canton, 116 | Orphans, Moslems buy, 57 Moslems of Chinese Turkestan, 264, 265 Moslems of Peking visited by officials from Chinese Turkestan, 263 Moslems refuse to open Mosque for Chinese school, 244 Moslems specially favoured, 92, 258 Moslems, their habits and characteristics, 125, 221, 222, 223, 224, 260, 261, 262, 263 Mosque of Holy Remembrance, 70, 72, 74, 88, 109, 110, 115, 118 Mosque desecrated and destroyed by Tibetans, 244 Mosque, endowment of, 116, 119 Mosque in Canton destroyed by fire, 109, 110 Mosque in Canton rebuilt, 110 Mosque repaired by Hung Yung, 110 Mosques and tombs of Canton, The, chap. vii. 109, 119 Mosques, building of, 86, 87, 91, 92, 127 Description of, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241 Number of, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 263, 265 Mosques of Yunnan, 127 Moustache, cutting of, 222 Muezzin, 238 Mullah, a highly cultured, 241 Mullabs, women act as, 243 Mullahs in touch with political and religious movements, 243 Mullahs not allowed to serve in their own city, 241 Murder of Governor and Commanding General, 148 Mutiny stamped out by execution of officers, 138 Naming of children, 232 Nanchao Annals, 29, 30, 123, 125 Negotiations opened with Moslem leaders, 134 Nestorians, 11, 51, 53, 124; tablet, 40, 84 Newspaper, proposed publication of, 268-269 Numerical strength of Tungans, 259 Offensive names withdrawn, 94 Official changes, 136 Officials despatched from Peking, 153 Open door for work among Moslems, an, 275 Opium smoking not indulged in, 223, 226 Opposition of Moslems to claims of Jesus Christ, 275, 279, 280 Origin of the Tungans refuted by Abdul-Asix, 259, 260 821 Pagoda built about 900 A.D., 110 Pagoda, Plain (Kwang Tah), 72-115 Pagodas, 238, 239 Palaces built for two Turkish Moslems, 92 Pangchwang Church, 280 Pan-Islamic movement, efforts of, 196, 286, 292 Panthays, 125, 177; description of, 125 Parsees in China, 50 Passports, 91, 251 Pathetic appeal of Tu Wen-Siu, 142 Pavilion erected for Kashgarian concubine, 93 Pensions paid to escort, 93 Persecution of converts from Mohammedanism, 280-281 Persian Ambassadors to China, 9, 12; appeals to China for aid, 10, 13; fall of, 14; men of, 15; writers, 20; astronomical instruments, 34 Persian sailors, 6; Persian soldiers, 10; Persian merchants, 27, 32, 41; religions, 36 Personal testimonies from workers among Moslems, 276-281 Physical characteristics of Moslems, 125, 221, 222 Pigs sacrificed in a Mosque, 244 Pilgrimage, the, 251, 252 Pilgrimages to Mecca forbidden, 150 Pilgrims obtain Consular introductions, 251 Pilgrims visit Cantou tombs, Moslem, 112 Pioneer Moslem (see Saad Abu Wakkas) Plot against the Tungans, 156 Poetry by G. C. Stent, “The Captive Maiden,” 98 Points of contact between Moslems and Missionaries, 274, 275 Political conditions in Kashgaria, 155 Popular gibes, 244, 245 Population, the Mohammedan, chap.

xii. 193, 259, 262, 263, 264, 265 Population of Kansu, great reduction of, 155 Population of Provinces summarised, 197-216 Pork, hatred of, 226 Prayers, 246, 248, 249 Prayers omitted for suicides, 233 Prefect of Linanfu refuses to recognise settlement, 135 Present-day conditions, 179 Present Urgency, The, chap. xvii. 289 Printing establishments, Moslem, 282 Printing-presses in Kuldja, 265 Problem of Evangelisation, The, chap.

