31 NOTES

Complete authors’ names, titles, and publication data for works cited in short form are given in the Bibliography, pp. 573-96. On the works cited in full in these Notes, the place of publication is Paris unless otherwise noted. I have used the following abbreviations in the citations:

AD

Archives Départementales

AEP Archives de l’Enseignement Primaire

AG

AN

Atlas

ATP

BFI

BFS

EA

HE

[[10]]

MATP

MR

RDM

RGA

VA

Archives Administratives de la Guerre. Service Historique de l’Armée Archives Nationales

Atlas folklorique de la France, Archives of the Musée des Arts et Traditions

Populaires, “Enquête,” 1944

Manuscript surveys of the Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires

Bulletin folklorique de l’Ile-de-France

Bulletin de la Société Franklin, 4 (1872)

“Enquête sur les formes anciennes de l’agriculture,” 1937, Archives of the

Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires

Monographies d’instituteurs, Archives de l’Enseignement Primaire

Journal Officiel

Archives of the Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires

Mémoires et reconnaissances files, Archives du Ministère de la Guerre

Revue des deux mondes

Revue de géographie alpine

Varagnac archives, including Moisson/St. Jean (manuscript surveys of the

Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires)

Introduction

1. See André Siegfried’s preface to Thabault, Mon village, p. 7.

2. Varagnac, pp. 58-59.

3. Wright, pp. v, vi.

4. AN, Etat sommaire des versements faits aux Archives Nationales par les ministères et les administrations. Supplément, 3.2 (1957), 8; “La comparaison est saisissante entre l’absence quasi totale de documents pour la période 1880-1914 et l’extraordinaire richesse de versements effectués après 1936.” See also AN, “Ministère de la Justice, Division

[[506]]

Notes to Pages xv-6

criminelle, Correspondance 1870-1887,” manuscript introduction dated summer 1938: “Il semble, à moins qu’un ensemble de documents que j’ignore vienne remplacer ces dossiers détruits de la division criminelle, qu’il sera impossible à l’historien d’écrire la vie journalière de la Troisième République en France entre les années 1870 et 1890.”

5. “Fin-de-Siècle: The Third Republic Makes a Modern Nation,” in Mathé Allain and Glenn R. Conrad, eds., France and North America: Over Three Hundred Years of Dialogue (Lafayette, La., 1973).

Chapter One

Epigraph. “Avertissement” to Petites garnisons, Cahiers de la quinzaine, 5.12 (1904): 9. 1. Balzac, La Comédie humaine, 8 (1969): 35; AD, Ariège Pe 45 (July 30, 1831); Thuillier, “Pour une histoire,” p. 257; all military quotations are drawn from AG, MR

2282. Haussmann, 1: 104.

2283. EA, Landes.

2284. Feret, 1: especially p. 310.

2285. AG, MR 1228 (r843), MR I234 (1843), MR I207 (1857).

2286. Joseph Roux, p. 147.

2287. AG, MR 1300 (Hte.-Vienne, 1822), MR 1236 (Morbihan, 1822), MR 1231 (Landes, 1843), MR 2281 (Loire-Inf., 1850); Souvestre, Derniers paysans, 2: 84.

2288. Romieu, p. 319.

2289. AD, Vaucluse, M 11-45 (Apt, Feb. 15, 1850); Courrier de la Drôme, Dec. 18, 1851; Vigier, 2: 152ff, 278, 335; David, p. 15.

2290. AD, Finistère, 10 U7 (1867, 1886).

2291. AG, MR 2281 (Nièvre, 1862); Bois, Paysans (1960 ed.), pp. 68–69, quoting a primary school inspector’s report of 1873.

2292. AN, F17 9259 (Côtes-du-Nord). See also Lagarde, p. 19.

2293. Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, p. 99; Trébucq, Chanson populaire et la vie rurale, 1: 233. AG, MR 1218 (1825), contains a report concerning the area of St.-Pons and St.-Amand (Hérault) that gives a rather ironic account of local customs as odd as those of savages. In AD, Pyrs.-Ors., 3M1 224, the commissaire spécial at St. Laurent refers (Feb. 11, 1896) to “ces contrées à demi-sauvages,” inhabited by besotted populations.

2294. Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 252-53.

2295. See Agulhon, 1848, p. 120. Yet none of the court records on rural arrondissements that I have examined shows any prosecution under this law up to 1906.

2296. Marcilhacy, “Emile Zola,” p. 583.

2297. Merley, p. 247.

2298. Elisa Chevalier, p. 274; AG, MR 1274 (1857).

2299. Léon Gambetta, Discours et plaidoyers politiques, 2 (1881): 22, 29.

2300. AN, F17 9269 Morbihan, (insp. gén., June 8, 1880); Instruction primaire, 1: especially p. 805; Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, p. 30.

2301. Combes and Combes, p. 41.

2302. Stendhal, Vie de Henri Brulard, quoted in François, pp. 769-70; Flaubert, 1: 285.

2303. Bardoux, p. 228; Déribier Du Châtelet, pp. 180, 182.

2304. David, pp. 15-16, 20-22; Bonnemère, 2: 352.

2305. AG, MR 2281 (Le Mans, 1861; Bourges, 1862), MR 2262 (1873).

2306. Fage, Autour de la mort, p. 4; Ardouin-Dumazet, 34: 335; Mauriac, p. 34.

2307. On Parisians, especially of the lower and working classes, despising countrymen, see René Bonnet, Enfance, pp. 24ff: “péquenot,” “bouseux,” “encore un qui n’a pas été baptisé à Notre Dame,” etc.

2308. Le Gallo, 1: 62-65; La Croix des Côtes-du-Nord, Dec. 23, 1894.

Notes to Pages 7-14

[[507]]

29. Encyclopédie, 6 (1756): 527, under “Fermier”; Bois, Paysans (1960 ed.), pp. 298, 301.

30. Mme. Clément-Hennery, Promenades dans l’arrondissement d’Avesnes (1828), quoted in Van Gennep, Folklore de Flandre, 1: 14; Demolins, Supériorité, p. 226.

31. Mandrou, 1975 ed., p. 177; Nelli, p. 33. The Progrès libéral of Toulouse noted the custom as late as 1878. See Jalby, p. 17. Others used the notion of race in a similar context. See Audiganne, Populations, 2: 49; and Méline, p. 218.

32. Esnault, Imagination, pp. 100-102; Garneret, p. 89; Bodard, pp. 27-28; David, p. 13; Betham-Edwards, France, 1: 164.

33. Esnault, Imagination, pp. 284-85. Local speech often assimilated middle-class arrogance and Parisian pretensions. On Picardy, see Picoche, p. 77. In Saintonge they said of an uppity parvenu(e): “On dirait que son thiu é d’la ville de Paris!” (Doussinet, Le Paysan, p. 441.)

34. AD, Ariège 5M3 (July 5, 1856); Souvestre, Derniers paysans, 1: 133.

35. Halbwachs, “Genre de vie,” pp. 439-55. Just as revealing, in the 163 pages of Redfield’s Peasant Society and Culture, there are copious references to Islamic, Asian, African, and Latin American societies and cultures but scarcely any remarks about Europe.

36. Thus in 1901 one survey, among many, could speak of “almost all our youth.” Eugène Montfort, “Les Tendances de la jeunesse française au XXe siècle,” La Revue, June 15, 1901, pp. 581-609.

37. Haussmann, 1: vii.

38. Blanqui, “Tableau,” 28: 9-13, and 30: 1.

39. Ibid., 30: 1; Bonnemère, 2: 355. See Lavergne, Agriculture, p. 416, for confirmation of the prediction ten years later.

40. Gambetta, Discours (cited in note 19 above), 4: 317–30.

41. Baudrillart, 3: 389.

42. Lavergne, Agriculture, p. 416.

43. Jules Brame (Nord) in Moniteur universel, June 19, 1861, pp. 928–29.

44. Jeanton, Légende, pp. 72-73; Cobb, Police, p. 297.

45. Cénac-Moncaut, Littérature, pp. 309, 312; Cénac-Moncaut, Conte populaire.

46. Evocations, Oct. 1965, pp. 22-24.

47. Souvestre, Derniers Bretons (1843 ed.), p. 118.

48. Le Patriote savoisien (Chambéry), Sept. 9, 1870, quoted in Lovie, p. 493.

49. Corbin, pp. 1087, 1106.

50. Ibid., pp. 678-79; Vigier, 2: 164, 312-13.

51. (London) Times Literary Supplement, May 4, 1973, P. 490.

52. AN, Fic V Loiret 6 (conseil gén., Aug. 1840); L’Echo du Cantal, May 31, 1856.

53. Gorse, pp. 37, 45; Robert Sabatier, p. 249; Doniol, Patois, pp. 107-8; Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, p. 240.

54. Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 166-67; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 386-87; Vazeilles, 2: 6; Rouchon, 1: 84, and 2: 113; Gorse, p. 125.

55. Decoux-Lagoutte, p. 36; Coissac, p. 238; Marius Vazeilles, Bulletin de la Société des Lettres, Sciences et Arts de la Corrèze, 1956, p. 12.

56. AG, MR 1282 (Puy-de-Dôme, 1850); AD, Ariège 5M3 (1850).

57. See Blanqui, “Tableau,” 30: 5, claiming that over one million lived at this level of destitution in the mid-19th century; AD, Yonne III M1 131 (July 7, 1849); and Lafayette, “Paysages,” p. 538.

58. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 246 (1888). The bourrée is from Poueigh, Chanson populaires, 1: 203: “Bido d’un pastou/ Bido régalado/ Le maiti léitou/ La neit, la calhado.”

59. J.-A. Delpon, 1: 199.

60. Malon, p. 100.

[[508]]

Notes to Pages 15-23

61. Chaix, p. 274; Malon, p. 100; Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, p. 244; Pérot,

p. 231.

62. Durand-Vangarou, 1 (1963): 337, and 2 (1964): 284, 312; Ardouin-Dumazet, 29: 242. See also Violet, Clessé, p. 114 (Mâconnais); Vidalenc, Peuple des campagnes, p. 99 (Châteauroux); Maupassant, 1: 264-65 (Lower Brittany); and Pasquet, p. 135 (Morvan).

63. Leproux, Médecine, p. 30; AD, Finistère 4M (Aug. 29, 1872).

64. See especially AN, BB 1935 and 1936; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 246 (Apr. 29, 1889); Lovie, p. 314; and Polge, Matériaux, p. 22.

65. AN, BB30 370 (Agen, Jan. 6, 1862).

66. Revue de Gascogne, 1884, quoted in Polge, Matériaux, p. 22: “Qui de palhe ague cobert, goarde que lo foec no s’y day de près.”

67. Bonnemère, 2: 392-93; Buffet, Bretagne, p. 38. Even before machines, the introduction of scythes, which close-cropped the fields, and of rakes left little stubble suitable for thatch, as the Minister of Agriculture observed about Picardy in 1869. At the same time, a number of departments offered subsidies designed to encourage the replacement of thatch (Degrully, p. lxxxi).

68. Michel Chevalier, p. 669; Fourcassié, pp. 63-64; Ardouin-Dumazet, 40: 21.

69. Perron, Proverbes, p. 22; Barbizier, 1950, p. 376; Francus, Midi de l’Ardèche, p. 233. 70. Cobb, Police, pp. 317-18; AN, BB 24 327-47; AD, Yonne III M1 114 (préf., Nov. 7, 1839); AN, BB 24 327-47 (préf. Indre, 1848), Fic III Ariège 7 (sous-préf. St.-Girons, Dec. 27, 1853), Fic III Loiret 12 (1856-68), BB 30 371 (Angers, July 18, 1854).

70. Blanchard, p. 190; Lavergne, Agriculture, p. 102; J. A. Barral, Agriculture de la Haute-Vienne, p. viii.

71. AN, BB 18 1766, 1769, 1775 (Toulouse, Mar.-Aug. 1868).

72. Bunle, p. 84.

73. Michel, p. 226, quoted in Thomas, p. 21.

74. Perron, Proverbes, p. 66; Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 246.

75. Juge, pp. 139, 150; Renard, Philippe; Francus, Voyage Fantaisiste, 2: 36.

76. Garneret, pp. 25, 30; Esnault, Imagination, p. 195. See the images in Méraville, p. 337: “batailler contre la terre,” “lutter la vie,” “on lutte la misère,” etc.

77. AN, Fic III Hte-Vienne 11 (préf. Hte.-Vienne, Sept. 30, 1858). On mediocrity, see the quote of Nicolas-François Cochard, administrator and historian of the First Empire, in Savigné, p. 12. “La loi divine du travail” was invoked by the Marquis de Beaucourt, president of the Société Bibliographique et des Publications Populaires, at the society’s congress of Nov. 1890, supported by an impressive quotation from Monsignor Dupanloup (Congrès, 1890, p. 12).

78. AG, MR 1218 (Hérault, 1825); Labrune, p. 295; Bardoux, p. 231.

79. AD, Yonne III M1 234 (comm. de police St.-Florentin, Aug. 30, 1865); AN, BB 30 373 (proc. gén. Besançon, July 13, 1866); Boscary, pp. 214-17, quoting comm. de police of Aubin (Aveyron), 1866; Bastié, 2: 152; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3 MI 224 (comm, spécial St.- Laurent, June 30, 1895).

80. HE II, Cesse (Meuse), 1899; Labourasse; AD, Vosges 11 T 18 (Damas-aux-Bois). 82. Baudrillart, 3: 120.

81. Lafayette, “Paysages,” p. 549; Théron, p. 498.

Epigraph. Essays: of Superstition.

Chapter Two

I. Lavisse, Année préparatoire, pp. 41ff.

2. Côte, p. 54.

3. Littré, p. 13; Leproux, Médecine, pp. 30-35 (spells as protection); Ardouin-Dumazet, 30: 147 (Roquefort); Pérot, pp. 34, 141 (hunter’s guns, marcous).

Notes to Pages 24-35

[[509]]

4. Lapaire, pp. 11-12; Déribier Du Châtelet, 2: 126; Drouillet, 4: 15-16, 31, 62–63. On the fate of the dead priests, see also Sébillot, Folk-lore, 4: 175.

5. Séguin, Canards du siècle passé, fig. 11; Van Gennep, “Cycle préhivernal,” p. 19; Moiset, pp. 128-29. In George Sand’s Berry, too, “wolves” or werewolves could be a cover for marauding gangs wearing wolfskins (Vincent, pp. 246–47).

6. Barral, Agriculture de la Haute-Vienne, p. 747; Marcelle Mourgues, “Mérimée à Cannes,” Provence historique, July 1956, p. 194; Brekilien, p. 226; Hertz, pp. 186-87.

7. Duclos, 1: 24; Jalby, pp. 116, 119 (“S’érou pas las pooüs, los ritous crébarien de fan”); Dieudonné, 1: 103-6; Déribier Du Châtelet, 2: 126.

8. Souvestre, Derniers paysans, 1: 28; Brekilien, p. 241; Petit journal, June 1863; Claude Seignolle, Les Evangiles du diable (1967), p. 194; Pérot, pp. 122-23.

9. Jalby, p. 270; Bouteiller, Sorciers, p. 153.

10. Labrune, pp. 363ff; Marcilhacy, Diocèse du XIXe siècle, p. 127; Pérot, pp. 25, 104. II. Drouillet, 4: especially p. 140; AN, F17 9267 (Lozère, 1881).

11. Leproux, Médecine, pp. 48-49; Barker, Summers, p. 241; Feret, 1: 321-22.

12. Buffet, Bretagne, p. 44; Fage, Fontaines, p. 5.

13. Polge, Quelques légendes, pp. 71-81.

14. Polge, Etudes et documents (n.d.), 2: 57; Francus, Valgorge, pp. 46-47; Pérot, p. 9. 16. Pérot, p. 40; Violet, Autrefois, p. 39; Barker, Summers, p. 241; Polge, Quelques légendes, p. 76.

15. Fage, Autour de la mort, pp. 11-12.

Epigraph. Paradise Lost.

Chapter Three

1. Brochon, Chanson française, 2: 110-12: “Bravant la routine et sa haine, / Dans sa valeur puisant son droit, / La mesure républicaine / A détroné le pied de roi.”

2. AD, Cantal, Répertoire de la série T, 1: 61; AN, Fic III Ariège 7 (July 25, 1855). 3. AD, Vosges 11 T 19 (instituteur Docelles); Bois, Paysans (1971 ed.), p. 227; EA, Bassigny (Hte.-Marne); Ricard, p. 54; Haudricourt and Delamarre, especially p. 415.

3. Mazon, p. 45.

4. AD, Gironde, ser. U., Tribunal de Bazas, Police correctionnelle; AN, F17 10757 (Bas-Rhin, 1861).

5. AN, F11 2734 (Enquête agricole, 1867, p. 321), F11 2727 (Enquête agricole, 1866, “Résumé des voeux émis dans les commissions départementales”).

6. AG, MR 1212 (Isère, 1843), MR 2267 (1874); Pujos (Castelnau); Buffet, Haute- Bretagne, p. 148; Baudrillart, 3: 421; Gorse, pp. 42-43.

7. Reynier, Histoire, 3: 151; Pérot, Folklore, pp. 155-56; Gorse, pp. 42-43.

8. J. A. Barral, Agriculture de la Haute-Vienne, p. 75.

9. Hubscher, p. 365.

10. Perrin and Bouet, p. 90; Collot, p. 10; Dussourd, p. 57; Lejeune, 2: 210-11.

11. Machenaud, p. 51.

12. Clément Brun, p. 57 (Savoy); Cénac-Moncaut, Colporteur, pp. 10-11 (southwest); Duchatellier, Agriculture, pp. 190-91 (Lower Brittany); Le Guyader, p. 12 (Quimper); Anthony, pp. 73-75 (Breton denominations).

13. Alfred Giron, p. 43; Barker, Wandering, p. 119; Gorse, p. 276.

14. AD, Puy-de-Dôme M.04478 (comm. de police, Brassac, July 26, 1896) and M.04469 (sous-préf., Riom, Sept. 25, 1896); Ardouin-Dumazet, 32: 209; Valaux, p. 77; Gagnon, 2: 260; Chataigneau, p. 426; Bourdieu, “Célibat,” p. 55.

15. Gadrat, p. 130; AN, F17 10757 (Ariège, Jan. 1861), BB18 1462 (proc, gén. Limoges, July 12, 1848); Thiriat, Agriculture, pp. 10-11; Audiganne, “Métayage,” p. 643; AD, Finistère 4M355 (Landerneau, June 6, 1870); Roger Brunet, p. 201.

[[510]]

Notes to Pages 35-42

17. Norre, p. 9; Ajalbert, En Auvergne, p. 77.

18. Maspétiol, p. 153; Combes and Combes, pp. 174, 175 (St.-Gaudens, southwest); AG, MR 1223 (Millas, Thuir, etc., Pyrs.-Ors., 1837); Bailly, p. 29 (Brie); Foville, Enquête, 1: 147 (Bresse); Mazon, pp. 33-34 (muleteers); Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 166 (Corrèze); G.-Michel Coissac, “Les Artisans de village,” Le Limousin de Paris, Oct. 15, 1912.

19. Armengaud, Populations, p. 90; Bachelin, Serviteur, p. 69; Evocations, 1963, pp. 79-83 (cash wages in Lower Dauphiné became routine after 1918); L’Aubrac, 2: 97; Foville, Enquête, 1: 147; Ricard, pp. 63-64; Brekilien, p. 78.

20. Nelli, pp. 171-72; AN, BB 30 370 (Agen, July 28, 1856); Passama, p. 52.

21. Lavigne, p. 375; AG, MR 1195 (Hte.-Saône) quoted in Vidalenc, Peuple des campagnes, p. 138; Octave Mirbeau quoted by Jean Longuet, La Raison, June 1908, p. 5.

22. Francus, Midi de l’Ardèche, p. 245: “Qui tire de l’argent/est content. / Il peut payer / Il faut s’en tenir près.”

23. Gorse, p. 27.

24. Corbin, pp. 205-7; Francus, Valgorge, p. 252.

25. Marcilhacy, Diocèse du XIXe siècle, pp. 138-40; Lavigne, p. 375; “Etat de la question des caisses d’épargne en France,” Journal des économistes, July 1874, pp. 9-10; Bigo, Pp. 207-8.

26. Portal, pp. 307-10.

27. Brochon, Chanson sociale, p. 67.

28. Girard, Politique, pp. 230-31; Corbin, pp. 205-21 passim; J. A. Barral, Situation, P. 54; AD, Hte.-Vienne M 101 (June 1909).

29. AN, Fic III Corrèze 3 (sous-préf. Brive, 1852); AG, MR 1300 (Hte.-Vienne, 1845); AN, Fic III Basses-Alpes (Apr. 15, 1856); Pariset, Lauragais, p. 187.

30. On working-class anti-Semitism, see Edmund Silberner, “Socialists and the Jewish Question, 1800-1914,” manuscript in my possession, as well as Professor Silberner’s numerous publications. See also a Ministry of the Interior circular of Mar. 21, 1848 (AD, Yonne III M1 116), reacting to the attacks on Jews after the February revolution. The workerpoets of mid-century readily identified banker and usurer with Jew. See Poncy, p. xvii (addressing his patron George Sand) and p. 70. The anti-Semitism of rural and urban Alsace is well documented. See Audiganne, Populations, 1: 157; Betham-Edwards, France, 1: 248; and above all Paul Leuilliot, “L’Usure judaïque en Alsace,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 1930, pp. 231-50; Leuilliot, L’Alsace au début du XIXe siècle (3 vols., 1959-60); and F. L’Huillier’s chapters in Dollinger, pp. 395-468.

31. See AD, Hte.-Vienne M 741 (sous-préf. St.-Yrieix, May 20, 1848), on the priest of Ladignac, who had 20 or 30 debtors in the commune and was owed at least 50,000 francs.

32. Demolins, Comment élever enfants, p. 2; Garneret, p. 7.

33. Thuillier, “Pour une histoire,” p. 261.

34. Bigo, p. 59. See also Corbin, p. 202.

Epigraph. Du pouvoir (Paris, 1947).

Chapter Four

1. Labat, En Gascogne, p. 8 (originally printed in RDM, Aug. 1, 1910, p. 637). See also G. H. Bousquet, “Quelques remarques sur l’évolution de l’économie domestique en France depuis Louis-Philippe,” Revue d’histoire économique et sociale, 1967, pp. 509-38. 2. Saint-Just quoted in C.-J. Gignoux, Saint-Just (1947), pp. 231-32; AG, MR 1282 (1827); Blanqui, “Tableau,” 30: 3-5; AD, Yonne VIII M45 (Feb. 10, 1847). Just how cut off some areas were may be seen from the opening lines of a marriage contract signed in Aveyron in the last years of the July Monarchy: “Du 14 janvier 1846. Napoléon par la grâce de Dieu et la volonté nationale, Empereur des Français, à tous présents et à venir. Salut. Par devant Me Jean Victor Auguste G., notaire royal à la résidence de

Notes to Pages 42-46

[[511]]

Saint-Chély d’aubrac.” L’Aubrac, 3: 309, quotes this without comment. One may compare it with a note in the Wall Street Journal of Aug. 8, 1975: “Economy-minded Democratic Gov. Dukakis of Massachusetts still uses stationery bearing the name of his Republican predecessor.”

3. Bonnemère, 2: 375; Hudry-Ménos, p. 635; Pariset, Lauragais, p. 44.

4. Railroads killed almost as many vineyards as the Phylloxera-those of Brie, among others, where under the July Monarchy the vine had reigned around Meaux. See Bailly, P. 15.

5. Meynier, A travers le Massif Central, p. 362; Gachon, Commune, p. 143; René Dumont, p. 187. Fauvet and Mendras, map 8, p. 33, shows that autarky still survived in large parts of Aveyron, Cher, Corrèze, Dordogne, Loire-Inf., Mayenne, Morbihan, Bassesand Htes.-Pyrénées, Sarthe, and Vendée. See also maps 10 and 11 on p. 34.

