13 Notes

CHAPTER I

  1. Many documents describe Hengchun standing on the city wall overseeing the defense of the city. The most important of these are QPHF; Luo Qirui, Yunnan zhanggu, 610; Pourais, La Chine, 78.
  2. QPHF, 5:7a; Pourais, La Chine, 79, 81.
  3. QPHF, 5:7a.
  4. Ibid., 5:8b-9a.
  5. Ibid., 5:7a.
  6. Ibid., 5:8b-9a.
  7. Pourais, La Chine, 78; Luo, Yunnan zhanggu, 610.
  8. QPHF, 3:12a-b. An imperial censor informed the court-incorrectly, it would turn out—that Ma Mingkui, a Hui jinshi degree holder, had been named king; see 3:16a.
  9. Ibid., 3:16b.
  10. Ibid., 3:17a; Wang Jianping, Concord and Conflict, 259. Shuxing’a had more than a decade of experience in a variety of posts in the northwest. II. QPHF, 1:11b. Shuxing’a actually suggested that the Hui “make up less than ten or twenty percent of the Han.”
  11. Ibid., 6:18b-19a; Rocher, La Province chinoise de Yün-nan, II:36. 13. QPHF, 6:13b.
  12. Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” 266. This tragic change in meaning is achieved relatively easily since the two phrases differ only with the omission of a tree radical from ge, making it ge-the first character in the gesha wulun order. A leap that could also have been made easily when the commands were transmitted verbally.
  13. QPHF, 5:21b.
  14. Ibid., 5:21a, 6:21a-b, 14:16b; YHLSD, I:99-100; HMQY, I:297.
  15. QPHF, 3:17a-14b.
  16. Ibid., 4:2b-3a
  17. Ibid., 4:2b-3a.
  18. Ibid., 3:18a, 4:3a.
  19. Luo, Yunnan zhanggu, 610.
  20. Ibid.
  21. QPHF, 5:7a; Luo, Yunnan Zhanggu, 610.
  22. QPHF, 1:11b.
  23. Ibid., 4:3a, 4:8b; YGZ, 6:11a.
  24. QPHF, 4:3b. 200 NOTES TO CHAPTER I
  25. Ibid., 5:2b-4b. Shuxing’a makes a similar comment; see Ibid., 5:5a.
  26. Ibid., 5:6b-7b; Ma Guanzheng, “Dianyuan shisinian dahuo ji,” I:296; Pour- ais, La Chine, 78.
  27. QPHF, 5b:9a.
  28. Ibid., 5:9a-b; XYTG, 81:14b-15a.
  29. QPHF, 5:9a-b; Luo, Yunnan zhanggu, 610.
  30. YGZ, 7:13b-14b.
  31. YBY, I:5-9; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 35; QPHF, 14:16b.
  32. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:36; QPHF, 6:18b-19a, 8:3b-4a.
  33. Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 729.
  34. See Armijo, “Narratives Engendering Survival,” 298-99, who compares the attitudes of these new Han immigrants to “white settlers throughout much of the world… [who] felt entitled to the resources of ’their’ state, regardless of whether or not ‘others’ were already in possession of them.”
  35. For examples of this, see Daniels, “Environmental Degradation,” 7-13; Giersch, “A Motley Throng,”" 76-81.
  36. Atwill, “Trading Places.”
  37. Armijo-Hussein, “Sayyid ‘Ajali[d1] Shams Al-Din,” 88-94.
  38. HMQY, II:216; XYTG, 4:10b.
  39. DCZZ, 4:3b.
  40. DXG, 34:43b; Pillsbury, “Pig and Policy,” 154-57.
  41. Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 21-26.
  42. T’ien, Moslem Rebellion in China; Wang Jianping, Concord and Conflict, 1996; Lin Changkuan, “Chinese Muslims of Yunnan,” 1991; Jing Dexin, Du Wen- xiu qiyi, 1991; DXG, 1915; Henri d’Ollone, Recherches; Israeli, “Islam in the Chi- nese Context,” 79-94; Qiu Shusen, Zhongguo Huizu, 576-90.
  43. Sow-Theng, Migration and Ethnicity.
  44. Rawski, The Last Emperors, 5; Crossley, “Thinking about Ethnicity,” 7-8. 47. Elliot, The Manchu Way, 17.
  45. Bai Shouyi, Minzu zongjiao lunji; Deng Baohua and Wang Huaide, Yisilan- jiao shi; Lipman, Familiar Strangers; Gladney, Muslim Chinese.
  46. QPHF, 3:12a, 4:4a-5b, 4:15b-16a, 5:3b-6b.
  47. Ibid., 5:6b-7b.
  48. Wang Shuhuai, Xiantong Yunnan Huimin shibian, 346.
  49. As is so often the case, the strongest proponents of this perspective are en- countered in textbooks on Chinese history. See for example Hsü, The Rise of Mod- ern China, 254-55; Fairbank, Reischauer, and Craig, East Asia, 474-75; and espe- cially Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism, 113-15. Almost inevitably these accounts invoke Han-Hui competition over dwindling mineral resources as the primary catalyst.
  50. Dillion, China’s Muslim Hui Community, 58-59; Israeli, “Islam in the Chi- nese Context,” 79-94; Wang Jianping, Concord and Conflict, 249.
  51. For examples of this see Wang Shuhuai, Xiantong Yunnan Huimin shibian, as well as HMQY for Bai Shouyi’s collection of documents relating to the rebellion. This fixation is equally apparent in QPHF, an imperially sponsored collection of im- perial documents relating to the rebellion. Notes to Chapter 2
  52. The best-known work is Du Wenxiu qiyi by Jing Dexin. 201
  53. In fact, many works, such as Bai Shouyi’s HMQY and the official Qing work, QPHF, lumped them together as Muslim rebellions; this reflected an assump- tion of Muslim unity that transcended ethnic and geographic boundaries. For a ground-breaking look at the Muslim rebellion in Kashgar led by Ya’qub Beg see Kim Hodong, Holy War in China.
  54. One of the key disseminators of the term was Major E.B. Sladen, who trav- eled to Yunnan in 1868. An extract from his writings was presented to the Royal Ge- ographic Society and then printed in Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, 357-62.
  55. Anderson, Report, 150. For a fuller discussion of the term see Lin Chang- kuan, “The Etymological History of Panthay,” 353; Chan, “The ‘Panthay Embassy’ to Britain, 1872,” 116п15.
  56. Gill, The River of Golden Sand, 303. CHAPTER 2
  57. Sanguo yenyi, 722–24.
  58. Davenport, “Report,” 24; Benedict, “Bubonic Plague in Nineteenth Century China,” 109.
  59. Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 53; Forbes, “The Cin-Ho (Yunnanese Chinese) Caravan Trade,” 21-23.
  60. For an outstanding example of the intermediary role of these groups see Pas- quet, “Image et réalité du système tributaire,” 147-56.
  61. Puer fuzhi gao, 17:3a, in Cui Jingming and Lu Ren, “Yuan, Ming, Qing shiqi,” 41.
  62. See Hosie, Three Years in Western China, 95; Litton, Report, 5.
  63. Chinese terms and place names have been altered to conform to their stan- dard pinyin renderings for the sake of continuity and in order to avoid confusion for readers who are unfamiliar with other, nonstandard renderings of geographic place names commonly employed in the nineteenth century. Colquhoun, Across Chrysê, 263. For a similar reference see Clarke, Kwiechow and Yün-nan Provinces, 70-71.
  64. Tambiah, Culture, Thought, and Social Action, 260.
  65. Tooker, “Putting the Mandala in its Place,” 324.
  66. Yunnan Tongzhi, 30:40b.
  67. I thank Rebecca Wiener for suggesting this metaphor to describe Yunnan’s ridge-and-valley topography.
  68. Bourne, “Report,” 10.
  69. Baber, “Report,” 8.
  70. Ibid., II.
  71. Fitzgerald, The Tower of Five Glories, 190-91.
  72. Yan Zhongping, Qingdai Yunnan tongzheng kao, 9; Sun, “The Transporta- tion of Yunnan Copper,” 141.
  73. Hosie, Three Years in Western China, 140.
  74. National Geographic correspondent and Naxi scholar Joseph Rock traveled across such bridges well into the 1930s. 202 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2
  75. Margary, Notes, 44.
  76. S.T. Wang, The Margary Affair.
  77. See Desgodins, Le Thibet, 345. Mules were usually preferable to horses; only the poor used donkeys.
  78. Wang Mingda and Zhang Shilu, Mabang wenhua, 113; Hill, Merchants and Migrants, 49.
  79. Baber, “Mr. Grosvenor’s Mission,” 12. See also Gill, The River of Golden Sand, II:314. For an example of a Tibetan caravan see Hosie, “Report,” 26. For an example of a Hui caravan see Rocher, La Province chinoise du Yün-nan, I:81.
  80. Rocher, La Province chinoise du Yün-nan, I:20.
  81. Dianzhi, 68.
  82. Spencer, “Kueichou,” 167.
  83. Sun, “The Copper of Yunnan,” 122-23.
  84. Bourne, “Report,” 10.
  85. Hill, Merchants and Migrants, 40; Van Spengen, “The Geo-History of Long- Distance Trade in Tibet,” 26. Guzong was the local Chinese term for Tibetan.
  86. QSL, 5:678-79; Forbes, “The ‘Cin-Ho’ Muslims of North Thailand,” 178. 31. Wu Xingnan, “Qingday qianqi de Yunnan,” 75.
  87. Dubernard and Desgodins, “Les Sauvages Lyssous,” 63-64.
  88. XYTG, 50:9a-11b; Chiang, “The Salt Trade in Ch’ing China,” 204. 34. XYTG, 50:1a-9a; 13b-14a. Catholic missionary Desgodins also describes salt wells along the banks of the Lancang River near the Tibetan border; see Des- godins, Le Thibet, 343.
  89. Zhang Yunsui Memorials, in Wu Xingnan, “Qingdai qianqi de Yunnan,” 75. 36. XYTG, 52:4b-5a. One sign of the state’s increasing efforts to maintain its monopoly was the modification to the certificate system used to verify the taxes paid on salt at customs houses across the province. Originally one certificate could cover the loads on several animals; this proved so difficult to monitor that the policy had to be changed to one certificate per animal.
  90. Zelin, “The Rise and Fall of the Fu-Rong Salt-Yard Elite,” in Esherick and Rankin, Chinese Local Elites, 84.
  91. Gervais-Courtellemont, Voyage, 234. Hosie also mentions the difference in the color between the darker Sichuan salt and the lighter Yunnan salt; see “Report,” I:66.
  92. Li 1831:4b, in Mueggler, The Age of Wild Ghosts, 173.
  93. XYTG, 50:11b-12a. It is interesting to note that the emperor’s rescript or- dered the salt well “to be closed and bandits who privately open the well to be pun- ished so as not to re-establish old practices [of selling salt].” This plan seemed un- likely to succeed since the officials could not even control the salt production and trade when it was open and ostensibly under their control.
  94. XYTG, 50:11b-12a; Wang Song, Daoguang Yunnan zhichao, 115-16; for other instances see XYTG, 50:1a-b. This was likely a perennial problem; British cus- toms inspectors in the early years of the twentieth century also report that “much of the salt was carried out of Yunnan to Laos and the British Shan States.” See China, Maritime Customs Decennial Reports (1906), 494, cited in Hill, Merchants and Mi- grants, 44. Notes to Chapter 2 203
  95. Davenport, “Report,” 22. For an account of the revived nature of the fair see Gervais-Courtellemont, Voyage, 234.
  96. Li Gui, Yunnan jindai jingjishi, 139; Cui Jingming and Lu Ren, “Yuan, Ming, Qing,” 42. A variety of systems existed that dictated the number of days between markets; thus the Tonghai County “7-Jie” markets were held on the seventh, sev- enteenth, and twenty-seventh days of the lunar month, and the yi markets rotated according to the twelve-animal cycle. See Li Gui, Yunnan jindai jinjishi, 137.
  97. Many scholars have asserted that Japan stopped exporting copper to China in the early eighteenth century. In fact, Japan in 1715 did not end its exports, but only reduced them sharply by 40 to 50 percent. See Hall, “Notes on Early Ch’ing Copper Trade with Japan,” 427-61. For a more in-depth discussion of the Yunnan’s role in the Qing’s copper supply see Yan Zhongping, Qingdai Yunnan tongzheng kao, 3-9.
  98. Sun, “Ch’ing Government and the Mineral Industries Before 1800,” 841. 46. Ibid., 9.
  99. XYTG, 44:6b; YHSLD, I:50. It seems that the primary administrative dif- ference between the Yunnan mines and mines in other parts of the empire was that the Hui were a prominent presence in the former, but not the latter.
  100. The Hui were never–at least in Yunnan-broken down by province into smaller work teams. This is likely because few non-Yunnanese Hui came to work as miners.
  101. Hua Li, “Qingdai baojia zhidu jianlun,” 96-97.
  102. Yan Zhongping, Qingdai Yunnan tongzheng kao, 27. In theory, the team bosses were under the “mine overseer” (kezhang); in practice, the team bosses re- ported directly to the mine supervisor, although it is possible that at some mines the mine supervisor and the mine overseer were one and the same person.
  103. Rocher, La Province chinoise du Yün-nan, II:222-24.
  104. YTZG, 160:inter alia.
  105. MEP, 539:220.
  106. For a brief overview of the yi (and Yi) see Harrell, Ways of Being Ethnic in Southwest China, 174-75.
  107. The term yi was also employed to categorize non-Chinese peoples as less civ- ilized barbarians. In Yunnan it seems to have been used more to indicate an ethnic Other; however, it retained sinocentric undertones of Han superiority, in the sense that this Other shared a certain degree of barbarian-ness. That the Hui were not part of this oppositional paradigm reflects in part the marginal position the Muslim Yun- nanese held.
  108. My use of the term “non-Han” is not intended to perpetuate this disparag- ing connotation. Rather, because the term was often used indiscriminently to refer to any Yunnan ethnic group, and in order to not overstep my interpretive bound- aries in relation to the historical texts in question, I use the term “non-Han” as the most accurate English translation for ethnic groups identified as yi.
  109. When referring to the Hui, “Muslim Yunnanese” is preferable to “Yunnanese Muslims.” The latter overemphasizes the religious element of their identity. As will be discussed later, they are more than simply Muslims who live in Yunnan.
  110. XYTG, 3:20a, 160:1a-5b; 204
  111. Ibid., 161:4a. NOTES TO CHAPTER 2
  112. Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 15. In his thorough study of the demographic evolution of southwest China, Lee suggests caution, noting that “at least half of the population did not register.”
  113. Chen Bisheng, Dianbian sanyi, 39. Colquhoun, in Across Chrysê, II:196, makes a similar statement. For intermarriage see Rocher, La Province chinoise, I:19. 62. For a sampling of such “aberrant” behavior see “Yunnan sheng li shi yan jiu suo bian[dz],” QSL, V:307, 310, 563, 573.
  114. Chuxiong xianzhi, [d3]2:28a.
  115. Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 23.
  116. Gladney, “The New Central Asians and Turkey,” 14. For a similar argument in published form see Gladney, “Nations Transgressing Nation-States,” in Atabaki and O’Kane, Post-Soviet Central Asia, 301-23.
  117. Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 738-42.
  118. QSXMS, 178.
  119. Rowe, “Education and Empire,” in Elman and Woodside, eds., Education and Society in Late Imperial China, 420.
  120. Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth”; Giersch, “A Motley Throng,”” 74; Lu Ren, Bian qian yu, 136-42.
  121. Lee, “The Legacy of Immigration in Southwest China,” 303; You Zhong, Yunnan minzu shi, 359. See also Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 729, where the author notes that in the nineteenth century “the size of the [unregistered] non-Han eludes us.”