xvi. 271 Y 822 ISLAM IN CHINA Proclamation issued by Tu Wen-Siu, 132 Proclamation issued, ordering general massacre of Salars, 161 Proclamation, Peking, 72 Proselytising Moslems in China, 49, 57, 231 Proverbial sayings, 224-225, 227, 228, 230, 244, 245, 294 Public worship, 231, 232 Publication of paper and magazine, 283, 295 Pupils supported by Moslems at public expense, 240-241 Pure and True Religion, To’ing taing Kiao, 168, 176 Quarrel between Chinese and Mohammedan miners, 130 Quarrel between Tungans and Tartars, 153 Quotation from Major Davies’ book, 136 Ramadan, Fast of, 110, 248, 249 Rank and honours offered to Moslem leaders, 135 Rank of Moslem officials, 233 Rebellion, close of, 160 Rebellion of Salars, 161 Rebellions, Yunnan (Panthay), 121, 273; Tungan, 145, 273, 277 Rebels invade Shensi, 152 Records of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Peking, 83 Relics found around Peking, 259-260 Religious Conditions, chap. xiv. 237 Religious discussions between missionaries and Mohammedans, 275, 279 Religious expressions and salutations, 243 Religious schools attached to Mosque in Kuldja, 265 Renegade Moslem, a, 273 66 Report on South-West China,” by Consul F. S. A. Bourne, 125 Resignation of Governor Lin, 137 Restrictions imposed on Mohammedans, 162 Revolt of Zungaria and Kashgaria, 92 Revolt raised by a Mohammedan, 148 Rising of Salars, 150 Rites, 246 Ritual of Islam, 245, 246 Roman Catholics in Kuldja, 265 Roman Empire, 6, 12 Royal Asiatic Journal, 30 Rules of Moslems’ religion, fourteen, 250-251 Russia as China’s secret helper, 160 Russia promises to withdraw from Kuldja, 159 Russians seize Kuldja, 157 Sacking of Canton, 128 Sadakat=“God’s Grace,” 250 Sadats (a descendant of Mohammed), 261 Sai’s image erected in city temple, 127 Sai Tien-chih as Governor of Yunnan, 127 Salar families, rising of, 150 Salar Rebellion, 161 Salars, numerical strength of, 262; education and industry, ib.

divisions among, ib.; teachers, ib.; seminaries, ib.; characteristics and customs, ib.

Salt wells seized by Tu Wen-Siu, 138 Saracens, 123 Sassanian dynasty, last of, 10, 12 Schools, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 260, 262, 268, 276, 292, 295 Seal of Tu Wen-Siu surrendered, 141 Sects in China, Moslem, 253 Sects, old and new, 161 fighting between, 253 Settlement between Chinese and Moslems, 135 Settlers in Yunnan, date of Moslem, 123-124 Shafite sect, the, 148, 158 Shafites, sect of, 158 Shensi Gazetteer, 87, 89 Sheyfens, 265 Shiahs, sect of, 20, 21 Short History of China, Boulger’s, 152 Sianfu monuments, Chinese, 742 A.D., 76, 83 Sianfu Mosque, 101; repaired, 89, 91; various names of, 89 Siege of Yunnanfu, 138 Sikh from India visits Chinese Moslems, 252 Sin Kiao (New School), 253 Sinanfu besieged, 154 Slaughter of Moslems, terrible, 142 Slaughter of oxen forbidden by Yung Chen, 148 Smooth Pagoda Street, 109 Social and marriage Tungans, 260-261 customs of Some Chinese Mohammedan Traditions, chap. iv. 59 Some Early Travellers, chap. iii. 37 Some Monuments, chap. v. 83 St. Bartholomew’s Day, Mohammedan, 130 Stanley, famous letters of, 291 Strategic centres of Chinese Mohammedanism, 242 Strict Mullah, a, 247 Strict regulations of the Government, 150 Strongholds of Moslem thought, 242 Success of new Moslem power, 168 Suicide of Yunnan Viceroy, 130 GENERAL INDEX Suicides, prayers omitted for, 233 Sultan of Turkey rejoices at Moslem successes, 157 Sultan of Turkey sends missions to China, 292, 293 Summary of Moslem situation, 284, 285 Summary of population and mosques, 203, 206, 215 Sunnites and Shiites, sect of, 21, 161, 158, 253 Swedish Missionary Society’s work among Turki-Mohammedans, 276 Synagogues, 176 Tablets presented by pilgrims, 119 Talifu, fall of, 140, 141-143 Tang ming-88, 89; Tsing-kiao-88ŭ (name of Sianfu mosque), ib.; Tsing-Chen-seu (name of Sianfu mosque), ib.

Teaching of Mohammed, 85 Teaching of Mohammed and Confucius compared, 84-85 Tenets of religion, five chief, 245, 246 Tenga, Turkish money, 97 Text of Ming-dynasty monument, 91 Theological College, a Moslem, 242 Through Turkish Spectacles, chap. xv.

257 Title “Hui Hui,” the, 167 Titles conferred upon Yakoob Beg, 157, 285 Tomb of Ancient Sage (Hsiang-fen), 70, 79 Tomb of the Echo (Hsiang-fen), 75, 79, 112, 115 “Tomb of the Echo,” description of visit to, 112 Tomb, the Bell, 112 Tours, battle of, 19 Towers or pagodas, 239 Trade, Arab, 6 Trades and callings, Mohammedan, 224 Traditions, Chinese Mohammedan, chap. iv. 59 Chinese Moslem, 9, 239 Traitors, Moslem leaders regarded as, 135 Translation of Arabic inscription, 101, 113 Translation of K’ien Lung’s text, 94 Transliteration, Chinese, of Arab names, 76, 97 Travellers, Early Arab, to China, chap.