6. AG, MR 1282 (1827).

7. Robert Redfield, “Primitive Merchants of Guatemala,” Quarterly Journal of Inter- American Relations, 1939, pp. 42-56; Irwin Sanders, Balkan Village (Lexington, Ky., 1949), pp. 105-6.

8. AN, Dordogne F9177 (préf. to Min. de Guerre, Mar. 4, 1830); Gadrat, p. 127; Morère, “Revolution de 1848,” p. 61. On Nièvre and Allier, see AG, MR 1278 (1841); on Vendée, Cavoleau, pp. 92, 639; on Lozère and Aveyron, AG, MR 1274 (ca. 1836); and on Oléron, AG, MR 1233 (1847). See also, on Beaulieu, AG, MR 1228 (1843): Itiné- raire de Bayonne à Tulle, a fascinating document. Beaulieu-sur-Dordogne was chef-lieu of its canton of Corrèze. Its population in 1973 was 1,794.

9. Roubin, p. 105. “Better fart in company than die alone,” they said in Lower Vivarais; and it was well not to attract the disapproval of one’s neighbors for, as another proverb had it, “Mal vu, moitié pendu.” (Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 245.)

10. Ricard, p. 84 (Landes); Laurentin, 1: 51 (Lourdes); Guillaumin, Appui de la Manche, p. 73 (about the period 1903-5).

II. AG, MR 1234 (1822), MR 1274 (1857), MR 2275 (1877); Trébucq, Chanson populaire et la vie rurale, 1:51.

12. AG, MR 1282 (1827).

13. AG, MR 1274 (1836), MR 1278 (Nièvre, 1840); Lafayette, “Paysages,” p. 537; AG, MR 1274 (1826); Rocal, p. 269.

14. AG, MR 2267 (1873), MR 2275 (1877); Barker, Wandering, pp. 173–74; Trébucq, Chanson populaire et la vie rurale, 1: 51.

15. Mireur, 5: 280.

16. See, for examples among many, Jean Caziot, La Valeur de la terre en France (1914), p. 299; H. Germouty’s introduction to the 1912 ed. of Nadaud, pp. 11-12; and C.-F. Ramuz, Salutation paysanne (1929), p. 22. Administrative and cultural divisions were far from similar, and the pays reflected the latter. Thus, until the Revolution Aigurande in Indre belonged to Berry and the bishopric of Bourges though it was administratively linked to the Marche; but some of its outlying villages belonged to the Marche and the bishopric of Limoges. As a result, until the late 19th century the inhabitants of the lower part of town (Berry) called the upper town La Marche.

17. Poueigh, Folklore, p. 11: Cado terro sa guerro; / Cado pais soun bist; / Cado bilatge soun lengatge; / Cado parsa soun parla; / Cado maison sa faiçon. (Chaque terre sa guerre; / Chaque pays son aspect; / Chaque village son langage; / Chaque lieu son parler; / Chaque maison sa façon.)

18. Gorse, p. 210.

19. Armengaud, Populations, p. 12; AN, F179261 (Finistère, 1880), F179269 (Morbihan, 1880); Le Lannou, 2: 409; Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, p. 20.

20. Renard, Mots, pp. 22-25; Dauzat, Glossaire, p. 18.

[[512]]

Notes to Pages 47-54

21. AN, F17 9265 (Loire-Inf., May 4, 1880).

22. Audiganne, Populations, 2: 99-100.

23. Gachon, Auvergne, p. 145; Wylie, Chanzeaux, p. 16; Barbizier, 1950, p. 357; Francus, Voyage fantaisiste, 2: 465.

24. Michel Chevalier, “La Vallée de Campan et la République d’Andorre,” RDM, 1837, no. 4, pp. 618-42, quoted in M. Chevalier, p. 659; Perrin and Bouet, p. 185; Valaux, p. 67; Norre, p. 7.

25. Hérelle, Etudes, especially pp. 70-71. See also Assier, 3d ed., pp. 231-40.

26. Esnault, Imagination, p. 151; Jeanton, Légende, p. 32; Norre, p. 7. In Bourbonnais the term arcandier, derived from marcandier (peddler), means vagabond, thief, goodfor-nothing, like its needy and thievish prototype (see R. Brunet, p. 15).

27. Gorse, p. 210; Van Gennep in preface to Seignolle. See also Gadrat, p. 126.

28. Michel Chevalier, p. 176.

29. Norre, p. 7; Seignolle, pp. 33-34.

30. Guillaumin, Panorama, p. 60; Roubin, p. 164; Gorse, p. 286; Barbizier, 1950, p. 357; Hérelle, Etudes, pp. 165-66; Belbèze, p. 30.

31. Berthout, p. 23.

Chapter Five

Epigraph. “Justice, my friend, is like spiderwebs. It only catches little flies, the oxfly breaks the web.”

1. Blanqui, “Tableau,” 30: 14; Juge, p. 128; AG, MR 1300 (Hte.-Vienne, 1843); Leproux, Dévotions, p. 5.

2. Leproux, Dévotions, p. 5; Bougeatre, p. 17; Esnault, Imagination, pp. 227-28; Jeanton, Légende, p. 88.

3. Blanqui, “Tableau,” 30: 14; Sébillot, Littérature: Les huissers sont des fripons, / Les avocats sont des liche-plats, / Les procureurs sont des voleurs.

4. Labrune, pp. 267-78. Nor, of course, were they unaware that “judges excuse the wine and hang the bottle.” As another proverb had it, “It always rains upon the soaked” (Béteille, pp. 36, 177).

5. AG, MR 2267 (Ille-et-Vilaine, 1875); Belbèze, p. 108.

6. AG, ser. G8 (correspondance générale).

7. A. M. Guerry de Champneuf, Essai sur la statistique morale de la France (1833), p. 39; Levasseur, 2: 455; Gabriel Tarde, p. 69.

8. Levasseur, 2: 456; Szabo, pp. 39-40.

9. Davidovitch, pp. 45-47; Levasseur, 2: 443, 450; Robert Vouin and Jacques Léauté, Droit pénal et criminologie (1956), pp. 45-47. Compare A. Q. Lodhi and Charles Tilly, “Urbanization, Crime and Collective Violence in 19th-Century France,” American Journal of Sociology, 1973, pp. 296-318. Unfortunately, their data are confined to major crimes. For some explanations of statistical tides, see M. Perrot, “Délinquance et système pénitentiaire en France au XIXe siècle,” Annales: E. S. C., 1975, especially p. 72.

10. See Corbin, pp. 110-11; and AD, Gers M 2799 (gendarmes Nogaro, Sept. 3, 1875). II. Perrin and Bouet, pp. 198-200; Séguin, Canards du siècle passé, p. 43; Michel Chevalier, p. 611. For a striking illustration, in this connection, see the etching by Auguste Lepère entitled Pilleurs et épaves (undated but probably made in the 1860’s or 1870’s) in Gabriel P. Weisberg, ed., Social Concern and the Worker (Utah Museum of Fine Arts, 1973), no. 37, p. 86.

11. AN, F11712, préf. Nantes, quoted by Cobb, Police, p. 305. Folktales show little trace of sympathy for such outlaws; most reflect dread and fear of their vengeance. Only execution could deliver the peasants of their depredations, and this, in most stories, was carried out by gendarmes, who cut off the bandit’s head or burned him alive. See Marie-

Notes to Pages 55-60

[[513]]

Aymée Méraville, Contes populaires de l’Auvergne (1970), pp. 75-79 and especially pp.

I16-21.

13. AN, F12850 (Bastia, Jan. 31, 1896, Calvi, Feb. 6, 1896, Corte, Feb. 5, 1896, Sartène, Jan. 5, 1908, and passim).

14. AD, Yonne III M2217 (sous-préf. Joigny, Apr. 17, 1855); Flaubert, 1: 308. Dubief, p. 251, writing in 1911, asserted that there were no police forces worth speaking of in the countryside.

15. Gabriel Tarde, p. 98; Davidovitch, pp. 41-42. But when, as in 1870-71, police manpower was siphoned off for wartime tasks, the number of délits constatés fell off markedly. Note that by 1885 the number of police (14,886) and gendarmes (20,874) stood at about the level that was to obtain to the eve of the war (A. Lacassagne, Peine de mort et criminalité, 1908, p. 68).

16. Henri Polge, personal communication to author, Nov. 27, 1973 (Basque clergy); A.-E. de Saintes, Michel, le jeune chevrier (the cited novel); AG, MR 1221 (1835), MR 1223 (1837).

17. AD, Gers M 2237 (comm. de police, Lombez, Dec. 10, 1876), reporting that contraband matches were widely available, and that with the end of home searches people were buying more than ever. See also AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04476 (sous-préf. Thiers, July 27, 1890). The civil court files of Ste.-Menehould show prosecutions as late as 1885 for contraband tobacco, as late as 1888 for the possession of contraband matches, and as late as 1908 for the smuggling and illegal sale of matches (AD, Marne, 11 U 912 and 915).

18. J.-A. Delpon, 1: 204; AD, Lot 7 M 10 (which bulges with reports of such brawls between rival villages, 1816-47); Malaussène, p. 13.

19. AD, Finistère 4 M 322 (Mar. 2-14, 1866).

20. AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04478 (1896; 1897), Pyrs.-Ors. 3 MI 246 (1889-91); Le Finistère, Jan. 11, 1890 (for what this is worth, of three court cases reported in this issue, one was for theft and the others for rape, one involving a minor); AN, F712849; and F712850 (the Corsican files). Francus, Vivarais, p. 180, has a suggestive comment about the oncefamous cutlery of Montpezat (Ardèche): “L’adoucissement des moeurs parait avoir beaucoup nui au commerce des couteaux.” But not in the adjacent mountains.

21. AD, Finistère 10 U 7/39. One might add to this Yves Castan’s remarks about the 18th-century Gascon’s “propensity to suspicion, to fear, even to panic” on the slightest provocation. The trip home from a fair at nightfall, often in a drunken state, was frequently an occasion of great misapprehension and panic fears that turned into unpremeditated violence. See André Abbiateci et al., Crimes et criminalité en France sous l’Ancien Régime (1971), p. 168.

22. AD, Gers M 2172 (sous-préf. Lombez, Jan. 19, 1872), Cantal 42 M2 (July 22, 1861), Gers M 2799 (comm. de police Lectoure, Mar. 16, 1875), Marne 11 U 842 (tribunal civil Ste.-Menehould); Le Roussillon, Apr. 17, 1891.

23. Morère, Notes, p. 3.

24. AD, Finistère 4 M 351 (sous-préf. Châteaulin, June 9, 1853), Ariège 5 M 531 and 5 M 532 (1830-31 to 1846).

25. On troubles over forests, see Polge, Mon vieil Auch, p. 52; Deffontaines, Homme et forêt, p. 103; Louis Clarenc, “Le Code de 1827 et les troubles forestiers dans les Pyré- nées centrales,” Annales du Midi, 1965, pp. 293-317; AD, Yonne III M1141 (May 19, 1848), M2216 (Nov. 8, 1852); and AN, BB 30371 (Angers, Aug. 25, 1851). On the Demoiselles and their imitators, see Morère, Notes, p. 5; Michel Chevalier, especially pp. 357, 720-26; L. Gaillard, Montagnes de Massat (Toulouse, 1900); AN, BB181460 (proc. gén. Toulouse, to Min. Justice, Apr. 4, 1848); and AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3 MI 163 (sous-préf. Prades, June 14, 1879). The song is cited by Michel Chevalier, p. 720.

26. AD, Basses-Pyrs. (tribunal St.-Palais, police correctionnelle). See also L’Aubrac, 2:514

Notes to Pages 61-70

27, 99. Perrot, “Délinquance” (cited in note 9, above), p. 72, provides useful clarifications and tells us that whereas between 1831 and 1835 the yearly average of délits forestiers was around 135,000, by 1910 such offenses numbered only 1,798.

27. AD, Gironde, ser. U (tribunal Bazas, police correctionnelle); AD, Finistère, ser. U (tribunal Châteaulin, police correctionnelle).

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid.: 19 in 1856, 25 in 1880, and 52 in 1906 (while hunting offenses fell in almost the same proportion). The same is true at St.-Palais (Basses-Pyrs.): 25 in 1856, 49 in 1880, and 73 in 1905. But there infractions of the hunting laws declined later than in Finistère: 19 in 1856, 50 in 1880, and 34 in 1905. More than other categories of evidence, court and police records demand less an analysis of the raw statistics than a careful reading of what the internal evidence may reveal.

30. Gautier, Siècle d’indigence, p. 32.

31. Dupeux, p. 159; AN, C 956: “Enquête sur le travail agricole et industriel (décrêt du 25 Mai 1848),” Loir-et-Cher; AD, Cantal 110 MI (Jan. 22, 1847).

32. Armengaud, Populations, p. 157.

33. On Montmerle, see Gagnon, 2: 294-95. On chronic begging, see Jollivet, 3: 27; Valaux, p. 273; Baudrillart, 1: 629; Bulletin de la Société d’Emulation des Côtes-du-Nord, 1875, p. 29; and L’Aubrac, 2: 185-86. In Aubrac, as elsewhere, beggar tramps seem to have followed a regular circuit. Some landowners reimbursed their tenants for the aid they provided.

34. AN, BB 30 371 Angers (comm. de police Beaupréau, June 28, 1865); Guilcher, Tradition, pp. 34-35; Mignot, p. 26; P. Mayer, pp. 10-12; AD, Finistère 4M (Douarnenez, July 31, 1889, Sept. 6, 1890, May 1891; Pont l’Abbé, Oct. 24, 1889); Lovie, pp. 302-3.

35. AD, Gers M 2799 (comm. de police Mirande, Oct. 15, 1876).

36. Méline, p. 82 and especially p. 214; Dubief, p. 20.

37. AD, Finistère 10 U 7/57 (tribunal correctionnel Châteaulin, May 6, 1886); AD, Cantal 50 MI (series of circulars beginning in the Second Empire and running through 1901). See also AD, Cantal 40 M 11 (Apr. 1889). As late as 1911, according to Dubief, peasants were still reluctant to denounce beggars for fear of reprisals (pp. 241-42, 246–47).

38. Foville, Enquête, 1: 137.

39. Levasseur, 2: 443; AD, Marne 11 U 842 (tribunal civil Ste.-Menehould), Basses- Pyrs. (tribunal St.-Palais, police correctionnelle).

40. The latter could also perform a useful function by ridding communities of troublesome or unwanted members. See AD, Finistère 4M (Riec, near Pont-Aven, Dec. 31, 1900). The law of Dec. 7, 1874, sought to end the parents’ freedom to hand their children over to professional beggars or itinerant mountebanks, but the practice evidently continued. See Dubief, p. 125.

41. Habasque, 1: 289-90; Souvestre, Derniers Bretons, pp. 21, 42. Arbos, p. 203; Hamelle, p. 626.

Epigraph. Au bas pays de Limosin, p. 8.

I. Instruction primaire.

Chapter Six

23. Leroux, p. 18; Instruction primaire, 1; AEP, 4, Clamecy (Nièvre), report for 1882- 83; AD, Cantal, manuscript: “Département du Cantal: Statistique numérique présentant

la décomposition par canton du chiffre des conscrits de la classe de 1864 sous le rapport du langage.”

3. AN, F179271 (Basses-Pyrs., 1877; Pyrs.-Ors., 1875).

4. HE II (Pas-de-Calais).

5. Instruction primaire, 2: 993-94 (Tarn-et-Garonne); 2: 72 (Lozère).

Notes to Pages 71-78

6. Coornaert, pp. 164-65; Dauzat, Patois, p. 27.

7. A. Brun, Langue, p. 74; A. Brun, Recherches, especially pp. 435-36.

[[515]]

8. Grégoire, report read to the Convention, 16 Prairial, year II (May 1794), quoted by Dauzat, Patois, pp. 27ff, and by Gazier, pp. 290ff.

9. A. Brun, Recherches, pp. 473ff; G. Arnaud, Histoire de la Révolution dans le dé- partement de l’Ariège (Toulouse, 1904), pp. 47-48; Francisque Mège, “Les Populations de l’Auvergne au début de 1789,” Bulletin historique et scientifique de l’Auvergne, 1905, p. 124 (see also pp. 121-22); Gazier, especially p. 280, where at least one of Grégoire’s correspondents answered in such bad French that some of his phrases seem unintelligible. See also Hyslop, especially p. 48.

10. Gazier, p. 5.

11. A. Brun, Parlers régionaux, p. 111; Gazier, p. 5; Paul Sérant, La France des Minorités (1965), p. 30; A. Brun, Langue, pp. 96-97. See also Cobb, Police, p. 336.

12. AEP, 4 (Dec. 7, 1834).

13. Pécaut, Rapports, p. 71; Sarcey quoted by Maspétiol, p. 294; Baudrillart, 3: 7; Mazuy, p. xv; A. Brun, Parlers régionaux, pp. 115-16; Monzie’s circular of Aug. 14, 1925, quoted by Hayes, pp. 311-12.

14. Raoul de la Grasserie, Etude scientifique sur l’Argot (1907), p. 1; Louis Legrand, L’Enseignement du français à l’école élémentaire (1966), p. 39.

15. Van Gennep, Décadence, p. 14.

16. Gérard; Labrune, p. 57; AD, Cantal 39 M 9 (sous-préf. St.-Flour, Oct. 24, 1867). 17. Polge, personal communication to author, Nov. 27, 1973; AD, Gers M 2799 (comm. de police Gimaut, Sept. 26, 1875). For an example of the use of an untranslatable term, see, in the Gers file cited above, commissaire de police Lectoure, Mar. 16, 1875. Vidalenc, Peuple des villes, p. 49, mentions that in Rhône officers on half-pay acted as interpreters of Auvergnat in local courts.

17. AD, Finistère 10 U 7/23 (Châteaulin, 1856) (interpreters); Instruction primaire, 2: 950 (on Htes.-Pyrénées, where one often hears witnesses give evidence in patois, occasionally translating some word for the benefit of judge or jurors); Baudrillart, 3: 361 (Ariège); Le Blond (Midi).

18. Officers: AG, MR 1300 (Hte.-Vienne, 1824), MR 1236 (Morbihan, 1827), MR 1274 (Lot-et-Garonne, 1826), MR 1231 (Gironde, Landes, 1844), MR 1228 (Basses-Pyrs., 1856). Doctors: AD Ariège 8 M 28 (1854); Armengaud, Populations, p. 328.

19. AG, MR 1274 (Cantal, Lozère, 1844); Armengaud, Populations, p. 429; David, p. 220; Duclos, I: 141.

20. AG, MR 2262 (Azay-le-Rideau, 1874), MR 2270 (Htes.-Pyrs., 1877), MR 2284 (Montpellier, 1860; Périgueux, 1877); L. Favre, Parabole de l’enfant prodigue en divers dialectes, patois de la France (1879); Maupassant, 1: 264.

21. AN, F179275 (Tarn, 1875; insp. gén., 1877; Deux-Sèvres, 1881); F179277 (Vienne, Hte.-Vienne, insp. gén., 1879, 1881); AD, Hte.-Vienne 4 M 85 (police report, Jan. 13, 1910).

22. Pécaut, Rapports, pp. 45 (Lot-et-Garonne), 58 (Basses-Pyrs.); Buisson, 1.2: 730, 1650. Note that when, at the end of 1883, Nietzsche took lodgings in the old city of Nice (or Nizza, as he always called it), all the workers and clerks in his neighborhood spoke Italian.

23. Malègue, Guide de touriste; Baudrillart, 3: 577; AD, Ariège 5 M 105 (maire Orgeix, Apr. 25, 1887).

24. Laurentin, 1: 153.

25. Dauzat, Patois, p. 32; AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0275 (1899); Gorse, pp. 11-12.

26. Betham-Edwards, France, 1: 6, 345; Ajalbert, En Auvergne, p. 67; Barker, Wayfaring, p. 35; Baudrillart, 3: 333; Barker, Wandering, p. 56.

[[516]]

Notes to Pages 78-85

28. Desormaux, pp. 254-55; Bloch, pp. 4-7. Maurice Robert, in his edition of Léon Dhéralde’s Dictionnaire de la langue limousine (Limoges, 1968), 1: xliii, quotes this comment: “Et si on faisait un congrès de langue d’oc. Hé Di! Millé Dious! Pecaïré! Mais pour que chacun des délégués comprenne, il faudrait que les orateurs s’expriment en français.”

29. Duclos, 1: 141; André Martinet, L’Express, Mar. 24-30, 1969, p. 43 (on the linguistic effects of war, to which may be added the testimony of Picoche, p. x); P. Barral, Département de l’Isère, p. 71; Bloch, pp. 4-7. Simin Palay’s Béarnais comedy of 1927, Lou Franchiman, presents just such a situation, in which the village young are sorely tempted by the national language and “feel ashamed of those at home… bound to speak mangled French.” (See Gaston Guillaume, Le Théâtre Gascon, 1941, pp. 95-99.) An old proverb of Béarn warned: “Qu’auera maü per lous Bernès quoun lous hilhs parlent francès” (It’ll go badly for the Béarnais when their sons speak French). Quoted in G. B. de Lagrèze, La Société et les moeurs en Béarn (Pau, 1886), p. 347.

30. Violet, Clessé, p. 128; Dauzat, Patois, p. 33; Laborde, p. 357; P. Barral, Département de l’Isère, p. 71; Léon Deries, L’Institutrice au pays normand (Saint-Lô, 1899), p. 4.

31. Bardoux, p. 239.

32. Mazuy, pp. 75-76; A. Brun, Français, pp. 12-13; A. Brun, Parlers régionaux, pp. 8-9.

33. Alphonse Roche, p. xviii. Two score years later, 10,000 copies of the Armana were printed.

34. Beslay, p. 97.

35. A. J. Rance, “L’Académie d’Arles,” Revue de Marseille et de Provence, Nov. 1888, p. 486; Louis Gaillardie, Dans les rues de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1898); Poueigh, Folklore, p. 190; Malaussène; Dauzat, Patois.

36. Clough, pp. 276-78; Coornaert, pp. 266-67 (p. 287: in 1857 the mairies of Bailleul and Cassel still made out birth and death certificates in Latin). Instruction primaire, 1: 64, referred to the same problem in the Corsican context: everyone used Corsican, even the schools until 1862; but because actes de l’état civil were now being drawn up in French, the language was slowly spreading.

37. Coornaert, pp. 306–7.

38. Mayeur, Abbé Lemire, p. 15; Baudrillart, 2: 277.

39. Coornaert, pp. 323, 324.

40. Duchatellier, Agriculture, p. 181; P. M. F. Pitre-Chevallier, La Bretagne ancienne et moderne. (1845), p. 648, quoted by Le Gallo, 2: 402; Flaubert, 1: 314, and again p. 326. 41. Prefect Finistère, 1881, quoted by Le Gallo, 1: 61; AD, Finistère 4M (préf., Oct. 1879); Revue pédagogique, Oct. 15, 1892, p. 376, Mar. 15, 1894, p. 217.

41. Revue pédagogique, Oct. 15, 1892, p. 376, Mar. 15, 1894, p. 217; Perrin and Bouet. 43. Drouart, p. 24.

42. Gostling, pp. 34, 109, 137; D. A. G. Trégoat, L’Immigration bretonne à Paris (1900), p. 9; Le Bourhis, p. 9; Bonneff and Bonneff, Classe, p. 197.

43. Bonneff and Bonneff, Classe, p. 197; Lebesque, p. 117.

44. Baudrillart, 1: 424-26.

45. La Langue bretonne.

46. A. Brun, Langue, p. 9: “La plume et l’encrier appellent le français.”

47. Dauzat, “Breton,” p. 227; Dauzat, Glossaire, p. 10.

48. Instruction primaire, 1: 129; Boillot, Français.

49. Morvan: Baudiau, 1: 52-53; Forestier, Yonne, 1: 373. Burgundy and Champagne: AG, MR 2264 (Côte-d’Or, 1875), MR 2268 (Marne, 1877). Poitou: L. Buffières, Géographie communale… du département des Deux-Sèvres (Niort, 1875), p. 48. Beauce and Perche: Société Archéologique de l’Eure-et-Loir, 1868 survey, manuscript no. 21 in Biblio-

Notes to Pages 85-92

[[517]]

thèque Municipale, Chartres, quoted by Giret, p. 17. Marche: Corbin, pp. 448ff. Moulins: Pérot, p. 119. See also HE II concerning the Argonne.