  122. Sun, “The Board of Revenue in Nineteenth-Century China,” 202; Tacuber and Wang, “Population Reports in the Ch’ing Dynasty,” 406; Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 51-52. All three point out the omission, underreported na- ture, and unsatisfactory process of population registration in the nineteenth century. One concrete illustration that the court realized that underreporting was taking place is that in 1819 the emperor called on the Yun-Gui governor-general, Bai Ling, to erect a system by which to clarify the population counts in areas under tusi con- trol; QSXMS, 177.
  123. Yang Xifu, Sizhitang wenji, 6:5a; Anshun fuzhi, 2:1a, cited in Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 727. As Philip Kuhn notes in Soulstealers: “We have no reliable way of gauging the numbers of proportion of displaced persons in the Prosperous Age”—a fact far more true in Yunnan than in the lower Yangtze val- ley, which Kahn was studying. See Kuhn, Soulstealers, 42.
  124. QPHF, 9:19b.
  125. Ibid., 19:18a-b; see also Yunnan Tongzhi gao, 30:1a.
  126. Depuis, “Voyage,” 43; MEP, 439:133.
  127. D’Ollone, “Les musulmans du Yun-nan,” 214. See also Rocher, La Province chinoise, 1:138-39.
  128. Clarke, The Province of Yunnan, 39. See also Gill, The River of Golden Sand, 302. A British traveler to Kunming in 1887 even remarks on the “strong differences from the Chinese type” of the residents. See Bourne, “Report,” 11.
  129. Yunnan sheng dangan shiliao congbian, 323-70. Notes to Chapter 3
  130. See Davenport, “Report,” 17; Gervais-Courtellemont, Voyage, 93. 80. Wien, China’s March toward the Tropics.
  131. MEP, 539:133; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:12.
  132. Harrell, “Ethnicity, Local Interests, and the State,” 521. 205
  133. Harrell offers a compelling discussion of why this is so in his book-length study of the Yi, Ways of Being Ethnic in Southwest China, 174-78.
  134. Hosie, Three Years in Western China, 107.
  135. Davies, Yün-nan, 390.
  136. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:10. Some foreigners incorrectly thought that the difference between black and white Yi was one of acculturation.
  137. Jenks, Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou, 33.
  138. In this instance I have retained the disparaging Qing-era ethnonym of Yeren because the modern classification of Jingpo likely refers to a much smaller subsec- tion of people than that referred to by the term Yeren.
  139. Dessaint, Au Sud des nuages, 28.
  140. Launay, Histoire de la mission du Thibet, 210.
  141. XYTG, 3:16b-17b, 19a-b; QSL, II:144-45; Sladen, Proceedings, 357-62. 92. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:21-22; see also Fitzgerald, The Tower of Five Glories.
  142. Zhaozhou zhi, in You Zhong, Yunnan minzu shi, 530. For a similar state- ment see Dianyi tushou, in Song Guangyu, ed., Huanan bianjiang minzu tulu, 71; Mackerras, “Aspects of Bai Culture,” in particular 51-57.
  144. Zhaozhou zhi, in You Zhong, Yunnan minzu shi, 530.
  145. Lee, “The Legacy of Immigration,” 303; Van Spengen, “The Geo-History,”
  146. Most Tai refer to themselves as “Tai” (or a cognate), whereas Dai is the Chinese ethnonym given to them by the People’s Republic of China. See Wijeye- wardene, “Thailand and the Tai,” in Wijeyewardene, ed., Ethnic Groups across Na- tional Boundaries, 48. Hsieh Shichung suggests that Dai was the suggestion of Tai members from Xishuangbanna, who wanted “to adopt a word with the sound dai.” See Hsieh Shichung, “On the Dynamics of Tai/Dai-Lue Ethnicity,” in Harrell, ed., Cultural Encounters, 319.
  147. Wyatt, Thailand, 6.
  148. Wang Zhusheng, The Jingpo Kachin, 60-61.
  149. The name Sipsong Panna refers to the “twelve panna,” which were ruled by lords. Hsieh Shichung, “On the Dynamics of Tai/Dai-Lue Ethnicity,” 314.
  150. Wang Wenguang, Zhongguo gudai de minzu shibie, 306. IOI. Lin’an fuzhi, in Wang Wenguang, Zhongguo gudai de minzu shibie, 307. 102. You Zhong, Yunnan minzu shi, 538. CHAPTER 3
  151. Yao Jide, “Xi’nan xichou gudao yu,” 186; Fan Jianhua, “Xi’nan gudao yu Han,” 73.
  152. Backus, The Nan-chao Kingdom; Forbes, “The Cin-Ho Caravan Trade,” 4. 206 NOTES TO CHAPTER 3
  153. Both Joseph Fletcher and Dru Gladney have described the successive move- ments of Islamic ideas and Muslim peoples into China as “tides.” For an overview of these see Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 36-63.
  154. Rossabi, “The Muslims in the Early Yuan Dynasty,” 288; Yang Zhaojun, Yunnan Huizu shi, 29.
  155. Armijo-Hussein, “Sayyid “Ajall Shams Al-Din,” 194.
  156. Rossabi, “The Muslims in the Early Yuan Dynasty,” 290. Rossabi’s com- ment is not meant to imply that Sayyid ‘Ajall’s Islamic influence was contrary to the wishes of the central court. In fact, Sayyid ‘Ajall remained in near constant contact with the imperial court and Qubilai approved of his policies in Yunnan and, in Ross- abi’s words, “did not urge the creation of a Muslim state that might seek indepen- dence from Yuan China.”
  157. For a compelling introduction to Sayyid ‘Ajall’s administration in Yunnan see Armijo-Hussein, “Sayyid ‘Ajall Shams Al-Din,” chs. IV-V.
  158. It is difficult to arrive at an exact number. The popular belief is that he con- structed twelve mosques; however, Ming-era sources suggest that only two were ac- tually built under his auspices. See Bai Shouyi, “Diannan Conghua,” 635.
  159. Sayyid ‘Ajall’s exalted status continues. Today, every year at the end of Ra- madan, Muslim Yunnanese commemorate his accomplishments by holding special prayers at his tomb several miles outside Kunming. Armijo, “Narratives Engender- ing Survival,” 311–12.
  160. Wade, “The Zheng He Voyages,” 3-5. II. YCFZ, 28:17a-18b; XWZZ, 8:59a-b; YNXZ, 7:11b-12b; LLXZ, 9:8a-b; TYTZ 1887, 4:1b, 4b.
  161. Israeli, “Muslims in China,” 321.
  162. Wang Jianping, Concord and Conflict, 241.
  163. Lipman, Familiar Strangers, xxiii; see also Gillette, Between Mecca and Bei- jing, 11-13.
  164. Bodde, Chinese Thought, Society, and Science, 148-9.
  165. Armijo-Hussein, “Sayyid Ajall Shams Al-Din”; Schwartz, “Some Notes of the Mongols of Yunnan,” 101-18. An example of such assimilation is that many Mongol troops settled throughout Yunnan in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- turies; today, however, they are represented by only eight thousand Mongols, who are concentrated in Tonghai County in central Yunnan.
  166. Ma Weiliang, Yunnan Huizu lishi,” 101-6. For an insightful modern exam- ple of how the Hui have employed their Muslim identity and culture to bolster their identity against assimiliation, see Gillette, Between Mecca and Beijing.
  167. Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 26.
  168. Ibid., 323.
  169. Allès, Musulmans de Chine, 289.
  170. Bai Shouyi, “Guanyu Huizushi de jige wenti,” 192. In a 1984 essay, Bai Shouyi further clarified this issue by stating that those “who believe that Hui [Huizu] are Muslims, and Muslims are Hui [Huizu] are simply incorrect. . . . We must not say that all those who believe in the Islamic faith are all Hui, this is absolutely un- true.” See Bai Shouyi, “Guanyu Huizushi gongzuo de jige yijian," 226.
  171. Chan, “The ‘Panthay Embassy’ to Britain, 1872,” 100-17.Notes to Chapter 3
  172. Allès, Musulmans de Chine, 29.
  173. Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 20. 207
  174. Ibid., 19; Lipman, Familiar Strangers, xxiii; Gillette, Between Mecca and Beijing, 11-13; Allès, Musulmans de Chine, 29.
  175. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen zhinan, 1041.
  176. Luo Wenbin, Pingqian jilue, 3:10a, 4:8a, 10:21b; Qingshi liezhuan, 44:49a. 28. QPHF, 6:12a; Du Wenxiu, “Shuaifu Bugao,” 123; Ma Rulong, “Fu dasiheng yang rong deng shu,” 142; see also Li Yuzhen, “Dianshi shu wen,” 193; DXG 9:14b. Within Chinese studies, many scholars have discussed the origins of ethnicity in the Chinese context, but most begin their examination at the turn of the century when Dr. Sun Yat-sen promoted the idea of “five peoples of China” (wuzu gonghe)– referring to Han, Manchu, Mongolian, Tibetan, and “Muslim” peoples-in order to forward his discussion of Chinese nationalism. Sun’s usage of wuzu was almost cer- tainly based on the Japanese term minzoku. The ideograph of zu in the People’s Re- public today is inextricably intertwined with the term minzu or “nationality.” Here it likely has a less reified meaning, yet it does seem to offer a distinct impression of an awareness that “Hui” are an ethnic category. Only rarely employed in the nine- teenth century, its appearance in Yunnan can perhaps be traced to links between the Pingnan regime and that of the Taipings, who are also recorded as using the term as applied to other ethnicities. See Crossley, “Thinking About Ethnicity,” 1990, 1on13.
  177. Du Wenxiu, “Shuaifu bugao,” II:123.
  178. Proschan, “Peoples of the Gourd,” 1000.
  179. Ibid., 1027.
  180. Harrell, ed., Cultural Encounters, 28. 33. Ibid.
  181. Menghua xianzhi, 16:1b; Zhaotong xianzhi, 10:3b; You Zhong, Yunnan minzu shi, 278; Yang Zhaojun, Yunnan Huizu shi, 62.
  182. For an extensive listing of such villages see Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 2-3. See Maguan xianzhi, 1:1a-18b, for a prime example of this. Each village is catego- rized by its name, distance from county seat, and ethnicity of the people who live there. For specific examples of Hui-dominated villages see an essay written in 1856 by Ma Enpu in Dali xianzhigao [Revised gazetteer of Dali county] (1915), 24:42a-b. 36. Zhang Chaoyu, ed., Kunmingshi dimingzhi, 125, 228. Huihuiying, in Gong- cheng County, was settled during the Ming.
  183. Wu Qianjiu, “Yunnan Huizu de lishi yu xiankuan,” 140. In “Les musul- mans," 325, Cordier translates an article that perpetuates this view from the Yun- nan newspaper Guanghe tianbao, May 13, 1912. For a fuller discussion of Han stereotypes of Hui see Lin Changkuan, Chinese Muslims of Yunnan, 161.
  184. Zhang Chaoyu, Kunmingshi dimingzhi, 304. The street today retains a vestige of this name in that it is a homophone of the past name but now means Pearl Street. For a reproduction see insert in Li Xiaoyou, ed., Kunming fengwuzhi, 1 (map no. 4).
  185. Yuanmou jiwen, in HMQY, 217; XYTG, 4:10b.
  186. DCZZ, 4:3b; QPHF, 4:2a, 3:14a; DXG, 24:42b.
  187. Ma Weiliang has written extensively on this topic. His articles on Hui rela- tions with other non-Han groups have been collected in Ma Weiliang, Yunnan Huizu lishi yu wenhua yanjiu, 101-209. 208 NOTES TO CHAPTER 4
  188. Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 32-33.
  189. Gervais-Courtellemont, Voyage, 36.
  190. Hanna, “The Panthays of Yunnan,” 70.
  191. Cao Kun, “Tengyue duluan jishi,” in HMQY, II:219; see also XYTG, 4:10b; DXG, 24:42b. A more recent example of a positive perception of the Hui in an oth- erwise generally negative opinion is the popular belief among Han that Hui restau- rants are cleaner than Han ones.
  192. Cao Kun, “Tengyue duluan jishi,” in HMQY, II:211. Gervais-Courtellemont, Voyage, 147-48; Ma Weiliang, “Qingdai chuzhongqi Yunnan Huizu de kuangyeye,”
  194. Yunnan yejin shi, 23, in Ma Weiliang, “Qingdai chu-zhongqi Yunnan Huizu de kuangyeye,” 32.
  195. Yongsheng xianzhigao, in Ma Weiliang, “Qingdai chuzhongqi Yunnan Huizu de kuangyeye,” 34; Rocher in his work on the province also mentions Muslims own- ing mines prior to the rebellion, but these then ended up in the hands of Han Chi- nese. See Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:251; there are strong indications that many Hui operated salt wells as well. See Yang Zhaojun, Yunnan Huizu shi, 90.
  196. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:31. jo. DXG, 24:42b.
  197. The use of typical Hui surnames can only offer a general figure, since some- times Han and indigenous peoples took up these names as well. In Yunnan the most common surnames for Hui are Ma, Na, Sai, or Sha. See XYTG, 101:12-17b.
  198. XYTG, 101:1а-17b.
  199. Ma Weiliang, Yunnan Huizu lishi yu wenhua yanjiu, 229-36.
  200. Davies, Yün-nan, 67.
  201. Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 8.
  202. Le May, An Asian Arcady, 188; Forbes, “The ‘Cin-ho,”" 13, 26.
  203. Forbes, “The ‘Cin-ho,’” 17.
  204. Thongchai, Siam Mapped, 97-99.
  205. Wang Zhusheng, The Jingpo, 74-75.
  206. Thongchai, Siam Mapped, 5; Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma; Moerman, “Ethnic Identification in a Complex Civilization,” 1215-25; Barth, “In- troduction,” in Ethnic Groups and Boundaries.
  207. QPHF, 9:19b; QPHF, 19:18a-b; see also Yunnan Tongzhi, 30:1a. Lee’s esti- mate of Yunnan’s mid-nineteenth century, although still only an educated guess, is the best estimate based on available data; see Lee “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 729.
  208. Eickelman and Piscatori, Muslim Travellers, iv. CHAPTER 4
  209. Struve, The Southern Ming, 168–78.
  210. Daqing shizong xianhuangdi shilu, 64:20b-21a, in Herman, “Empire in the Southwest,” 47.
  211. Huangchao jingshi wenbian, in Wu Xinfu, “Shilun qingchao,” 18.
  212. Ni Tui, Yunnan shilue, in You Zhong, Yunnan minzu shi, 519. Notes to Chapter 4 209
  213. XYTG, 77:1a.
  214. Herman, “Empire in the Southwest,” 69.
  215. MEP, 539:219.
  216. For an example of one evaluation that reflects the state’s consternation and strategy see Dao-Xian-Tong-Guang sichao zouyi, I:72.
  217. XYTG, 20:20a-b, 42:13a, 15a, 20b-24b.
  218. Kuangwu dang, VI:3202, in Qiu Lijuan, Qingdai Yunnan tongkuang de jingying, 151. II. Kuhn, Soulstealers, 47.
  219. For a nuanced description of frontier complexities see Giersch, “A Motley Throng’,” 67-94. Pasquet offers a brilliant exposition of the competing claims over the region and the influence of the mines in “Entre Chine et Birmanie,” 41-68.
  220. QSL, II:193.
  221. Ibid., II:199.
  222. Ibid., II:201.
  223. Kwong, “The T’i-Yung Dichotomy,” 264. See also Palmer, “The Surface- Subsoil Form of Divided Ownership,” 48.
  224. Yen Ching-Hwang, “Ch’ing Changing Images of the Overseas Chinese,” 268. 18. XYTG, 3:20a
  225. QSL, II:219. A declaration so self-evident leads one to wonder which acts were in fact permitted by the local officials.