iii. 37 Treachery of Chinese, 141-142 Treachery of Moslems, 136, 141 Treaties made with Great Britain and Russia, 158 Trees decorated with Moslem heads, 162 Troops from Sinkiang join rebels, 154 Ts’en appointed as Governor of Yunnan, 137 Tsing-chen characters, 63 828 Tso crosses the Tienshan range, 161 Tungan or Dungan, name of, 147, 177, 259 Tungan Mosques aud seminaries, 260261 Tungan Rebellion, 133, 135 Tungan Rebellions, The, chap. ix. 147 Tungan revolt in Kansu and Shensi, 156 Tungan women and Turkish women, 260 Tungans, converted by Turks, 260; numerical strength of, 259; physiognomy and customs, 259260; divided into two branches, 260; speak Turkish language, ib.; characteristics and customs, 260261; manner of life, ib.; ignorance of, 261; marriage customs, ib.; obtain official appointments, ib.; make pilgrimage to Tomb of Prophet, ib.; a great people, ib. Turbans, 223, 241, 260 Turkey and China, relations between, 292 Turki, 150, 161, 263 Turkish authorities alive to possibilities of Islam in China, 295 Turkish chiefs supported by funds from Government Treasury, 263, 264 Turkish Consuls, request for, 293 Turkish families in Peking, 263 Turkish Missions to China, 291-292 Turkish Moslem officials, two, 95 Turkish Moslems assist K’ien Lung, 92 Turkish passports, 251 Turkish war with Russia, 291 Turks of China, 262 Turkish tribes, 10, 18, 21, 25, 26, 32, 41, 49, 55 Turks transported to Peking, 263 Turks turn many Magians to Islam 260 Tu Wen-siu adopts title of Generalissimo, 134 Tu Wen-aiu swallows poison, 142. Tu Wen-siu’s seal, description of, 141 Uganda, Moslem mission to, 291 Uigurs, 28, 29, 32, 150, 170, 171, 173 Verses by K’ien Lung, 97 Viceroy of Yunnan commits suicide, 130 Visit to a Chinese Mosque, A, chap. xi.

183, 247 Wang-kia-lou (Tower for gazing on one’s home), 93 War with the Arabs, China engaged in, 87 Weathercook blown down, 110 Wei dynasty, 9 824 ISLAM IN CHINA Wer-wu-erh (name of Uigurs of BishWorship, public, 231, 232, 248 balik), 170, 171 Women act a Mullahs in Kansu, 243 Women more regular in attendance at mosque, 246 Women take part in public worship, 231 Women’s mosques, 231 Work amongst Moslems by Christian missionaries, 276, 277 Workers among Moslems, great need of, 216-217, 298 Works, Chinese Moslem (see Literature) Worship of Emperor and Confucius, 228 Yakoob Beg’s independence recognised by Russia and Great Britain, 157 Yakoob Beg’s sudden death, 160 Yarkent taken by Russians for indemnity, 265 Yunnan Rebellions, The, chap. viii.

123 Yunnanfu besieged by Moslem forces, 134 Zaidis, colony of, 20 Zakat (Legal Ahms, “Heavenly Alms”), 249, 250 Zakat must be paid, 232 INDEX III BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Abd-al-Melik, Caliph, 265 Abd-ul-azis of Kuldja, 93, 257, 258, 259 Abdul Hamid, Sultan, 293 Abdullah, Military Mandarin, 89 Abd ur Rahman, 194 Abu Bekr, 14, 78, 132 Abu Giafar, Caliph, 25, 26, 27, 258 Abu Hassan Aly, 29 Abu Muslim, 25 Abu Wakkas, 76 Abu Zeid, 31, 39, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50 Abul Abbas, 25 Abul Kasim Said, 32 Achmath, oppressions of, 33, 52 Ahmed, 33 Ahmid Sihat Eddin, 34 Ali, Caliph, 20 Ali Riza Effendi, 200-201, 292, 295 Ali-ed Din, 33 Allen, Mr. H. A. C., 251 Amundsen, E., 208 Anderson, Mr. C. J., 199 Anderson, John, 122, 125, 129, 140, 168, 227 Andrew, Mr., 198 An Lu-shan, rebellion of, 26, 118 Arnold T. W., 32, 34, 147, 