52. Renan quoted by Jacques Monfrin, in François, p. 773; HE II (St.-Chély, Ste.- Enimie in Lozère, 1888); Ardouin-Dumazet, 31: 183; Wylie, Village, p. 297.

53. AD, Cantal 39 M 9 (Oct. 24, 1867).

54. Forestier, Yonne, 1: 203; AG, MR 1274 (Lot, 1844); J. Sabbatier, p. 132; Marouzeau, pp. 102-3; Doussinet, p. 77.

55. Arnold Van Gennep, Revue des idées, June 15, 1911, pp. 8ff; Coissac, pp. 188-89. 56. Hérelle, Etudes, p. 152.

56. AG, MR 1218 (Hérault, 1828); Ariane de Felice, “Contes traditionnels des vanniers de Mayun (Loire-Inf.),” Nouvelle revue des traditions populaires, 1950, p. 456.

57. Polge, “Gascon,” p. 150.

58. Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 647.

59. Berthout, p. 135; Perdiguier, p. 32.

60. A. Brun, Parlers régionaux, pp. 115ff; Paul Mariéton’s introduction to Joseph Roux, p. 11; Pariset, Lauragais, p. 13. Ardèche, Allier, Limousin examples: Reynier and Abrial, p. 9; Darnaud, p. 31. Oblates: Corbin, p. 995. Bilingual sermons: Polge, “Gascon,” p. 152. 62. Polge, “Gascon,” pp. 148, 152 (citing La Semaine religieuse de l’archidiocèse d’Auch, 1901, pp. 401, 423).

61. Dauzat, “Breton,” pp. 273-78.

62. Scorn of patois: Leroux, p. 1; Marouzeau, p. 29. Women’s role: R. Thévenelle, Revue pédagogique, Dec. 15, 1891, p. 536; André Guilcher, “L’Habitat rural à Plouvien,” Bulletin de la Société Archéologique du Finistère, 1948, pp. 36-39; Dauzat, “Breton.” Officer’s remark: AG, MR 1218 (1824).

63. Garneret, pp. 8-9; A. Brun, Parlers régionaux, pp. 132-35.

64. Dauzat, Essais, pp. 2-4.

65. Séguy, pp. 7–8; A. Brun, Parlers régionaux, pp. 135ff; A. Brun, Français, p. 17; Dauzat, Patois, pp. 33ff. Simin Palay’s Franchiman (see note 29, above) is a caricature of a widespread type, speaking an incongruous mixture of Gascon and French: “Puis après, bous sabez, faut aboir des magnières des gens dé comme il faut. Et j’en connais pas guères qu’ils soient, comme on dit, un quelqu’un distingué. Moi, bous sabez, je fus dé tire arremarqué.” In the popular stories of Saintonge, a well-known figure is Chanfroésit, whose name derives from chanfroéser: to speak French incorrectly and in an affected manner. Thus, Chanfroésit takes his leave: “Et aghréghez mes civilizations accélérées” (Doussinet, Les Travaux, p. 333).

66. On Vosges and Meuse, respectively, see Bloch, p. 125, and Labourasse, pp. 19-20. 69. Paul Cornu, “Les Parlers nivernais,” Cahiers du Centre, 5.54 (July 1913), pp. 31-35. 70. Polge, personal communication to author, Nov. 27, 1973. Compare Redfield, p. 48, on the Yucatan, where maize in the field has one name and maize for sale in the market has another.

67. Lefebvre, Vallée, p. 219.

68. Dauzat, Patois, pp. 49-53-

69. Doniol, Patois, p. 52; Brekilien, p. 77. See also C. Bally, p. 83; Dauzat, Défense, p. 79; and F. Marullaz, Hommes et choses de Morzine (Thonon, 1912), pp. 216-17.

70. As does the old usage cited by Littré: parleüre.

71. J. Sabbatier, pp. 1-5. For references to the same point in Landes and Yonne, see Ricard, p. 98, and Lizerand, p. 55, respectively.

72. Francus, Valgorge, p. 16; Duneton, pp. 90-94. Deutsch, p. 62, observes: “Silences are eloquent. Without silences there is no speech.” Marouzeau, pp. 30-36, claims that the Limousin peasant had no word for love, just factual descriptions; and Baudrillart, 3: 422, points out that, lacking an equivalent for the French respect, the peasant of Tarn used

[[518]]

Notes to Pages 92–100

the word for fear, so that a child was taught to fear his father. Yet Dhéralde (cited in note 28, above), 2: 278, lists omour, omouroucha, and omouron, as well as respe.

77. Duneton, pp. 84-85; Mendras, “Sociologie,” p. 323.

78. Labat, Ame, p. 178.

79. Duneton, pp. 185, 194; Labat, Ame, p. 179; Bonheur, République, p. 32; Sénéquier, pp. 186ff; Charles de Tourtoulon, Des Dialectes et de leur classification (1890); Beaulaygue, p. 6. Hence the importance of familiarity with this other, outside culture and its frame of reference; something that a peddler or army veteran might acquire, but a wise old villager might not, and that the new generation might in changing circumstances possess in greater degree than the old.

80. Duneton, pp. 101-2. Duneton notes that French has only four terms for certain cooking utensils compared with 10 in Corrèze speech (pp. 105-6, 201). Dhéralde (see note 28), 2: 283, lists 47 local names under the word bird (oseu).

81. Gorse, pp. 8-9.

Chapter Seven

Epigraph. Lettres sur l’histoire de France.

1. Taine, preface to Vol. 1 of Les Origines de la Révolution en France (1875).

2. Lavisse, Livret d’histoire: Année du certificat d’études, pp. 13, 19; Lavisse (with Thalamas), Opuscule, pp. 28-29.

3. Albert Soboul, “The French Revolution in Contemporary World History,” University of California, Los Angeles, Departmental Colloquy, photocopy, Apr. 1973, p. 4. See also, for example, Albert Mathiez, La Révolution française (1939), 1: 69.

4. Benda, pp. 11, 74, 76, 91-92. See also Pierre Fougeyrollas, La Conscience politique dans la France contemporaine (1963), p. 316.

5. Dupront in François, pp. 1440, 1442.

6. AG, MR 2153 (1860) around Clermont and Riom. At just this time the Abbé Féraud was writing about the men of Fours (Basses-Alpes) being forced “to abandon their patrie” to seek elsewhere the means that its soil could not provide (p. 409). See also Dupront in François, p. 1442. Vidalenc tells us that in Lyon Auvergnats and other immigrant horsains were treated as foreigners, and that during the hard times of 1848 natives “energetically” called for their expulsion (Peuple des villes, p. 49).

7. Hayes, pp. 3-5, 15.

8. Blanqui, Déboisement, p. 21; Angus B. Reach, Claret and Olives: From the Garonne to the Rhone (London, 1870), p. 59; Renan quoted by Benda, pp. 7-8.

9. Marc Bloch, Annales, Mar. 31, 1934, p. 180.

10. Juge, p. 116; Arthur Young, Travels During the Years 1787, 1788 and 1789 (London, 1792), pp. 146-47.

II. A. Brun, Introduction, p. 58; Grégoire, Papiers, St.-Calais (Sarthe), Ambérieux (Ain); Cobb, Police, pp. 307, 313, 315. See also Hyslop, pp. 62, 185, 186, 190.

12. A. Brun, Introduction, pp. 11off.

13. AN, F179262 (Oct. 1880); Barrès, 6: 294, 295; Labourasse, p. 86.

14. Coissac, p. 423; Deffontaines, Hommes et travaux, p. 400; Labat quoted by Paul Masson, La Provence au 18e siècle (Aix, 1935), 1: xxix; Mazuy, pp. 181, 224-25; Henri Vienne, Esquisses historiques: Promenades dans Toulon ancien et moderne (Toulon, 1841), quoted by Agulhon, Ville ouvrière, p. 48.

15. AG, MR 2280 (Bouches-du-Rhône, 1859, 1862).

16. Hertz, p. 116.

17. AG, MR 1228 (St.-Jean-Pied-de-Port, 1846): Pécaut, Rapports, p. 52, repeated almost word for word by Buisson, 1.2: 2507; AG, MR 1223 (Pertus, 1844): Alphonse Roche, p. 49.

Notes to Pages 100–108

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18. Joseph Roux, p. 183; Aimé Giron, p. 45; Coornaert, p. 324. Boulanger won the election.

19. Paul Sérant, La France des minorités (1965), p. 103; AN F179262 (Oct. 1880); Hyslop, p. 314.

20. Marlin, Opinion, pp. 7-8; Lovie, p. 495.

21. Gobineau, pp. 145, 150-54, 161; George Sand, “Journal,” Revue politique et parlementaire, 1870, pp. 593, 596, 608; Reynier, Histoire, 3: 308; Corbin, pp. 1349–51; Kanter, passim. For confirmation, see Gabriel Monod’s recollections of his war service with a field ambulance: Allemands et Français (1872). Of the francs-tireurs: “bandits, terreur du paysan qu’ils pillaient, battaient et ne défendaient pas” (p. 109). Of the peasants of Beauce: “Démoralisés et égoistes, ils étaient incapables de s’imposer un sacrifice pour nos soldats ou nos blessés, tandis que la peur et l’intérêt en faisaient souvent les alliés des Allemands.” An officer operating in the east during October 1870 gives further details. At Belverne (Haute-Saône) “la population… n’a pas pour nous de grandes sympathies. Au fond, son plus grand désir est que nous nous en allions pour laisser les Allemands arriver en paix, et je crois qu’on ne peut, ici, se fier à personne…. Mais comme il est pénible de se considérer, en France, comme en pays ennemi.” A few days later, in the region of Baume-les-Dames (Doubs), “en général nos reconnaissances sont assez mal reçues par les populations.” In one village a French patrol saw the people running to greet it with food and gifts, only to turn away when they realized that the men were not Prussians. (Comminges, pp. 245, 255-56.)

22. Gobineau, especially pp. 39-40; Flaubert (Apr. 29, 1871) quoted by Guillemin, p. 285; Barrès, 13: 88 (Nancy); Mignot, pp. 6ff (Bar-sur-Seine); Sébillot, Folklore, 4: 403.

23. On Savoy, see AN, BB 30 390 (proc. gén. Chambéry). See also Lovie, chs. 7 and 8, especially p. 429 (Lt. Col. Borson’s report of July 1864 to Maréchal Randon, Archives de l’Armée, 3G1); pp. 542-45 (on Gambetta); and pp. 560, 569 (on 1873 and 1874, respectively). The same is probably true of Nice, also only joined to France in 1860, also treated as a colony in the period following annexation, its natives backward and despised, according to Jacques Basso, Les Elections législatives dans le département des Alpes-Maritimes de 1860 à 1939 (1968), pp. 79-80. The prefect, aware of local resentment, referred to it repeatedly; and notably in a report of 1869 in which he spoke of the suspicion the annexed population felt for “l’élément français,” then crossed this out to write “l’élément nouveau.” In Nice, too, there seem to have been troubles in 1870-71. (See Basso, pp. 87, 118-27.)

24. Rambaud and Vincienne, p. 34.

25. Le Roy Ladurie, pp. 25-26, 70, 80-81. This commitment seems confirmed by Annuaire du Doubs (Besançon, 1843), p. 153, which reveals that on Jan. 1, 1841, the Doubs had 57 insoumis, compared with 400 in Loire, 684 in Cantal, 736 in Haute-Saône, and 1,309 in Basses-Pyrénées. On Ariège’s legendary proclivity to draft evasion, see Gadrat, p. 130.

26. AG, G81 (1853), G8183 (Pyrenees, 1874-76), MR 2283 (Ponts-de-Cé, 1859), 2280 (Corsica, 1860; Hérault, 1862), 2284 (Allier, 1864).

27. AG, MR 1268 (Loiret, 1828), 2277 (Brie, 1860), 2280 (Béziers [Hérault], 1862; Nice, 1869), 2262 (Puy-de-Dôme, 1873), 2284, 2261 (Gironde, 1873).

28. AG, MR 2262 (Hte.-Vienne, 1873; Indre valley [Indre-et-Loire], 1873), 2261 (Hé- rault, 1874), 2270 (Gard and Vaucluse, 1877). See also MR 2284 (Hte.-Vienne, 1876), predicting that one could expect “passive obedience [of the population of Isle and Aixe] as long as one was strong enough to impose it; but it would be useless to expect any spontaneous help in critical circumstances.”

29. Francus, Midi de l’Ardèche, pp. 177-78.

[[520]]

Notes to Pages 109–18

30. The information in this paragraph and following ones is drawn from three works by Paul Sébillot, Folk-lore, 4: 370-73, 379, 401, Notes sur les traditions (Naples, 1888), p. 11, and La Bohème galante (1873), p. 73; and from Bérenger-Féraud, Réminiscences, p. iv.

31. Jean Adhémar in Bibliothèque Nationale, comp., La Légende napoléonienne (1969); Sébillot, Folk-lore, 4: 394ff.

32. Bodley, Cardinal Manning, p. 185; Le Figaro, Feb. 3, 1907; Meynier, “Deux hameaux,” p. 370; Maurice Huet, Sabres de bois, Fusils de paille!!! (1905), pp. 70-71.

33. Fleurent, p. 325; V. Dupont, p. 118; Belbèze, p. 108; Jean Yole, Le Malaise paysan (1929), p. 264; AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 0127 (May 3, 1843); Pécaut, Etudes, p. 26; Dupront in François, p. 1465; Gambetta, speaking at Le Havre in April 1872, quoted by Gontard, Oeuvre, p. 5.

34. AD, Finistère 44 J 3.

35. AN, F179277 (Hte.-Vienne). The volumes of the Domrémy visitors’ book are in AD, Vosges. But again, see Le Figaro, Feb. 3, 1907: among the recruits surveyed in 1906, precisely half had not heard of Jeanne d’Arc. A smaller proportion, very likely, than would have been found in earlier decades.

36. Bouteiller, of course, is Barrès’s bête noire. See Les Déracinés in Barrès, 3: 202. 37. Carlton J. H. Hayes, Essays on Nationalism (New York, 1926), p. 5.

37. Alexandre Sanguinetti, quoted in Le Figaro, Nov. 12, 1968.

38. E. J. Hobsbawm, “From Social History to the History of Society,” Historical Studies (New York, 1972), p. 23.

39. Van Gennep, Décadence, pp. 4-5: “Vivre, c’est envahir.” This is more than social Darwinism. Say rather social Bergsonism!

Epigraph. En province.

Chapter Eight

1. See Table 3 in Georges Dupeux, Le Société française, 1789–1960 (1964), p. 20. One may add that when the Second Empire ended, fewer than one soul in four lived in a town of 5,000 or more; 38.4 percent in 1911.

2. See Zeldin, France, 1: 105-6; and Mayeur, Débuts, pp. 58-59. Pinchemel, Géographie, 1: 192, offers different figures.

3. Compare the French census figures for 1866 and 1896 broken down in L’Economiste français, Jan. 4, 1902.

4. AD, Creuse M 0710 (Dec. 20, 1873). As noted in EA, Morbihan, p. 11, many products were not covered in the statistics, partly because they were used in the home or in barter, partly because peasants tended to hide what they grew for fear of the tax collector. For plausible criticisms of the restricted scope of the Agricultural Survey of 1866- 67, see Dr. L. Vacher, L’Enquête agricole dans le département de la Corrèze (Brive, 1874).

5. Labrousse in Fernand Braudel and Ernest Labrousse, Histoire économique et sociale de la France, 1660-1789 (1970), p. 739; Jacques Bujault cited by Vidalenc, Peuple des campagnes, p. 348; officer cited ibid., p. 355.

6. Redfield, p. 27; Corbin, p. 33 (comparative tables of the weight of slaughtered cattle) and p. 30 (chief crops, 1840-52); E. Muret de Bort, “L’Agriculture ancienne et la nouvelle en Limousin,” Agriculture du centre, 1866, pp. 40ff.

7. Compare Soboul, Question, p. 57, with AG, MR 2267 (Aisne, 1875) and 2268 (Marne, 1877); Corbin, pp. 36-38; Norre, pp. 4-5; Augé-Laribé, Politique, p. 104; and Lovie, p. 170.

8. Corbin, p. 607.

9. Elicio Colin, “L’Evolution de l’économie rurale au pays de Porzay de 1815 à 1930,”

Notes to Pages 119–25

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Bulletin de la Société Archéologique du Finistère, 1947, pp. 61ff; EA, Côtes-du-Nord, p. 11; EA, Lozère; AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04478 (Brassac, Mar. 7, 1897); Ricard, p. 59; Bombal, p. 514 (Hte.-Dordogne); EA, Basses-Alpes, pp. 25-27 (Valensole). Mesliand, p. 135, places the Vaucluse peasant’s shift from a subsistence to a consumer economy in the 1900-1930 period.

10. Pérot, p. 206; Doussinet, Les Travaux, pp. 196, 342. Similar names can be found in most parts of France: witness Malemoisson, Malijai, or Maljasset (male jacet) in Basses-Alpes, which also boasts a hamlet named Infernet (Little hell); Féraud, pp. 225, 256, 376, 418.

II. Daniel Faucher, Evolution récente du genre de vie dans les campagnes françaises (1953, offprint).

12. Michel Chevalier, pp. 142, 146; AD, Marne 11 U 843.

13. EA, Allier 37, p. 7, Corrèze 37, 1: 4; Deffontaines, Homme et forêt, p. 33 (who adds that change was fastest where the landowners actively intervened). See Musset, Bas-Maine, pp. 336-37, on Mayenne, where the amount of fallow fell from 90,350 hectares in 1852 to 75,457 in 1862 and to a negligible 23,607 in 1892. Some gave up the practice entirely; others first reduced the fallow period from two years to one. But “slowly farmers cease [d] to let their lands rest.”

14. Corbin, pp. 387, 568. Again, the point is how much all this varied over time. Vidalenc, Peuple des campagnes, p. 346, tells us that for all practical purposes fallow disappeared in Upper Normandy around 1850, but persisted after that in some parts of the region. As for common pasture, this could still be found in the Ile-de-France until the 1890’s.

15. Théron de Montaugé, p. 605; Barral quoted by Corbin, p. 585; Corbin, p. 583. Garneret, p. 36, tells us that at Lantenne old leases indicate four carts of manure were used per journal. By the 1950’s this had grown to 8-12 carts for wheat, 15-20 for beets or potatoes.

16. AG, MR 1180 (Moselle, 1838); Corbin, pp. 33, 602. Compare Stendhal, 3: 128. 17. On Mayenne, see Musset, Bas-Maine, pp. 307; 352-53; and Bodard de la Jacopière, Chroniques craonnaises (Le Mans, 1871), p. 31.

17. Hérault, p. 180 (Vendée); Suret-Canale, p. 303; Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, p. 117; Lullin de Châteauvieux, Voyages agronomiques (1843), 2: 444.

18. Ardouin-Dumazet, 27: 280-81.

19. Cordier, p. 34; Sion, p. 349; EA, Dordogne, Seine-Inférieure.

20. Much of the information in this discussion is based on EA, passim. See also Gachon, Brousse-Montboissier, p. 43; F. Benoît, Provence, p. 160 (Provençal saying); F. Benoît, Histoire, p. 28; Lovie, pp. 168-69; and R. Brunet, p. 195. Colin (cited in note 9 above) finds the wooden plow still in use side by side with iron plows in Finistère around 1870-71, with the brabant first appearing in 1901.

21. EA, Indre-et-Loire.

22. Perrin and Bouet, pp. 137, 145; F. Benoît, Histoire, pp. 46-48 (in 1858 the Agricultural Society of Aveyron brought in harvesters from Tarn to encourage the use of the scythe in Aveyron); EA, Gard, Indre, Hte.-Marne, and others; Michel Chevalier, p. 693; Soboul, Communauté, p. 306.

23. Vazeilles, 2: 9; Abel Chatelain, “La Lente Progression de la faux,” Annales: E. S. C., 1956, pp. 495-99; EA, Gers. Note that at one time using a scythe on grain was regarded as a desecration (Henri Polge, personal communication). See also F. Benoît, Histoire, pp. 46–48.

24. EA, Aveyron and passim.

25. J. A. Barral, Agriculture du Nord, p. 50; R. Brunet, p. 196; Foville, Enquête, 2: 318; Evocations, 1963, pp. 79-83.

[[522]]

Notes to Pages 125-33

27. See F. Benoît, Histoire, p. 23; H. Chobaut, “L’Industrie des fourches de Sauve,” Mémoires de l’Académie de Nîmes, 1926-27 (Nîmes, 1927), p. 109; and the judicious remarks of Leroi-Gourhan, Milieu, pp. 383-86.

28. EA, Meurthe-et-Moselle 37, pp. 6-7; Perrin and Bouet, p. 149.

29. Thabault, Mon village, pp. 95, 99, 155, 156, 158; Haudricourt and Delamarre, pp.

420-22.

30. Cuisenier, pp. 91-92.

31. On the structure of fields and how that bears on society and mentalities, see Marc Bloch, Les Caractères originaux de l’histoire rurale française (Oslo, 1931); and Jules Sion’s review “Une Histoire agraire de la France,” Revue de synthèse, Mar. 1932.

32. EA, Côtes-du-Nord.

33. Hudry-Ménos, p. 605; Corbin, pp. 30, 35; AN, Fle III, Hte.-Vienne 8 (sous-préf. Rochechouart, Dec. 29, 1858); EA, Tarn, Nièvre; Thibon, p. 40; AD, Pyrs.-Ors., Sept. 30, 1895.

34. Valaux, p. 137; Vidalenc, Peuple des campagnes, p. 341; P. Mayer, pp. 4-5; J. A. Barral, Situation, p. 29 (investment in land brought 2-3% return, in cattle 8-10%). Barral’s book Agriculture de la Haute-Vienne, based on visits and surveys of the 1870’s, shows the critical role of capital, scientific enterprise, and rational accounting methods (themselves inspired by and based on capital) in developing and improving land. The average peasant stood no chance in that league. For further details, see Giovanni Hoyois, Sociologie rurale (1968), p. 37; and E. Affre, De l’histoire et de l’évolution de la race bovine limousine (1926).

35. J. A. Barral, Agriculture du Nord, 2: viii.

36. See AN, C 3372 (1884 report of prof. of agriculture, Limoges); and Corbin, pp. 607, 608. For specific examples, see La Réforme sociale, 1885, p. 466; Betham-Edwards, France, 1: 63-64; Ardouin-Dumazet, 34: 5; and R. Dumont in Bulletin de la Société Française d’Economie Rurale, July 1954, p. 22.

37. Serge Bonnet, Sociologie, pp. 29-30, 32; Longy, Canton, pp. 111-12; EA, Côtes-du- Nord, Creuse, Ille-et-Vilaine.

38. Foville, France, 2: 93; EA, Calvados, Jura; Le Guen, pp. 476–77.

Chapter Nine

Epigraph. Vie et opinions de M. Frédéric Thomas Graindorge (1959 ed.), 2: 274.

1. Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 240.

2. Garneret, pp. 198, 242; Perron, Proverbes, p. 60. See also Jalby, p. 198.

3. S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, p. 119; AD, Ariège 5M3 (Jan. 31, 1862).

4. Merley, pp. 236-37; AD, Hte.-Loire P5907-13 (1881), P5853 (1851).

5. Garneret, p. 200; Théron de Montaugé, pp. 81-82, 433; J.-A. Delpon, 1: 194-96; Bonnemère, 2: 481.

6. Souvestre, Derniers Bretons (1854 ed.), 2: 147; Malon, p. 104; Chaix, p. 274; Clé. ment Compayré, Guide du voyageur dans le département du Tarn (Albi, 1852), quoted in Armengaud, Populations, p. 151.

7. Lapaire, p. 7; Drouillet, 2: 77; Lafayette, p. 538; Thuillier, Aspects, p. 70. For the full text of the report, see Bourgoing, especially p. 403.