  226. Ibid., II:146.
  227. XYTG, 3:20a.
  228. QSL, II:213.
  229. Although evidence pointing to this phenomena is scarce, it was apparent enough for French explorer Francis Garnier to note it. See Garnier, Voyage, 518.
  230. Leong, Migration and Ethnicity in Chinese History, 21.
  231. Xuxiu jianshui xianzhi, 4:1b-2a; QSL, II:148-49.
  232. For a brief and sometimes inaccurate summary of this uprising see You Zhong, Yunnan minzu shi, 567-68. The primary sources offer a more complex picture: Xu- xiu jianshui xianzhi, 4:2a-3b; XYTG, 19b-23b; QSL, 150-52; QSXMS, 176–77.
  233. Xuxiu jianshui xianzhi, 4:2a.
  234. QSL, II:148.
  235. Xuxiu jianshui xianzhi, 4:2a-3a. Jiangnei, or within the river, is a geo- graphical referent demarcating the areas more heavily inhabited (by Han Chinese). The river boundary was primarily the Yuan River (although in western Yunnan the same term referred to the Lancang River), with jiangwai referring to the areas to the southwest of the rivers. It was also often a shorthand term implying beyond the pale, or non-Han lands.
  236. XYTG, 3:19b-20a.
  237. Ibid.
  238. Ibid., 3:20a. 33. QSL, III:127-28.
  239. XYTG, 3:22a.
  240. Schoppa, “Local Self-Government in Zhejiang,” 516; Rowe, “Ancestral Rites and Political Authority,” 294-96. 210
  241. XYTG, 3:23a.
  242. Ibid., 3:23b.
  243. Ibid. NOTES TO CHAPTER 4
  244. Ibid., 3:23a. This is eminently clear, given the fact that he promoted “the cut- ting of trees in the mountainous areas” because forests facilitated the hiding of vil- lainous elements.
  245. The geographic distinction is an important one, for although the distur- bances of 1800 to 1806 were substantial, they were clearly more oriented against the government than against the Chinese migrants. See XYTG, 3:4a-b; QSXMS, 215-19; QSL, II:203-14; Launay, Histoire de la mission du Thibet, I:222.
  246. QSL, II:214-32.
  247. QSXMS, 229.
  248. Huang, Code, Custom, and Legal Practice in China, 72.
  249. QSL, II:213-15.
  250. QSXMS, 234, dated June 24, 1821; QSL, II:228, dated July 20, 1821. Dian land transactions were a traditional system of mortgaging property whereby one could in theory buy the land back. However, Qingbao noted that aside from many tusi selling their official estates (guanzhuang) to Han settlers, there were also illicit sales by tumu and bashi (native leaders under the tusi), as well as sales by non-Han tenants. From Qingbao’s comments (quoted below) it seems that primary land- holding rights in non-Han areas could be sold to Han; what remains unclear is whether Qingbao was fully attentive to land transaction issues pertaining to rents. For a discussion of issues concerning tribal land rights see Shepherd, Statecraft and Political Economy, 248-56.
  251. XYTG, 3:26a; Qin Bao, Zougao, 10 (no pagination), quoted by Daniels, “Environmental Degradation, Forest Protection and Ethno-history in Yunnan.” I am indebted to Daniels for making available the full text of his article, which is in large part a synopsis of Fusaji, “Sindai Unnan yakihatamin no hanran,” 276-288.
  252. QSL, II:230. The military commander in question was replaced as a result of his inaction.
  253. Daniels, “Environmental Degradation,” 11. I am grateful to Christian Daniels for providing me with a copy of this article.
  254. Dayao xianzhi, 6:3b-4a.
  255. In Daniels, “Environmental Degradation,” 10. Translation is Daniels. 51. QSL, II:228.
  256. Ibid.
  257. Ibid., 230. Qingbao had recommended that the latter two officials be de- graded three ranks, but the emperor, expressing leniency, only degraded them two.
  258. Ruan Yuan nianpu, 181.
  259. XYTG, 3:32b-33a, Ruan Yuan nianpu, 180-86.
  260. XYTG, 42:23b-24a.
  261. Ruan Yuan nianpu, 183.
  262. XYTG, 3:33a.
  263. Ruan Yuan nianpu, 183.
  264. Hsieh Shi-Chung, Ethnic-Political Adaptation and Ethnic Change, 309. 61. Dao-Xian-Tong-Guang sichao zouyi, I:72. The memorial is dated 1822.
  265. XYTG, 3:28b-29a. Notes to Chapter 5 211
  266. Yi Duanshan, “Zhiji cha liumin zhuoyi changcheng qin,” in Fang Guoyu, ed., Yunnan shiliao congkan, IX:13. CHAPTER 5
  267. Yingxuetang chaolu, in YHQS, 1-61.
  268. Ibid., 11. Twelve Hui were killed in the first melee; then, later on, six who were hiding were “ordered executed” by the kezhang, for a total of eighteen. Jing Dexin points out correctly that the actual document distorts the facts slightly by stat- ing in summary that the Hunanese and the Hui “indiscriminately killed each other.” From Hunanese admissions, it is obvious that most of the violence was carried out by the Hunanese.
  269. Ibid., 12.
  270. XYTG, 43:30a-3 1b; YHQS, 10.
  271. Diannan kuangchang tulue, 13, in Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 23.
  272. YHQS, 10; for non-Han involvement see also XYTG, 43:20a-b.
  273. XYTG, 44:22a.
  274. YHQS, 48.
  275. Ibid., 54; Yunnan tongzhi, 106:26; XYTG, 81:1a; Xuxiu Shunning fuzhi, 17:2. All state that ninety-nine Hui were killed. More than seventy bodies were uncovered, but the final report submitted by Wu Yanchen, the provincial treasurer, and Shi Pu, the provincial judge, stated that an accurate number of the dead (shangbi) was ninety.
  276. YHQS, 18. Xu in his testimony goes on to say that the “rumor” was even put into writing and delivered anonymously to the Buddhist temple, which served as the center of the Hunanese community. II. The Hunanese team boss, Xia Xiushan, led the attack and was found re- sponsible for the deaths of at least one family. He was ordered put to death by slic- ing and beheading (lingchi). Lu Zhengfa was not found to be directly linked to any deaths; he received one hundred strokes, which would kill any but the strongest man, as well as banishment.
  277. YHQS, 2-5.
  278. Ibid., 5-9.
  279. Ibid., 34.
  280. For a sampling see XYTG, 81:1a-9b; Xuxiu Shunning fuzhi (1905), 17:9a- 21a; Xuxiu Malong xianzhi, (1917), 1:25a-28b; Yunnan xianzhi, (1890), 7:11b- 12b; DXG, 9:14a. For the three main published works on the rebellion see Wang Shuhuai, Xian-Tong Yunnan Huimin shibian, 49-53; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 22-33; Wang Jianping, Concord and Conflict, 248-52.
  281. DXG, 9:14.
  282. XYTG, 79:4b.
  283. Gui Liang, “Chiti Ma Wenzhao,” in HMQY, I:72.
  284. These and the following details are contained in ibid., I:72-75. See also Wang Shuhuai, Xiantong Yunnan Huimin shibian, 52-53.
  285. “Mianning Huimin Kouhun Gao,” in HMQY, I:85-86. The mosque is de- scribed as three stories tall and topped by a minaret. 212 NOTES TO CHAPTER 5
  286. Gui Liang, “Chiti Ma Wenzhao,” in HMQY, I:85. Often, these were referred to as screen walls and built opposite entrances to temples or yamens.
  287. Ibid., I:73. The term describing Yang and Zhao is ambiguous. In one source they are described as evil gentry (e-jin), but likely they were xiucai.
  288. The term waqf in Chinese is wogefu.
  289. Gui Liang, “Chiti Ma Wenzhao,” in HMQY, I:73. In “Mianning Huimin kouhun gao” it is suggested that local non-Han also were brought in by the hench- men to fight the Hui; HMQY, 1:85.
  290. Gui Liang, “Chiti Ma Wenzhao,” in HMQY, I:73-74; “Mianning Huimin kouhun gao,” HMQY, 1:85-86.
  291. Gui Liang, “Chiti Ma Wenzhao,” in HMQY, I:74; “Mianning Huimin kou- hun gao,” in HMQY, I:85-86.
  292. QSL, I:234.
  293. “Chiti Ma Wenzhao,” in HMQY, I:76; “Mianning Huimin kouhun gao,” HMQY, I:86.
  294. QSL, II:233. Document dated May 13, 1840.
  295. Ibid. Document dated May 21, 1840.
  296. Lamley, “Lineage Feuding in Southern Fujian and Eastern Guangdong,” 31-32.
  297. “Chiti Ma Wenzhao,” in HMQY, I:76. 33. YHSLD, I:126.
  298. Numerous sources refer to this incident but disagree as to where it took place. Li Yuanbing suggests it occurred in Banqiao village while rice was being planted; see Li Yuanbing, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian Han-Hui,” in HMQY, I:5. Another account suggests it transpired during the annual temple fair, which was held on stage at the Beiyue Temple. That would link it with the later fighting that occurred during the Five Sacred Mountain God festivities and suggests the territorialism typ- ical of communal feuding.
  299. YHSLD, I:126.
  300. For an instance of Hui using songs as a medium to insult Han, see He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:19b.
  301. Ibid., 12:55a.
  302. Two years earlier, in 1843, on the occasion of a Buddhist pilgrimage, an at- tack by one Hui on a Buddhist pilgrim was so harmful that the Hui was executed. See Li Yuanbing, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian,” in HMQY, I:4.
  303. Ibid., in HMQY, I:3. Although it is not stated, the procession described was likely a symbolic demarcation of religious territory and thus even more contentious to the Hui as it passed in front of their mosque.
  304. Ibid., in HMQY, I:3-4. The symbolic importance of these temples as sym- bols of the Han might be further reinforced by the fact that each of the five temples was burned to the ground by Hui soldiers during the Panthay Rebellion. See Yong- chang fuzhi, 1886, 26:4b.
  305. Ibid., in HMQY, I:4-5.
  306. YGZ, 1:15b, 3:7a.
  307. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:28a; Zhang Mingqi, “Xian-Tong bianluan jingli ji,” in YHQS, 82-83. Notes to Chapter 5 213
  308. From the descriptions in extant documents these groups reflect David Own- by’s assertion that these hui secret societies “often existed alongside or in between traditional institutions allowing their members to achieve various ends, ranging from mutual aid to criminal entrepreneurship to, on occasion, rebellion.” See Ownby, “Introduction,” 36. See also Murray and Qin, Tiandihui, 231-35, which indicates occasional Tiandihui uprisings in Yunnan.
  309. Li Yuanbing, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian,” in HMQY, I:3.
  310. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:28b-29a.
  311. Literally the phrase is “if one person has a problem, then everyone will help” (yiren youshi dajia bangzhu).
  312. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:28b-29a; Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 430-31.
  313. Li Yuanbing, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian,” in HMQY, I:3; Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 430-31.
  314. Li Yuanbing, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian,” in HMQY, I:3. Dian Murray found only three incidences of Tiandihui in eastern Yunnanese towns that bordered Guizhou and Guangxi provinces, where the Tiandihui were far more prevalent. Murray, The Origins of the Tiandihui, 78-79.
  315. YGZ, 3:7a.
  316. Han Pengri, “Yixi Han-Hui shilue,” in HMQY, I:178.
  317. For an excellent overview see He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu,” 13.
  318. Li Yuanbing, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian,” in HMQY, I:3. Li Yuanbing sug- gests that the escort could number upwards of five hundred men!
  319. Han Pengri, “Yixi Han-Hui shilue,” in HMQY, I:178–79.
  320. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:28b.
  321. Ibid., 11:39b.
  322. Ibid., 12:28a-b; YGZ, 3:7a.
  323. Sheng Yuhua, “Yongchang Hanhui hudou anjielue,” in YHQS, 63.
  324. YGZ, 3:7a.
  325. Ibid., 3:2b. Regarding a later incident, Lin estimated that the Incense Broth- erhoods in the seven villages (qi shao) “are not less than several hundred thousand.” See YGZ, 3:5b. He Changling also accuses them in 1833 of burying a man alive; see YGZ, 1:16a.
  326. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:35a; also Sheng Yuhua, “Yongchang Han-Hui hudou anjielue,” in YHQS, 63. The Chinese character in these men’s names (sha’an) almost certainly indicates they were from the northern province of Sha’anxi.
  327. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:35a.
  328. Even He Changling cannot seem to get the story straight. In his first account he has Ma Da fighting with the Han (Naian zouyi, 11:29a). Then several days later he omits any mention of a fight (Ibid., 11:35a).
  329. Ibid., 11:35a-b.
  330. Li Bingyuan, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian,” in HMQY, I:4-5.
  331. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:35b; Sheng Yuhua, “Yongchang Hanhui hudou anjielue,” in YHQS, 64.
  332. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:36b; YGZ, 1:4a-b. The largest group of Yun- nan Hui came from Yunzhou. 214 NOTES TO CHAPTER 5
  333. Sheng Yuhua, “Yongchang Hanhui hudou anjielue,” in YHQS, 64.
  334. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:36b, 11:46b, 12:56b.
  335. Ibid., 11:37a-38a.
  336. Ibid., 11:38a.
  337. YGZ, 1:17b. One Han Chinese memoir suggests that the whole garrison was put to death, but it seems unlikely that such a defeat would have escaped Lin Zexu’s thorough examination of the cause of the massacre. See Sheng Yuhua, “Yongchang Hanhui hudou anjielue,” in YHQS, 66.
  338. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:37a-b; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 36. 75. Gongzhongdang, DG 25/12/10, 19:412-415. He Changling offers several versions. In one account, Ma Da and Mu Ruhe actually met. It bears mentioning that when He Changling later interrogated and sentenced the Hui, there was no mention of a plot. Nor does the name “Mu Ruhe” ever again appear.
  339. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:13a-14b; YGZ, 7:13b-14b.
  340. YGZ, 7:13b-14b.
  341. HMQY, I:5-9; QPHF, 14:16.
  342. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:32a.
  343. Ibid., 11:40a.
  344. Ibid., 11:13a-4b. See also HMQY, 1:4-5.
  345. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 12:11b. He Changling cast his criticism quite softly, stating that “Luo did not prepare well nor did he carry out the attack appropriately.”
  346. Ibid., 12:12b.
  347. Ibid.
  348. Ibid., 12:11a-14b.
  349. Regarding the position of Ma Da and Qing troops see ibid., 11:16a. It should be remembered that the attack was supposed to occur the same night as the mas- sacre; thus it does not seem logical that the Hui inside the city would have proceeded with their attack when no Hui force materialized to attack from the outside; ibid., 11:13a. For further discussion of the inconsistencies of Luo’s account see Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 36-37.
  350. Anonymous, “Proclamation of the Hui of Yongchang,” in HMQY, I:91-92. The language in this document clearly juxtaposes the Hui’s long history in Yunnan as upright citizens with the clear complicity of the officials in killing Hui, and not just in Baoshan. Significantly, this document also lists the other incidents at Xiyi, Baiyang Mine, Yunzhou, and Mianning.
  351. LGY, 13:74a.
  352. Ibid., 14:27b, 13.11b; Gongzhongdang, DG:9503. For an instance where both Han and Hui parties were from outside Yunnan, see LGY, 3:11b-12a.
  353. Xuxiu Shunning fuzhi, 1905, 17a-18b.
  354. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 12:25b-26a.
  355. LGY, 14:11a-12b.
  356. Ibid., 14:11b; He Changling, Naian zouyi, 12:26b. This is also reinforced by the predominance of non-Yunnanese Hui in the bands described here.