150, 194, 196 Aschek, Turkish Moslem, 92, 95 Baber, E. Colborne, 132, 140, 142, 143 Ball, J. Dyer, 77, 108 Bell, Col. Mark, 152, 155 Bilga Khan, 174 Blom, Mr., 203 Blunt, W.S., 194 Boulger, D. C., 146, 152 Bourne, Consul F.8.A., 125 Bretschneider, Dr., 14 n, 15 n, 17 n, 25, 34, 35, 83, 94, 147, 161, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173 Burney, Col., 129 Bushnell, Dr. S. W., 30, 123 Callum, D. A., 205 Carey, Commissioner F. W., 210 Cassels, Bishop, 205, 280-281 Ch’ang Ch’un, contemporary of Jenghis Khan, 170 Chang Yao, 159 Cheng Kwan, 114, 115 Choeroes, grandson of, etc., 10, 14 Clark, Dr., 208, 281 Clarke, Geo. W., 68, 127, 137, 139, 144 Clarke, Samuel, 207, 283 Confucius, sage of China, 84, 228 Cotter, Arthur, 200, 201, 239, 241 Davies, Major H. R., 126, 136, 208, 209, 216 Devéria, M., 28, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 74, 75, 76, 79, 82, 83, 87, 88, 89, 95, 110, 111, 114, 131, 233, 252, 282 Döring Hans, 212, 251 Douglas, Prof. R. K., 159 Du Halde, 57 Dank, Miss, 213 Dupres, M., 144 Ekvall, David, P., 161, 161, 198, 240 Embery, Mr., 208 Emir Mohmond, 110, 111 Enver Pasha, 292 Farnham, J. M. W., 204 Fiddler, Mr., 198 Firuz, son of Yezdegerd, 13, 14 Fleischer, A., 212 Forsyth, Sir Douglas, 158 Forsyth, R. C., 202, 203 Gaubil, M., 12 n, 14 n, 17 n, 19, 26, 28 Ghazi Abd-ul-Hamid Khan II., 258 Gibbon, 10 n, 11 n Gibson, W. W., 212 325 826 Giles, Prof., 167 Gilman, F. P., 213 Goes, Benedict, 55 Gordon, General, 137 Gozani, 177 Graham, J. R., 204 ISLAM IN CHINA Grainger, Mr. A., 205, 207 Gray, 111 Griffith, M. L., 201 Hafir, son of Qul, 106 Haji Mahmoud, 75, 113 Hall, Mr., 162, 277 Happer, Dr., 194, 195 Haran al Raschid, 25, 29, 45, 258 Harding, Mr., 198 Hassan, son of Tu Wen-siu, 140 Hedin, Sven, 150, 161 Helouis, M., 77 Hicks, C. E., 208 Hodges, Miss, 296 Hogg, Mr. C. F., 62, 231 Hosein, 21 Houdas, M., 77, 79, 175 Hsien Feng, Emperor, 129, 151 Haien Trung, Emperor, 45 Hsien-yang Wang, see Sai Tien-chih Hai Tsung, Rebellion of, 31, 50 Hsuan Tsung, Emperor, 16-17, 26 Heü Yüan-chi, Yunnan, 136, 137 Huang Chung, 130, 134, 143 Hung-Wu, Emperor, 35, 89, 91 Hunter, George, 214, 215, 276, 277 Hunter, W., 213 Hutson, Mr., 205 Ibn Batuta, 53 Ibn Ishak, earliest Moslem historian, 78 Ibn Wahab, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 48, 172 Iliff, Bishop, 203 Ilraine, Rev. J. S., 281 Ishmael, 33 Jamal-ed Din, 34 Jenghis Khan, 31, 32, 33, 34, 54, 125, 127, 170, 171 Jessup, H. H., 194 Kai Hwang, years of, 74, 75, 85, 95, 117 Kang Hsi, Emperor, 62, 115, 116 Kao Tsu, Emperor, 71 Kao Tsung, Emperor, 13, 14 Kasim, Mohammed, 16, 19 Keane, A. H., 194 Keller, Dr., 212 Kerr, Dr., 110 Khodjis, 92, 95 Kia King, Emperor, 119 Kia Tsing, 101 Kiai Lien, Chinese Moslem author, 73 K’ien-lung, Emperor, 92, 93, 94, 96, 114, 118, 148, 174, 196, 240 Kin Shun, 159 King Yoh, 116 Koelle S. W., 73, 79 Ku, Rev. Mr., 205 Kublai Khan, 30, 34, 51, 52, 123, 126, 127, 128, 161, 176 Kutaiba, Arab general, 16, 17, 19, 265 Kwan Ti, God of War, 190 Kwei Ming-feng, 116 Kwei Ying-küin, 116 Lan Tau-hai, Chinese Moslem author, 74, 76 Larsson, Mr., 238, 252 Lawton, W. W., 203 Lewis, Mr. A. B., 199 Li Hung-chang, 187 Li Sin-ku, 139 Lin, Governor of Yunnan, 136 Liu Chih, Chinese Moslem author, 73, 74, 75, 88 Lo Tien-choh, superintendent public works, 86 Lockhart Library, 62 Lull, Raymond, 24, 192, 290 Ma An-li, 131 Ma Fu-tsou, 131 