8. AG, MR 2280, 2281, 2284; J.-A. Delpon, 1: 194. Decoux-Lagoutte remarked, in 1888, that if the laborers of Treignac seemed soft, this was due to their poor diet, and that once the workingman had meat and wine he would be stronger (p. 55).

9. Plessis, p. 133; Corbin, p. 81.

10. AG, MR 2262 (1874); Francus, Valgorge, pp. 113-14; Violet, Clessé, p. 114. According to AG, MR 2284 (Hte.-Vienne, 1876), the area of Aixe and Isle, southwest of

Notes to Pages 133–38

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Limoges, was more prosperous and its peasants better fed than other parts of the department. Yet even there the peasants ate almost no meat, but lived largely on rye bread, corncakes, potatoes, and chestnuts. As for Gascony, “Ail e pan, repech dou paysan,” asserts the proverb (Daugé, p. 231).

II. AD, Vosges, 11T17; Gautier, Dure Existence, pp. 92-96; AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0274 (“Monographie de l’Instituteur de Miremont en Combrailles,” 1899).

12. Ardouin-Dumazet, 34: 115.

13. Le Bourhis, p. 69; Jules Renard, Le Matin, Nov. 21, 1908. According to Jules Sion, p. 457, the diet of the rural population in wealthier Normandy in 1909 had not changed much since 1863; it included a bit more alcohol, but no more meat. The daily fare consisted of potato stew, pickled herring, cheese, and watered cider. Thuillier, Aspects, p. 60, refers to a farm foreman around 1890 who had meat only on Sundays and used cheese to season his standard fare of potatoes, because cheese was cheaper than butter. Compare Cressot, p. 56, noting that there was little cream because a pound of butter could be sold for 12 sous.

14. Féraud, p. 145; Doussinet, Paysan, p. 210.

15. Gorse, pp. 92–95.

16. Ibid., pp. 92-95; Juge, p. 15; Sébillot, Coutumes, p. 341; Mignot, pp. 25-26; Bogros, p. 184. On peasants selling all they can, see AG, MR 1198 (Doubs, 1835); Picamilh, 1: 311; Max. Sorre, “La Géographie de l’alimentation,” Annales de géographie, 1952, p. 192; and Vazeilles, 2: I-4.

17. AD, Ariège Mh 72 (1845); Garneret, p. 206; Michel Chevalier, pp. 214-15. Common usage attests to the links between bread and all aspects of life. Decent people were “des bonnes pâtes,” peevish or surly ones were “mal cuits,” those who felt unwell were “cuits en blanc”; and a time of worry was “long like a day without bread” (Méraville, p. 292).

18. Layet, p. 166; Drouillet, 2: 77; Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 316; Betham-Edwards, France, 1: 109.

19. Blanqui, “Déboisement,” p. 17; René Bonnet, Enfance, p. 103; Van Gennep, Folklore des Hautes-Alpes, 2: 313; Deffontaines, Homme et forêt, pp. 79-80; Esnault, Imagination, p. 137; Foville, Enquête, 1; xxxiii; Coissac, p. 214; Perron, Proverbes, p. 60. See also the Gascon comment that “he who can’t cut it can’t earn it”-presumably not strong enough for either! (Jalby, p. 199.)

20. Turlier, p. 248; Besson, pp. 67-69; Decoux-Lagoutte, p. 22; Garneret, p. 293.

21. See Corbin, pp. 607ff, on the peasants’ attachment to a diet composed essentially of starches.

22. Perrin and Bouet, p. 171; Poueigh, Folklore, p. 35: “En boune maisou pâ dur e lègne sègue.” In the west, where barley bread remained the basic diet to the 1890’s, the saying persists, “grossier comme du pain d’orge.”

23. Thiriat, Vallée de Cleurie, p. 299; Decoux-Lagoutte, p. 22; Thuillier, “Alimentation,” p. 1178; Foville, Enquête, 1: 159; Le Guyader, p. 140. Around the First World War, old men in Berry, one of the breadbaskets of France, remembered the heavy, clayey barley bread they had eaten as “so black that today a dog wouldn’t have it” (Vincent, p. 137).

24. Perron, Franc-Comtois, p. 193; EA, Dordogne; AN, FicIII Ardèche II (Tournon, Dec. 30, 1858), FicIII Creuse 8 (Boussac, Aubusson, 1859); Corbin, p. 67; Pérot, p. 180. 25. Hérault, p. 200: 20 percent of the budget in 1850, 10 percent in 1900, 9 percent in 1913, 4.4 percent in 1957. And as bread consumed less of the budget it became less sacred. Compare Dauphin and Pézerat in Annales: E. S. C., 1975, p. 547: In 1856 bread provided 86 percent of the caloric intake of a southwestern peasant family.524

Notes to Pages 138-45

26. Deffontaines, Homme et forêt, p. 50; AG, MR 1234 (1822), 1218 (1844); Maspé- tiol, p. 146; R. Brunet, p. 199 (indicating that in Comminges the chestnut was still the poor man’s winter bread in 1886).

27. Bozon, Histoire, p. 216; Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 92-94; EA, Savoie; L.-A. Fabre, La Restauration des montagnes (Bordeaux, 1907), pp. 55ff. According to Fabre, an official survey in 1902 found that 39,000 ha. of forest land, with some four million trees between 40 and 100 years old, had disappeared in the preceding 10 years; 91,000 ha. of chestnuts alone were swept away between 1882 and 1907.

28. Garneret, p. 173; Pasquet, p. 24; Boillot, Traditions, p. 88.

29. Gérard, p. 7 (Vosges); Poueigh, Folklore, p. 34 (Pyrenees); d’Assier, pp. 37-38, 165; Perron, Proverbes, p. 60. Eating was also recognized as costly. In Auvergne a ruined man was said to have eaten his domain (Méraville, p. 291).

30. Poueigh, Folklore, p. 205; Baudrillart, 3: 608; Corbin, p. 69; Dr. de Wachter quoted in J. J. Hémardinquer, “Le Porc familial,” Annales: E. S. C., 1970, pp. 1745-59. 31. Le Bourhis, pp. 68-69; René Dumont, p. 465; Besson, p. 69; Sébillot, Coutumes, pp. 327-28. Until 1900 milk was the principal source of protein in the rural center and

west.

32. Perrin and Bouet, pp. 437-40. In the last third of the 19th century roast chicken appeared: “an innovation that clashed with Breton customs,” comments Le Guyader.

33. J. A. Barral, Agriculture de la Haute-Vienne, p. 681; AD, Hte.-Vienne 1 Z 105 (Bessines, Mar. 24, 1861); Thiriat, Vallée de Cleurie, p. 298; Machenaud, pp. 55-56; Cressot, p. 45. At Saint-Saud (Dordogne, pop. 3,000), itinerant butchers sold about 10 kg of meat a week in 1900 (Rocal, p. 159).

34. AG, MR 1180 (1842); Théron de Montaugé, p. 448. Théron adds that the peasants used a coarser flour.

35. Statistique agricole de la France. Résultats généraux de l’enquête décennale de 1882, p. 263; Jean Claudian in François, pp. 181-82. See also J. A. Barral, Agriculture du Nord, 2: 28; Lovie, p. 315; Romieu, p. 333; and Bonneff and Bonneff, Vie, pp. 11, 29-30.

36. Bastié, 2: 160; Corbin, p. 78.

37. Jean Claudian in François, pp. 181-82; Doussinet, Paysan, p. 203.

38. Labat, Ame, p. 221 (the article in which this story first appeared was published in 1913); Le Lannou, 2: 66-67.

39. Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 304, 354. See also Franchet, p. 111; and Pourrat, p. 184. 40. Gorse, p. 165; Buffet, Bretagne, pp. 152-53; Reynier, Pays, 1: 150; Ardouin-Dumazet, 36: 119-20; Belbèze, pp. 77-78; Renard, Nos Frères, pp. 18, 21.

40. Labat, Ame, p. 222; E. Le Roy Ladurie, “L’Aménorrhée de famine,” Annales: E. S. C., 1969, pp. 1589-1601.

41. Morin; Blanqui, “Tableau,” 30: 5; Combes and Combes, pp. 245-46; Perrin and Bouet, p. 79; Du Camp, p. 357; L. Lavault, “Châtillon-en-Bazois,” Cahiers du Centre, Aug. 1909, p. 16.

42. Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, p. 127; René Dumont, pp. 399-400; Roger Dion, Val de Loire (Tours, 1933), p. 622; Dion, “Géographie humaine rétrospective,” Cahiers internationaux de sociologie, 1949, p. 8; AD, Hte.-Vienne 1 Z 105 (Bessines, Mar. 24, 1861). 44. On drinking and the social role of the tavern, see Théron de Montaugé, pp. 82-83; AD, Ariège 5 M 3 (Pamiers 1857); AD, Yonne III M1117 (1849), M1119 (1851), M1233 (1862); Audiganne, Populations, 1: 30; Brochon, Chanson française, introduction, vol. 1; and Poncy, pp. 236-37.

43. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (Prades, June 14, 1879); Poueigh, Folklore, p. 88.

44. Fauvet and Mendras, p. 396; Théron de Montaugé, p. 449; Thiriat, Vallée de

Notes to Pages 145-54

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Cleurie, pp. 298-99; AG, MR 2262 (1874); Besson, pp. 67, 69; Boscary, pp. 224-25; Ricard, p. 101.

47. Pourrat, p. 192.

Chapter Ten

Epigraph. The Georgics of Virgil, tr. John Dryden (1697), Book 2.

1. Amussat, p. 263.

2. Aguilhon, pp. 34-35; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 224 (Rivesaltes, Jan. 8, 1896); AG, MR 2281 (Moulins, 1860); Thuillier, Aspects, pp. 56-57; Baudrillart, 2: 203.

3. AG, MR 2262 (Limousin, 1874); Francus, Valgorge, p. 346.

4. Corbin, pp. 99-100; Perron, Broye-les-Pesmes, p. 65; S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, pp. 148-51; Machenaud, p. 61; Coissac, pp. 211-12.

5. Drouillet, 4: 163; Ardouin-Dumazet, 32: 84; Pradier, p. 85; V. Dupont, p. 140.

6. AN, F179253 (May 1877); Charles Dumont, p. 20; Romieu, p. 332. Mme. Romieu noted further, “Soldat, il [the peasant] acquiert au régiment des habitudes de propreté qu’il ne conserve pas longtemps.” Doussinet, Paysan, p. 368: “We peasants work up a good sweat; it cleans the body.”

7. Francus, Voyage humoristique, p. 154; Francus, Voyage fantaisiste, 1: 40.

8. Doniol, Patois, pp. 64-65. Killing a cockroach was considered unlucky (Charrié, Bas- Vivarais, p. 173).

9. Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 290; Perron, Broye-les-Pesmes, p. 65; Coissac, pp. 211–12. 10. J.-P. Aron in Le Roy Ladurie, p. 228; Th.-C. Delamare, La Vie à bon marché (1854), pp. 304-5; Amussat, p. 257.

II. Cobb, Reactions, especially p. 67.

12. Chaix, pp. 274-76.

13. AG, MR 2277 (Isère, 1860); Dr. Darnis, Etudes sur le goitre et le crétinisme dans le Tarn-et-Garonne (Montauban, 1869); Charles Chopinet, “Etude sur le goitre et le rectalisme dans les Pyrénées Centrales,” Revue du Comminges, 1892, pp. 1-33; Michel Chevalier, p. 671.

14. Morère, Notes, pp. 8-12; AD, Yonne V M117 (Epidémies, 1831-46); Forestier, Yonne, 2: 197-204; Corbin, p. 129; Turlier, 1: 247-48, who states that at Lusigny, in Sologne (pop. 1,150) 60 died in 1865 and 59 in 1866, mostly of fevers; AD, Hte.-Vienne M 1047 (1877); Perron, Proverbes, p. 60.

15. Belbèze, pp. 30, 35-61, 76, 92ff; Francus, Voyage fantaisiste, 2: 10; Corbin, 6: xxxviii. In the thirteenth century, already, Albert the Great had found occasion in discussing impotence to remark that this evil spell “is found especially among peasants” (Flandrin, p. 86).

16. Tradition, pp. 248-51; Hamerton, Round My House, p. 249; L. A. Mouret, Des erreurs populaires en médecine (Le Puy, 1872), quoted in Rouchon, 2: 211; Le National, Feb. 1879, quoted in ibid., p. 220.

17. Francus, Voyage fantaisiste, 1: 88; AD, Hte.-Vienne 4 Z 6 (St.-Yrieix, July 6, 1889), Yonne V M131 (Aug. 16, 1841).

18. AD, Yonne V M131 (May 13, 1808). For confirmation, see Vincent, p. 210, on the peasant’s fatalism about illness: “He does not want to thwart destiny.”

19. Thuillier, Aspects, p. 71, quoting a report of 1851; P. Bidault, Les Superstitions médicales du Morvan (1899); Le Guen, p. 465 (Côtes-du-Nord). See also AG, MR 2267 (Isère, 1875); and Hamerton, Round My House, pp. 251-53.

20. A. Lesaëge, L’Homme, la vie et la mort dans le Nord au XXe siècle (Lille, 1972), P. 118.

21. Francus, Midi de l’Ardèche, p. 212.

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Notes to Pages 154-63

22. AG, MR 1233 (Charente-Inf., 1844); Monot, Mortalité, pp. 45-47. On the supposed hygienic advantages of country over town and the peasants’ acceptance of this urban myth, see Burguière, p. 76.

23. Barker, Wandering, p. 118.

24. Longy, Canton, p. 39.

25. Leproux, Médecine, pp. 30-32. See also Thuillier, Aspects, p. 80; and Francus, Voyage humoristique, pp. 231-32.

26. Gadrat, p. 128; Combes and Combes, pp. 100-101. Same note in Maine; see Musset, Bas-Maine, pp. 395-96. See also “Essai sur l’agriculture du département de la Mayenne en Mars 1852,” Bulletin de la Société de l’Industrie de la Mayenne, 1853, pp. 133-41.

27. Vazeille, 1:4.

28. Dainville, p. 155.

29. Amussat, p. 32; Perron, Broye-les-Pesmes, p. 65; Bougeatre, p. 21.

30. AD, Yonne III M1207 (Tonnerre, Mar. 20, 1852). Vincent, writing about George Sand’s Berry during the same period, confirms this; see p. 127.

31. Blanqui, “Tableau,” 28: 17.

32. Fauvet and Mendras, p. 396. See also the essays of Pierre Chaunu and Gabriel Désert in Le Bâtiment: Enquête d’histoire économique (1971).

33. In some areas the basic structure of houses became lighter, and traditional tile then became simply impossible. On architectural changes, see Drouillet, 2: 31; Valaux, p. 135; and Polge, Matériaux, p. 27.

34. Sion, p. 470.

35. AG, MR 2284 (Vienne, 1877); Drouillet, 2: 27; Foville, Enquête, 1: xxx; Valaux, pp. 137-40. The very poor, of course, continued for a long time to dwell in cottages that were like foul dungeons. See Sion, pp. 474-75, remarking that there had been little noticeable progress in Normandy in 1909.

36. René Dumont, p. 222; Drouillet, 2: 27; Polge, Matériaux, p. 42; Francus, Valgorge, p. 215.

37. AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0275 (Vic-le-Comte, 1899); Foville, Enquête, 1: xii, xxxix; Jeanton, Habitation rustique, pp. 88-92; Ardouin-Dumazet, 27: 45.

38. Jeanton, Habitation paysanne, p. 71; Jeanton, Habitation rustique, pp. 47-48; Foville, Enquête, 1: 138. For a report of the same usage in Normandy, see Sion, p. 473.

39. Bougeatre, p. 31; Doussinet, Paysan, p. 348; Poueigh, Folklore, p. 31.

40. Bougeatre, p. 31; Atlas, Allier, pp. 791-92; Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 54; S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, p. 158; Passama, p. 107 (Minervois); Colin, p. 72 (Brittany; but his comments suggest how few must have been affected at this early date); Foville, France, 2: 213 (Lorraine).

41. Camescasse, p. 112; Halévy, p. 35.

42. The 1848 survey quoted in Vigier, 2: 128; AG, MR 1236 (Morbihan, 1827); Doussinet, Paysan, p. 368; AD, Cantal 87 M1 (ref. Mauriac, 1864); Francus, Voyage fantaisiste, 2: 40. Edeine, 1: 254, tells the story of the Solognot landlord of the 1870’s who visited one of his tenants and was so moved by the state of the dirt floor that he offered to put flagstones in. “Mais nout’e maît’e,” answered the peasant, “alle est carr’lée la chamb’e, la tarre que vous voyez n’on la rapporte anvec les sabots, quand qu’i y en a trop, j’lenlevue anvec la bêche.” (But master, the place is flagged. The earth you see, we bring it in on our sabots. When there’s too much, I remove it with the spade.)

43. Perrin and Bouet, p. 25 (Brittany); Marin, Veillées, p. 14 (Moselle); Ricard, p. 55 (Landes); Conseils hygiéniques aux cultivateurs des campagnes, par un maire de campagne (1850).

44. Aguilhon, pp. 33ff; MATP, manuscript 44.294. “Enventair de la veuve Drouet: La cremaillere; La pincette Et la barre de feut; Un chandelier, 2 mauvaise chaise; Une

Notes to Pages 163-68

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table Et une huche, une comode; 3 aciette Et 3 coeuilliere Et 2 fourchette; Un plat plat et une potte; 9 mauviaze chemize, de 3 corcet, 3 mauvaize robe; un corps avec sa robe, un Bois de Lit avec ces ridos; 2 couverture, une de Lit Et une de dos; Un lit de plume et un traversin; 3 drapts; Et un amuvais sac de toille.” (Capitalization and spelling are faithfully reproduced, but the punctuation has been changed in order to run-in this list.) 45. Besson, p. 55 (Auvergne, cowherd); Dainville, p. 160 (all other areas). At Ligardes (Gers), as in Besson’s Cantal, possession of a clock (or for that matter of an umbrella) indicated solid comfort, if not riches (Donnedevie, pp. 110-11).

46. Cordier, p. 34; Perrin and Bouet, p. 14; Colin, p. 74; Drouillet, 2: 177; Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, p. 185; Boillot, Traditions; Thuillier, “Pour une histoire,” p. 251; Lizerand, p. 55; Drouillet, 2: 64; Lejeune, 1: passim; Costérisant, p. 4. Note that soldiers did not get personal mess tins until 1885. As for sitting to eat, this is what Daugé writes of the southwest (p. 228): “Rarement on se met à table, excepté en ville et dans les bourgades. Manger sur le poing, même à la maison, est un vieil usage de Gascogne. Un couteau à bec recourbé [lou piquepan] sert de fourchette.”

47. Frantz Bonnet, En Compagnie de Charles Péguy (Mâcon, 1956), pp. 9, 11. 48. Nelli, pp. 94-103; Drouillet, 2: 52.

48. Bougeatre, pp. 21-23, 27; Drouillet, 2: 52; Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 385, 536; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 25-27; S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, pp. 5-6.

49. Bachelin, Village, pp. 15-16.

50. According to S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, pp. 217-18, inventories of Mâconnais houses show little change between 1710 and 1810, rapid change from the 1850’s on, especially in 1870-90. See also Vazeilles, 1: 3.

51. S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, pp. 74-75.

52. Labourasse, pp. 13-14. In places like Plozévet (Fin.) domestic comfort represented by coal stoves, woolen mattresses, and even matches came only after the First World War (Burguière, pp. 160-61).

53. See Thiriat, Vallée de Cleurie; and Bogros, pp. 112-20.

Chapter Eleven

I. On donnages continuing in 1888, see Labourasse, pp. 103-5. On this and much else, see Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family (New York, 1975), a mine of information, unfortunately published after my manuscript was in press.

2. H. Mendras, “Sociologie du milieu rural,” in Georges Gurvitch, ed., Traité de sociologie (1958), p. 322; Franchet, p. 25.

3. Perron, Proverbes, p. 53. Many sayings testify to the importance of wealth. “Beauty, you can’t eat or drink it,” they said in Gascony; and “however ugly she be, a lass’ll find a mate if she has money.” True, “money doesn’t make happy marriages; however, it helps a lot.” As for looks, “the pretty girl’s the one who works and earns.” (Daugé, pp. 22, 23, 48.) Beauty is often equated with plumpness (attesting to means) or to sturdiness (promising hardiness at work): “Flesh goes well with bones”; “A little fat under the skin makes girls as pretty as a pin”; “Let God just make me big and fat. (Pretty and pink, I’ll see to that!)” (Flandrin, p. 132.)

4. Trébucq, Chanson populaire et la vie rurale, 1: 4; Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, p. 46.

5. Houillier, p. 65; Gorse, p. 7.

6. Rambaud, Economie, pp. 178-80. Rates of change varied from place to place, but the general tendency was the same. At Plozévet (Fin.) 61.5% of those born before 1850 had married endogamously but only 54.1% of those born after 1850 (Burguière, p. 43). 7. MATP, manuscript 54.294 (Hérault and the southwest). Again a host of proverbs. “He who marries far away either betrays or will betray”; “He who marries far away

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Notes to Pages 169–73

does so ‘cause there’s no other way”; “Women and melons can’t be known from afar” (Daugé, pp. 30-31). And from Flandrin, pp. 139-40: “Build with local stone”; “One is stronger on one’s home ground”; “In a strange country the cows beat the oxen”; “Who takes the neighbor’s daughter knows what’s wrong with her.”

8. Perron, Broye-les-Pesmes, pp. 48-49; Seignolle, p. 34. See also Suzanne Blandy, La Dernière Chanson (1880), pp. 23-24, about the resentment in the village of Uchizy in Mâconnais over the marriage of a local girl to a man of Bresse, on the other side of the Saône.

9. Van Gennep, Folklore du Dauphiné, 2: 630; Bérenger-Féraud, Réminiscences, p. 193; Ségalen, p. 98.

10. Bougeatre, p. 19; Perron, Broye-les-Pesmes, pp. 50-51.

II. Corbin, p. 136; Barbizier, 1950, p. 376; Bonnemère, 2: 428.

12. Dainville, p. 159; Gorse, pp. 177, 178 and chap. 7 passim. See also Semaine religieuse de l’Archidiocèse d’Auch, Oct. 1, 1898 (brought to my attention by Henri Polge), in which the archdiocese is reminded that in choirs the soprano roles should be sung by young boys.

13. Bladé, p. 437. For more examples, see Daugé, pp. 120, 125-26, 140. As for folk wisdom on how women were best treated, the evidence is consistent: “Women want to be beaten”; “Hit your wife, she’ll listen to you”; “Women and omelets are never beaten enough”; “Women and laundry need a good beating”; “The silent woman’s never beaten”; “Who wants to hit his wife will never lack excuses”; “There is no reason like the stick”; “Bad horse the spur, bad woman the stick.” (Ibid., pp. 121, 143-44.) Marriage songs hinted at what was to come. “She weeps and she’s right / The state of a lass is bright. / The state of a lass is a treat. / The state of a wife is [delete].” Or, the saying on presenting the bride to the groom on their wedding-day: “Aqui que l’as, tan la boulès! Ne-n hessis pas estroulhe-pès” (Here’s the one you wanted so much! Don’t use her as a doormat). Or, the mother-in-law’s greeting to welcome her bru into the house: “Espie, nobie, p’ous cantous. T’y balheran cots de bastous!” (Look well into the corners, bride. That’s where you’ll be beaten with a stick!) (Ibid., pp. 16, 71, 97.) The general merriment must have been a little strained.

14. Gorse, chap. 7 passim (Corrèze); Bonnemère, 2: 425-27 (western France); Aimé Giron, p. 130 (Velay); R. J. Bernard, “L’Alimentation paysanne au XVIIIe siècle,” Annales: E. S. C., 1968, p. 1454 (Lozère); Violet, Clessé, p. 114 (Mâconnais); Laborde, p. 362 (Limousin).