  357. Ibid., 11:46b.
  358. Ibid., 11:26a. Notes to Chapter 5 215
  359. Li Bingyuan, “Yongchangfu baoshanxian,” in HMQY, I:6. 97. YGZ, 1:11b.
  360. Ibid., 7:13b-14b.
  361. Wu Qian suggests that at least eight thousand died in the organized geno- cide; see “Yongchang Huimin xiwen,” in HMQY, I:91. Li Yuanbing states that “over 1,300 Hui were killed by the first night and altogether over 8,000 died”; Li Yuan- bing, “Yongchangfu Baoshanxian Han-Hui hudou ji,” HMQY, I:5-9. The petition eventually carried to Beijing by Hui seeking official resolution of the affair, also judged the number of deaths to be eight thousand. Finally, Zhang Mingle in his ac- count of the massacre in Xiantong bianluan jingli ji states that the number of dead “was no few than eight to nine thousand”; in Jing, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 35. Yun-Gui Governor-General Pan Duo, in 1862, estimated the number of deaths at eight thou- sand, see QPHF, 14:16b.
  362. Zhang Mingqi, Xiantong bianluan jingli ji, in YHQS, 84. IOI. YGZ, 3:5b.
  363. Ibid., 5:4a. A later account suggests that the escorting officials escaped back to Baoshan, sounded the alarm to close the gates, and attempted to hide the Hui in various official yamens for their safety.
  364. Ibid., 3:5b-6a; 5:5b.
  365. Ibid., 5:1b. Lin’s move to suppress the Han uprising was complicated by the fact that on his way there he encountered an unrelated conflict in Midu.
  366. A rather ironic punishment, given that Lin himself had served time in the same area; YGZ, 5:9a-11b, 6:23a-b. In his final tally, Lin notes that he executed a total of twenty-six; this indicates that in the following months other leaders must have been caught and brought before him; YGZ, 7:12a-13b.
  367. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 12:5a-b. Such postings were a response to the fact that magistrates from neighboring areas reported several hundred Hui fleeing into their districts.
  368. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 12:6a-7b.
  369. YGZ, 4:8b-9a. Lin specifically bemoaned the fact that suddenly all Hui were claiming to belong to families aggrieved during the massacre; He Changling, Naian zouyi, 30b-31a. Many of the Hui arrested stated they revolted in part to get Hui lands out of Han control.
  370. YGZ, 4:8b-9a.
  371. Ibid., 10:21b. III. Lee, “The Southwest,” in Will and Wong, Nourish the People, 443.
  372. YGZ, 10:22a-b. Although never forced to move, the Hui were not offered other compensation. Whether as a result of Lin’s program or local coercion, a local official noted in 1855 that “most of rich land in Baoshan had been Hui, but the Hui had been driven out and the rich lands given over to the Han”; QPHF, 1:2a.
  373. YGZ, 10:22a-b.
  374. QSL, II:228. Qing Bao never simply conceded the ill-begotten land to the Han interlopers; rather, he ordered local officials to sort out the ownership with an eye to punishing those Han who had obtained the land illegally.
  375. Naian zouyi, 12:39a.
  376. YGZ, 1:2a; LGY, 14:28b. 216 NOTES TO CHAPTER 6
  377. YGZ, 6:11a; LGY, 1:11b.
  378. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:25b, 11:34a, 12:39a-b. The adoption of the xiangyue lectures in these particular instances seems to have provided the perfect context for not resolving the differences but instead expanding on them; often many of these lecturers were leaders of the violence; see LGY, 14:11b.
  379. Guangtong Xianzhi, 80:16a; in Kung-chuan Hsiao, Rural China, 73. This sentiment was noted even earlier, in 1836; see Fang Guoyu, Xu Wende, Mu Qin, eds. Yunnan shiliao congkan, 9:13-14.
  380. Rowe, Saving the World, 388. Rowe notes that “official rhetoric to the con- trary, the system atrophied rather quickly on its implementation under the Qing.”
  381. LGY, 14:11b.
  382. Leong, Migration and Ethnicity in Chinese History, 51 (see also 72).
  383. YGZ, 3:7b; LGY, 4:28a.
  384. Ibid., 14:27a.
  385. Ibid., 14:26b. An almost identical phrase is attributed to the acting Baoshan District magistrate, who stated: “The Hui character is fierce and they come to the aid of one another. The Han dare not challenge them, but their hatred [towards the Hui] has amassed over many decades”; see Han Pengri, “Yixi Han-Hui shilue,” in HMQY, I:178.
  386. YGZ, 4:8b.
  387. Ibid., 2:12a-b, 15b.
  388. Ibid., 8:5a-8a. It should be noted that Lin requested and received permis- sion to carry out immediate summary executions (jiudi zhengfa) to avoid the oner- ous and dangerous task of transporting the prisoners to Kunming for trial. Also, Bai Shouyi makes a critical editorial error in Huimin qiyi I:240, mistakenly transcribing the original document by substituting Hui for Han.
  389. YGZ, 2:8b, 9b-10a.
  390. Lipman, Familiar Strangers, 100.
  391. YGZ, 2:15b.
  392. These classes of statutes were from one to several grades heavier than those meted out to non-Muslims for the same offenses. See Lipman, Familiar Strangers,
  394. He Changling, Naian zouyi, 11:30a-31a.
  395. For Li, see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period, I:458. For a more complete citation see LGY, 13:71a-b; for Lin see Hummel, Eminent Chinese, I:513 or, for the complete citation, QSL, III:418. Lin was posthumously granted the title of Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent; see QSL, III:496.
  396. XYTG, 3:32b-33a; Ruan Yuan nianpu, 1995, 180-86. CHAPTER 6
  397. Li Yuzhen, DSSW, in YHQS, 189; Alice Wei, “Moslem Rebellion in Yun- nan,” 66.
  398. YGZ, 10:16b-17b. In one of the rare reappearances of the term, Lin ac- cuses two Han of hanjianism (YGZ, 10:6a) for linking up with bandits from outside Yunnan. The non-Han, although prominent in Lin’s version of events, will vanishNotes to Chapter 6 217 from any subsequent reports-a small indication of the blinkered nature of the sources.
  399. YGZ, 10:17b.
  400. TNZJ, in HMQY, I:25 I.
  401. Ibid.
  402. Ibid., I:252.
  403. Ibid.
  404. Ibid.
  405. Ibid., I:253.
  406. Ibid., I:252. II. Ibid., I:253.
  407. See Wei Hsiu-mei, II:559; 650 for a listing of officials posted to Yunnan and their length of tenures.
  408. MEP, 539:614 (April 3, 1852).
  409. Ibid., 539:817 (August 1, 1855). Fifteen years later, Garnier, while traveling through the province as a member of the French Mekong Expedition, also noted a valley in western Yunnan where there were especially large numbers of Sichuanese immigrants. He recorded that “it is only the Chinese, who have recently immigrated from Sichuan who can claim in Yunnan a racial purity. . . . This antagonism between the old and the new Chinese singularly favors the Muslim Rebellion”; see Garnier, Voyage, 518.
  410. MEP, 541:194 (July 8, 1854).
  411. TNZJ, 254; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:35.
  412. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:33-34.
  413. TNZJ, 257-58. Neither the Hui nor the Hui bands established a permanent presence at Xizhuang; rather, the attacks occurred over an extended period of time, with interim periods of relative calm when one or the other bands returned to their own hometowns.
  414. TNZJ, 258.
  415. Ibid., 259; See also DSDJ, 293–94.
  416. Anonymous, “Diannan zaji” in HMQY, II:247.
  417. Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 458.
  418. Chuxiong xianzhi, 1910, 6:7b; DNZ, in HMQY, II:247; XYTG, 81:10a. One source suggests that five thousand Hui were killed; see Yao Huating, “Chu- xiong binchen kangbian shilue,” in HMQY, II:3-4.
  419. There is little hard evidence to support assertions of any substantive coun- termeasures by the Hui. See QPHF, 1:6a-b.
  420. MEP, 539:885 (April 28, 1856).
  421. MEP, 541:241 (February 24, 1856).
  422. The seesaw nature of the miners coming and going from the mining site fa- cilitated Cui’s strategy; QPHF, 2:1b; DSDJ, 293.
  423. YGZ, 10:17b. Later officials acknowledged Cui’s highly opportunistic style, which further aggravated the already unstable situation; see QPHF, 19:18a. After being promoted to the post of Dongchuang prefect Cui was eventually censured for his behavior by Governor-General Hengchun but allowed to remain in office (gezhi liuren). See QPHF, 4:9a. 218 NOTES TO CHAPTER 6
  424. Yunnan tongzhi, 107:7, in Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 1991, 57; QPHF, 7b-8a.
  425. QPHF, 1:12b, 16a.
  426. Ibid., 3:16b.
  427. Ibid., 3:17a.
  428. Zhang Zhongfu, “Luyun jishi gao,” in HMQY, II:426.
  429. Wenzong shilu, 196:12a, in Wang Shuhuai, Xiantong Yunnan huimin shi- bian, 103.
  430. Wei Hsiu-mei, Qing jizhi guangbiao, II:97.
  431. In many secondary sources his name was often mistakenly written as Huang Zhong or Huang Cong. For his official career see Wei, Qing jizhi guangbiao, 105.
  432. QPHF, 6:18b-19a; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:37.
  433. QPHF, 6:18b-19a; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:37.
  434. It is unclear who ordered this although it was likely either Shuxing’a or Huang Cong. QPHF, 2:6a, 5:13b-14a, 6:19a-20a, 8:4a; DSDJ, in HMQY, I:294; DXG, 9:17a; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:36-37.
  435. QPHF, 4:2b; “Dianhui jiluan,” in YHQS, 272; “Dianluan jilue,” in HMQY, I:266.
  436. Bai Shouyi, ed., Huizu renwuzhi, 6. The massacre is still remembered today in Kunming, with the local ahongs fixing June 14 (the day the massacre was believed to have occurred) as “Remembrance Day [wangren jie].” For a description see Yun- nan yisilan wenhua lunwen yiji, 304. Father Chauveau suggests it was the Islamic New Year; however, although it was Ramadan, the fasting did not end until June 4, 1856.
  437. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:39.
  438. DSDJ, 294.
  439. Cordier, “Les Mosques du Yunnanfu,” 153.
  440. DSDJ, 294.
  441. Governor-General Pan Duo suggests two to three thousand; QPHF, 14:16b. One witness states that nearly twenty thousand were killed; see Wang Dingchen, “Qing xiantongjian Yunnan Huibian jiwen,” in HMQY, II:300. A year after the event Wu Zhenyu suggested the number was “several thousand”; QPHF, 5:21a. Many secondary accounts misquote Wu’s estimate by substituting the word “house- holds” for people; see Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 1991, 64; and Bai Shaoyi, Huizu Renwu (Jindai), 6. Sangchunrong when taking office glossed completely over the Kunming Massacre and insinuated that the violence moved directly from the Shi- yang mining incident to the provincewide disturbances; QPHF, 5:15a. A turn-of-the- century Western account states that fourteen thousand died in the massacre. The reg- istered population of Kunming was 430,825. XYTG, 35:4b-5a.
  442. Garnier, Voyage, 455.
  443. QPHF, 12:10.
  444. WDSL, in HMQY, II:29.
  445. Zhao Qing, “Bianyuan jiaoyuan lu,” in HMQY, I:45.
  446. QPHF, 12:10; see also WDSL, 26.
  447. QPHF, 6:18b-19a. See QPHF, 8:3b-4a, for his censure by the court for his involvement in forming illegal Han militias to attack the Hui. Rocher states that he Notes to Chapter 6 219 committed suicide in 1860 when Ma Rulong and Ma Dexin were given offices in ex- change for their surrender, and Huang realized his anti-Muslim campaign could not succeed. See Rocher, La Province chinoise, I:67.
  448. QPHF, 1:7a-9b.
  449. Ibid., 1:8b. As in Baoshan, one must ask the question: For whom were the gates to be opened?
  450. Ibid., 1:8b-9a.
  451. Ibid., 1:9a-b. A variation of this story appears in a Han account justifying the massacre and providing evidence of a Hui plot for rebellion in Kunming; see Anonymous, “Dian-Hui jiluan,” in YHQS, 271-74.
  452. QPHF, 1:11a-b.
  453. Ibid., 2:1b-2a. In this description the officials were accused of protecting the pernicious Hui activity and the Han were cast as the victims. This was presented by the officials as the primary catalyst for the Kunming Massacre.
  454. Ibid., 4:2b. Note how the usage of hanjian here still intimates a linking of Han with some non-Han force.
  455. Ibid., 4:2b.
  456. Ibid., 3:17b-18a. This edict was in reaction to censor Li Peihu’s detailing of the military defeats and lack of leadership.
  457. Ibid., 4:2b-3a.
  458. Ibid., 3:18a.
  459. Lipman, Familiar Strangers, 100-3.
  460. Lipman, “Sufism in the Chinese Courts,” in de Jong and Radtke, Islamic Mysticism Contested, 567.
  461. QPHF, 2:1a-2b. He Tongyun went as far as to suggest that the Chuxiong magistrate Cui Zhaozhong enlisted five hundred Hui to fight the Han.
  462. QSL, II:313; QPHF, 2:13b. The court interpreted these events and set a court of action largely on the basis of his assessment. Either he had influence with the court or the latter saw few alternatives. See QSL, II:306–307, for the full rescript on He’s comments.
  463. QPHF, 2:14a. Li is technically correct, since Shuxing’a did become ineffec- tual after the massacre. Yet it was Shuxing’a’s earlier actions that had incited the Hui to rebel.
  464. Ibid., 2:15a.
  465. Ibid., 2:16a-b. These directives follow the recommendations He Tongyun made several months earlier; 2:32b-3b. See 5:14b for the emperor’s award to Zhang Liangji of the fifth-grade button of rank to wear before the latter headed to Yunnan to help Wu Zhenyu fight the Hui.
  466. Wang Shulin, “Dianxi Huiluan jilue,” in YHQS, 233; Heqing zhouzhi, 19:3a-4b.
  467. Zhang served as Baoshan magistrate from 1846 to 1847, as provincial judge from 1849 to 1850, and as provincial treasurer for four months in 1850. He was promoted to governor in 1850 and served for just under two years, until June 1852. See Wei Hsiu-mei, Qing jizhi guangbiao, II:154.
  468. YGZ, 10:24a-25a. Lin includes a copy of Zhang’s proposal and comments in his memorial. 220 NOTES TO CHAPTER 6
  469. QPHF, 4:3b-4a.
  470. Ibid., 4:10a-11b.
  471. Ibid., 5:6b.
  472. DSDJ, 296; QPHF, 5:7a; Pourais, La Chine, 78.
  473. QPHF, 5:9a-b; XYTG, 81:14b-15a. Rocher mistakenly places Hengchun’s death immediately after the Kunming Massacre, and more erroneously, as a reaction to it. Another version has it that Hengchun’s wife, humiliated by her husband’s in- ability to govern effectively, hanged herself first; then Hengchun, distraught and also humiliated, hanged himself. This same description notes that he died in a room called the “Hengchun Room”-a word play on the Chinese word for “room,” ting, and the resting place for a coffin prior to burial, also ting. There is a long history of an- ecdotes about persons dying in conditions linked to their names. For this informal account of Hengchun’s death see Luo Qirui, Yunnan zhanggu, 610.
  474. DXG, 9:17a; XYTG, 81:3a, 11a; QPHF, 1:7a; 1:13b. It is interesting that ac- cording to early reports, non-Han were also active in western Yunnan. This memo- rial (dated August 31, 1856) was the first to express concern over the possibility of Hui and non-Han linking together to create even greater disturbances.
  475. DXZ, 9:16b; QPHF, 1:7a; XYTG, 81:11a; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 79. As we will see, the Heqing forces never arrived; they were occupied with their own anti-Hui campaigns in northwestern Yunnan. Censor Li Peifu states that only three hundred soldiers were under Wen’s personal command in Dali.