Ma Hsien, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135 Ma Hsü-ch’ang, 130 Ma Kin-liang, 63 Ma Peh-ling, 153 of Ma Ru-lung, 131, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139 Ma Teh-hsing, 131, 134, 135, 136, 137 MacGillivray, Rev. D., 183, 184, 188, 189, 190-196, 203, 204, 281, 282 Macgowan, Dr., 12 n, 127 Madeley, F., 83, 199 Mahmond-el-Mehyd, 258 Mangou, 127 Mangou Khan, 51 Marco Polo, 30, 33, 40, 51-53, 123, 127, 173 Margary, 138 Martyn, Henry, 182 Martel, Charles, 19 Masondi, 29 Matingte, a 30 Mayer, W. F., Tibetan commander, 75 McCarthy, J., 144 Meakin, Mr. Budgett, 241 Menla-abd-el-Rahim, 266 Meshayikhs, chief, 261 Moslem religious Mi Lo-yu, 148 Milne, Mr, 88, 186 Ming Ti, Emperor, 68 Mirza Sayyid Ali, 182 Moawiyah, Caliph, 14 BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX Mohammed, picture of, in China, 43 Mohammed, sage of the West, 84, 85, 86, 88, 97, 102, 105, 106, 114, 117, 180, 189, 228 Mohammed’s maternal uncle, 27, 73, 77, 109 Morrison, Dr. Robert, 166 Moses, picture of, in China, etc., 43, 52, 55 Muir, J. R., 206, 244 Muir, Sir Wm., 2, 5 n, 6 n, 9 n, 10 n, 16, 19, 40, 60, 79, 88, 180, 278 Murray, John, 202, 203 Mustapha Kamel Pasha, Egyptian Nationalist, 292 Nasr-ud Din, 33, 127, 128 Newton, Clarence H., 213 “Nigarende,” 194 Ni-ni-cha, graudson of Yezdegerd, 14 Noah, picture of, in China, 42 Norris, Rev. F. L., 201 Noyes, Dr. H. V., 72, 76 Nur Eddin Mohammed Oufi, 20, 21 Oberg, Mr, 200 Odoric, Friar, 55 Ogotai, 127 Omar, Caliph, 9, 10, 14, 16, 40, 76, 114 Omeyide Caliphate, chap. i.

O’Neill, F. W. S., 213, 226, 239 Osman Pasha, 292 Othman, Caliph, 13, 14 Owen, Mr., 212 Palladius, Archimandrite, 74, 83, 150, 161, 194 P’an, Viceroy of Yunnan, 136, 137 Parker, E. H., 29, 32, 36, 50, 70, 71, 77, 83, 128, 147, 148, 151, 171, 173, 175, 177 Pa-ta-erh-tih, 86 Patterson, B. C., 204 Pauthier, M., 11 n, 12 n, 13 n, 14 n, 17 n, 87, 172 Pen Li-seng, 206 Penshenbih Akhoud, 262, 266, 267 Perkins, H. P., 201 Pettus, Mr., 188, 204, 216, 226, 238, 242, 243, 251, 275, 277, 282 Pfander, Dr., 278 Pitcher, P. W., 213 Playfair, Consul, 86, 87 Polo, Marco, see Marco Polo Prejevalsky, Col., 157, 160 Raquette, G., 214, 251, 276 Rashid ud Din, 30, 34, 124 Renaudot, Eusebius, 8, 39, 48 827 Richard, Dr. Timothy, 282 Richards, 162, 168, 184 Ridley, Mr. and Mrs., 162, 197, 198, 220, 272, 277 Rocher, M., 123, 129, 131, 137, 139, 141, 143 Rodwell, 229 Roots, Bishop, 196, 211 Rubruquis, Wm. de, 51 Saad Abu Wakkas (see Wan-ko-ssu), 40, 70, 74-78, 87, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118 Saadi, grandson of Sai Tien-chih, 128 Sai Ha-ch’ih, descendant of Sai Tiench’ih, 91 Sai Tien-chih (Sayid Adjal), 33, 89, 91, 125, 127, 176 Sam’ani, Arab writer, 32 Sarti, see Saad Abu Wakkas Sayid Adjal (Sai Tien-chih), 33 Schall, Adam, 71 Schefer, M., 8 n, 20, 29, 32, 34 Seyyid Sulayman, 194, 196 Sha Ting-piao, 116, 117 Shaw, Robert, 222 Shearer, W. W., 203 Shemsi Akhoud, 262 Shuen Ti, Emperor, 177 Si Lan-sui, 250 Simpson, W. W., 198 Slimmon, A. J., 203 Smirnoff, Miss, 250 Smith, Dr. A. H., 195, 200, 202, 228, 229, 240, 280 Soderbom, C. G., 201 Soliman, the Arab merchant, 47 Soulie, M. George, 124, 208, 210 Sparham, Rev. Č. G., 241 Sprague, W. P., 201 Seŭ Ma-kwang, Chinese historian, 14 Stent, G. C., 97 Stephen, Robert, 201 Su Tsung, Emperor, 26, 27 Surat Chandra Das, 194 Ta Si-jung, 139 Tai Tsung, Emperor, 11, 12, 