15. Laborde, pp. 358-59; Micheline Baulant, “Démographie et structure familiale au XVIIe siècle,” Annales: E. S. C., 1972, pp. 960-61.

16. AN, F1710757 (Ariège); Gadrat, p. 131; Laborde, p. 359; Coissac, p. 179. But see Perrin and Bouet, p. 280, where Le Guyader disagrees: by 1914 the woman had come to look like the boss!

17. Coissac, p. 179; Garneret, pp. 293, 310; Bogros, p. 44.

18. Laborde, p. 359; Ogès and Déguignet; Labourasse, p. 176. As for the war of the sexes, many competitive rituals suggest an adversary relationship and a competition for power. Before the altar, the groom sought to stand or kneel on the bride’s shawl or skirt, while she crooked her finger to prevent the wedding ring from sliding past the first knuckle. On entering their new home, the young couple struggled to see who could first grab a pair of pants and who would be left holding the menial broomstick. References to such practices can be found in every work of folklore.

19. Petit Journal, Jan. 1, 1900, supplement no. 459; AD, Finistère 10 U 7 39.

20. According to Betham-Edwards, in Côtes-du-Nord, where the Iceland fisheries were based, the women had sole charge of the household affairs; the men when at home did nothing. Moreover, it was the housewife who invested the money from the season’s catch.

Notes to Pages 174–83

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(France, 2: 171.) But see Corbin, passim, for the migrant male’s very active role in running the household’s business.

21. E. Brouard, Histoire de France racontée à l’aide des tableaux (1882), p. 54. Educational and social promotion was (dimly) reflected in the law of December 7, 1879, which permitted women over 21 to act as witnesses to wills and other public or private docu-

ments.

22. Coissac, p. 178; J. H. Ricard, “La Vie paysanne d’août 1914 à octobre 1915,” Revue politique et parlementaire, Dec. 1915, pp. 358-73; EA, Lot (directeur des services agricoles).

23. AD, Vosges II T 18 (1899); Belbèze, p. 67.

24. Dr. Deguiral, “Considérations sur la démographie pyrénéenne,” Annales de la Féderation Pyrénéenne de l’Economie Montagnarde, 1944, PP. 59-72; Michel Chevalier, P. 747; Garneret, p. 62; Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 176. In Franche-Comté the term for this was “faire des lièvres.” Across the Rhône, in Vivarais, they called it “faire des loups.”

25. Romieu, pp. 340-42.

26. Lapaire, pp. 26ff. He added: “Le bourgeois met des formes à son impatience.” Hence, perhaps, the proverb quoted by Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 246: “To believe in an heir’s tears, you must be mad.”

27. Rocal, p. 30; Daugé, p. 49.

28. Franchet, pp. 143-46; Bonnemère, 2: 359-60; Bernard, pp. 48-49; Thuillier, Aspects, p. 70. Thuillier has more recently illustrated this further from the 1844 memoir of Adolphe de Bourgoing in his Economie et société nivernaises au début du XIXe siècle (1974), pp. 205, 403.

29. Théron de Montaugé, p. 441; Deffontaines, Hommes et travaux, pp. 98-105; Renard, Philippe (unpaginated). Note the Gascon proverb: “The first inheritance of the married man is the child” (Daugé, p. 47).

30. Gorse, pp. 23, 187-88; Decoux-Lagoutte, p. 38; Charles Dumont, p. 40.

31. Pariset, Lauragais, p. 90 (who notes that by the 1880’s and 1890’s this changed); Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 669, 685. Another informant said: “It is a sign of glory to have children before getting married” (Perrin and Bouet, p. 451).

32. Ariès, Histoire (1948 ed.), pp. 495ff; Thuillier, Aspects, p. 78. The development is referred to in one way or another in George Sand, La Mare au diable (1845); Claude Tillier, Mon Oncle Benjamin (1900); Henri Bachelin, Juliette la Jolie (1913); and many other works. Burguière, p. 67, tells us that the people of Plozévet, like the rest of the Bas Bretons, did not limit births before the end of the nineteenth century, with the result that there was a marked fall in the decade after 1904. On the diversity of magic practices to which wives had recourse in the hope of inhibiting their husbands’ reproductive powers, see Georges Rocal, Les Vieilles coutumes dévotieuses et magiques du Périgord (Toulouse, 1922), pp. 44-45.

33. This discussion is based on tables in Etienne Van de Walle, The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, N.J., 1974). I owe much thanks to my friend Lutz Berkner for guiding me through the complexities of demographic lore.

34. “Fertility and Family Structure in France,” Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, N.J., 1972, pp. 30-31.

35. AN, BB 30 370 (Agen, Oct. 7, 1863).

36. AD, Ariège 5M3 (Apr. 5, 1856), Yonne V M111 (35), 1826-27; Forestier, Yonne, 1: 341; Hugo, I: 77 (also notes the frequent inverse ratio between infanticide and illegitimacy); Corbin, p. 703; Ministère de l’Intérieur, Enquête générale ouverte en 1860 dans les 86 départements de l’Empire: Rapport de la commission instituée le 10 oct. 1861 (1862).

37. Léon-Petit, p. 1; Monot, Mortalité, pp. 21-27; Thuillier, Aspects, p. 82.

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Notes to Pages 183-95

38. Monot, Mortalité, pp. 43-48. For hair-raising details on the practice and effects of wet-nursing, a readily accessible source is Shorter (cited in note 1, above), pp. 175-81. 39. Paul Gemaehling in Friedmann, pp. 335-49 (notably, the maps on pp. 336-37, 339, and 345); René Dumont, pp. 438-39. Concerning general celibacy rates, Flandrin, p. 67, contributes some illuminating figures: of men between 18 and 59, 38% were unmarried in 1851, 27% in 1936; of women between 15 and 49, 44% were unmarried in 1851, 29% in 1936.

39. Garrier, 1: 68; Desprès, pp. 136ff; Le Guen, p. 465; Perron, Proverbes, p. 53; Sébillot, Coutumes, pp. 88-89. At Chaponost many girls married after building a kitty as domestic servants in town. No wonder that the Auvergnat proverb averred that old meat makes good soup. Or, as in the Provençal variant, “Old hen, good stock!” (Flandrin, P. 134.)

40. Quoted by Dominique Julia, “Sur les moeurs périgourdines,” Annales de démographie historique, 1971, pp. 417-20. See also Zeldin, Conflicts.

41. Armengaud, “Débuts,” pp. 172-73; Théron de Montaugé, p. 441 (and p. 636 for the Survey of 1866); Lavigne, pp. 372-73. See also Gachon, Auvergne, pp. 316–17.

42. Belbèze, p. 222; Dr. Mirc, “Les Points de dégénérescence nerveuse en Agenais,” Revue de l’Agenais, 1924, p. 119; Deffontaines, Hommes et travaux, p. 104.

43. Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, pp. 240-44.

44. Pujos (Francoulès and Pradine); AD, Vosges 11 T 19 (Domptail, 1888); AD, Puyde-Dôme F 0274 (Miremont, 1899), F 0275 (Vic-le-Comte, 1899), F 0276 (Yronde and Buron, 1899).

45. Labat, Gascogne, pp. 100-103.

46. Rambaud, Economie, p. 177; Ségalen, p. 83.

47. Ségalen, pp. 100, 122.

48. A. Berthaud, Du respect de l’autorité (Poitiers, 1896); Jacques Porcher, “La Famille bourgeoise: Les Pères et les fils,” Revue bleue, 1897, pp. 2-8; Francus, Valgorge, p. 262; Recueil agronomique du Tarn, 1855, quoted in Armengaud, Populations, p. 295.

49. Labat, Ame, pp. 115-17.

50. Buffet, Bretagne, p. 13; Semaines Sociales de France, comp. La Crise de l’autorité (Lyon, 1925), especially p. 173.

51. See Labourasse, pp. 59-60 (for Mogeville); Bonnamour, pp. 229-30 (for this rebellion against “the yoke of family structures” in the Morvan); Corbin, p. 372; and G. Clément-Simon, Limousin, caractère et moeurs (Limoges, 1890), pp. 8-9 (at the time he wrote, a local proverb still insisted that the chimney must keep smoking-“chal que lou fournel fume”-and newlyweds attended a requiem mass the day after their wedding for the dead of both families).

52. Pariset, Lauragais, pp. 128ff; Pariset, Montagne Noire, pp. 164ff; EA, Tarn-et- Garonne.

53. Sauzet, pp. 230-38; EA, Puy-de-Dôme.

54. J. Munaret, Du médecin de campagne et de ses malades (1837), p. 127.

55. Bernard, pp. 43, 51; Labat, Ame, p. 141.

56. Chataigneau, p. 427.

57. See Arsène Dumont, La Natalité à Saint-Pierre-de-Clairac (Lot-et-Garonne) (1901), pp. 14-16, noting that profit was now expected not from production but from inheritance.

58. Quoted in Delacroix, p. 200.

Epigraph, AN, BB 30 370.

Chapter Twelve

I. AN, Fie III Loiret 7. See also Marcilhacy, Diocèse 1849-78, pp. 344, 346.

2. Le Roy, Jacquou, p. 51.

Notes to Pages 195–201

53I

3. Young, pp. 12, 16, 58, and many other references; Meynier, A travers le Massif Central, pp. 21ff; Gachon, Limagnes du Sud, p. 289; Lavisse, Souvenirs, p. 28; Thabault, Mon village, pp. 48-49. And in Musset, Bas-Maine, p. 426: “Le village évite la route.” Similarly, Garrier, 1: 223: through the first half of the nineteenth century, the highway from Lyon to Saint-Etienne “traverse un milieu rural qui lui reste étranger.” A couple of miles from it, the parishes of the countryside “restent isolées et repliées sur ellesmêmes.”

4. Cavaillès, p. 207. See also Deffontaines, Hommes et travaux, p. 390; and Say, 1: 1049-56.

5. Camescasse, p. 182.

6. Meynier, A travers le Massif Central, pp. 21-27; Girard, Politique, pp. 230-31; Jules Brame in Moniteur universel, June 19, 1861, pp. 928-29; Romieu, pp. 266-67.

7. Bozon, Industrie, especially p. 219; Marcel Gautier, pp. 96ff; Charles Biermann, “La Circulation en pays de montagne,” Annales de géographie, 1913, p. 271.

8. Marcel Gautier, p. 301. Transport activities are still estimated to take half the farmer’s time today.

9. Caralp-Landon, p. 24, noting that in 1875 “c’est sur un ensemble de petits parcours que circule le tonnage relativement important.”

10. M. de Vogüé, p. 922.

II. Haussmann, 1: 67; Armengaud, Populations, p. 128; Mignot, pp. 3-31; Pariset, Lauragais, p. 7; A. Cournot, Souvenirs, 1760-1860 (1913), p. 16.

12. AD, Cantal IT 809 (223), July 3, 1880; R. Brunet, p. 205; Labourasse, p. 21; Barnett Bruce Singer, “Pillar of the Republic: The Village Schoolmaster in Brittany, 1880-1914” (Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1971), p. 116.

13. Bougeatre, p. 139; Ardouin-Dumazet, 14: 172.

14. AD, Lot 5M38(1); Perrin and Bouet, p. 131; Romieu, pp. 266-67; Pujos (Castelnau, Lot); AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 224 (St.-Laurent-de-Cerdans, Oct. 31, 1895). Conditions similar to those bewailed by the prefect of Rhône in 1818: “Partout où leur sol a quelque valeur, il est envahi; chaque année la charrue morcelle la voie publique; les haies marchent… les cimetières mêmes ne sont pas respectés; la cupidité des riverains envahit aussi bien les tombes que les chemins qui y conduisent” (Garrier, 1: 219).

15. AD, Yonne III M58 (Dec. 1830); AG, MR 2261 (Hte.-Garonne, 1873); Pujos (Lamadeleine, Lot); Mazières, 1: 315, 318; René Chatreix, Monographie de la Commune de Saint-Maurice-la-Souterraine (Guéret, 1938), p. 115.

16. AN, Fle III Ardèche 11; AD, Puy-de-Dôme, M 04478 (Brassac, 1896); Merley, pp. 24-28; AD, Cantal 110 MI; Marcel Lachiver, Histoire de Meulan (1965), p. 359.

17. Labrousse; Lugnier, pp. 102, 106; Charrié, Haut-Vivarais, p. 213; Michel Chevalier, p. 980; AG, MR 1223 (Pyrs.-Ors., 1840, 1841), 1218 (Gard, 1844).

18. Bozon, Histoire, p. 184; Francus, Valgorge, p. 457; Francus, Voyage fantaisiste, p. 283; Higonnet, p. 168; Michel Chevalier, p. 620; Philippe Arbos, “Les Communications dans les Alpes françaises,” Annales de géographie, 1919, pp. 161-76; Armengaud, Populations, pp. 126-27. Machenaud, p. 36, reports that at Ardillères, southeast of La Rochelle, the roads were no better at mid-century than before the Revolution. In the 1850’s one could get about only on horseback or on foot. In 1903 the General Council of Charente- Maritime still described the Aunis as “completely deprived from the point of view of transport.”

19. Francus, Midi de l’Ardèche, p. 240: “Per lou pois d’en bas, lou bat. Per lou pois d’accol, lou saccol.”

20. Poueigh, Folklore, p. 38: “De tout chiffon, un tortillon.”

[[532]]

Notes to Pages 201-7

21. Reynier, Pays, vol. 2, quoted in Nelli, p. 51; Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, pp. 294, 300; AN, C 945 (Canton d’Ax), quoted in Armengaud, Populations, p. 154; AN, BB 30 370 (Aix, July 11, 1865); Boissier, p. 68.

22. Baudrillart, 3: 556–57; Boissier, p. 103; “Tron, tron, tron, moun’âne, vè z’Auré; / Fauto d’âne, l’anan de pè. / Hi pouhi! Que demô yrau â la sâ. / Hi cavalo! Que demô yrau à la grâno. / Hi chava! Que demô yrau airon vi.”

23. Mazon, pp. 7, 37, 99, 101; Drouillet, 2: 215.

24. Arbos, “Les Communications,” cited in note 18, above, p. 174.

25. Foville, France, 2: 141. On Aveyron, see Boscary, pp. 56-57.

26. Romieu, p. 281; Fustier, pp. 244-45; Toutain, Transports, p. 259; J. B. Proudhon, Réformes à opérer dans l’exploitation des chemins de fer, 1868 ed., p. 56; Théron de Montaugé, pp. 601-2; AN, F112734 (Enquête agricole, 1867), p. 156.

27. See Chambre Consultative des Arts et Manufactures de Nevers, Rapport à M. le Préfet sur l’industrie et le commerce dans le département de la Nièvre (Nevers, 1858), p. 6; Lovie, pp. 584-85; Francus, Midi de l’Ardèche, pp. 257-58; and Longy, Canton,

p. 29.

28. Durand, p. 121; Marcel Gautier, p. 214; Colin, pp. 19, 78.

29. Valaux, p. 294; Lavergne, Economie rurale, p. 434.

30. Valaux, p. 295; Ardouin-Dumazet, 53: 25; Conseil Général de la Loire-Inférieure, quoted in Les Aspects sociaux de la vie rurale (1958), p. 194.

31. Cavaillès, pp. 281-82, 562-63, 574.

32. L’Ariégeois, June 22, June 29, 1861; Michel Chevalier, pp. 967ff; L.-S. Fugairon, Topographie médicale du canton d’Ax (1888); Coornaert, p. 301; A. Tardieu, Auvergne, p. I. Corbin, p. 159: “De 1860 à 1880, le Limousin reste peu concerné par l’édification des réseaux ferroviaires.” But see AD, Hte.-Vienne M 1454, where in 1861 the prefect could not predict the markets for the grain trade during the year to come because of the extent to which traditional marketing patterns had been disrupted by the new Limoges-Périgueux line. Still, this was a main line, and Corbin’s judgment, based on exhaustive research, is still valid.

33. Considère, 3: 83-84, 87. Considère’s articles are well worth rereading.

34. See Isaac Péreire, La Question des chemins de fer (1879), pp. 185-90; Cavaillès, p. 276; and Viple, p. 13.

35. Fustier, p. 256; Gachon, Limagnes du Sud, p. 436; Wolkowitch, pp. 99, 104; G. Chabot, La Côtière orientale de la Dombe et l’influence de Lyon (1927), pp. 44, 46. 36. Chatelain, “Problèmes”; Pinchemel, Géographie, 1: 163; Chabirand, pp. 204-5, 226,

37. Wolkowitch, p. 100.

38. Between 1910 and 1913 a viaduct was built over the Gartempe permitting communication between the Lower Marche and the Limousin and in the same period an electric tramway began operating between St.-Sulpice-les-Feuilles, in the far northeast corner of Haute-Vienne, and Limoges-one of those “lignes à intérêt secondaire mais en fait capitales pour nos campagnes isolées.” For 40 years thereafter, six times a day, the little train carried people back and forth through the once silent vales. (Peygnaud, p. 147.) 39. F. Grenier, L’Industrie dans le Cantal (Saint-Flour, 1836); Meynier, A Travers le Massif Central, p. 37; M. D. Glenat, “La Vie dans les Coulmes,” RGA, 1921, pp. 135-58, and especially p. 149; Georges Jorré, “L’Etablissement des routes dans le massif du Vercors,” ibid., pp. 229-84 (especially p. 230, quoting AD, Drôme o 331/1). Louis Cortès, L’Oisans (1926), pp. 277-80, provides a list of roads built in that area; most were built in the 1880’s and 1890’s, but none predated 1881.

39. Sauvan, pp. 524, 542, 544, 593-94; EA, Drôme.

Notes to Pages 208-15

[[533]]

41. Bonnemère, pp. 375, 386; Reynier, “Voies de communications,” pp. 202-5; Francus, Valgorge, pp. 30-34. See also Lizerand, p. 56; and Hudry-Ménos, p. 619.

42. See Pujos (Craissac and passim); Pariset, Montagne Noire, pp. 156, 158 (Cabrespine).

43. Ardouin-Dumazet, 35: 188 (Brousse); Boscary, p. 157.

44. René Dumont, p. 94; Baudrillart, 3: 121; Boscary, p. 158; Lesourd and Gérard, 1: 268-69; Le Lannou, 2: 28-29; P. Barral, Départemente de l’Isère, pp. 65ff.

45. Cited in Francus, Valgorge, p. 39.

46. M. Blanchard, Géographie des chemins de fer (1942), pp. 58-60. Compare Wolkowitch, p. 71.

47. Marion, 6: 13; Gonjo, p. 49; Augé-Laribé, Politique, p. 53; AD, Cantal 40 M 11 (Mauriac, Dec. 30, 1879): “L’arrondissement attend avec une impatience fébrile le chemin de fer projeté.” See the figures in Raymonde Caralp, “L’Evolution de l’exploitation ferroviaire en France,” Annales de géographie, 1951, pp. 321-36 (especially p. 321); and René Clozier, Géographie de la circulation (1963), 1: 201–3.

48. Lavallée, RDM, Mar. 1882, quoted in Marion, 6: 14; Toutain, Transports, pp. 187– 88; Romieu, pp. 270-72.

49. Blanchard, especially p. 43.

50. Ibid., p. 127, and pp. 130-31, quoting Maxime Baragnon, Le Monopole du PLM et la navigation du Rhône (Nîmes, 1871); AN, BB 30 370 (Aix, Oct. 15, 1850).

51. Achard, pp. 47, 237; Merley, pp. 144-45; AD, Hte.-Loire P 5907 (1881).

52. Demolins et al., Populations, pp. 7, 55; Paul Cornu, Grèves de flotteurs sur l’Yonne (Nevers, 1911), p. 43; Ardouin-Dumazet, 27: 18-19.

53. Armengaud, Populations, p. 226; Bombal, pp. 67-71, 391-92; J. Maffre, “Le Transport du bois par flottage sur l’Aude,” Folklore-Aude, Dec. 1941. According to Lebeau, p. 324, in 1872, 137 Ain rafts still carried fir from Jura to Lyon, and this traffic ended only after the First World War. The old mariner’s statement is cited by Auguste Mahaut in two works: Le Progrès de la Nièvre, Feb. 20, 1900, and L’Idée de la Loire navigable combattue (Nantes, 1905), p. 19. For confirmation, see Thibon, p. 41.

54. Markovitch, pp. 81-84.

55. Suret-Canale, p. 295; Sion, pp. 317, 321; AD, Vosges 11 T 18 (1889). 56. Dauzat, Village, p. 115.

56. Lovie, pp. 189-93.

57. Cholvy, pp. 64-66; Moscovici, p. 29.

58. AD, Hte.-Vienne M 101 (July 1909), Yonne III M1234 (Sept., Oct. 1865); Ardouin- Dumazet, 36: 20; J. A. Barral, Agriculture du Nord, 1: 12; Corbin, pp. 45-50; Cousteix, p. 27.

59. AD, Hte.-Loire 20 M 30 (sous-préf. Brioude, 1872); Merley, p. 240; AD, Puy-de- Dôme, M 04469 (sous-préf. Thiers, Oct. 21, 1894). See also AD, Puy-de-Dôme, M 04478 (comm. Brassac, Feb. 28, 1897): “Les ouvriers des mines des Companies du Gros Ménil et de Commentry Fourchambault chôment toujours le Lundi; mais la majeure partie des ouvriers étant propriétaires ou locataires de quelques parcelles de terrain ils utilisent leur journée libre y compris la demi-journée du Dimanche pour s’occuper dans les champs.”

60. Deffontaines, Homme et forêt, passim.

61. AD, Hte.-Vienne M 118; AN, BB 30 374 (Bordeaux, 1865); Ardouin-Dumazet, 29: 227-28.

62. Bozon, Histoire, p. 217; Armengaud, “Fin des forges,” p. 66; Suret-Canale, pp. 298-99, 331; Delumeau, pp. 412-13, 469.

63. AD, Vosges II T 18 (instituteur Le Clerjus, 1899).

64. L’Encyclopédie (1753), 3: 548-52; Boissier, especially pp. 77, 90; AG, MR 2264534

Notes to Pages 216–25

(Isère, 1875); Pérot, pp. 74-75; F. Gex, “La Clouterie en Bauges,” RGA, 1933, especially p. 194.

66. Corbin, p. 638; AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0275 (Vic-le-Comte, 1889); AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 224 (St.-Laurent-de-Cerdans, Oct. 1895); AD, Cantal 40 M 11 (prés. Chambre de Commerce Aurillac, May 1909). See also Gex, “Clouterie,” cited in note 65, above, pp. 175-220; and Veyret-Verner, “L’Ouvrier paysan dans les Alpes françaises,” Mélanges… Bénévent, pp. 183-91.

67. Emile Bériès, Elémens d’une nouvelle législation des chemins vicinaux (1831), p. 43; Capot-Rey, p. 262; M. Blanchard, “Les Voies ferrées de l’Hérault,” Bulletin de la Société Languedocienne de Géographie, 1922, pp. 141-78; Achard, pp. 30-31.

68. Maspétiol, p. 344; Blanchard, Essais, p. 221; Garavel, p. 64.

69. Gachon, Limagnes du Sud, p. 370; Mazon, pp. 27-28.

70. Malon, p. 103.

71. Loua, France. Toutain, in Transports, p. 13, places the jump between 1866 and 1914, when he feels the saturation point was reached.

72. Corbin, p. 183; Boscary, pp. 162-63; Mélanges… Bénévent, p. 203; Levasseur, 2:

74. Labat, Gascogne, p. 648.

75. Bigo, p. 56; Cénac-Moncaut, Colporteur, pp. 10-11; Esnault, Imagination, p. 191. 75. Armengaud, Populations, p. 211; AN Fic III Tarn 7 (July, Oct. 1859), Fle III Ariège 7 (July 1859); Pelicier, p. 6; Portal, p. 448.