  476. DSSW, 192.
  477. For a discussion of grain storage in Yunnan during the eighteenth and nine- teenth centuries see Lee, “The Southwest,” 443.
  478. XYTG, 81:13a; QPHF, 2:8a-9b; 3:6b. There is considerable disagreement over the timing of the siege and surrender. Official Qing sources all agree on the Oc- tober date, but Li Yuzhen suggests it occurred in August; see DSSW, 192.
  479. QPHF, 2:11a. The first memorial containing this information is dated Octo- ber 17, 1856-almost two months after Dali was taken by the Hui forces.
  480. “Xianfeng bingchen jiluan luxu,” in YHQS, 176. Wen also ordered the Heqing–Lijiang regional commander, Fu Sheng, to advance on Dali with five hun- dred soldiers.
  481. QPHF, 3:6b-7a.
  482. DSSW, 194-95. To be fair, the force he did send arrived too late to aid in the city’s defense.
  483. Regarding sources of Hui leaders executed, see Yunnan tongzhi, 107:7, in Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 73-74. Regarding the Hui survivors who made their way to Dali, see DXG, 9:17a.
  484. DSSW, 193. The Dali gazetteer also suggests this, but pointedly implies that Wen distrusted the Han militias as much as he did the Hui. Also, it is unclear whether this Linanese militia is the same that had terrorized the region the previous year; DXG, 9:17a.
  485. QPHF, 3:6a-b.
  486. Ibid. Shuxing’a’s figures are almost certainly a gross exaggeration. See cen- sor Li Peihu’s estimate, which indicated that only “a little over a hundred Hui” were involved in actively occupying Yaozhou; QPHF, 2:15a. Shuxing’a himself initially
  487. Ibid., 3:7a. Notes to Chapter 6 221
  488. Ibid., 4:5a-b.
  489. DXZ, 9:17a; DSSW, 193; Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 88-90.
  490. DSSW, 193.
  491. Wang Shulin, Dianxi Huiluan jilue, in YHQS, 233. French explorer Louis Carné, who traveled to Kunming in late 1867, suggests that Zheng was involved in killing Muslims and alludes to the widespread organization of the killing: “He [Zheng] resolved, in concert with the Lijiang mandarin and another Chinese leader to organize a mass massacre of the Muslims throughout Yunnan all on the same day.” See Carné, “Expedition du Mekong,” VIII:658.
  492. For examples of this bias see Li Yuzhen, “Dianshi shuwen,” 192-94; DXG, 9:16b-18a; Wang Shulin, “Dianxi Huiluan jilue,” 233-34.
  493. QPHF, 2:13b-14a. Obviously, officials spoke of “Hui rebels,” but this was usually in the abstract. When the talk was of a specific event or trend, the terminol- ogy employed typically used the regional designation. The divisions also appear in privately funded works on the rebellion. See also DSSW, 192.
  494. QPHF, 2:14a; 6:15b.
  495. Zhao Qing, “Bianyuan jieyuan ji,” in HMQY, I:45.
  496. DXG, 9:16b; “Bianyuan jiaoyuan lu,” in HMQY, I:50.
  497. QPHF, 2:14b. Li’s reference to Dali as a shield reflected its location on the main route to Lijiang in the northwest and to Baoshan in the east, as well as the fact that it was prominently situated in relation to Chuxiong and Jinghong.
  498. Zhao Qing, “Bianyuan jieyuan ji,” in HMQY, I:45; DXG, 9:16b.
  499. DSSW, 194. For a discussion of the term lianyong, see Brunnert and Hagel- strom, Present Day Political Organization of China, 341.
  500. DXG, 9:17b-18b, for a discussion of the Qing officials’ lack of leadership. 106. DXG, 9:17b-18b; DSSW, 193. Alice Wei suggests that the released Mus- lims from Yaozhou were the catalyst for the Hui uprising in Dali; this seems doubt- ful, though, since the siege in Yaozhou was raised a month after Dali was captured. See Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 90.
  501. DSSW, 193. There are some discrepancies among sources with regard to the date the Hui launched their attack. For consistency I have adhered to the dates used in the Dali Gazetteer unless otherwise indicated. The difference is usually only one or two days.
  502. “Xianfeng bingzhen jiluan liji,” in YQHS, 176; DXG, 9:17b.
  503. DXG, 9:17b.
  504. Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 466-67. III. QPHF, 3:15b.
  505. DSSW, 194; DXG, 18a-b. II3. XYTG, 8:rib; DSSW, 193-4; DXG, 9:17a-i8b.
  506. DSSW, 193-94; DXZ, 9:19b-20a.
  507. DXZ, 9:20a.
  508. Ibid., 9:20a.
  509. Ibid., 9:20a; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo shibanian shimo,” nos. 12, 13 (663). Other indigenous groups played a prominent role in his later 222 NOTES TO CHAPTER 6 “in Yunnan, the Han, Hui and yi have been living peacefully together for more than a thousand years.” See “Xingshi xiwen” in HMQY, II:131.
  510. One anonymous account asserts that the nominal head of the Menghua Hui, Lan Jinxi—a Hui from Shaanxi-refused after the victory to share with others the goods seized by his group. Du and his close friend Ma Jinbao approached and asked him to share his spoils with the group. An argument ensued that seemingly ended with Lan agreeing. However, the next day, a crowd of people, angry over Lan’s behavior, killed Lan and presented his head to Du. If this did indeed happen, it removed a key rival of Du. Yet in the Dali Gazetteer, Lan’s name is still listed as a top official. See “Dianxi bianluan xiaoshi,” in HMQY, II:89-90.
  511. There are many accounts of this. Besides the sources listed below see “Du Wenxiu Becomes Commander,” in Luckert and Li Shujiang, Mythology and Folk- lore of the Hui, 265-68.
  512. The earliest memorial that mentions Du as the head of the rebellion appears on July 21, 1861; see QPHF, 10:26a. Peculiarly, though, the term “Du rebels” is em- ployed much earlier, in late 1857; see ibid., 6:17a.
  513. See “Dianxi bianluan xiaoshi,” in HMQY, II:90. Some suggest that Du passed the exam in 1848-highly unlikely, since he had not yet returned from Bei- jing following the Baoshan Massacre (see Tsai Yuanlin, “Confucian Orthodoxy vs. Muslim Resistance,” 322). One source even suggests that he was born in 1827 and passed the exam when he was twelve, in 1839. For other sources indicating that Du was a xiucai, see YHSLD, I:121; Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 100.
  514. Bai Shouyi, Huizu renwuzhi (Qingdai), 4.
  515. Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion of Yunnan,” 62; “Dianxi bianluan xiao- shi,” in HMQY, II:84. Numerous sources indicate that Du was the son of a Burmese caravan trader. This is repeated by the French explorer Louis de Carné, “Explora- tion du Mékong,” 86:658.
  516. Jing Dexin’s Du Wenxiu qiyi is typical of this approach.
  517. “Dianhui jiluan,” in YHQS, 272.
  518. “Jianshui Huimin xiwen,” in HMQY, II:55-56. The appeal includes an affirmation of the Hui’s historical presence in Yunnan since the Yuan Dynasty, di- rectly refers to Huang Cong’s plot, and beseeches the upright Han to quell those Han intent on killing the Hui.
  519. XYTG, 81:12a; Ma Rulong, “Fudasi yang rong deng Shuxing’a,” in HMQY, II:140.
  520. XYTG, 81:11b.
  521. There is some confusion over Ma’s year of birth. Rocher states that he was born in 1793 while Wang Xuhuai suggests 1794; see YHQS, 115fn4. Zhang Liangji in 1863 mentions Ma was seventy; thus, depending on his birthday, he was born in 1793 or 1794; see QPHF, 12:11b.
  522. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:46-47. Even if schooled in Chinese until seventeen as Rocher suggests, it seems that Ma Dexin was more comfortable writ- ing in Arabic; almost all his writings were first written in Arabic and then translated by his disciple, Ma Anli. Not until he was forty did he formally began to study Con- fucianism; see Lin Changkuan, “Three Eminent ‘Ulama’ of Yunnan,” 105.
  523. A translation of Ma’s Record of a Pilgrimage can be found in Deveria, Notes to Chapter 6 223 Origine de L’islamisme en Chine, 32. Rocher erroneously suggests that Ma began his journey in 1839; see Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:47.
  524. Ma’s Islamic erudition benefited considerably from the eight years he spent in the Middle East, where he collected valuable Islamic texts and had numerous in- tellectual encounters. For an accessible overview see Lin, “Three Eminent ‘Ulama’ of Yunnan,” 105; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:46-48.
  525. TNZJ, 257-58.
  526. Ma Futu, “Ma Futu siji,” in HMQY, II:367; Wellington Chan, “Ma Ju- lung,” 88.
  527. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:49; “Qixi shilue,” in HMQY, II:45-46. 136. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:49.
  528. Carné, “Exploration,” 904.
  529. Carné, Travels, 272-73.
  530. XYTG, 81:12a.
  531. Jianshui xianzhi, 4:3b-4a; Yunnan tongzhi, 107, in Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 90.
  532. TNZJ, 256; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:51; QPHF, 5:3a-4a, 8:18a, 9:13–2b. When Ma Rulong finally accepted the “pacification and settlement” (anfu) agreement from the Qing, his strong ties to the indigenous communities would be reflected in the fact that numerous yi leaders under his leadership surrendered with him. See XYTG, 82:1a.
  533. QPHF, 5:6b-7a.
  534. QSL, II:317; “Dianhui jiluan,” in YHQS, 273-
  535. XYTG, 81:14b.
  536. “Dianhui jiluan,” in YHQS, 274; DSSW, 199; DSDJ, 296.
  537. Xuxiu jianshui xianzhi, 4:4b.
  538. QPHF, 7:6a-b.
  539. Ibid., 7:6a.
  540. Ibid., 12:22a; XYTG, 81:17a.
  541. XYTG, 81:17a. It also notes that Ma Linghan refused to submit.
  542. Li Shoukong, “Ma Rulong xiangqing shi yanjiu”; Dalu zazhi 20, nos. 1, 15. 152. “Diannan zaoji,” in HMQY, II:257.
  543. Chan, “Ma Ju-long,” 92.
  544. Ma Rulong, “Fu dasi yang rong dengshu,” in HMQY, II:140.
  545. That Ma Rulong adopted the title of generalissimo is not debated, only the timing. See “Dianhui jiluan,” in YHQS, 276, 278; Xu Yuanhua, “Xianfeng yehuo bian,” in HMQY, 1:283; DSSW, 206; DSDJ, 297.
  546. For examples see XYTG, 81:16a-21b; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:55. 157. Ma Dexin often gave conflicting signals as to what his real motives were, but for examples of his actions, see XYTG, 81:18b; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” 14:16-17. In particular, note XYTG, 81:17b, where it is remarked that Ma Dexin “makes a secret compact” with Yang Zhenpeng-who later will link up with Ma Rulong.
  547. QPHF, 7:31a.
  548. Ibid., 9:6a.
  549. Ibid., 8:11b-12a. 224 NOTES TO CHAPTER 6
  550. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:63; Chuxiong xianzhi, 6:11a. There is con- siderable confusion among accounts as to which route Ma Rulong took to Chu- xiong. A Dali gazetteer suggests that Ma also attacked Yimen and Xinxing on his way to Chuxiong. See DXG, 9:23a; see also Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Hui- bian shimo,” 476.
  551. DSSW, 204.
  552. XYTG, 81:19a-b; “Dianluan jilue,” in YHQS, 274-75; Xuxiujianshui xian- zhi, 4:5a.
  553. QPHF, 1:11b, 15a-16a.
  554. Ibid., 2:1b-3a. He also blames these eastern officials for causing Chuxiong prefect Cui Shaozhong’s behavior-and also protecting the Hui!
  555. QPHF, 6:19b.
  556. XYTG, 81:10b; Xu Yuanhua, “Xiantong Ye Hupian,” in Bai Shouyi, HMQY, I:281. Huang Diankui is often identified as the leader of the Han band that skir- mished with Hui in Anning just before the Kunming Massacre.
  557. Xuanwei xianzhigao, 1:11b-12b; QPHF, 3:1a-2b.
  558. Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 98.
  559. Miao Yongling, Ma Liansheng zhuanlüe, in YHQS, 352.
  560. Zhanyi zhouzhi, in Na Lanzhen, “Ma Liansheng qiyi,” in DWQL, 245. 172. Miao Yongling, Ma Liansheng zhuanlüe, in YHQS, 353.
  561. Jenks, Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou, 132-36.
  562. MEP, 539:951.
  563. Ibid., 951.
  564. Ibid., 979.
  565. Ibid., 951.
  566. QPHF, 9:1a-2b, 7:27b.
  567. See He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” 12:9-12 and 13:34-36. 180. QPHF, 9:43-7b.
  568. For a sampling of non-Han participation see QPHF, 1:7a-8a, 2:11a, 3:4b, 3:12a, 4:4a-5b, 4:13b-16b. See also Ma Weiliang, Yunnan Huizu lishi, 84-87.
  569. QPHF, 2:23a.
  570. Ibid., 2:23b, 1:13b.
  571. Ibid., 19:18b-19a.
  572. Ibid., 19:19a.
  573. Gongzhongdang daoguang, 8202; YHSLD, I:166.
  574. Naian zouyi, 11:12a. There is some indication that they did. For one indi- cation that Hani joined Imperial troops in their fight against Hui see Garnier, Voy- age, I:432.
  575. QPHF, 2:16b-19a.
  576. Ibid., 4:4a. It is difficult to tell whether the somewhat delayed non-Han support is more a lack of early awareness on the part of the officials, or simply a lack of initial interest by the non-Han.
  577. For an example with both these terms see QPHF, 4:24b.
  578. See ibid., 2:33a; 3:4a-5a.
  579. Ping qian jilue, 3:10a.
  580. DSSW, 220. Notes to Chapter 7 225
  581. For complete discussion of Li’s flag and title see Ye Tong, Dali Huizushi yu, 69-70.
  582. Zhang Qingfen, “Jiantan shijiu shiji,” in DWQL, 197-98.
  583. DXG, 9:20a; DSSW, 198; and MEP, 541:579 (September 12, 1863) offer just a sampling of the Hui’s broad multiethnic alliance, which included Han from the outset. In stark contrast, many of the Han would until the bitter end refuse to recognize Hui who wanted to fight with the Qing; see QPHF, 18:16a, 20:2a; “Dian- luan jilue," in HMQY, I:270.
  584. Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 85, 113; Wang Jianping, Concord and Conflict, 248.
  585. Du Wenxiu, “Xingshi xiwen,” in HMQY, II:131. Meaning that although the Hui were the targets, everyone was affected by the violence.
  586. Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust, 93.
  587. YGZ, 7:13b-14b; Li Shoukong, “Xianfeng liunian Yunnan Shengcheng,” Dalu zazhi, 20(6), 174–77.
  588. Rocher, La Province chinoise du Yün-nan, II:37.
  589. QPHF, 14:16a. Note how strongly Pan Duo emphasizes that the rebellion was not a direct result of the mining violence—a point that would have been well taken by many past studies of this event. CHAPTER 7
  590. DWG, 9:21a; “Dianluan jilue,” in YHQS, 199; QPHF, 4:20b. For a de- tailed village-by-village account, see Heng’s memorial dated April 28, 1857, in QPHF, 4:22a-25a. Alternatively, some sources suggest that the Dali forces tricked Wen Xiang into believing that his most able commander, He Ziqing, was dealing with the Hui so as to double-cross Wen; this led to He’s dismissal. See He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo shibian shimo,” no. 14, 36.
