Religious motivation
Katakis
Although the influence of the Katakis had weakened considerably since the end of the sixteenth century because of the successful activities of rival Naqshbandi Sufis,146 Arshad al-Din, together with Satuq Boghra Khan during the Qarakhanid period, became one of the most revered saints among the Muslims in Eastern Turkestan. He was called Allah’s companion (Wali Allah) and his mausoleum in Kucha was considered a sacred place of worship. As a descendant of that holy Sufi and as a guardian of his mausoleum Rashidin Khwaja had been “living with prayer (du’a) and cultivation (talab) and, not being mixed with people, treading the path of an ascetic (darvish).“147 He commanded respect and submission from a large number of Muslims-both the Turks and the Tungans-who considered themselves his disciples (murid).148
The report that there was “a numerous and influential colony of Khoja priests” in the suburb of Kucha149 suggests the economic strength of the Kataki khwājas who inherited vaqf lands from their ancestors, but the possession of such economic properties does not appear to have been the major source of Rashdin’s influence. And as the later development in Kucha shows, he did not seem to have any special talent in leadership either. Except for his saintly lineage and his life as a Sufi guarding Arshad al-Din’s holy tomb, Rashidīn Khwaja did not have any other source of influence. Therefore, we cannot but conclude that his political power as the leader of the Kuchean regime stemmed from his religious authority.150 Many Muslims believed that Sufi saints had the faculty of performing miracles (karā-mat) through their spiritual communication with Allah, prophets, and saints, and thus giving the holy blessings (barakat).[[151]]
Tuo Ming
Tuo Ming, the leader of Urumchi revolt, was also a man of religion. In all probability he belonged to the Jahri branch of the Naqshbandiyya, as asserted by J. Fletcher.152 Contrary to Rashidin, he had directed the rebellion from the beginning and was branded by the Qing authority as the ringleader of the revolt who deluded people. However, Somov, a Russian merchant who visited Manas in 1872, describes him as “a religious man who devoted the whole life to his own God” and adds that he, called “master” (piri) by the Tungans, “was at first just a mediocre Tungan from a poor and insignificant family but, showing some outstanding qualities by the devout and up-right way of life, he gained respect and allegiance of many people.“153 He was also reported to have been “wandering around the Jinji, Henan and Gansu areas, and got acquainted with various Muslim leaders.“154 Here “Jinji” is nothing but the stronghold of Jinjibao where the famous Jahrī ….
… Qirghiz had set up a person with religious charisma who could command the respect of the local Muslims.
Siddiq Beg and khwAjA sending
Our point is again well illustrated by ‘Abd al-Baqī Kāshqari who provides us with a useful account of Siddiq Beg’s activities. According to him, when Siddiq Beg was governor of Farrash he had a dispute with some Kashgharian begs. The begs, based on the decision of a religious court, confiscated lands and canals that Siddiq had administered. He was furious and, having rallied Qirghizs and Qipchaqs living around Oy Tagh, came down to Kashghar and besieged the town. Although the siege extended for a long time and the provisions were running out, the begs would not surrender. They sent him a “letter of chastisement” (siyasat-nāma) in which they made it clear that they could not accept his rule because he was neither a sayyid (descendant of Muhammad) nor pādishāhzāda (descendant of a king). 162 Even after begs and akhunds inside the town expelled Qutluq Beg in alliance with Khoqandians, they dispatched envoys to the Khoqand khanate to ask assistance, while still refusing to submit to Siddiq.163 Siddiq also sent an envoy to the Khoqand khanate asking to send an Āfāqī khwāja. There is no doubt that he took such an action with the intention of appeasing the opposition of the local Kashgharians by using a religious figure. This fact amply proves how important the religious authority of a person with a saintly lineage was in rallying the Muslims.
… Tuo Ming was “a Sufi who had been with the Jahri leader Ma Hualong in China proper and had been invited to Xinjiang by Suo Huanzhang, one of Ma Hualong’s disciples.“158
Yarkand
In Yarkand, the revolt was initiated and led by the Tungans who, once having occupied the Muslim town, continued to control it and kept fighting with the Qing force in the Manchu fort. However, since the absolute majority of the inhabitants of the city and its environs were Turkic Muslims, the Tungans could not but enthrone a nominal leader who could command the Turkic Muslims’ respect. This was why Ghulam Husayn (later replaced by his brother ‘Abd al-Rahman) became the leader of the Yarkand regime. We do not know much about this person except for the fact he came from a notable family in Kabul. It is interesting to note that Mehmet Emin Bughra, in his work written in the 1940s, added the epithet of Mujaddidi to his name.159 J. Fletcher already noticed this remark and assumed that Ghulam Husayn may have been a descendant of Aḥmad Sirhindī (1564-1624) who was a famous Sufi in India and was widely known as Mujaddidi-yi Alf-i Thānī, that is, the Reformer of the Second Millennium.160 Probably his descendants formed a Sufi sect called Mujaddidi in Kabul where they exerted a lot of influence. This family belonged to the Naqshbandiyya and its male members were called by the respected title Hadrāt-i Sahib-i Shor Bazar. The leaders of this family are known to have displayed powerful political influence up to the middle of the twentieth century around the Kabul area.[[ 161]]
Lack of religious leader
The case of Kashghar is a good example of what happened when the Muslims did not have a religious leader. Here, as we explained, the revolt broke out all of a sudden without any premeditated plan. The Muslims did not have a definite leader and could not take either the Muslim town or the Manchu fort. The Qirghiz, led by Siddiq, later joined with the Tungans and attempted to take the city, but their efforts were frustrated by the strong resistance of the Qing forces and the Muslim beg officials.
It is noteworthy that, unlike what happened in other cities, the Muslims in Kashghar, not only in the town but also around the neighboring villages, did not ally with the Qirghiz and even violently resisted. Their opposition, of course, stemmed from the deep animosity of the sedentary Muslims against the nomadic Qirghiz, but the situation might have improved if the
Ili
… people with the title of īshān shows the charismatic influence held by reli- gious figures in general.
Finally, the case of Ili shows the same characteristics. As explained earlier, the two groups of Ili Muslims, that is, the Tungans and the Taranchis, put up their own leaders. Those who had the title of akhun and who took the leadership of the Tungans were apparently of the religious group. It is curious that ‘Abd Rasul who acted as a leader of the Taranchis was not a man of religion but a secular official with the title of acting governor. How- ever, we should not forget that, before he took action, he had received from the prominent religious scholar Nasir al-Dīn the fatva approving the “holy war.” Mu’azzam who snatched the leadership from ‘Abd Rasul was also an official. His genealogy, however, shows an interesting fact. He was son of Khalīzāda, who was son of Khush Nazar, who was son of Malikzada, who was son of Aurangzib, who was son of Amin Khwāja, who was son of Niyaz Khwaja, who was son of Sufi Khwaja. And one of the ancestors of this last person was Khwaja Muḥammad Sharif who was a famous Sufi master in Kashghar in the later half of the sixteenth century.