13, 27, 64, 66, 72, 78 Tamerlane, 262 Tao-Kwang, Emperor, 93 Taylor, W., 205 Thiersant, M. de, 18, 20, 27, 31, 40, 70, 72, 73, 76, 77, 89, 127, 129, 130, 147, 148, 150, 151, 158, 167, 176, 194, 195, 196, 210, 250, 282 Thornton, D. M., 100 Tien-Pao, Emperor, 85, 86 Timour, 114, 148 Rhodes, Mr. P., 210, 242, 243, 251, Ting, Mohammedan leader, 148 275, 277, 296 Rhodes, Mrs., 223 Tisdale, Rev. W. St. Clair, 101 To, Tartar general, 153, 154 828 Trigault, Father, 175 Trang Peh, 183 ISLAM IN CHINA Teao-Hui, Chinese general, 93 Ts’en-ho, famous eunuch, 89 Tren Yu-ying, of Yunnan, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 144 Tr’in dynasty, 86 Tso Chung-tang, General, 154, 159,160 Tu Wen-Siu, 132, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 160 Tung Chi, Emperor, 163 Tung Fei-lung, 141 Tang Fu-hsiang, General, 161, 273 Turley, R. T., 213, 239 Vambery, Arminious, 147, 148 Vasil’ev, Professor, 73, 77, 158, 184, 195, 196, 250, 285 Wahab-ibu-i Raasha, 258 Wahb-Abu-Kabcha, 77, 78, 79 Wakidy, Secretary of, 79 Walid, Caliph, 16, 19 Wang Kung, Secretary Board of Revenue and Censor, 84, 89 Wan-ko-asu (see Abu Wakkas), 68, 69 Wen Wang, Emperor, 85 Wherry, E. M., 4, 194 Whittlesey, R. B., 205 Woods, Henry M., 204 Wu-ki-suen, 17 Wylie, A., 34, 50, 62, 88, 150, 158, 175, 285 Yakoob Beg, 146, 157, 158, 159, 160, 275, 285, 291 Yang Yu-kou, 187, 139, 141 Yao, Emperor, 85 Yen Ting-Kuoh, General, 62, 63 Yezdegerd, 10, 12 Yonsif Akhoud, 262 Yüan Ho, 95 Yule, Colonel, 5, 6, 7, 8 n, 11 n, 16 n, 40, 124 Yung Chen, Emperor, 148 Yung Lo, 89, 91 Zwemer, Samuel M., 4, 38, 100, 236, 250 INDEX IV GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Aksu, 146, 157, 160, 264 Algeria, 216 Amoy, 213 Anhwei, prov. of, 211, 215 Anhwa, 212 Anhwei, North, 222 Anking, 211 Anning, 134 Annam, 71 Anshunfu, 207 Ansichow, 156 Arabia, 5, 8, 86, 88, 114, 117 Atalik Ghazi, title of, conferred, 157 Bagdad, court and city of, 25, 29, 31, 33, 49 Barkul, 146 Batang, 206, 244 Bhamo, 125 Bish balik, 169, 170 Bokhara, 20, 29, 32, 33, 125, 127 Emir of, 157 Burma, 133, 134, 138 Busrah, 6, 40, 45 Cairo, 34, 194 Cambodia, 71 Canton, 40, 47, 48, 70, 71, 72, 109, 114, 115, 117, 124, 213, 222, 251, 252 Arabs at, 8, 34, 77 Cemetery, 69, 111 Monuments, 117 Mosques of, 27, 88, 107, 109, 111 Northern gate of, 114, 115 Sack of, 8, 128 Seventeen Moslem families settle in, 110, 115 Canton inscriptions, 83 Caracorum, 169 Carajan (see Yunnan), 123 Central Asia, 148, 154, 159 Ceylon, 6 Ch’ang Balik, 170 Changchiachwang, 199 329 Changchowfu, 213 Changsha, 212 Changteh, 212 Changan, see Sianfu Chaotung, 208 Chebeu Seby, 114 Chekiang, prov. of, 211, 215 Chengchow, 203, 204 Chengkiang, 134, 139, 140 Chengkunghsien, 134 Chengtu, 205, 206, 207 Chiamdo, 206 Chightam, 146, 200 Chihli, prov., 62, 215, 238, 250 Chinchowfu, 214 Chinese Turkestan, 259, 264 Chinkiang, 282 Chowkiakow, 203, 204, 231, 252 Chüchowfu, 211 Constantinople, Arab siege of, 14, 19 City of, 51, 131, 140, 184, 257, 286, 267, 291, 293 Cumdan, city of (see Sianfu), 40, 45 Damas, 148 Draya, 206 Egypt, 216, 266, 267, 276 Fakumen, 214, 226, 239, 241, 247 Fancheng, 211 Fengtien, 214 Foochow, 213 Fukien, 213, 215 Garthok, 206 Gobi Desert, 159 Great Britain, 133, 158, 275, 285 Haikow, 134 Hainan, island of, 213 Hami, 66, 67, 148, 150, 154, 237 Hamil, 146 Hangchow, 211880 Hangchowfu, 8, 40 Hangchungfu, 199 Hankow, 211 Hasak, 214 Hengchowfu, 