76. See, e.g., Cavaillès, p. 166.

77. Quoted in Marcel Gautier, p. 196.

78. R. L. Stevenson, Vailima Letters (New York, 1896), 2: 275.

Chapter Thirteen

Epigraph. The Cherry Orchard, Act 4, in Anton Chekhov, Plays (Penguin Books, n.d.),

P. 39.

1. Markovitch, pp. 85-87. Under the Second Empire France had 1.350 million employers and some 1 million workers: less than 1 employee per establishment. The 1876 census shows 1,516,650 and 2,952,297 persons engaged in “industry” and “artisanate,” respectively (ibid.). The “industrial population” of Haute-Loire, according to the 1881 census, consisted of 9,340 entrepreneurs and 9,806 workers (Merley, p. 241). Loiret had 48.2% entrepreneurs and 51.8% workers engaged in industry in 1906; by 1911 the proportion had changed to 41% and 59% and by 1921 to 38.6% and 61.4% (A. Montuenga, Aspects de la vie économique et sociale du Loiret pendant la guerre, 1914-1918, mémoire de maîtrise, Faculté des Lettres, Tours, 1969, pp. 160-61).

2. See Corbin, p. 402.

3. See Maspétiol, p. 153.

4. AD, Pyrs.-Ors., Fêtes #8 (Aug. 26, 1861); Lejeune, 2.3: 7.

5. Garneret, p. 135; Donnadieu (Agenais and Tarn-et-Garonne); Bladé, pp. 138, 141, 611; Poueigh, Folklore, pp. 158-62. See also AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 223 (Perthus, Sept. 25, 1878).

6. Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 670 and passim. Compare Agulhon, Vie sociale, p. 304, stating that the artisans (blacksmith, apothecary, linen-weaver) played the role of the elite in small villages where there was no bourgeoisie.

7. Thabault, Mon village, pp. 50, 106, 170; Renard, Oeuvres, 2: 395.

8. Thibon, p. 46; J. A. Barral, Agriculture du Nord, 2: 7, 173-75; Cressot, p. 101; R. Brunet, p. 209; Duclos, 1: 21.

9. Violet, Autrefois, pp. 8-12; Nelli, p. 157; Fage, Autour du mariage, p. 19. In Sologne,

Notes to Pages 225-33

[[535]]

Edeine, 2: 977-79, lists other métiers, among them collectors of pine cones, of cowpats (and other dung), above all of leeches. These last, who sometimes died from loss of blood, disappeared in the 1870’s when doctors ceased to employ leeches (1: 477). Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 323, finds only 2 or 3 cendrousos still operating in the 1880’s; collecting ashes from farm to farm, selling them on Saturdays in Aubenas market and, with the proceeds, buying butter, which they sold in turn at Villeneuve-de-Berg, 17 km away. True pieds-poudreux!

10. Poueigh, Folklore, p. 162; Rouchon, 1: 55; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 166, 173; Colin, p. 77; Souvestre, Derniers Bretons, pp. 42, 43; Renard, Oeuvres, 2: 290.

II. Cressot, p. 89; Lucien Febvre, “Une Enquête: La Forge de village,” Annales, 1935, pp. 603-14. Note that at Mazières in 1886 there were 9 smiths working in 4 smithies; 20 years later there were only 4, in 2 shops (Thabault, Mon village, p. 170).

12. Gautier, Dure existence, p. 28; Meynier, A travers le Massif Central, p. 366; BFI, 1942, p. 15; Dauzat, Village, p. 93.

13. Cressot, p. 89; Poueigh, Folklore, pp. 168-69: “Ensemble comme sabot et bride,” “Carnaval au sabot débridé,” “Bavard-gueule comme un sabot.”

14. Francus, Voyage fantaisiste, 2: 290; Thabault, Mon village, pp. 168-69.

15. Pinchemel, Structures, pp. 136-37; Thabault, Mon village, pp. 168-69.

16. Snuff: Perrin and Bouet, p. 338. Umbrellas: Donnedevie, pp. 110-11; Théron de Montaugé, p. 453. Smoking, Cressot, p. 115; Paul Sébillot, Le Tabac (1893), pp. 3, 13. Thuillier, “Pour une histoire,” p. 261, remarks that around 1900 Nièvre used some 55 tons of snuff.

17. Garneret, p. 213; Clément Brun, p. 15.

18. André Mabille de Poncheville, Jeunesse de Péguy (1943), p. 21.

19. Revue de folklore français, 1942, pp. 106-7; Drouillet, 1: 117; Desforges, p. 23; Michel Chevalier, p. 657; Un Village et son terroir, p. 37.

20. Michel Chevalier, p. 657; Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 201, 218, 269, 299.

21. Boscary, pp. 202, 228, 230.

22. See Corbin’s remarks on this variation and the examples he gives, p. 97.

23. Le Roy, Moulin, pp. 11-12; Bonneff and Bonneff, Classe, p. 67; Combes and Combes, pp. 149, 151, 154, 157, 161; Gustave Flaubert, Bouvard and Pécuchet (New York, 1954), p. 44; AG, MR 2153 (Morbihan, 1861), where men were just beginning to wear smocks.

24. Besson, p. 37; A. Tardieu, Auvergne, p. 5.

25. Nadaud, 2: 88; Dauzat, Village, p. 140.

26. Decoux-Lagoutte, pp. 20-21; AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0274 and F 0276 (1899).

27. Ardouin-Dumazet, 34: 28; Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 706.

28. Congrès des sociétés savantes de Provence, 1906 (Marseille, 1907), pp. 601-8.

29. Dubreuil-Chambardel, pp. 158-59, 161; Reynier, Pays, 2: 191.

30. Fortier-Beaulieu, especially pp. 5, 22, 23, 599; Suzanne Tardieu, Revue de synthèse, 1957, pp. 360-61; Bourdieu and Bourdieu, “Paysan,” p. 165.

Chapter Fourteen

Epigraph. Round My House, p. 116. Hamerton adds: “The noblesse and the bourgeoisie, on the other hand, have very similar customs, at least when their pecuniary circumstances are nearly alike.”

I. Guillaumin, C.-L. Philippe, pp. 9-10; Blanqui, “Tableau,” 28: 18.

2. Pariset, Lauragais, p. 151; AN, F17 9275 (Deux-Sèvres, 1882); Ardouin-Dumazet, 34: 256; AN, Fic III Ardèche 11 (Oct. 7, 1856).

3. Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 21, 23.

[[536]]

Notes to Pages 233-45

4. Ibid., 34: 256, 259; Pariset, Lauragais, p. 150; Monteils-Pons, p. 77 (Florac); Allaux, pp. 17, 26 (there was no slaughterhouse at Pamiers, of course!); AD, Corrèze M 717 (1874; Tulle); Reynier, Histoire, 3: 219 (Privas).

5. Agulhon, Vie sociale, pp. 35-36; Roubin, p. 38; E.-J. Savigné, Lettres d’un touriste (Vienne, 1876); Rapport sur l’assainissement de la ville de Pamiers (Pamiers, 1867), pp. 8ff.

6. AG, MR 1218 (Hérault, 1828), MR 1228 (Itinéraire de Bayonne à Tulle, 1843); Annet Reboul, Moeurs de l’Ardèche au XIXe siècle (Valence, 1849), p. 120.

7. Reynier, Histoire, 3: 219; Hugo, 2: 172; Lejeune, 2.2: 488ff; Ardouin-Dumazet, 31: 6; Bastié, 2: 158-59; Mireur, 1: 72 (from Le Var, May 30-July 4, 1897).

8. Challaye, p. 15. See also Mallet, pp. 32-33; and Juge, pp. 20-21.

9. Michaud, pp. 238-39; Challaye, pp. 18ff; Louis A.-M. de Vogüé, p. 323; AD, Pyrs.- Ors. 3M1 163 (Céret, 1879).

AD, Gers M 2799 (Vic-Fézensac, Apr. 7, 1874); Ardouin-Dumazet, 29: 238. On stations, see also Bertaut, p. 5.

II. AN, F179271 (Pyrs.-Ors., 1875); Beslay, pp. 85-88.

12. Louis A.-M. de Vogüé, p. 323.

13. Reynier, Pays, 2: 301; AN, BB 30 396 (Bordeaux); Mireur, 2: 270-74, 353-

14. Bastié, 2: 151; Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, p. 110; Labat, Gascogne, p. 636.

15. Cited in Rougeron, Département de l’Allier, 43; Lafarge, p. 222.

16. Foville, France, 1: 51, and 2: 57, 60; AD, Lot 37 (E. Delrieu manuscript on Cahors); AG, MR 2267 (Ille-et-Vilaine, 1874); Monteils-Pons, pp. 24-25; Febvre in “Le Travail et les techniques,” p. 23. See also Archives Municipales de Limoges, Tableau récapitulatif du récensement de 1881.

17. Labat, Gascogne, p. 641.

18. Ibid., pp. 636, 643ff.

19. Garrier, 1: 285; Mistral, p. 19.

20. Challaye, p. 24; Labrousse in Friedmann, p. 19.

21. Armengaud, Populations, pp. 282ff; Théron de Montaugé, p. 534; Pariset, Montagne Noire, p. 181; AN, BB 30 388 (Toulouse, 1859); Gachon, Commune, p. 161.

22. Armengaud, Populations, pp. 290-91; Labat, Gascogne, p. 649.

Epigraph. Les Paysans, p. 37.

1. Agulhon, République, p. 289.

Chapter Fifteen

2. Les Blouses. See also the historical foreword to the 1957 ed. by Jean Dautry.

3. Blanqui, Déboisement, pp. 34-35; Souvestre, Derniers Bretons, p. 14; Assier, intro. to 2d ed.

4. Dupeux, p. 147; AN, BB 30 374 (Bordeaux, 1864).

5. AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 0116 (sous-préf. Issoire, 1841), Ariège 5 M 3 (Sept. 1866; see also Apr., May 1865), Gers M 1326 (sous-préf. Lombez, 1867), Cantal 39M9 (Murat, Nov. 1866, July 1867; Mauriac, Dec. 1866, Apr., May 1867), Vosges 8M23 (comm. de police Epinal, Nov. 1869); AN BB 30 371 (Angers, Apr. 1866), BB 30 390 (Limoges, 1867). 6. AD, Cantal 39M9 (Murat, Dec. 1866; Mauriac, May-June 1867), Gers M 2237 (Plaisance, Dec. 1875; Lectoure, May 1877); AG, G8180 (Bayonne, 1873), G8182 (Bordeaux, 1875), G3184 (Bordeaux, 1877). See also AN, BB 30 390 (Agen, 1868; Colmar, 1870). 7. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (préf., Dec. 1894), 3M1 226 (comm. de gendarmes Perthus, May 1898), 3M1 224 (Bourg-Madame, Oct. 1896), Ariège 5M 721 (sous-préf. Pamiers, June 1905).

6. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Selected Works (Moscow, 1951), 1: 302, 303. 9. Pariset, Lauragais, pp. 87-89.

Notes to Pages 246–51

[[537]]

10. Marouzeau, pp. 14-15; Pierre Bourdieu, “Stratégies matrimoniales,” Annales: E. S. C., 1972, p. IIIO.

II. Le Vingt-quatre février, May 3, 1849, cited in Bouillon, p. 89, where the prosecutor’s statement also appears.

12. Perrin and Bouet, pp. 369-72; Bernard, pp. 39-41; Corbin, pp. 405, 415; Ségalen, pp. 75, 79; AD, Yonne III M1178 (Chablis, Nov. 1852); Labrune, pp. 11-18; Vigier, 2: 51. See also, on Anjou and Jura, the observations of M. Eizner and M. Cristin, “Premières hypothèses comparatives sur trois monographies,” Revue française de sociologie, 1965, PP. 55-73.

13. See Louis Clarenc, “Riches et pauvres dans le conflit forestier des Pyrénées centrales,” Annales du Midi, 1967, pp. 307-15; and Corbin, p. 669. See also Loubère, especially p. 1032, who finds one-dimensional explanations of peasant votes, such as Soboul’s economic thesis (“Question”), “too general and schematic; peasant reactions were far more complex.” The variety of local conditions, resulting in distinctly different orientations and interests, made for a greater disparity in behavior than can usually be accommodated by any single interpretation.

14. R. Brunet, p. 222; Raymond Williams, The Long Revolution (New York, 1961), p. 136.

15. Cobb, Reactions, p. 125.

16. Labat, Gascogne, p. 638; Corbin, p. 814; Albert Soboul, “Survivances ‘féodales’ dans la société rurale française au 19e siècle,” Annales: E. S. C., 1968, pp. 965-86.

17. J.-A. Delpon, 1: 213; Corbin, p. 659; AD, Ariège 5M 531 (maire Saurat, Apr. 21, 1834; comm. de police St.-Girons, May 1837; sous-préf. St.-Girons, May 1837); Anny de Pons, “En glanant parmi les archives judiciaires,” Cerca, 1960, pp. 324-33; AD, Hte.- Vienne M740 (sous-préf. Bellac, Jan. 1847).

18. AD, Creuse U0357 (tax collector Ajain); Haussmann, 1: 255-56; AD, Finistère, 4M 322 (sous-préf. Morlaix, July 1848); Duchatellier, Agriculture, p. 205. See also M. de Vogüé, p. 922: at the end of the Second Empire, the older Pagels had no idea who ruled France. (They also refused paper money, having lost confidence in it since its depreciation in 1848.)

19. Vigier, 2: 255.

20. Hamerton, Round My House, p. 233: “The peasant… really remembers nothing of the

past but its evils… corvée… wars of religion.”

21. Batisto Bonnet, p. 307; Doussinet, Paysan santongeais, p. 335; Jeanton, Légende, p. 66; Rocal, pp. 131-32.

22. Bernard, p. 8; Palmade, p. 86; P. Féral, “Le Problème de la dîme,” BSAG, 1949, pp. 238-54; C. Cadéot, “L’Evolution du métayage dans le Lectourois,” BSAG, 1951, pp. 29-36; AG, G8 180 (Nov. 1873); AD, Lot 5M 37(1) (Figeac, Oct. 1873). Similarly, Hamerton tells us the Burgundian peasants believed that Henri V would reestablish the old corvées (Round My House, p. 228). Corbin, pp. 1374-76, shows the vast contrast between the cities of the Limousin, which were sympathetic to the Commune, and the countryside, where the tensions of spring 1871 sparked fresh fear that the Ancien Régime might be restored, along with tithes and privileges for the clergy and aristocracy.

23. See the reports in AN, BB18 1767 (May-June 1868); and Le Courrier de la Vienne et des Deux-Sèvres, June 5, 1868. This is reminiscent of the Grande Peur of 1846, whose outbreak in Morvan is chronicled by Guy Thuillier, Economie et société nivernaises au début du XIXe siècle (1974), pp. 99-103. The drought that summer gave rise to widespread fear of “metteurs de feu.” “Both ignorant and credulous,” as the prefect put it, the peasants directed their suspicions against nobles and priests-the latter already accused of having caused the potato blight of 1845 and now charged with protecting criminal firebugs by turning them into dogs when they were in danger of arrest. On the collec-

[[538]]

Notes to Pages 251-57

tion of tithes and other offerings in kind, see J. Magraw in Zeldin, Conflicts, pp. 209-10, including the Comte de Chambord’s specific denial of 1874 that the Bourbon restoration meant the reestablishment of tithes.

24. Ardouin-Dumazet, 29: 242ff; André Armengaud, “Sur l’opinion politique toulousaine en août 1870,” Annales: E. S. C., 1954, pp. 106-7.

25. Armengaud, as cited in preceding note.

26. Mireur, 6: 237-38; Agulhon in Baratier, p. 466; AD, Yonne III M1121 (curé Coulangeron, Mar. 1848), III M1128 (Sept. 1848), III M1136 (préf., May 1849); AN, BB 30 370 (Agen, Dec. 1849); AD, Lot 6M9 (Figeac, July 1848). In Hautes-Alpes, too, most of the troubles of 1848 were connected with forest guards. See Thivot, pp. 66-68, and AN, BB 30 360 (5) (proc. gén. Grenoble, Mar. 19, 1848), quoted by Thivot, concerning “the unenlightened inhabitants of our countryside,” and especially the mountainous parts of Drôme, Isère, and Hautes-Alpes.

27. AN, BB 30 396 (file on events subsequent to Dec. 2, 1851); AD, Yonne III M1159 (prisoner’s letter to préf., Mar. 1852: “On m’a mit dans une sosiété, donc que j’ai toujours pensé que c’était une sosiété de bienfaisance…. Une fois que vous m’orez mis en liberté, sy jamais vous entendez dire quelque chose de moi, tranché moi la tete, je le mériterait”); Reynier, Histoire, pp. 267-69, 270; Vigier, 2: 312-13, 314; Ténot, Province, pp. 116-18. Another aspect of the “secret societies” appears in a report of the public prosecutor at Grenoble, who in Jan. 1852 noted that the oath taken on joining such societies included the obligation to defend the Catholic faith, and that many young men had taken to arms in the belief that they were doing so. “Par une ignorante et stupide obéissance à un serment prêté, ils n’en suivirent que la lettre, tandis que les meneurs se réservaient d’en appliquer l’esprit,” which stood not for religion but for “socialism.” (Quoted in Thivot, p. 103.)

28. Reynier, Histoire, p. 270; Corbin, pp. 1210, 1212, 1216; AN, BB 30 401 (Limoges), BB 30 396 (Bordeaux, Agen, Limoges).

29. Ténot, Province, pp. 135, 160-61; Vigier, 2: 88, 200-205, 216-24; Soboul, “Question,” p. 52. The mountain people were hardly unique in their narrow outlook. The Languedocians too lacked the “awareness that allowed them to translate specific grievances into political action.” No wonder that “their action still resembled that of 18th-century peasants.” It would take the new experiences that the late 19th century brought to turn them into something else. (See Loubère, especially p. 1030.)

30. AD, Yonne III M1207 (Courgis, Jan. 19, 1852).

31. Ténot, Suffrage, pp. 8-9; Corbin, p. 564.

32. Noted by George Sand, as cited by Georges Duveau in preface to Nadaud, Mémoires de Léonard (1948 ed.), p. 39.

33. Bois, Paysans (1971 ed.), pp. 120-21, 130.

34. AD, Gers M 2237 (Plaisance, Jan. 1876); Palmade in Girard, Elections, p. 197; La République, Apr. 15, 1878.

35. M. Faucheux in Girard, Elections, pp. 149-62; Beslay, p. 64; Hugonnier, p. 53; Reynier, Pays, p. 125. Thibon, p. 52: “On est blanc ou rouge pour des raisons de famille, de sympathie, d’intérêt: les réflexions et les aspirations politiques ne jouent là qu’un maigre role.” L. Gachon in Fauvet and Mendras, p. 409: “Mon père était rouge parce qu’il était cantonnier. Mon grand-père maternel… était rouge pour des sévices qu’un parent à lui, enseignant, avait subi au temps de Badinguet.” See also Burguière, pp. 100, 217.

36. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (préf., Dec. 3, 1889); Perron, Broye-les-Pesmes, pp. 79-80. See also the remarks of the public prosecutor at Grenoble (Jan. 9, 1850), quoted by Thivot, p. 95. So far as he was concerned, the Hautes-Alpes remained outside all national party politics. Elections were struggles between private interests and interest groups, and electoral struggles were the more heated because “there is never any ques-

Notes to Pages 257-63

[[539]]

tion of real political issues, whatever the banner under which either side chooses to take its positions.”

37. AD, Lot 6M9 (June 21, July 12, 1848), Yonne III M1276 (Mar. 26, 1853).

38. AD, Vosges 8M23 (sous-préf. Mirecourt, Oct. 1869; préf., Jan. 1870); AN, BB 30 390 (Agen, July 1870). See also préf. Loir-et-Cher, 1856, quoted in Dupeux, pp. 429-33; AN, FicIII 7 Loiret (Pithiviers, Apr. 1853, June 1857, Sept. 1858); AD, Yonne III M1232 (souspréf. Sens, Jan. 1861); AD, Ariège 5M 532 (juge de paix Labastide-de-Séron, June 1865); AD, Gers M 1326 (sous-préf. Mirande, Jan. 23, 1867; préf., Jan. 25, 1867); and AN, BB 30 370 (Aix, Oct. 1867). Writes Le Guen, p. 481: “Dans ce milieu, les hommes se distinguent plus par leur tempérament que par leur idéologie.”

39. Hence the subversive influence of commercial travelers when they appeared: “couriers of demagogy” (AN, BB 30 370, Jan. 4, 1859).

40. AD, Gers M 2237 (Plaisance, Jan. 1876).

41. AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04474 (préf., Aug. 1907). See also AD, Gers M 1326 (Nogaro, July 17, 1869); Coissac, Mon Limousin, p. 172; AD, Tarn IV M265 (préf., Feb. 1872); and AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (préf., Jan. 1892). A good expression of this point of view was formulated in 1863 by the mayor of Bains (Hte.-Loire), who urged the voters of his little parish to vote as he told them, because then “when the mayor solicits for the parish, for you and your children, the deputy’s influence will secure the favors or aids from the government” (Pilenco, p. 95).

42. AN, F1II Ardèche 4 (Aubenas, Mar. 1874); AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 223 (Bourg-Madame, Nov. 1876, Mar. 1882; see also Prats-de-Mollo, Dec. 1876), 3M1 163 (préf., Jan. 1892) (the whole 3M1 224 file contains communications insisting on the exclusive importance of local issues, not “political” ones!); AD, Vosges 8bisM30 (Rambervillers, Sept. 1887); AD, Cantal 40M 11 (St.-Flour, 1889); AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04475 (Billom, Dec. 1890), M 0162 (Riom, Mar. 1892), M 04469 (Thiers, Aug. 1896; Issoire, Jan. 1897); AD, Lot 5M37 (1) (Gourdon, June 1897); Belbèze, p. 98.

43. Agulhon, République, pp. 265–66. At Plozévet (Fin.), also, the “red” party led by the Le Bail family represented the claims and aspirations of the less well off; but also and often neighborhood feuds (and sheer violence) under the cover of Republicanism and anticlericalism (Burguière, p. 217).

44. Mendras, “Sociologie,” p. 322.

45. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (July 1889).

46. Hugonnier, pp. 45-50, 64; Guichonnet, pp. 74-76.

47. Viple, p. 293; Bozon, Histoire, p. 245.

48. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 223 (Céret, Dec. 1876).

49. Baudrillart, 3: 422; Anne D. Sedgewick, A Childhood in Brittany Eighty Years Ago (Boston, 1927), p. 21. The peasants of Saint-Lary (Hte.-Garonne) maintained a feudal relationship with their local lord through the middle of the century. “Malheur à qui ne lui parlait pas chapeau bas!” remembered his son. “Un revers de canne avait bientôt fait voler le couvre-chef récalcitrant. A cette époque, ces façons ètaient supportées tout naturellement.” (Comminges, pp. 6-7.) On the same point, see J. Suret-Canale, “L’Etat économique et social de la Mayenne au milieu du XIXe siècle,” Revue d’histoire économique et sociale, 1958, p. 310. For a portrait of a true village autocrat, Joseph-Antoine Fournier, mayor of Ceillac (Htes.-Alpes) for over half a century from the Restoration into the Second Empire, see Thivot, pp. 60-64, and Polydore Delafont, “Un Village des Hautes- Alpes,” Revue du Dauphiné, 1938, p. 3. Fournier allowed neither bill collectors nor tax collectors to set foot in his parish, married and judged his subjects himself, exiled sinners against the local code, and ruled without contest until his death.

50. Chaix, p. 283; EA, Calvados, quoting Mémoires de la Société d’Agriculture de Caen, 1836; AD, Yonne III M1228 (juge de paix Auxerre, Oct. 1857); AN, F112734 (Enquête

[[540]]

Notes to Pages 263-69

agricole, 3d rev., Dec. 1867), p. 60, and F112725, Enquête agricole (answers to questionnaire, Aisne); Bastié, 2: 170.

51. Théron de Montaugé, pp. 646, 648.

52. Garneret, p. 134; Valaux, p. 68; P. Mayer, pp. 6-7; Francus, Rivière d’Ardèche, p. 59. 53. Bastié, 2: 149-50. See also Pinchemel, Structures, p. 87; Gachon, Brousse-Montboissier, p. 80; and Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, p. 113, on the decay of the interdependence in work and services, whose breakdown spurred that of traditional personal relations.