  591. QPHF, 4:20b; 4:22a-25a.
  592. Qingshi liezhuan, 48:45a.
  593. DSDJ, 297.
  594. Qingshi liezhuan, 44:49a.
  595. Ibid., 44:49a; DSDJ, 296; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 125.
  596. QPHF, 9:9b; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo shibanian shimo,” no. 14, 36-37. The numerous placenames that employed Yunnan can be somewhat confusing. Within the province of Yunnan, the Kunming was known as Yunnanfu, the prefecture surrounding the capital of Kunming was referred to as Yunnan pre- fecture, and, finally, there existed a district near Dali with the name of Yunnan.
  597. Qingshi liezhuan, 44:49a-b; Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 475-76.
  598. DXG, 9: 24a; QSL, II, 105; DSDJ, 297; Qingshi liezhuan 44:49b; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 346. Alice Wei mistakenly places Zhu’s death in 1859; see “The Moslem Rebellion,” 112. For the final imperial account see QPHF, 9:9b, 10:15b-16a. 226 NOTES TO CHAPTER 7
  599. Qingshi liezhuan, 44:49b. II. Li Yuzhen, DSYL, 206-7; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” 36-37; XYTG, 81:35a; DXG, 9:23a.
  600. For the extent of this ploy see Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” 268.
  601. Some accounts suggest that Ma’s original intent was to attack Kunming; de- spite this, it seems quite unlikely. For examples of this confusion see Bai Shouyi, Huizu Renwu (Qingdai), 67-68; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” no. 14, 38. He Huiqing dates the event in 1858-a mistake Wei replicates, having Ma Rulong’s first siege of Kunming end in June 1858-and then claims that Zhu Kechang’s campaign westward occurred the following year. See Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 109-11; QPHF, 9:10a.
  602. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:63; for the government account see QPHF, 9:10b-11a. Note that Rocher mistakenly places the battle of Chuxiong in the year 1859.
  603. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:63.
  604. Chuxiong xianzhi, 6:17b-18a; Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 476.
  605. XYTG, 81:28a.
  606. Rocher goes so far as to say that when Ma Rulong saw the white banner of Du’s army, he retired from the city and removed his troops, thus handing the city over to Du. See La Province chinoise, 64.
  607. “Diannan zaji,” 265. This is purportedly a firsthand narrative account of the rebellion, so it is unclear whether the author (unknown) inserted the standard anti- Manchu slogan at the end himself or whether this was an actual goal of the agree- ment. A similar account, “Dianhui jiluan,” does not include this last sentence. See “Dianhui jiluan,” 277. With regard to the division of Yunnan, this quotation- although somewhat ambiguous in English-stipulates clearly that in a local context the spheres of influence of both leaders were to be the halves of the province where their powerbases already existed. For a clear delineation of Du Wenxiu controlling western Yunnan (yixi yidai) and Ma Rulong the eastern and southern regions (yi- dongnan yidai), see “Dianhui jiluan,” in YHQS, 275.
  608. As Wellington Chan points out, perhaps one of the clearest indications of Ma’s dramatic ascent is the number of Hui leaders who followed him when he sur- rendered to the Qing; see Chan, “Ma Ju-long,” 99. Though the assumed goal of such a surrender and their ties with Ma Rulong are later brought under doubt when many of them later defect to Du Wenxiu.
  609. Louis De Carné suggested several years later that Ma Rulong was in fact jeal- ous of Du’s stature in 1860. See “Exploration of the Mekong,” VIII:652 (April 1, 1870). 2.2. “Dianxi Huiluan jilue,” in YHQS, 237.
  610. MEP, 541:287.
  611. QPHF, 9:27a. Zhang Liangji confirms that Xu came to his residence but ar- gues that Xu implored him to not allow them to surrender; see QPFH, 10:5a.
  612. For an account partial to the Hui see DSSW, 209; for the imperial account see QPHF, 9:26a-27a.
  613. QPHF, 9:27b-28a.27. Ibid., 10:1a; 9:27a. Notes to Chapter 7
  614. Ibid., 10:5a. Zhang suggests he was incapacitated. 227
  615. Ibid., 10:9b. The emperor obviously believed Zhang Liangji’s assessment since he related the details at a later date; see 10:14b.
  616. “Diannan zaji,” in HMQY, II:265; QSL, II:331.
  617. QPHF, 10:10a.
  618. Ibid., 11:1a-b; Luo, “Yunnan zhanggu,” 610-II.
  619. Ibid., 11:6a, 17a-18b.
  620. For a description of the winter see MEP, 541:424. Regarding the conditions inside the city see Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:70.
  621. QPHF, 13:18a-b.
  622. Ibid., 10:17a; Chan, “Ma Ju-Lung,” 97.
  623. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:69-70. Note that Rocher gives the incorrect date.
  624. “Diannan zaji,” in HMQY, II:265.
  625. DSDJ, 297.
  626. QPHF, 13:10а, 15:1а.
  627. Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” in HMQY, I:269. Rocher indicates that Ma Dexin was offered the post of intendant but refused it.
  628. Pourais, La Chine, 39. The presence of Catholic missionaries did not seem to bother Ma Rulong or Ma Dexin. An amazing test of this tolerance is reported by Pourais, who recounts that when a dozen Hui soldiers asked him what he thought about Muhammad, he replied that “Mohammad is in Hell and all who follow his religion will come to the same end.” Although enraged, the Muslims did not harm the missionary. See ibid. The Hui in other areas of China had a long and cordial rela- tionship with Christian missionaries, even assisting some of the early ones, acknowl- edging their mutual belief in God. But as Armijo-Hussein pointed out to me (per- sonal correspondence, February 2004), this did not stop missionaries from later con- centrating their efforts on proselytizing among the Hui.
  629. QPHF, 15:2a; Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” in HMQY, I:269. In an inter- esting aside, Carné suggested that the dominant position of the Hui extended be- yond Kunming into any area where Hui predominated: “the villages are for the most part inhabited by Mussulmans, who although still in subjection to the emperor, spread around them such terror that the frightened Chinese dared not rear their pigs except in secret, and even refused to sell us any.” See Carné, Travels, 282.
  630. QPHF, 15:2a; Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” 269.
  631. Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” 269.
  632. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:70.
  633. QPHF, 13:10a, 13:12a-b.
  634. Ibid., 13:12b.
  635. Ibid., 13:10b.
  636. Ibid., 14:4b-5a.
  637. Ibid., 17:23a.
  638. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:70.
  639. Alice Wei, “Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 114; Chan, “Ma Ju-lung,” 99- 100. A similar perspective is offered by Tsai Yuan-lin: “Finally, when [Ma] saw it 228 NOTES TO CHAPTER 7 was getting to be too much for him, he stopped fighting and accepted the peace terms of the provincial officials.” See Tsai Yuan-lin, “Confucian Orthodoxy vs. Muslim Resistance,” 335.
  640. Ma Rulong, “Shaoyu dianyuan shenmin,” in HMQY, II:71.
  641. Li Shoukong, “Ma Rulong xiangqing zhi yanjiu,” 15.
  642. Xuxiu Songming zhouzi, 3:1a-5a; for a later attempt at this ploy see QPHF, 8:2b.
  643. QPHF, 17:12b.
  644. Ibid., 17:12b-13a.
  645. Ibid., 17:23a. Instead, the emperor sent an edict to Xu Zhiming warning him that his transgressions were known to the court and that although the emperor was showing his mercy, further violations would not be tolerated and the “court could not be so forgiving and lenient.”
  646. Ibid., 18:9a-9b. 99
  647. Ibid., 20:2a, 18:16a; Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” in HMQY, I:270. Many sources acknowledged Ma’s long hatred of Liang. See Cordier, “Les musulmans, 205; Carné, “Exploration du Mékong,” 901. For an account suggesting that Pan had secretly supported Liang in his battles against Ma Rulong, hoping that Liang could defeat Ma, see Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” in HMQY, I:270. By this point Ma had also been granted the title of Lin[an]-Yuan[jiang] Regional Commander, in addition to He[qing]-Li[jiang] Regional Commander; see QPHF, 16:10a-b, 19:9a.
  648. QPHF, 18:21b; Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 2:2a; Chan, “Ma Ju-long,” 102; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:77-78. The sources regarding the sequence of Pan’s arrival in Kunming and Ma’s departure are contradictory. In Cen Yuying’s “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” it is indicated that Pan entered Qujing in October and only came to the capital after Ma’s departure; Cen Yuying, “Cen Xiangqing gong nianpu,” 2:10b-11a. For a complete account of Liang’s activities see Xuxiu jianshui xianzhi, 5:4a-9a.
  649. Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 2:11b.
  650. “Ma Futu shiji,” in HMQY, II:373.
  651. Ibid.
  652. YTZG, 82:3a. Some later accounts suggest that Ma Dexin resisted calls to take any office but acquiesced when officials indicated that only he could “save the provincial capital from the bandits”; see “Ma Fuchu xiansheng shilue” [Biography of Ma Fuchu], in Lin Xinghua and Feng Jinyuan, eds., Zhongguo yisilan jiao, 711. 67. QPHF, 20:13b, 50:2b; XYTG, 82:3a; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:46. Ma Dexin only used the traditional twelve-stems system of dating; see Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” in HMQY, I:272.
  653. He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” (14)38, (15)32; “Ma Fuqu xian- sheng shilue,” in Li Xinghua and Feng Jinyuan, eds., Zhongguo yisilanjiao shi,
  655. QPHF, 20:3b; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:78-79; QPHF, 20:4a-b. An- other curious side note: in a list of Dali officials Cen Yuying is listed as a counselor, or aide de camp (canmo), but the long annotation next to his name indicates that “during the occupation of the provincial capital by Ma Rong selected Ma Dexin as governor-general. Yunnan Governor Xu Zhiming and Cen listed their names and Notes to Chapter 7 229 affixed their fingerprints alongside as proof of the election.” “Du Wenxiu tongshu,” in HMQY, II:183.
  656. In an interesting twist, one account claims that Cen Yuying advised Ma Dexin not to take the title of king or emperor because Du Wenxiu would contest; rather he should simply adopt the title of governor-general. Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” HMQY, I:271-72.
  657. YTZG, 82:2a, 20:4a-b.
  658. QPHF, 19:7b-8a.
  659. Zhao Fan, Cen Xiangqin gong xude jiefu tu, plate 8; For a nonimperial ac- count see DSDJ, 300.
  660. Ma Futu, “Ma Futu shiji,” in HMQY, II:374.
  661. QPHF, 20:5b-6a; XYTG, 82:2b; QPHF, 24:5.
  662. QPHF, 18:16b-17a, 21b-22a. For a similar account see Li Yuzhen, “Dian- shi shuwen," 214-15. For similar versions see Zhao Fan, Cen Xiangqin gong xude jiefu tu, plate 7; Carné, “Expedition,” VII:901. In fact, the court had been notified several weeks earlier by the Sichuan governor-general QPHF, 18:11a-b.
  663. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:79.
  664. QPHF, 19:14a-b.
  665. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:79; Carné, “Expedition,” 901. 80. QPHF, 19:10a-b.
  666. Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” HMQY, I:271–72.
  667. Wellington Chan suggests a similar explanation: that Ma Rulong’s behavior “stemmed from a desire to eliminate all possible rivals, not to ingratiate himself to the court in Peking.” However, Ma Rulong’s behavior to Ma Dexin was much more one of strong protection, not rapid eradication. Chan, “Ma Ju-long,” 103.
  668. “Zhi Du Wenxiushu,” in HMQY, II:100.
  669. QPHF, 20:6b.
  670. Lin Changkuan, Zhongguo Huijiao, 112-13; Ma Tong, Zhongguo yisilan jiaopai, 126-28. For an introduction to Sufism in China see Fletcher’s ground- breaking work on the topic “A History of the Naqshbandiyya in China,” in B. Manz, ed., Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia (London: Variorum, 1995), 1-46. For a discussion of the misuse of xinjiao and laojiao see Gladney, Dislocating China, 127-28.
  671. The terminology of “old” and “new” teachings was a highly referential ter- minology that often depended on the community involved and the latest “new” teachings. However, it was the dominant terminology of the period, and for our purposes reflects the basic divisions.
  672. As Ma Tong suggests, it is important to remember that Islam in China had at least three different communities of thought (Gedimu, Yihewani, and the Han- xue), which should be considered separately from the study of the menhuan orders (such as Jahriyya and Khufiyya). See Ma Tong, Zhongguo.
  673. Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 48.
  674. Lipman, Familiar Strangers, 103. 90. Ibid., 88.
  675. Ma Tong, Zhongguo, 126-28.
  676. For an clear overview in English see Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 41-45. As 230 NOTES TO CHAPTER 7 Lipman has indicated, the term menhuan is likely derived from menhu, “great fam- ily” or “official family.” For a more historical discussion of the emphasis on saintly lineages from the founders of the Sufi order, see Lipman, Familiar Strangers, 70.
  677. Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 41.
  678. Ma Tong, Zhongguo, 126-28; Bai Shouyi, Huizu renwuzhi, (Qingdai), 27. 95. Ma Zhu, Qingzhen zhinan, 997-1001. It is not entirely clear what type of heresy Ma Zhu is referring to, since he seems-like the Confucian officials of the day-primarily worried about Daoist-like transgressions.
  679. XYTG, 81:9a. Xian’gu is a Daoist reference to one of the Eight Immortals of Daoism, who was a woman.
  680. The following officials all had considerable experience dealing with Mus- lim violence in one or more of the provinces: Lin Zexu, Wu Zhenyu, Shuxing’a, Pan Duo, Hengchun.
  681. See the forewords written by several of Ma Dexin’s students in their trans- lation of Ma’s Sidian Yaohui, in which these concerns are explicitly addressed. For an explanation in English see Lin Changkuan, “Three Eminent Chinese ‘Ulama’ of Yunnan,” 108.
  682. XYTG, 81:17b; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” no. 14, 36- 37; Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 474-75.
  683. Archives d’outre mer 31AF (11 Octobre 1889). M. Challemel Lacour in his report to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicates that the Muslims of Yunnan “practice an Islam that adheres to the Sunni Hanefite rituals.” IOI. Lin Changkuan, Zhongguo Huijiao, 112.
  684. Lin Changkuan, “Chinese Muslims of Yunnan,” 226.
  685. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:160.
  686. Despite the familiarity of several Yunnan officials with Islamic sectarianism in northwest China, none ever mentioned it as a factor in the fighting. See Chan, “Ma Ju-long,” 117n99.
  687. Zhao Qing in “Bianyuan jieyuan lu” notes suggestively that Du was aided by “outsider Hui" (waihui). This does not specifically name their religious leanings; it does, however, reveal that the Muslim Yunnanese in western Yunnan had much more contact with Hui from northwestern China than did their counterparts in other parts of the province; see HMQY, I:51.
  688. QPHF, 12:15a; HMQY, II:355.
  689. QPHF, 12:9a.
  690. Ibid., 12:10a.
  691. Ibid., 19:10a.
  692. Ibid., 20:8a. III. Chan, “Ma Ju-Long,” 103.
  693. QPHF, 20:1a-2b, 20:7a-8b, 21:19-22b.
  694. Ibid., 20:8a.
  695. Ibid., 20:7a.
  696. Like many of the officials with grandiose ideas on how to end the rebellion, Fu Sheng never entered the province but chose instead to remain in Sichuan near the Yunnan-Sichuan border to file his reports an offense for which he was dismissed on January 24, 1864. See QPHF, 23a-b; XYHS, 199. Luo mainly wanted an end to Notes to Chapter 8 231 the rebellion at the smallest cost and the greatest benefit to Sichuan. A perspective seen in QPHF, 21:20a-21b.
  697. QPHF, 20:8a.
  698. Ibid., 22:5a-6b.
  699. Ma Futu, “Ma Futu shiji,” in HMQY, II:376-77; for Cen’s role see Zhao Fan, Cen xiangqin gong, plates 8-9.
  700. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:80.