212 Herat, 33, 125 Hiaoyi, 152 Higanfu, 199 ISLAM IN CHINA Hindustan, Hui ho of, 171 Hira, the town of, 5, 6, 15 Hochow, 148, 150, 198, 238, 240, 277 Hokienfu, 201, 202 Honan, prov. of, 9, 62, 203, 215, 222, 224, 231, 248, 250, 252 Honanfu, city of, 26, 203 Hun River, 201 Hunan, 154, 212, 215 Hupeh, prov. of, 210, 215 Hwachow, 152, 153 Hwaikingfu, 62, 63, 203, 204 Hwaitienki, 203 Hwang-chang (Broad Dyke), 116 Ichang, 210 Пli, 148, 151, 157, 171, 285 Irak, 41, 47, 48 Ireland, 216 Jehol, 201 Jungyang, 203, 204 Kaaba, the, 35, 87, 97, 278 Kachek, 213 Kaifeng, 176, 204 Kaitsikong, 161 Kaiyuan, 214 Kalgan, 201 Kambalu, 52, 55 Kanchow, 53, 173 Kanfu, 40, 45, 47, 50 Kanfu or Kanpu, 8 Kansu, prov. of, 117, 125, 128, 148, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 161, 163, 195, 197, 199, 208, 214, 215, 220, 222, 223, 238, 240, 243, 248, 251, 254, 262, 276, 278 Karakorum, 51 Kashgar, or Kashgaria, 10, 18, 28, 53, 92, 128, 146, 150, 155, 156, 157, 160, 162, 173, 214, 259, 262, 264, 268, 276 Kashmir, 206 Khojand, 18 Khokand, 156, 157 Khorassan, 20 Khotan, 53, 264 Kiangsu, prov. of, 204, 215 Kiayükwan, 65 Kirin, 214 Kiukiang, 226 Kokonor, 53 Korla, 146 Koucha, 157 Kucha, 146 Kuldja, 93, 155, 157, 159, 161, 237, 257, 258, 259, 265, 266, 268 Kunchang, 154 Kungchang, 148 Kunyang, 134 Kwan-chung (ancient name of Sianfu), 86 Kwanging, 214 Kwangsi, prov. of, 124, 213, 215, 223, 281 Kwangtung, prov. of, 212, 213, 215, 243 Kwanhsien Sze, 205, 206 Kwantung, 134 Kwanyi, 131, 132, 137, 141 Kweichow, prov. of, 207, 215 Kweilin, 213 Ladak, 222 Laichow, 202 Lanchowfu, 148, 198 Laohowkow, 211 Laoyakwan, 134 Laoyang, 142 Lhassa, 30, 132, 206 Liaoyang, 214 Lichow, 212 Linanfu, 132, 208 Linanfu, prefect of, 135 Linganfu, 125 Lingchow, 154 Lintsingchow, Shantung, 183, 184, 190, 196, 202, 203 London, 140 Loyang, city of, 9, 27 Luanfu, 200 Lufeng, 134 Luki, ridge of, 116 Lung-men, district of, 116 Lungan, 206 Lunganfu, 205 Lungyang, 212 Macao, 35, 56 Manass, city of, 159 Manchuria, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 222, 226, 239, 241, 247, 251 Mandalay, 129 Matien, 241 Mecca, 86, 97, 131, 150, 170, 188, 189, 206, 230, 232, 242, 251, 252, 278, 287, 295 Medina, 35, 68, 71, 75, 115, 117, 252 Mekong at Kali, 136 Menghwating, 143 Mengmienting, 129 Mengtze, 242 Mengwa (Ting), 208 Middle Kingdom, 188 Mienchow, 205, 206 Momien, 122, 227 Mongolia, 214, 215, 216, 217, 265 Mongolia, Northern, 169 Shucheng, 211 Shunningfu, 129 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 831 Mongolian Border, 201 Morocco, 216 Moukden, 214, 239 Mowkong, 206 Muscat, 6 141 Nanchang, 211 Nanchao, Kingdom of, 127 Shuntehfu, 201, 202 Shush, 18 Sia-kwan and Shangkwan, Passes of, 132, 133, Siakwan Tun, 127 Siam, Gulf of, 8 Nanking, 91, 204, 226, 242, 251, 275, Sianfu, city of (see Cumdan and 293 Nantin, 122 Nepaul, 12 Newchwang, 214 Nicobar Islands, 8 Ningchow, 131, 198, 199 Ninghiafu, 148 Ningpo, 184 Ningsiang, 212 Niu Chieh, 201 North Gate, Great, 109, 111 Paoking, 212 Paoning, 205, 206 Paotingfu, 201, 202, 241, 242 Peichow, 204 Peking, 52, 72, 92, 93, 129, 133, 134, 143, 153, 174, 184, 195, 196, 200, 201, 229, 238, 239, 241, 252, 260, 261, 263, 264, 268, 273, 286, 292, 293, 294, 295 Penghsien, 205 Persia, 33, 79, 173, 216 Persian Gulf, 6 Pingliang, 198, 199 Ping-tee-men, 201 Pingyangfu, 34 Pulo Condor, 8 Russia, 159, 160, 275, 285 Salar, 262, 268 Salar