53. Lapaire, pp. 32-33; Houillier, p. 65. In Nièrre, donkeys were sometimes Cabinet Ministers (René Dumont, Agronomie de la faim, 1974, p. 23).

54. L. Fardet, Géographie du département du Loiret (Orléans, 1926), p. 20 (quoted words); Wylie, Chanzeaux, p. 81; Rougeron, Département de l’Allier, especially p. 53; AD, Ariège 5M3 (Oct. 1865),.Yonne III M1234 (Joigny, Oct. 1865). Tarn deputy Bernard Lavergne in Chamber, 1887, quoted in Maspétiol, p. 367: “It’s the rural bourgeoisie that decides the elections in the countryside.”

55. Francus, Voyage humoristique, p. 69; Abbé Meyraux, “La Bastide de Cazères-sur- Adour,” Bulletin de la Société de Borda, 1894, quoted in BSAG, 1969, p. 487; V. Dupont; Demolins, Supériorité, pp. 234-35. See Emile Combes, Mon Ministère (1956), p. 5, for such a dynasty of country doctors.

56. Louis A.-M. de Vogüé, pp. 129, 139, 326-28. Italics mine.

57. Audiganne, Populations, 1: 41, 66; 2: 199; Louis A.-M. de Vogüé, pp. 328–29. 59. Rougeron, Personnel, p. 9.

58. AD, Hte.-Vienne M132 (sous-préf. Rochechouart, 1857); Corbin, p. 1625; AD, Yonne III M1127 (Tonnerre, May 1851).

59. Ténot, Suffrage, passim and introduction: “absolute political ignorance.” See also Bernard, p. 8. For the peasant, said Jules Ferry, “comme le railway [la liberté] lui est indifférente. Elle ne le gêne pas, et il ignore encore qu’elle peut lui servir” (“La Lutte électorale en 1863,” Discours et opinions, 1893, 1: 48).

60. On this point, see Corbin, pp. 1140ff. See also Christian, p. 165: “Power in isolated communities accrues to those who are the brokers with the outside world.”

61. Armengaud, Populations, p. 351; AD, Hte.-Garonne 4M61 (Mar. 1848); Beslay, p. 46; AD, Vosges 8M25 (Sept.-Oct. 1878), Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (June, Aug. 1879); Massé, p. 39; AD, Cantal 40 M II (Aurillac, Nov. 1879, St.-Flour, Jan. 1880).

62. Beslay, p. III.

63. AN, FicIII Ardèche 11 (Jan. 1859), BB 30 371 (Angers, Oct. 1860); AD, Yonne III M1230 (Tonnerre, Sens, July 1859), M1233 (Feb.-June 1862).

64. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 136 (Aug. 1891). But for evidence of rural indifference, see AN, FicIII 1125 Allier (Jan. 1918), and FicIII 1125 Privas, Ardèche (Jan. 1918). Most recently, in the Santongeais saying of 1940, a time when men were back from the army and sales were good: “War can go on; we’ve all we need” (Doussinet, Paysan, p. 444). 67. AN, BB 30 388 (Toulouse, July 1856), BB 30 370 (Aix, Mar. 1852), FleIII Hte. Garonne 9 (Apr. 1859). Hence perhaps one reason for the role of drink in elections, when alcohol consumption showed a meteoric rise. On this point, see Pilenco, pp. 217-22, who calculated, inter alia, that in the electoral district of Montreuil (Pas-de-Calais), during the two months preceding the elections of 1902, the 4,000-odd voters increased their normal intake by over 19,000 liters of pure alcohol-about 500 additional shots of eaude-vie per voter.

65. AN, BB 30 390 (Chambéry, July 1870); AD, Lot 6M9 (Cazals, May 1848); Beslay, p. 47. See also AD, Yonne III M13 (July 1849).

66. Beslay, p. 67.

67. Corbin, pp. 534-37, 951-52; AD, Vosges 8M44, 8M46.

68. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. (Associations); Donnedevie, p. 277; Sénéquier, pp. 104ff.

Notes to Pages 270-81

72. Bougeatre, p. 196; Vigier, 2: 185; Roubin, pp. 58, 90–91.

73. Beslay, pp. 98–99; Roubin, p. 135.

74. Lancelot, pp. xiii, 249; Masseport, p. 86.

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75. Note in Lancelot, pp. 198–202, and in Dupeux (quoted in Lancelot, p. 200) various other factors in abstention: topography, weather, distance from parish center, distance from the road itself.

76. Dupeux, p. 389; Lancelot, pp. 188-89; Serge Bonnet, Sociologie, p. 256. See also Journal Officiel (Chambre), 1912, p. 2004, quoted by Pilenco, p. 292: “Il apparaît que l’arrondissement de Sartène, très arriéré, où les abstentions sont très nombreuses, ne possède pas dans son ensemble une éducation politique digne de citoyens capables de pratiquer le suffrage universel en toute liberté et en toute indépendance.” But then Sartène is in Corsica!

77. Rougeron, Conseil général, p. 14; AD, Finistère 4M (Châteaulin, 1889); P. Barral, Département de l’Isère, pp. 521-22; Rougeron, Département de l’Allier, p. 12. As the mayor of La Fouillouse (Loire) had said in 1898: “On arrive toujours à tout savoir” (Pilenco, p. 265; see also his discussion of open voting, pp. 259-71).

78. AD, Vosges 8M23 (St.-Dié, Oct. 1869, Neufchâteau, Mar., Apr. 1873); Rougeron, Département de l’Allier, pp. 8-11; Bougeatre, p. 175; AD, Lot 6M13 (Figeac, Sept. 1878). 79. P. Barral, Agrariens, p. 40; AD, Cantal 40 M II (Mauriac, Oct. 1879; Aurillac, Nov. 1879), Gers M 2237 (Lectoure, Feb. 1876); Daniel Halévy, La République des Ducs, 1937, p. 370; Gambetta quoted in René Rémond, La Vie politique en France, 1969, 2: 346; Francus, Valgorge, p. vi.

79. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (Sept. 1889); L. Gachon in Fauvet and Mendras, p. 411. 81. AD, Gers M 2799 (Mirande, July 1888), Puy-de-Dôme (Esprit public, 1890’s passim), Ariège 2M5 and 5M721. See also L. Gachon in Fauvet and Mendras, p. 429.

80. Assier, 3d ed., pp. 238-40.

81. Hamelle, pp. 635-45; Le Semeur (St.-Flour), June 29, 1907; AD, Cantal 40 M II. 84. Garneret, p. 172: At Lantenne, near Besançon, “electoral fever rose to the greatest pitch round 1905, and when the soldiers of 1914-18 returned,” just when local and national experience coincided. See also Corbin, pp. 1148-49.

Chapter Sixteen

My chapter title derives from Placide Rambaud and Monique Vincienne, Les Transformations d’une société rurale: La Maurienne, chapter 4: “L’Emigration, industrie des pays pauvres.”

Epigraph. “Rondel de l’adieu.”

1. Abel Poitrineau, Revue d’histoire moderne, 1962; Bonnamour, pp. 218-19.

2. Foville, Enquête, especially 1: xxxiii.

3. AD, Yonne VI M12 (juge de paix Coulanges-la-Vineuse, 1832); Chatelain, “Prob-

lèmes,” p. 12.

4. Fel, p. 145.

5. Garneret, p. 118.

6. Clément, p. 481.

7. Abbé Margot-Duclot, “L’Emigration des Hauts-Alpins,” La Réforme sociale, 1905, pp. 763-85 (p. 777).

8. Servat, pp. 131-32; Michel Chevalier, p. 737; Plessis, p. 146. See also A. de Lavergne, Rapport présenté au nom de la commission chargée de visiter les exploitations rurales de l’Ariège (Foix, 1875), p. 13.

9. Baudrillart, 3: 446; Gachon, Limagnes du Sud, pp. 413-15.

10. See J. Corcelle, Les Emigrants du Bugey (Belley, 1912); and the remarks of Lebeau,

[[542]]

Notes to Pages 282-86

pp. 311-12, who quotes a ditty of Jura migrants: “Early to rise and late to bed, / That’s how one picks up gros sous, / Ecus, white [silver] coins, / To return home purse full and do up the house.”

11. Corbin, pp. 236–37, 259, 264; AD, Creuse M 0472 (1857); Clément, pp. 489-90; Peygnaud, p. 214. In the 1850’s the commune of Saint-Pardoux (Creuse), pop. about 1,400 (in 1962, 711), issued between 113 and 148 passports for the yearly departures; in most years they were granted to over 10% of the total population, which must have covered almost all able-bodied males.

12. Pierre Vinçard, Les Ouvriers de Paris (1850), p. 38.

13. Corbin, p. 1239; Hertz, p. 113; Ajalbert, Mémoires, pp. 13, 36.

14. Corbin, p. 284; AD, Creuse M 0471 (juge de paix Ahun, 1874); Maurice Halbwachs, La Classe ouvrière et les niveaux de vie (1913), p. 38. In general and expectably, Halbwachs’ opening chapters on peasants are less realistic and more theoretical than the main body of the work, which focuses on the urban working class.

15. Drouillet, 2: 218-19; Ardouin-Dumazet, 1: 34; AG, MR 1278 (Morvan, 1842); Brochon, Chanson française, 2: 73; AD, Yonne III M1226 (Avallon, Mar. 1853); Demolins et al., Populations forestières, pp. 8-13; Bonnamour, pp. 218-19.

16. Monot, Industrie, especially pp. 29, 32, 34; AD, Yonne III M1231 (Avallon, Mar. 1860). Monot uses statistics for 1858-64 covering Montsauche and northeastern Nièvre: pop. 14,133, births 2,884, number of nursing mothers leaving for Paris, 1,897 (i.e., twothirds).

17. Ardouin-Dumazet, 1: 30-42; Drouillet, 2: 63.

18. Nadaud, Mémoires de Léonard (1912 ed.), p. 47. See also Enquête agricole, Hte.- Vienne, p. 158, quoted in Corbin, p. 252; and Boscary, p. 179.

19. Paul Roux, p. 6; Foville, Transformations, pp. 395-406; Paul Deschanel, J. O. Chambre, July 10, 1897, p. 1937-

20. P. Barral, Département de l’Isère, p. 113; Le Guen, p. 466. Brittany’s net outmigration rose from an annual average of 8,000 in 1831-51 to 116,000 in 1851-72; the figure stabilized at 126,000 in 1872-91, and then soared again, to average 206,000 in 1891-1911. 21. Guilcher, “Vue,” p. 9; Bulletin de la Solidarité Aveyronnaise, Feb. 1910, p. 9, Feb. 1912, p. 48; Chataigneau, p. 437; E. Potet, Annales de géographie, 1912, pp. 265-68; Deffontaines, Hommes et travaux, pp. 116-19.

21. On much of this, see Camille Valaux, La Réforme sociale, 1909, p. 350, quoted in Gautier, Emigration, p. 14.

22. Clément, p. 485; Bulletin de la Solidarité Aveyronnaise, Feb. 1912, p. 48, Dec. 1913, p. 42; Guillaumin, Paysans, pp. 119-20; Deffontaines, Hommes et travaux, p. 409; Fortier- Beaulieu, p. 265. Bourdieu and Sayed, p. 94: “En Kabylie, l’émigration vers la France qui, jusqu’à une date récente, avait pour fonction première de donner à la communauté paysanne les moyens de se perpétuer, change de signification et devient elle-même sa propre fin…. Occasion de rompre avec l’agriculture et la communauté,… occasion de s’émanciper de l’autorité familiale.”

23. The couplet is from Ogès and Déguignet, p. 115: “A baone eo beuzet Ker-Is, Ne neuz ker ebet evel Paris.” The rest of the paragraph is based on Bozon, Vie, p. 454; Marouzeau, especially p. 19 on Masrouzaud (Creuse); Serge Bonnet, Sociologie, p. 46; EA, Meuse, 1937; Adolphe Meyer, Promenade sur le chemin de fer de Marseille à Toulon (1859), p. 13; and Des causes et des effets du dépeuplement des campagnes par M. M……. (1866), pp. 4-5, 7-

24. Méline, p. 110; Pécaut, Quinze ans, pp. 70-74.

25. Jules Vallès in L’Evènement, 1866, quoted in Rouchon, 2: 132 (peasants’ sons “ont moins peur d’être soldats, parce que les casernes sont dans les villes”); Sion, p. 457; Norre, especially p. 97.

Notes to Pages 287-94

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27. Georges Davy in Friedmann, p. 37; Belbèze, pp. 51, 69, 141 (“depuis des siècles, le paysan méprise sa condition”); Duneton, p. 195; Compère-Morel in Compte-rendu du Congrès SFIO de 1909, quoted in Gratton, Paysan, p. 71; Combe, p. 177. The list of factors is based on the chapter headings in Deghilage, Dépopulation.

28. Goreux, pp. 330-31; AD, Yonne III M1231 (Tonnerre, May 1860); Daniel Zolla, “La Condition du travailleur rural,” Revue des français, 1912, pp. 163-69; Foville, France,

2: 227.

29. Both quotes are from Chatelain, “Migrants,” p. 15.

30. L’Aubrac, 4: 215. The rest of this paragraph is drawn primarily from AN, BB 30 378 (Dec. 1849, May 1850); Corbin, p. 1133; René Chatreix, Monographie de la commune de Saint-Maurice-la-Souterraine (Guéret, 1938), pp. 110-11; Mémoires de la Société des Sciences… de la Creuse, 1938-40, p. 172 (most people ate from the same bowl, but emigrants’ homes were the first to adopt plates); Boscary, pp. 186-87; and Ajalbert, En Auvergne, p. 32. See also AD, Yonne III M1231 (Avallon, Jan. 1860): “Poursuites contre Margue, maire de Provency, ancien valet de chambre à Paris, qui est venu importer dans l’Avallonais des vices jusque là inconnus dans ce pays.” Similarly, Henri Bachelin, Les Sports aux champs (Nevers, 1911), pp. 38-39, tells the story of an “ancien valet de chambre qui est revenu manger au village ses économies amassées sou par sou,” who is the first to tell his compatriots about the velocipede, and in due course to bring one to the village.

31. Deghilage, Dépopulation, p. 69.

32. AD, Puy-de-Dôme, Rapports d’inspection générale, 1881; AD, Cantal IT 993 (insp. primaire Murat, Mar. 1909); Longy, Port-Dieu, p. 75; AN, F17 9277 (Hte.-Vienne, 1872).

33. Le Saux, p. 22.

34. Chatelain, “Migrants,” p. 7, exaggerates the “swift proletarization” of workers from these areas (compare Corbin’s prudent conclusions, p. 1076 and passim). But migrants clearly were (as the authorities complained) carriers of urban ideas and freedoms, more so in some areas than others, depending on the nature of their milieu (e.g., having less impact in the conservatively religious Auvergne than in the Limousin).

35. AD, Creuse M 038 (juge de paix Chambon to préf., June 1857); Corbin, p. 1266; AN, Fib II Corrèze 7 (préf., Feb. 1874), about the little town of Bort; Chatelain, “Migrants,” p. 15, quoting Moniteur du Puy-de-Dôme, Jan. 13, 1871; Chanoine Trilouillier, Rapport sur l’émigration cantalienne (Congrès diocésain d’Aurillac, 1908), pp. 1-39; Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 193.

36. Hugonnier, pp. 60-61; Germouty, p. 450.

37. Cholvy, pp. 42-44; Goreux, p. 331; Pinchemel, Géographie, 1: 181.

38. See in Lancelot, p. 45, a map of those who were absent from their places of residence when the 1891 census was taken, showing 25% or more absentees in the Massif Central, Côtes-du-Nord, Ariège, and parts of the southeast against a national average of about 17%.

39. AD, Creuse M 0472 (1857); Corbin, pp. 286-88; Agulhon, République, p. 172.

Chapter Seventeen

Epigraph. Contrasting themes in Robert Jalby, Le Folklore de Languedoc.

1. The material in this paragraph is drawn from Schnapper, pp. 70, 137; and Peygnaud,

P. 137.

2. Burguière, p. 90; AN, BB 30 371 (Angers, Jan. 1866); Hérault, p. 227.

3. AD, Vosges 8M23 (Feb. 1872), Puy-de-Dôme M 04476 (Feb. 1890). To be precise, substitution (except between relatives, to the 4th degree) had been abolished by a law of 1855. But it had effectively been replaced by the possibility of purchasing “exoneration” from military service for a fee of 2,500 francs paid directly to the army authorities.

4. Belbèze, p. 62.544

Notes to Pages 294-300

5. AN, BB 30 370 (Agen, July 1854, Jan. 1855, July 1859), BB 30 371 (Angers, Jan. 1866, July 1867), BB 30 390 (Rennes and Montpellier, 1867), BB 30 370 (Aix, Apr. 1867 and passim).

6. AN, BB 30 375 (Mar. 1868), quoted in Lovie, p. 449; AN, BB 30 373 (Besançon, Jan. 1866, Apr. 1868).

7. Cobb, Police, p. 99; AG, MR 1218 (Hérault); AD, Cantal IT 832 (June 1832); AG, MR 1269 (1839), MR 1228 (1840); AD, Ariège 5M3 (St.-Girons, 1856, 1857); AG, MR 2283 (1859, 1860), MR 2275 (1860, Eure-et-Loir, Ille-et-Vilaine; 1877, Seine-Inf.); Hérault, p. 227.

8. AG, MR 1274 (Lozère, 1844; see another report from Mende in 1845 to the effect that these people looked on desertion as a glory); Pons, Cerca, 1960, p. 326; Lovie, p. 268. In Poitou, where in times of want people ate garobe, a bread made of black vetch grown for the pigeons’ winter feed, some families in the early nineteenth century deliberately fed their sons on it so that they would grow up stunted and unfit for service (Tradition, p. 81).

9. Pérot, p. 44.

10. AG, MR 2261 (Basque country, 1873; Landes, 1874), MR 2267 (Ille-et-Vilaine, 1876), MR 2270 (Gers, 1876; Hte.-Garonne, 1876, 1877), MR 2275 (Sarthe, 1878); AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (Sept. 1879); Pérot, pp. 10, 44; Sébillot, Coutumes, pp. 82-83. Interestingly, national conscription made for the nationalization of the magic practices designed to secure a good number. Thivot, p. 328, comments that “all these means, once particular to a given province, had gradually spread throughout the country, brought in most often in our department [Htes.-Alpes] by peddlers.”

II. See the copious file in AD, Vosges 23 Z 13 (July 1913). Perhaps anti-militaristic propaganda drew less on the new internationalism than on the old distastes. See, for instance, Gaston Couté’s song “Les Conscrits,” in Brochon, Chanson sociale, pp. 97-100, which reflects the clear difference between the old, native anti-militarism and the new fin-de-siècle brand, which was, if anything, elitist and anti-populist.

12. Cénac-Moncaut, Jérôme La Friche, pp. 25-26; Garneret, p. 329; Père Toine in Cahiers des amis de Jacquou, 1939, p. 9.

13. AG, MR 1218 (Hérault, 1825), MR 1228 (Landes, 1843), MR 2277 (Rhône, 1859), MR 2281 (Allier, 1860), MR 2283 (Côtes-du-Nord, 1860), MR 2283 (Deux-Sèvres, 1862).

14. See AG, G82, throughout the Second Empire.

15. Hamerton, Round My House, pp. 91-99.

16. Durkheim, p. 259, for example, points out that the rate of military suicide, whose high incidence had attracted attention, declined from 630 per million in 1862 to 280 per million in 1890. Military mentality, like military society, was becoming part of the national way of life. On the changed relations between the common people and their new Republican army, see Michelle Perrot, 2: 633, 696-98.

17. Henry Leyret, En plein faubourg: Moeurs ouvrières (1895), pp. 87, 88; Esnault, Imagination, 101; Duchatellier, Condition, p. 6; Captain Fanet, Les Fêtes régimentaires (1895).

18. F. Brunot, 10: 965; Esnault, Imagination, p. 101; H. Serrant, Le Service du recrutement de 1789 à nos jours (1935), p. 8o. Reynier, Privas, p. 183: “Les Ardéchois qui faisaient leur service militaire à Privas… n’apportaient ou n’apprenaient pas grande chose de neuf. Un rôle bien plus efficace a été joué par la guerre de 1914-18, qui les a sortis et envoyés dans le nord et le nord-est.”

19. On events in the Midi, see especially Le Blond, pp. 73, 88, 132.

20. AN, F179262, Rapport sur les trois départements bretons, Oct. 1880. 21. Voisin, p. 19; Ajalbert, En Auvergne, pp. 168-69; F. Brunot, 10: 983.

21. AG, MR 1282 (Puy-de-Dôme, 1827), MR 1300 (Hte.-Vienne, 1845); N. Sales in

Notes to Pages 300–308

[[545]]

Comparative Studies, 1968, p. 268. See Stendhal, 2: 479: “Those from poor areas change completely in six weeks. [They are simply amazed] at getting meat every day.”

23. M. V. Parron, Notice sur l’aptitude militaire en France suivie d’un essai de statistique militaire de la Haute-Loire (Le Puy, 1868), p. 16. See also Taine, pp. 130, 191.

24. AG, G3177 (Blois, May 1871), G°179 (Le Mans, June 1872); Besson, p. 85.

25. Hubert Lyautey, “Du rôle social de l’officier dans le service universel,” RDM, April 15, 1891; General Brécart, “Le Rôle social de l’officier,” Revue des jeunes, July 1938; Eugène-Melchoir de Vogüé, Remarques sur l’Exposition du Centenaire (1889), (containing some of the ideas that inspired Lyautey); and Henri Rollet, L’Action sociale des catholiques en France, 1871-1901 (1947), pp. 26, 328-29.

26. Gautier, Siècle d’indigence, pp. 144-46. Another change in life-style at the local level was commented on by an observer from the western fenlands. In a book describing the peculiar local practice among the rural young of couples’ engaging in heavy public petting, Marcel Baudoin surmised that if this practice was beginning to decline, it was because the young men, “instruits par le service militaire, éprouvent désormais une sorte de fausse honte à se conduire comme leurs ancêtres” (Le Maraichinage: Coutume du pays de Mont (Vendée), 1906, p. 117).

27. Guillaumin, Panorama, p. 21; General Lamoricière in Moniteur universel, Oct. 21, 1848, quoted by N. Sales, in Comparative Studies, 1968, p. 282; AN, BB 30 388 (Jan. 8, 1867); Ardouin-Dumazet, Les Petites Industries rurales (1912), pp. 16-17.

28. La Réforme sociale, 1909, p. 147; HE, instituteur of Soye (Doubs), 1899.

Chapter Eighteen

Epigraph. “La Victoire sociale” (1909).

1. AD, Yonne 3 T 1 (1810).

2. AD, Yonne 10 TI (Noyers, Aug. 1803).

3. AEP, 4 (Mar. 12, 1828); AD, Cantal IT 252 (1833, 1850, 1913), Eure-et-Loir, Rapports d’inspection primaire, 1837, IIT b 1; Giret, pp. 29, 34, 35, 38.

4. From Ernest Lavisse’s speech at the opening of a new school at Nouvion, published in Revue pédagogique, July 15, 1891, pp. 1-9. See the same journal, Apr. 15, 1892, p. 327, for evidence that this was still the case in the late 1880’s in the mountains of the southeast, around Puget-Théniers, where some schools had neither seats nor a stove.

5. AN, F17 10757 (Commentry, Allier, 1861).

6. Balzac, Les Paysans (1844), chap. 3; Boudard; Singer, p. 18; Giret, p. 37.

7. Arnaud, p. 14.

8. AD, Yonne III M2226 (Oct. 1853); Pierrard, p. 133, citing the letter of the rector of Lille to the prefect, Apr. 1829 (AD, Nord T 68/5); Ogès, Instruction, p. 81; Arnaud, pp. 15-20; primary inspector reports of 1836 and 1837 from the Dreux and Chartres areas, cited in Giret, pp. 42, 44; Cressot, p. 127.