  701. QPHF, 20:6a; DSSW, 214. In fact it was Ma Rulong’s strategy to execute only the rebel leaders while pacifying the common soldiers that greatly facilitated his success. See QPHF, 24:6a-7b.
  702. QPHF, 23:2b.
  703. MEP, 539:1230. The term “Lolo” in Chinese was often a broad term to in- dicate those ethnic groups in the mountainous areas of Yunnan.
  704. QPHF, 9:19b. CHAPTER 8
  705. See Kim Hodong, Holy War in China.
  706. Zhao Qing, “Bianyuan jieyuan,” in HMQY, I:51-52.
  707. Anonymous, “Heqing Jiwen,” in HMQY, II:209; DXZ, 9:19a-b. For an extremely detailed (if exaggerated) account of Zheng’s activities in this early period, and the contention that it was “a sudden rain storm” that caused his troops (which numbered “50-60 thousand”) to retreat, see Heqing zhouzhi, 19:3a-4b.
  708. DXG, 9:14a-b; XYTG, 81:14a; Langqiong xianzhilue 11:47b-48a. The sources rarely agree on the order, dates, and officers involved in the battles for the population centers around Dali. The above particulars should not be taken as en- tirely accurate but rather as generally indicating the temporary nature of military victories during this time.
  709. DXG, 9:21a-b; “Dianshi shuwen,” in YQHS, 203-4; Ma Yuan, “Du Wen- xiu yu baiqi,” in YHSLD, IV:55. There is some disagreement whether the militia ac- tually crossed Erhai. Some state that a fierce storm on the day of the attack prevented this. See He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo shibanian shimo," no. 14, 16. 6. “Dianshi shuwen,” YQHS, 204. The attack had been planned as a two- pronged assault, but the other forces never materialized.
  710. QPHF, 8:15a; “Dianshi shuwen,” YQHS, 204-5. For a detailed account see Heqing zhouzhi, 19:7a-b. Accounts vary as to who masterminded his assassination, but likely it was Heqing magistrate Wu Shumei; see DXG, 9:22a. His death was re- counted to French explorers on their travels through the province several years later; see Carné, Travels, 299.
  711. DXG, 9:11a-b.
  712. Heqing zhouzhi, 19:7b; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 109.
  713. QPHF, 12:3a-4b. II. MEP, 539:1229.
  714. QPHF, 3:15a-16a. Li Peihu divulged not only the newly established Ping- nan Guo but also all of the other losses, as well as Shuxing’a’s inaction (owing to his mental condition), which bordered on dereliction of duty. 232 NOTES TO CHAPTER 8
  715. I want to thank Zvi Ben-dor for his efforts to help me understand the com- plex dimension of Du’s Arabic title. Also for his suggestion that the title appears to be a clever variation of the “Amir al Mu’minin” title used by the first caliph, Abu Bakr, and later Islamic rulers.
  716. Cooper, Travels, 350.
  717. MEP, 541:870 (June 12, 1866). It is unclear what title this might be, as Fe- nouil romanizes this term as “kin tche,” which might possibly be the Nanzhao term “ji jia wang.” دو
  718. MEP, 542:30 (September 6, 1868); 542:60 (July 10, 1869)
  719. Garnier, Voyage, 456.
  720. The most explicit articulation of Du’s unwillingness to adopt a political title comes from the Dali envoy to Great Britain, Liu Daoheng, who indicated in a dis- cussion with Walter E. King that “his father [Du Wenxiu] was styled commander in chief [dayuanshuai] only” (emphasis in original). See British Library, India Office, LPS/5/594/178a.
  721. Anderson, Report; Carné, “Exploration”; Gill, The River of Golden Sand; Garnier, Voyage; d’Ollone, Recherches sur les musulmans chinois.
  722. Carné, “Exploration du Mékong,” 658. Anderson made a similar claim; however, it is evident that he had read Carné’s account so it is not clear whether he was basing his statement on his own evidence. See Anderson, Report, 149. The most strenuous attack is in Tian Rukang, “New Light on the Yün-nan Rebellion,” 30. See also Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 264–67.
  723. For reproductions of these seals see Yunnan shaoshu minzu guanyin ji, 59-86. I thank the head of Yunnan University’s history department, Lu Ren, and the staff of the Yunnan Provincial Museum for helping me view the original seals. See Baber, British Parliamentary Papers, 845-
  724. British Library, India Office, LPS/5/594/157a.
  725. Ma Lianyuan, “Bianyu dazaxue xu," in Li Xinghua and Feng Jinyuan eds., Zhongguo yisilan jiashi, 593.
  726. Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 187.
  727. “Dianshi shuwen,” in YHQS, 196; DXZ, 9:20b.
  728. He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” nos. 13, 15; Heqing zhouzhi, 19:4b. He Huiqing indicates, for example, that after Meghua was defeated, eighty- six chops were recovered. On a research trip to that county in 1998, I happened on a Hui family from a long line of ahongs who showed me one of the only chops re- maining in private hands-evidence of the rebellion’s enduring potency among Hui even today.
  729. DWTZM, 183-200; Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 213- 15; Yegar, “The Panthay,” 75.
  730. DWTZM, 189; DSSW, 219
  731. Ma Weiliang, Yunnan Huizu lishi yu, 82; Du Wenxiu, Guanli junzhen tiaoli, 118; Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 173-5.
  732. MEP, 541:580 (September 12, 1863).
  733. Archives d’outre mer, 31AF (11 Octobre 1889); Garnier, Voyage, I:487. 32. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 175.
  734. Bowers, Bhamô Expedition, 110. Notes to Chapter 8
  735. Archives d’outre mer, 31:BII (11 octobre 1889).
  736. Bowers, Bhamô Expedition, 110.
  737. In HMQY, I:313.
  738. Pingqian jilue, 9:19a. 233
  739. Ma Shaoxiong and Zhao Rusong, “Du Wenxiu qiyi,” in Yunnansheng Bian- jizu, eds., Yunnan weishan yizu, 113.
  740. Du Wexin, “Shishi wen,” 127.
  741. MEP, 539:943 (December 24, 1857).
  742. QPHF, 2:23b.
  743. Ibid., 4:5b.
  744. Ibid., 24:4b; Cordier, Les musulmans du Yunnan, 191–92.
  745. QPHF, 2:11a-12b, 23a, 19:18a-19a.
  746. DWTZM, 183-92; Yegar, “The Panthay," 75.
  748. Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 173-75; Du Wenxiu, “Guanli junzhen tiaoli,”
  749. Du Wenxiu, “Fu Yang zhenpeng shu,” 106.
  750. Ma Chaolin, “Ruijishugao zhaiyao dishisan ben,” 187.
  751. Yang Zhaojun, Yunnan Huizu shi, 148; YHSLD, I:213. It is unclear exactly how many mosques existed within Dali prior to the rebellion, nor is it clear if the informant is speaking of the entire Dali valley or just the walled city of Dali.
  752. Bowers, Bhamô Expedition, 70.
  753. Bai Shouyi, Huizu rewuzhi (Jindai), 9; Tian Rukang, “Youguan Du Wenxiu duiwai,” Lishi yanjiu 4 (1963), 146.
  754. Du Wenxiu, Guan junzhen tiaoli, 117; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu jianguo,” 15; Bai Shouyi, Huizu rewuzhi (Jindai), 13. The original woodblocks used to print the Quran were said to have been preserved by an imam living in Eryuan. For a more indepth description about the printing and history see Lin Changkuan, “Chinese Muslims of Yunnan,” 284-85.
  755. Bowers, Bhamô Expedition, 70.
  756. Clarke, Kwiechow and Yun-nan Provinces.
  757. He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu,” 15; Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 94; Chan, “Ma Rulong,” 115; YHSLD, I:112.
  758. Garnier, Voyage, I:565; see also Jest, “Kha-che and Gya-Kha-che,” 8-11. 57. Garnier, Voyage, I:565.
  759. For reproductions of these seals see Yunnan shashu minzu, 59–86. These and other seals from the Dali state are in the Yunnan Provincial Museum.
  760. DXZ, 9:20b; Zhao Qing, “Bianyuan jieyuan lu,” 52.
  761. Li Yuzhen, “Dianshi shuwen,” 196.
  762. DXZ, 9:20; He Huiqing, “Yunnan Du Wenxiu,” 15.
  763. For an eloquent discussion of the symbolic significance of tonsure see Kuhn, Soulstealers, 56-58.
  764. QPHF, 21:11a-12a. Variations in reference to the long hair include Ma Futu’s use of the term fafei in “Ma Futu Shiji,” in HMQY, I:373; and yixi fani (west- ern hair-rebels), in QPHF, 44:36b.
  765. Carné, “Exploration du Mékong,” 674.
  766. Cooper, Travels, 330. The French explorers also commented often on the 234 NOTES TO CHAPTER 8 manner in which many Pingnan subjects wore their hair long and unbraided; Carné, Travels, 317, 319.
  767. Cooper, Travels, 332.
  768. Ibid.
  769. Sladen, “Exploration via the Irrawaddy and Bhamo,” 361. Carné also re- marked that on meeting their first “mussulman functionary… the sultan, who was not unmindful of details, has already occupied himself about his subjects’ costume”; see Carné, Travels, 317. A Pingnan reference to uniforms appears in the list of regu- lations: “soldiers who steal and sell food, hay, or uniforms will be executed.” See “Guanli Junzheng Tiaoli,” in HMQY, II:119.
  770. Anderson, Report, 315.
  771. Ibid., 256.
  772. Carné, Travels, 319-20. Rocher also mentions that “the Dali government offered sufficient security, and the [exchange of] contraband became well estab- lished.” See Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:68.
  773. YHSLD, I:111; Lin Changkuan, Chinese Muslims of Yunnan, 277; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:69.
  774. Cooper, Travels, 330.
  775. Ibid., 330.
  776. Anderson, Report, 152.
  777. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 243. Anderson later learned that the crim- inal, in this instance, had been found “in the bazaar selling stolen goods.”
  778. Cen Xiangqing gong zougao 9:28, in DWQL, 109; see also “Du Wenxiu qiyi yu Dian-Mian maoyi,” in ibid., 108-10.
  779. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:69.
  780. “Du Wenxiu de mianhua dian,” in YHSLD, I:136–37.
  781. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 199-204.
  782. Garnier, Voyage, 507.
  783. Ibid., 522; YHSLD, I:111.
  784. Generally speaking there were three centers of salt production: Guantong county north of Chuxiong; Zhennan county east of Chuxiong; and several wells in Pu’er prefecture. See XYTG, 50:9a-11b; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:107.
  785. QPHF, 20:25a. This assessment is supported by Sichuan governor-general Luo Bingzhang; ibid., 20:20a.
  786. Ibid., 20:24b-25a; YHSD, I:122.
  787. Ma Shaoxiong and Zhao Rusong, “Du Wenxiu zhengquan shiqi,” in YHSLD, II:103-4.
  788. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 244-45.
  789. Cen Xiangqing gong zougao, 9:28, in Gao Fayuan, Du Wenxiu qiyi lunji, 109. 89. QPHF, 23:4a.
  790. Ibid., 16:2a.
  791. Alice Wei, “Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 135-36. Ma Futu was a cousin and close advisor to Ma Rulong. There is confusion over the sequence (and even the existence) of many of the missions to Dali, which suggests that these were carried out in semisecrecy and not publicly well known; QPHF, 20:14a.
  792. Ma Futu, “Ma Futu shiji,” in HMQY, II:375. Notes to Chapter 8 235
  793. Ibid.,
  795. Ibid., 375; Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 93.
  796. Ma Futu, “Ma Futu shiji,” in HMQY, II:376.
  797. Ibid.
  798. DSSW, 216.
  799. Ibid., 216. There are varied accounts about how Yang arrived in Dali and his mission as emissary from Ma Rulong. Rocher suggests that Yang was captured and brought to Dali as a prisoner. Few dispute that he was actually in Dali at the time. See Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:81-82; Cen Yuying, Cen xiangqing gong nianpu, 2:5a.
  800. DSSW, 216; DXG, 9:27a.
  801. Ibid., 216; DXG, 9:27a.
  802. DSSW, 217. It may have been known that Yang was a prisoner, as Rocher suggests. Quite suggestive of this line of argument is that the Yaozhou Gazetteer records that Ma Dexin passed through Yaozhou on his way to Dali in January 1864, a month before the putative attack on Du; see Yaozhou Zhi, 1885, 4:24b.
  803. DSSW, 217.
  804. Rocher, La Province chinoise du Yün-nan, II:83.
  805. Ibid.; DSSW, 217; DXZ, 9:27a. The one discrepancy is in the Dali Gazet- teer, which states that Ma Dexin and Du did agree to divide Yunnan into spheres of influence; however, it states that Cen Yuying and Ma Rulong “were not informed of this agreement.” Such an agreement, if one ever existed, more likely stemmed from the original Chuxiong agreement between Cai Fachun and Ma Rulong.
  806. Eickelman and Piscatori, Muslim Travellers, 21.
  807. Miao Yongling, “Ma Liansheng Zhuanlüe,” in YHQS, 353.
  808. Ma Rulong, “Zhi Du Wenxiu,” in HMQY, II:99.
  809. Ibid.
  810. The word mumin here clearly modifies the word “soldiers” in a manner reminiscent of the famous line “Onward, Christian soldiers.” Note how this strength- ens the Muslim dimension of Hui identity but also indicates clearly their discrete na- ture with respect to each other.
  811. Ma Rulong, “Zhi Du Wenxiu,” in HMQY, II:99. III. Du Wenxiu, “Fu Yang zhenpeng su,” in HMQY, II:106.
  812. Gladney, Muslim Chinese, 20, 98; Allès, Les Musulmans de Chine, 29. Gladney remarks on a Hui colleague correcting another Hui who spoke of Huijiao: “Hui believe in Islam [yisilin jiao] not their own Hui religion [Huijiao].”
  813. Ma Rulong, “Fu dasiheng,” in HMQY, II:139.
  814. Ibid., 140.
  815. Of course, none of the above negates the fact that most Hui were Muslims. What I am suggesting is that by the nineteenth century, Islam was not the sole defining factor among the Hui. Although Islam never ceased to be a meaningful part of their identity, Yunnan Hui identity was rooted in a broader ethnoreligious spec- trum of identities.
  816. The modern Chinese compound for religion, “zongjiao” is a twentieth- century neologism that was most likely borrowed from Japan and that was prom- ulgated most fervently in the years after the 1911 revolution (see Bodde, Chinese 236 NOTES TO CHAPTER 9 Thought, Society, and Science, 149). Debates between Zhang Binlin, Kang Youwei, and other revolutionaries at the turn of the nineteenth century demonstrate that there was far from a consensus on whether Confucianism was a learning (xue), a way (dao), a religion (jiao), or simply a doctrine (Shimada 1990, 102). This suggests that up to that point there was little tangible idea of religion in the organized and institutionalized form as it exists in the West. In the nineteenth century, jiao was most likely better understood as “teachings” than as “religion.” The context in Yun- nan seems quite different-although perhaps not as unique as one might first as- sume, since the term Hanjiao was in common use throughout China, and I have found references in neighboring Guizhou to Miaojiao. See Ling Ti’an, Xian-Tong Guizhou junshi shi, 5:16.
  817. Ma Rulong, “Fu dasiheng,” in HMQY, II:140.
  818. Du Wenxiu, “Xingshi Xiwen, in HMQY, II:131.
  819. Du Wenxiu, “Guanli junzhen tiaoli,” in HMQY, II:118. CHAPTER 9
  820. Du Wenxiu, “Shuaifu bugao,” in HMQY, II:123.
  821. Du Wenxiu, “Fu Yang zhenpeng shu,” in HMQY, I:106.
  822. “Xingshi xiwen,” in HMQY, II:131.