Rising, 150 Sama, 213 Samarkand, 30, 33, 174, 262 Saratsi, 200 Scotland, 216 Semrew (Yarkent), 265 Se-yang (Western Ocean), 166 Shan States, 208 Shanghai, 204, 242, 292 Shang-kuan and Hsia-kuan Pass, 132, 133, 141 Shansi, prov. of, 34, 199, 200, 215, 238, 252 Shantung, governor of, 153 Shantung, prov. of, 202, 215 Shatien, 242 Shensi, prov. of, 28, 91, 125, 126, 148, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 158, 195, 199, 200, 215, 244 Shihyangchang, 130 Shiuhing, 213 Showchow, 211 Changan), 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 28, 27, 28, 39, 40, 53, 55, 70, 74, 87, 91, 106, 151, 153, 154, 199 Sianfu Mosque, 89 Siangyangfu, 34, 211 Sihwa, 204 Sinae, name of, 8 n Sincheng Ho, 203 Sinhwa, 212 Sining, 53, 162 Siningfu, 198, 277 Sinkiang, prov. of, 154, 197, 214, 215, 216, 248, 264, 267 Sinmingfu, 214 Siraf, 6, 39, 40, 45 Sisiang, 199 Smooth Pagoda Street, 109 Solong River (Selenga), 169 Suching, 206, 244 Stamboul, 252, 257 Suidum, fortress of, 258 Sungpan, 205, 206 Soochow, 204 Süanhwafu, 201 Suchow, 159 Sünhwating, 161 Sutsien, 204 Szechwan, 29, 138, 152, 158, 160, 204, 215, 224, 250, 278, 280, 285 Szechwan Tibetan Border, 244 Szeshui Ho, 203 Tachwang, 242 Taianfu, 202, 203 Taiho, 211 Taiping Rebellion, 133, 135, 137, 152, 153, 184 Taiyuanfu, 95, 118 Tali Plain, 208, 210] Talifu, 30, 53, 124, 125, 132, 133, 134, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 160, 210, 281, 285 Talifu, the fall of, 141 Tamingfu, 62, 63 Tamngae, 213 Taochow, 198 Taoyuan, 212 Taraussa, 156 Ta-shih, name of Arabia, 13, 15, 17, 31, 61, 87 Taskend, capital of Russian Turkestan, 259,262 Tatsienlu, 206, 244 Tatungfu, 200, 238, 252 882 Taying, 242 Tazih, 174 Tengyüeh, 143, 208, 210 ISLAM IN CHINA Tibet and Tibetans, 17, 19, 27, 28, 29, 30, 132, 146, 205, 206, 207, 217 Tiebling, 214 Tien-fang, name of Arabia, 13 n, 87 Tienshan range, 154, 156, 160 Tien-t’ang, name of Arabia, 13 m, 87 Tien-tang mountains, 132 Tientsin, 62, 166, 175 Titaochow, 163, 198 Tokio, 196, 283, 286 Too-leaou, 166 Tours, battle of, 19 Transoxiania, 10, 14, 172 Tsangchow, Chihli, 280 Tsaochowfu, 202 Tsinan, 198, 202 Tainchow, 198 Tsingchowfu, 202 Tsinkia, 152 Tsingkiangpu, 204 Taingningchow, 198 Tainningchow, 134 Tsunghwa, 206 Tanyang Prefecture, 130, 134 Tungchow, 202, 238, 243 Tungchwan, 162, 208 Tunghai, 134 Tungsu, 203 Tung-teoh-fang, 91 Tungtu, 117 Turfan, 146, 157, 264 Turkestan, 26, 53, 93, 95, 147, 173, 237, 263, 275 Wanghsienpa, 205 Wan-nien-hsien (or Hsien-ning-hsien), 86, 87 Weinanhsien, 152 Wenchow, 211 Wuchang, 211 Wuchow, 213 Wahu, 211 Yachi (old name of Talifu), 30, 124 Yangchow, 204, 242 Yangihissar, 156, 157 Yangpi, 127 Yangtze, 211, 273 Yarkand, 53, 156, 157, 214, 222, 251, 264, 276 Yencheng Ho, 204 Yenchowfu, 202 Yingtien, Prefecture of (or Kiang-ningfu), 91 Yiyang, 212 Yuanhsiang, 212 Yunchow, 136, 208 Yungchang, 129, 208 Yungchungfu Road, 127 Yungkwan, 117 Yunnan city, 127, 208 Yunnan, prov. of, 29, 30, 33, 53, 91, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 132, 133, 134, 139, 142, 158, 160, 162, 176, 177, 194, 195, 207, 208, 209, 210, 215, 216, 223, 227, 242, 248, 251, 275, 277, 278, 281, 285, 287, 295 Yunnanfu, 127, 129, 131, 134, 135, 138, 144, 208, 242, 251, 278 Urumchi, 28, 154, 157, 169, 170, 237, Zugutschack, 237 276 Zungaria, 92, 95 THE END Printed by R. & R. 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