  823. Carné, Travels, 292.
  824. Du Wenxiu, “Shishi wen,” in HMQY, II:127.
  825. Meaning that although the Hui were the targets, everyone was affected by the violence.
  826. Du Wenxiu, “Xingshi xiwen,” in HMQY, II:131.
  827. “Shishi Wen,” in HMQY, II:127.
  828. QPHF, 28:18a; Zhang Tao, “Dianluan jilue,” in HMQY, I:274.
  829. QPHF, 30:10a; Ma Futu, “Ma Futu siji,” in HMQY, II:383; see also Wang Dingan, “Pingdian pian,” in YHQS, 257-58. II. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:110.
  830. Ibid., II:108.
  831. XYTG, 82:17a-b. For an official albeit colored explanation see QPHF, 33:9b-10a.
  832. There are slight discrepancies between the sources, but the final outcome is the same in every case. Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 2:17a; QPHF, 33:5b-6a; Li Shoukong, “Wanqing Yunnan Huibian shimo,” 498.
  833. Technically, the expedition was led by Doudart de Lagrée; however, due to illness he was left with the expedition’s doctor outside Dongchuan in northeastern Yunnan. There he died. Garnier replaced him as ranking officer.
  834. Garnier, Voyage d’exploration, 585; Cooper, Travels, 324. The terminology employed by the two French explorers is vague. Garnier is the more precise of the two and distinguishes between Europeans and Malays; Carné speaks of Burmans, Hindoos, and Europeans. Such conjecture might well be dismissed out of hand ex- cept that Cooper describes rumors suggesting these Europeans served “as teachers of the Koran”–hardly a likely activity for most nineteenth-century Europeans. See Cooper, Travels, 331.Notes to Chapter 9 237
  835. Carné says he heard there were fourteen “Europeans”; Garnier says there were sixteen Europeans and four Malays; Cooper maintains there were five Euro- peans. See Carné, Travels, 324; Garnier, Voyage, 580; Cooper, Travels, 331.
  836. Carné, “Exploration,” 680; Garnier, Voyage, 580.
  837. Spence, God’s Chinese Son, 238-39.
  838. Garnier, Voyage, 459.
  839. Ibid., 510.
  840. Clarke, The Province of Yunnan, 50.
  841. Garnier, Voyage, 512; Gervais-Courtellement, Voyage, 206, writes that as Leguilcher told him the story several decades later, Du Wenxiu had been standing in a central tower and had ordered one of his men to remove the men’s hats so as to better see their faces.
  842. Garnier, Voyage, 512.
  843. Ibid., 513.
  844. Carné, “Exploration,” 681.
  845. Garnier, Voyage, 513.
  846. MEP, 542:23 (August 2, 1868).
  847. Tian Rukang, “New Light on the Yün-nan Rebellion,” 49.
  848. Cooper, Travels, 443-44.
  849. Garnier, Voyage, 513.
  850. Anderson indicates that by February 19 they had sent letters by messenger describing their purpose and that they had the full support of Panthay leaders in Yunnan. The messengers (those whose clothes were described earlier) returned from Tengyue on March 9 while the mission was still at Ponsee, several days’ march north from Bhamô. Thus it is plausible that the messengers had reached Tengyue and that word had reached Du of the British and their intentions. Indeed, Anderson reports that on arrival in Tengyue, the Panthay governor there stated that “the Sultan had been pleased to hear of our intended visit to [Tengyue].” See Anderson, Report, 231; and Mandalay to Momien, 195.
  851. MEP, 542:30.
  852. Anderson, Mandalay to Momien, 178.
  853. Ibid., 195.
  854. Ibid., 196.
  855. Ibid., 246.
  856. Ibid., 246.
  857. Lin Changkuan, “Chinese Muslims of Yunnan,” 337.
  858. QPHF, 26:20b-21a.
  859. Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism, 114.
  860. QPHF, 28:18a; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:103. Yunnan governor Liu Yuezhao simply describes him as “dying of an illness”; see 28:18b. Alice Wei mistak- enly reports this date as January 9, 1867; see Alice Wei, “Moslem Rebellion in Yun- nan,” 142. Wei Hsiu-mei makes a rare mistake in stating Lao’s death as April 2, 1867; see Wei Hsiu-mei, Qingji zhiguan biao, II:560; 71. Lao was sixty-five when he died. 43. Pourais, La Chine, 72. Rather strangely, it is Western writers who have kept the myth alive that Lao met his end in suspicious circumstances. See Broomhall, Islam in China, 138. 238 NOTES TO CHAPTER 9
  861. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:103.
  862. MEP, 541:955 (April 13, 1867).
  863. QPHF, 28:23a.
  864. Ibid., 28:18b.
  865. Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 2:16a; QPHF, 29:15b-16a. 49. QPHF, 28:19b; 24a.
  866. Ibid., 30:18a, 32:5a-6b. The court was not amused by Zhang’s delaying tac- tics, although almost fifteen years later, he was again assigned to Yunnan, this time as governor. He died there in 1886.
  867. QPHF, 29:16b; Wang Dingan, “Pingdian pian,” in YHQS, 257-58; Cen Yu- ying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 2:16b.
  868. QPHF, 30:1a-2a, 21b-22b. Cen himself had positioned troops at strategic points in eastern Yunnan so as to prevent their spread in that region of the province.
  869. Ibid., 21:17a.
  870. Ibid..
  871. Ibid., 21:18a.
  872. “Cen xiangqin gong zougao,” in Fang Guoyu, Yunnan shiliao congkan, IX: 161-62. The governor at that time was Lao Chongguang.
  873. Ibid., 163.
  874. Ibid., 163-64.
  875. Hummel’s description of Cen’s early career, although factually generally ac- curate, should be used with caution because several dates are in error. See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period, 742-43.
  876. Many local Yunnan officials refused to recognize Ma Rulong’s role and broke off communications with the provincial level of government. The most fa- mous (and successful) of these was Liang Shimei. Carné described him as “loathing Muslims, [both] those who remained faithful to the emperor and those who re- volted…. What is for sure is that he refuses to obey the governor-general”; Carné, “Expedition,” 892.
  877. For a representative sample of Lao’s comments on Cen see QPHF, 27:222-25b. For a similar comparison for his comments on Ma Rulong see QPHF, 28:9a-12a.
  878. “Cen xiangqin gong zougao,” in Fang Guoyu, Yunnan shiliao congkan, 164. 63. QPHF, 28:1a.
  879. Jenks, Insurgency and Social Disorder, 149.
  880. Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 145; “Cen xiangqin gong zougao,” in Fang Guoyu, Yunnan shiliao congkan,IX:164.
  881. “Cen xiangqin gong zougao,” in Fang Guoyu, Yunnan shiliao congkan, IX:164.
  882. “Cen xiangqin gong zougao,” in Fang Guoyu, Yunnan shiliao congkan, IX:165.
  883. By 1868 the worst of the fighting in Guizhou had ended, although sporadic fighting continued there for another five years. Jenks, Insurgency and Social Disor- der, 153-54.
  884. Carné, “Exploration du Mékong,” 909.
  885. Ibid., 903. Notes to Chapter 9 239
  886. QPHF, 29:16a.
  887. Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 146.
  888. QPHF, 33:2b.
  889. MEP, 542:16.
  890. QPHF, 43:1a, 44:1a, 33:5a-6b; XYTG, 82:20a-b.
  891. MFS, 383.
  892. Ibid.; also QPHF, 32:12b-14a, 17a.
  893. QPHF, 33:6b, 10a. See Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 2:17b- 18a; DXG, 9:29b.
  894. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:109.
  895. MEP, 542, 16-17 (August 2, 1868).
  896. QPHF, 34:7a.
  897. Ibid., 33:17a.
  898. Ibid.; for a synopsis of Cen’s maneuvers see Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi 148-49.
  899. DSSW, 221-22.
  900. QPHF, 33:13b-14a, 18a; DXG, 921b; Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong ni- anpu,” 2:18b.
  901. QPHF, 33:18a-b.
  902. Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 3:5a; QPHF, 39:18a, 38:13a-17b.
  903. MEP, 542:40 (January 2, 1869).
  904. QPHF, 33:9a.
  905. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:114.
  906. DSSW, 225; XYTG, 82:25-b.
  907. Cen Yuying, “Cen xiangqing gong nianpu,” 3:5b-6b.
  908. QPHF, 31:5a-b, 36:21. For a general overview see XYHS, 246-50.
  909. Liu Yuezhao, Dian-Qian zouyi, 9:15a-16a, 9:19a-20b, 9:44b.
  910. QPHF, 39:19a-20b.
  911. Ibid., 36:28a.
  912. Dali did have its own more traditional armory. Zhao Qing listed six crafts- men (all Han), each of whom specialized in firearms, explosives (gunpowder), rock- ets, fortifications, or seal carving. See Zhao Qing, “Bianyuan jieyuan lu” in HMQY, I:63.
  913. Zhao Qing, “Bianyuan jieyuan lu,” in HMQY, 1:63; QPHF, 26:23b; and Carné, Travels, 273 all substantiate this fact.
  914. QPHF, 26:23b. The emperor’s rescript was favorable, but several years passed with no action.
  915. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:110-11. Rocher notes that the guns had diverse origins, including Germany and England, with many of the guns engraved “Fabrique de Châtellerault, 1830.” Rocher’s comments are substantiated in an in- terview with Yang Fanxiu conducted in 1958; see YHSD, I:111. IOI. Carné, Travels, 273. It is curious that Ma Rulong’s stockpile was so large. The arrival of the French coincided with his return from the failed westward cam- paign of 1867; one would have expected him to put the guns to use against the surg- ing Pingnan forces. 240 NOTES TO CHAPTER 9
  916. Rocher, La Province chinoise du Yün-nan, II:140.
  917. MEP, 542:72-73 (September 13, 1870); Anderson, Mandalay to Momien,
  919. Archives d’outre mer, 24:A60 (n.d.). In particular, it seems that Dupuis and Légier (besides Rocher) were the key Europeans in Yunnan.
  920. Baber, “Report,” II:141-43.
  921. All degree quotas missed during the rebellion were made up; others were granted by the emperor for the suffering caused by the rebellion and the people’s contribution toward ending the rebellion; see Cen Yuying, Cen xiangqin gong yiji, 4:45a-b, 5:18a.
  922. QPHF, 42:23b-24a. Chenggong, Puning, Fumin, Songming, Yimen, An- ning, Luoci, Lufeng, Kunyang, Xundian, Wuding, Luquan, Yuanmou, Chuxiong, Guangtong, Nan’an Dingyuan, Dayao, Yaozhou, Zhennan, Binchuan, Yunlong, Deng- chuan, Langqiong, Heqing, Lijiang, Jianchuan, Yongbei, Mianning, Weiyuan, Xin- xing, Chengjiang.
  923. QPHF, 44:24b; DSSW, 227; XYTG, 82:39a-b.
  924. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:164-65; QPHF, 45:13b. IIO. QPHF, 45:15a. III. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:168–69.
  925. QPHF, 45:17a.
  926. Ibid., 46:22b; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:178-79; Gervais-Courtelle- mont, Voyage, 187.
  927. “Dianxi bianluan xiaoshi,” in HMQY, II:94-95.
  928. Ibid., II:95. Rocher’s account offers a strikingly similar portrayal of Du’s final discussion with the council; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:179.
  929. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:183. Rocher suggests that he even an- swered questions.
  930. Colquhoun, Across Chrysê, I:263. This was verified by an interview Colqu- houn had with a former officer of Yang Yuke and has entered the mythology sur- rounding Du’s death. Luckert and Li, Mythology and Folklore, 277-78.
  931. Accounts differ regarding precisely when Du took the poison and what type of poison he used. For an excellent overview see Jing Dexin, Du Wenxiu qiyi, 315-29. Dupuis suggests that he poisoned himself with “sheets of gold”; Dupuis, L’Ouverture du fleuve Rouge, 76. Another popular version is that he swallowed the gall bladder of a peacock; for the complete account see Luckert and Li, Mythology and Folklore, 274-78.
  932. QPHF, 47:3a.
  933. “Sanchao jilue,” in YHQS, 385; Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:184; MEP, 542:192.
  934. QPHF, 47:3a.
  935. Clarke, Kweichow and Yunnan, 59.
  936. Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:185. The Dali Gazetteer, although not so graphic, suggests this deception; DXG, 8.
  937. QPHF, 47:3b.
  938. Colquhoun, Across Chrysê, 243. Notes to Chapter 10 241
  939. QPHF, 47:5b. One official whom Baber later interviewed said there could not have been this many dead “because it would have stunk more”; Baber, British Parliamentary Papers, 6.
  940. QPHF, 47:6a-7b.
  941. MEP, 542:193 (September 23, 1873); Rocher, La Province chinoise, II:186. Amazingly, four of Du’s children survived this mass slaughter. They ranged in age from three to thirteen. Two of the sons died, one from smallpox and the other from being given the wrong prescription. His two daughters were imprisoned in Kun- ming. See QPHF, 47:8a-b; Alice Wei, “The Moslem Rebellion in Yunnan,” 166-67. 129. Dupuis, L’ouverture du fleuve rouge au commerce et les Les Événements du Tonkin, 1872-1873, 75-77; Broomhall, Islam in China, 144; Armijo, “Narra- tives Engendering Survival,” 301.
  942. Clarke, Kwiechow and Yun-nan Provinces, 61.
  943. These Muslim Yunnanese communities were well documented by Western travelers in the early part of this century, as well as by several anthropological stud- ies in more recent years. These people still perceive themselves as descendents of Yunnan; many residents of Thai and Burmese hilltowns claim descent from “Dali Guo” or the Dali regime. CHAPTER IO
  944. Cen Yuying, Cen xiangqin gong yiji, 11:8a-b. Wang Shuhuai agrees with this estimate but admits that such figures are at best approximations. See Xiantong Yunnan Huimin shibian, 315.
  945. Lee, “Food Supply and Population Growth,” 729. Dupuis, a French ad- venturer, traveled to Yunnan many times in the 1870s and confirms this estimate, suggesting that “five to six million individuals” died during the rebellion. Dupuis, “Les Evenements du Tonkin,” 77.
  946. Carné, “Exploration,” 677. 4. Chuxiong xianzhi, 1910, 4:4.
  947. XYTG, 81:28b. Other cities affected on a similar scale included Jingdong, Yuanjiang, and Tengyue.
  948. Colquhoun, Across Chrysê, 137-38.
  949. Bourne, “Report.”
  950. Proschan, “Cheuang in Kmhmu Folklore, History, and Memory,” 180. I am grateful to Professor Proschan for making this insightful article available to me.
  951. Archives d’outre mer, 24:A60(2) (17 January, 1880).
  952. Rocher, La Province chinoise, 188.
  953. Dupuis, “Les Evenements du Tonkin,” 76.
  954. Gervais-Courtellement, Voyage, 180. Twenty-eight years after the event, the residents of Xiaguan were also prevented from building a new mosque.
  955. Ibid., 201, 203.
  956. QPHF, 50:3a.
  957. Hill, Merchants and Migrants, 15-16; Scott and Hardiman, Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States, 740. 242 NOTES TO CHAPTER IO
  958. Hill, Merchants and Migrants, 71-73; Forbes, “The Yunnanese (“Ho”) Muslims of North Thailand,” 91-93.
  959. Chao Fan, Cen xiangqin gong yiji, 4:4:45a-b, 5:18a.
  960. S.T. Wang, The Margary Affair, 114-26.
  961. QPHF, 9:19b.
  962. MEP, 539:1230. “Lolo” in Chinese was often a broad term to indicate those ethnic groups in the northern mountainous areas of Yunnan.
  963. MEP, 542:295 (28 August, 1875).
  964. Dupuis, “Les Evenements du Tonkin,” 87-90.