9. Besson, p. 39; Jean-Louis Blanchon, Palau de Cerdanya (Palau, 1971), p. 37; Labrousse.

10. Instruction primaire, 1: 85; Tanneau, pp. 222-23; Gilland, p. 113; Borsendorff, p. 35. See also the school inspectors’ reports of the 1870’s cited by Zind, pp. 134–35. II. Instruction primaire, 1: 97; AN, F179253 (Privas, May 1877); Gazier, p. 119. 12. Instruction primaire, 1: 99, 127, 237, 247, 258, 366; priest quoted in Annales de démographie historique, 1971, p. 418.

11. Villemereux, Rapport sur la situation de l’instruction primaire dans le département du Loiret (Orleans, 1856), p. 23; AN, F179265 (Hte.-Loire, July 1882).

12. AN, F179265 (Hte.-Loire, Oct. 1881), F179269 (Morbihan, Dec. 1880); Ardouin- Dumazet, 34: 125. See also Boudard; and Giret, p. 50. If one is to believe Robert Sabatier (p. 245), some béates were still alive and revered in Haute-Loire in the 1930’s.

[[546]]

Notes to Pages 308–13

15. As a school inspector reported in 1871, “On n’est pas encore convaincu dans le Finistère de la nécessité de l’éducation des filles” (quoted in Burguière, p. 288).

16. Buisson, 1.2: 1317 (and Rapports d’inspection générale, 1881). Corrèze, declared the school inspection reports around 1860, was only “médiocrement civilisée.”

17. See Ministère de l’Instruction publique, Rapport à S. M. l’Empereur sur l’état de l’enseignement primaire pendant l’année 1863 (1865), especially pp. 89-92 (Victor Duruy’s report); Ministère de l’Instruction publique, Statistique de l’enseignement primaire, 1867-77 (1878); AN, F179262 (Oct. 1880); and Augé-Laribé, Politique, p. 123.

18. Charles Portal, “L’Instruction primaire dans le Tarn au 19e siècle,” Revue du département du Tarn, 1906, pp. 1-23.

19. Marion, 6: 21-25, 225; Mayeur, Débuts, p. 61.

20. See Buisson, 2: 1317, article “Illettrés.” See also Ministère de l’instruction publique, Résumés des états de situation de l’enseignement primaire, 1889-90 (1892), table 19bis; Résumés, 1894-95 (1896), table 22 for percentage of brides able to sign their marriage certificate; Résumés, 1888-89 (1890), tables 2obis and 21bis for married couples able to sign in 1886; Résumés, 1885-86 (1887), table 22 for conscript literacy in 1885; and Résumés, 1889-90 (1892), and 1894-95 (1896), tables 18bis and 20 for conscript literacy in 1889 and 1894, respectively. North of the line lay 32 departments with 13 million inhabitants and 740,846 schoolchildren (roughly 57,000 per million inhabitants). South of it were 54 departments with 18 million inhabitants and 375,931 schoolchildren (under 21,000 per million). See Charles Dupin, Effects de l’enseignement populaire (1826).

21. Pujos (Trespoux-Rassiels, 1881); AD, Finistère 4M (Châteaulin, Jan. 1901). See also Corbin, 3: 438.

22. AEP, I (insp. primaire, Bar-sur-Seine, Jan. 1873); Pécaut, Etudes, p. 23.

23. Giret, p. 69; AD, Vosges 11 T 17 (1889); Kanter, p. 116 (Hte.-Loire); Merley, pp. 246-47 (local official); Instruction primaire, 1: 475 (Allier); AN, F1710757 (Plassay, Charente-Inf.); Besson, pp. 9, 11 (Cantal); Darnaud, p. 19 (Ariège); Rocal, p. 310 (illiterate conscripts).

24. Compare these official statistics with AN, F179271 (Basses-Pyrs., 1877). See also Instruction primaire, especially on Ardèche, Rhône, Ain, Loire, Hérault, Aude, and Gard.

25. Pariset, Lauragais, p. 39.

26. Bonaventure Berger et al., Manuel d’examen pour le volontariat d’un an (1875), p. 46; Buisson, 2: 1499. Compare Léaud and Glay, p. 153, quoting Octave Gréard, vicerector of the Academy of Paris in 1882: “to teach French… is to strengthen national unity.”

27. AN, F179271 (Basses-Pyrs., 1877), F1710757 (Châteauneuf-du-Rhône, Drôme, 1861), Instruction primaire (Vaucluse); AN, F179259 (Dordogne, 1875), F179271 (Basses- Pyrs., 1874); G. Bruno, Tour de France, pp. 164-65.

28. AN, F179262 (Hérault, 1875); Francus, Vivarais, p. 309; AN, F179276 (Tarn-et- Garonne, 1873).

29. AG, MR 2154 (Hte.-Garonne, 1861); AN, F179264 (Landes, 1875).

30. Instruction primaire (Loire).

31. AN, F179276 (Tarn-et-Garonne, 1873, 1877), F179271 (Puy-de-Dôme, 1877), F179276 (Vaucluse, 1883); Longy, Canton, p. 47.

32. AN, F179271 (Basses-Pyrs., 1876); Rapports d’inspection générale, 1881 (Basses- Pyrs.); Blanchon, En Cerdagne, p. 26; Beulaygue, pp. 4-5.

33. AN, F179259 (insp. Côtes-du-Nord, arr. Guingamp, Sept. 1877), F179262 (Oct. 1880); Langue bretonne, pp. 3, 5.

34. Langue bretonne, pp. 3, 5. On the symbole, see Blanchon, En Cerdagne, pp. 49, 58, 61, 62; Besson, p. 25; Coornaert, p. 304; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 122-23; Singer, p. 185; Lafont, p. 212, quoting Frédéric Mistral, L’Aioli (1894); Robert Sabatier, p. 243; and Duneton, p. 21 (“C’est arrivé à ma propre mère plusieurs fois entre 1908 et 1912”).

Notes to Pages 314-20

[[547]]

35. AN, F179262 (see also F179259 for a very moving collection of letters about adult evening classes in Côtes-du-Nord); Langue bretonne, p. 6.

36. On the great backwardness of girls’ schooling and its effect on local speech, see AN, F179265, F179262 (Hte.-Loire, Hérault, Brittany); and Giret, p. 26, quoting 1868 survey, manuscript no. 21 in Bibliothèque Municipale, Chartres. This was reflected in the availability of normal schools for men and women teachers. In 1869 there were 76 for men, and only 11 for women. By 1887 the gap had almost closed, with 90 schools for men, and 81 for women (Levasseur, 2: 495).

37. Buisson, 1: 105-6; Reynier and Abrial, pp. 8-9, 34.

38. AD, Cantal IT 848 (258), director’s letters June 8, Oct. 25, 1836, Dec. 16, 1837; end-of-year reports, July 1875, May 19, 1877; AN, F179261 (Gard), Ecole Normale Primaire de Nîmes, 1872, F179267 (Lozère), Ecole Normale Primaire de Mende, 1872, 1881. In 1864, according to the rector, most normaliens of Bas-Rhin were “peasants foreign to our speech” (Dollinger, p. 428).

39. AN, F179271 (Basses-Pyrs., 1874, 1875), F179259 (Dordogne, 1875), F179264, Ecole Primaire de Dax (Landes), 1876, F179276, Ecole Normale Primaire d’Avignon (Vaucluse), 1876, F179271, Ecole Normale Primaire de Perpignan, 1878, Puy-de-Dôme, 1877; Rapports d’inspection générale, 1881 (Lot-et-Garonne; Basses-Pyrs.; Aveyron).

40. Rouchon, 2: 36; Instruction primaire, passim; Rapports d’inspection générale, 1881 (Gers; Ariège; Htes.-Pyrs.); AN, F179262 (Hérault, 1864), F179275 (Deux-Sèvres, 1882). 41. H. Denain, Discours de distribution des prix dans une commune rurale (Chartres, 1862), p. 6; Félix Pécaut, Le Temps, Aug. 4, 1872; Pécaut, Etudes, p. 55. On teachers’ condition, see AN, F179271 (Puy-de-Dôme, 1877); Marcel Lachiver, Documents d’histoire régionale (1971), p. 35; Labourasse, p. 14; and Florent, p. 219. See also Clément Brun, p. 61 (peasants’ appreciation of teacher’s skills); and HE II, Lozère, 1888: Recoules, near Marvejols (teachers’ devotion to Republic).

41. AN, F179253 (Htes.-Alpes, 1882), F179275 (Deux-Sèvres, 1882).

42. On teachers’ pay, see Antoine Prost, pp. 143-44, 372, 380ff; Clément Brun, p. 57; Mignot, p. 45; Besson, p. 34; and Singer, p. 94. Serge Bonnet tells us that in Meurthe-et- Moselle at the turn of the century, teachers looked with some envy on the pay of other workers. In the village of Jouaville the teacher earned 1,200 francs a year, to which he added 100 francs for his brévet complémentaire and a further 125 francs for acting as secretary to the municipal council: a little under 4 francs a day. An unskilled factory worker made 3-4 francs a day, and in the bigger bourg of Joeuf 4-5 francs. A railroad worker earned 2.5 francs a day. A day laborer on a farm could expect 1.5 francs and his food. (“La vie ouvrière vue par les instituteurs en Meurthe-et-Moselle [1890-1900],” Mouvement social, 1965, p. 85.)

43. AD, Puy-de-Dôme F62, “Monographie de l’école normale,” 1900 (manuscript). 45. AD, Yonne VII M12 (Apr. 1836); AN, FicIII Ardèche 11 (Apr. 1860); AD, Ariège 5M3 (congratulatory addresses on the occasion of Napoleon III’s marriage, Feb. 1853; sous-préf. St.-Girons, Apr. 1856); préf. Bas-Rhin, quoted in Dollinger, p. 427; AD, Pyrs.- Ors. 3M1 224 (comm. Bourg-Madame, Jan. 14, Jan. 30, 1896).

44. AD, Yonne III M1234 (Joigny, Oct. 1865).

45. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 224 (Bourg-Madame, Jan. 14, 1896), Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 225 (Perthus, July 1897); Guichonnet, p. 48; Esnault, Imagination, p. 229. Other nicknames given to the teachers were “head-stuffer,” empeille-cabi (Louis Bollé, Histoire et folklore du Haut-Bugey, Bellegarde, 1954, p. 106); and rabat-joie and tape-la-gueille (Doussinet, Les Travaux, p. 340).

46. AN, F1710757 (1861); Pécaut, Quinze ans, p. 199; HE 12.922 (inst. Vestric, Gard, 1878); Bastié, 2: 153; Instruction primaire (Académie d’Aix).

47. Malègue, Guide l’étranger, p. 163; AD, Cantal IT 993 (Velzic, about 1900). 50. Armengaud, Populations, pp. 328-29; AN, F179277 (St.-Yrieix, Hte.-Vienne, 1872);

[[548]]

Notes to Pages 320-28

Ogès, Instruction, pp. 22-23; Chabirand, pp. 197-98; Instruction primaire, 1: 361, 418; AN, F179276 (Vendée, 1881), F179259 (Côtes-du-Nord, 1877).

51. For details on dispersed settlements, see Foville, Enquête, 2: 235; and AN, F179276 (Vendée, 1872, 1876, 1881), F179276 (Brittany, 1880). See also Derruau-Borniol, p. 48, on Creuse, whose 266 communes were divided into 6,000 hamlets. At Plozévet (Fin.) school attendance began to flourish only after the bourg had grown into an active center for its commune, its more numerous inhabitants providing the school with a larger and more regular clientele. Before 1875 school enrollment had varied between 85 and 139. In November 1891 we find 200 children enrolled and 164 actually attending. By February 1893, 194 were attending out of 252 enrolled. (See Burguière, pp. 276-77.)

52. Buisson, 1.2: 1650; AN, F179263 (Indre, 1880); Lefournier, pp. 889-90; Corbin, 3: 438; Giret, p. 65; AN, F179262 (Brittany, 1880).

53. AD, Cantal 970 (325) (Pléaux, Feb. 1839); AG, MR 1228 (Basses-Pyrs., 1844); Garneret, p. 327.

54. AN, F1710757 (Aveyron, 1861); Pariset, Lauragais, p. 39; AD, Gers M 2799 (gendarmes Seissane, Feb. 1875); HE II (Billy, 1899); Pujos (Ste.-Alauzie, 1881); L’Egalité, Mar. 26, 1882, quoted in Mona Ozouf, L’Ecole, l’église et la république (1963), p. 89.

55. AG, MR 1198 (Auxonne, 1834; Pontarlier, 1835); Instruction primaire, 1: 119; AN, F179267 (Lozère, 1877); Léon Dériès, Rapport sur la situation de l’instruction primaire dans la Manche (St.-Lô, 1892); Corbin, 2: 108-9; AD, Cantal IT 993 (St.-Flour, Feb. 1900?; Mauriac, Feb. 1900), IT 951 (insp. d’académie, 1902?). See also Giret, p. 57.

56. AG, MR 1198 (Doubs, 1835); J.-L. Roche, 2: 15; Instruction primaire, 1: 361; AN, BB 30 374 (Bourges, Jan. 1866).

57. AN, F179276 (1876), F179264 (1878).

58. Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 196.

59. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 191; Bois, “Dans l’Ouest,” p. 361.

60. Antoine Prost, pp. 94-95.

61. Giret, p. 37; AN, F179277 (Hérault, Lozère, 1872).

62. AEP, 2; Tanneau, pp. 216-18; Ogès, Instruction, pp. 22–23.

63. AD, Cantal IT 322.

64. AN, F179265 (Loire-Inf., Dec. 1875); Bougeatre, p. 172; Tanneau, pp. 216-18.

65. M. E. Decoux-Lagoutte, Notes historiques sur la commune de Trélissac (Périgueux, 1900), p. 91; Georges Wurmser, La République de Clemenceau (1961), p. 64; J.-L. Roche, 2: 11; AN, F179265 (Loire-Inf., Dec. 1875), F1710757 (Garrevagues, Tarn; Rienbach, Ariège); Darnaud, p. 29; Instruction primaire, 1: 190.

66. Instruction primaire, 1: 190 and passim.

67. AN, F179265 (Loire-Inf., Dec. 1875), F179276 (Vaucluse, 1883).

68. Ariès in François, p. 926; Lovie, p. 342; Cavoleau, p. 864.

69. Thabault, Mon village, p. 85; Corbin, p. 458.

70. Buisson, 1: 730; AN, F17 10757 (Rienbach, Ariège, 1861); Singer, p. 174.

71. Ogès, Instruction, p. 42.

72. Drouillet, 2: 183; MATP, manuscript 43.308 (1875), accounts from Ménez-Braz, near Concarneau; manuscript 43.309 (1878), accounts from Kerguido farm near Con-

carneau.

73. Buisson, 1: 615-16; Corbin, p. 438.

74. AN, F179263 (Isère, 1876). See also F179259 (Dordogne, 1875).

75. Thabault, Mon village, p. 140; Lavisse, Première année d’instruction civique, p. 8. See also Lavisse, Année préparatoire, pp. 116-19, stressing the regularity and security of such jobs. On this theme, see Servat, p. 135; AN, BB 30 373 (Besançon, Apr. 1866); the remarks of the survey of 1866, quoted in Lovie, pp. 289-90; L’Aigle du Tarn, Sept. 22, 1867, quoted in Armengaud, Populations, p. 297. On Soye and Seine, see HE (no number), Soye, 1899; and Méline, p. 199.

Notes to Pages 328-34

[[549]]

76. Pujos (Montat, Valroufié, Cézac, Pern); Buisson, 1.2: 1492; AN, F179271 (Puy-de- Dôme, 1877); Pécaut, Rapports, p. 26; Rapports d’inspection générale (Dordogne). For an earlier period, compare Laurence Stone, “The Educational Revolution in England, 1560-1640,” Past and Present, July 1964, p. 68; and Thabault, Mon village, p. 140.

77. D’Estienne de Saint-Jean, “Paysan métayer de la Basse-Provence,” Ouvriers des deux mondes (1888), p. 189, and Foville, Enquête, 1: 231 (on Provençal peasants in 1862 and 1894); Passama, p. 122; teacher of Théméricourt (Seine-et-Oise), Monographie de Théméricourt, 1899, quoted in Marcel Lachiver, Histoire de Meulan et de sa région (Meulan, 1965), p. 331 (and p. 332 for Vigny, nearby); AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04476 (Mont-Dore, June 1890).

78. B. B. Singer, “The Teacher as Notable in Brittany,” unpub. manuscript, p. 13; Bes-

son, p. 27.

79. Moureu, p. 18. See also Besson, p. 33.

80. Devoirs, pp. 185-86.

81. Alfred Giron, p. 6; Instruction primaire, 1: 537; AN, BB 30 370 (Aix, Jan., Feb. 1850); Ogès, Instruction, p. 143; AD, Hte.-Vienne IZ 105 (Magnac-Laval, 1865); Pécaut, Education, p. 3; Coissac, p. 184; Guilcher, Tradition, p. 16; Boillot, Français, p. 93; Perrin and Bouet, p. 218; Blanchon, En Cerdagne, p. 27.

82. Devoirs, pp. 15, 25, 119; G. Bruno, Francinet, pp. 153-54; Ardouin-Dumazet, 34: 93. This last is a common note. See AD, Gers M 2278 (Aug. 6, 1889), for an official’s awards speech: “Without the schools the people would regress to barbarism.”

83. François Guizot, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de mon temps (1971 ed.), p. 200. The law of June 28, 1833, may be found in Octave Gréard, La Legislation de l’instruction primaire depuis 1789 jusqu’à nos jours (1874), vol. 1.

84. Anon., Des besoins de l’instruction primaire dans une commune rurale (1861), p. 5; AN, F179376 (Tarn-et-Garonne, 1868-69); Lavisse, Première année d’instruction civique, pp. 46-47.

85. G. Bruno, Francinet, pp. 138-40; Devoirs, p. 193; Lavisse, Petites histoires, pp. 69- 72; AD, Vosges 11 T 17 (Chermisey, 1889).

86. Deghilage, Education, pp. 36-38; G. Bruno, Francinet, pp. 60, 78-79; Lavisse, Petites histoires, p. 100. See also Jules Steeg, Les Bienfaits du travail (1893), p. 1; and Conférence faite à Ay, le 28 novembre, 1891, par A. E. André, Inspecteur de l’enseignement primaire à Reims, “L’Education morale et civique à l’école” (1892), especially p. 3.

87. Lavisse, Petites histoires, pp. 40, 65-68. Note that Lavisse himself was the worthy offspring of the owners of a shop called “Au petit bénéfice.” All schools propagandized students on the virtues of savings. See Devoirs, p. 137 and passim: form letters and exercises spelling out the advantages of savings.

88. See Deutsch, p. 152; and Pécaut, Etudes, p. 149.

89. AN, F1710757 (Aumessas, 1861); Lavisse, “Enseignement,” pp. 208-10; Pécaut, Education, pp. 22-23.

90. Lavisse, Première année de l’instruction civique, p. 108; Devoirs, pp. 128-30, 150. There could also be unexpected reactions. Asked about the duties of those who govern, one child answered that they “must carry out their functions wisely and not crush the people with taxes.” The teacher intervened to explain that taxes were necessary and had to be paid for the country’s honor and welfare.

91. See A. Armbruster, Instruction civique (1882), a sort of secular catechism for 7- to 9-year-olds, pp. 8, 10; AD, Gers M 2278, awards speech to the écoles communales of Masseube, Aug. 6, 1889; and Blanchon, En Cerdagne, pp. 25-26.

92. AN, F179376 (Puy-de-Dôme, 1869), F179264 (Loire, 1878); Pécaut, Etudes, pp. 278- 80; Berger et al., Manuel (cited in note 26, above), p. 20; AN, F179276 (Vendée, 1879); Rapports d’inspection générale, 1881, Hte.-Saône.

93. Lavisse, Première année d’histoire de France. See also Lavisse, “Enseignement.”

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Notes to Pages 334-43

94. Instruction primaire, 1: 125, 221, 247; Rapports d’inspection générale, 1881, Cher. 95. AN F179276 (Tarn-et-Garonne, 1873, 1881), F179252 (Allier, 1878?, 1880), F179262 (Ille-et-Vilaine, 1880).

95. Deghilage, Education.

96. Buisson quoted in Ozouf and Ozouf, p. 7; Besson, pp. 31, 32.

97. See G. Bruno, Tour de France, pp. 162, 177, 193-94, 236-39, 247, 305, 308; and Dupuy, pp. 132, 136–45.

98. For an accepted but questionable view, see Isambert-Jamati, p. 122; and Alphonse Dupront in François, p. 1433. For a counterargument, see Dupuy, p. 147. On Lavisse, see his Première année d’histoire de France, p. 216.

99. Lavisse, Petites histoires, p. 89. Compare Ronald R. Dore, Education in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley, Calif., 1965), p. 292: “What does widespread literacy do for a developing country? The man who has in childhood submitted to some process of disciplined and conscious learning is more likely to respond to further training.”

100. Gustave Hervé quoted in O. Harmel, La Bataille scolaire (n.d.), pp. 18-19; Pécaut, Education, p. 21; Ozouf and Ozouf, p. 31.

101. Ariès in François, p. 951; C. Bally, p. 220; Thabault, L’Enfant, introduction. 103. AN, F179259 (Côtes-du-Nord, 1880), F179275 (Deux-Sèvres, 1881, canton Mazi- ères); Pujos (Cremps); Beulaygue, pp. 5, 6; Ardouin-Dumazet, 14: 340; Isambert-Jamati, p. 166; F. Gourvil, Quelques opinions sur les langues locales dans l’enseignement (Morlaix, n.d.), especially pp. 11-16.

Léon Dériès, Après quinze ans, 1882-1897 (Saint-Lô, 1897), p. 21.

105. See Devoirs, pp. 24-25, 48, for the growing familiarity with references and identities that could henceforth be used by press, politicians, and the like; and Duneton, p. 196, who remarks of migrants that they wanted to live among the people and in the landscape that had been held in their mind’s eye since their schooldays.

106. V. Dupont, pp. 129-36; HE II (Ribennes, Lozère, 1888); Rougeron, Département de l’Allier, pp. 126-27; Langue bretonne, p. 7.

Chapter Nineteen

Epigraph. Father to son, in Diable aux champs (1855), 1865 ed., pp. 15–17.

1. Latreille and Rémond, 3: 423, 425, 427. School-attendance figures, pp. 436-37, provide another index of the preeminence of the Church. The first detailed elementary school statistics, for 1876-77, show 71,547 schools with 4,716,935 students, divided as follows: lay schools, 51,657, with 2,648, 562 students; church schools, 19,890, with 2,068,373 students. The great majority of the church schools were girls schools, most of the church schools for boys being situated in towns. But note that at that time 69,000 of all French schools were Catholic, completely dominated by religious authority.

2. See Esnault, Imagination, pp. 293-94.

3. Barbizier, 1950, pp. 388–91; Juge, p. 130.

4. Gorse, p. 43; J. Sabbatier, p. 213; Péguy, “Pierre,” p. 1220.

5. Romieu, p. 271; Le Saux, p. 85; Bois, Paysans (1971 ed.), p. 307; Deffontaines, Hommes et travaux, pp. 87-88; Singer, p. 67; Labrune, p. 5.

6. Prieur de Sennely cited in Edeine, 2: 691; Péguy, “Pierre,” p. 1220.

7. Bonnet and Santini, especially p. 144.

8. Hilaire, pp. 57-58.

9. AD, Yonne V 11-13 (1800-1828; containing many and repeated complaints and injunctions against the tendency of laymen to take over the functions of absent priests), AG, MR 1269 (Beauce, 1837). See also AD, Yonne III M1 47 (sous-préf. Sens, Nov. 1814). 10. Fernand Boulard, Problèmes missionaires, 1: 145-47; Jeanton, Légende, pp. 15ff, 70; Hilaire, p. 60; J.-A. Delpon, 1: 212.

10. Derruau-Borniol, p. 55; Le Saux, pp. 30, 31; P. Labrune, L’Emigration (Aubusson,

Notes to Pages 343-49

[[551]]

1869), especially p. 18; Cholvy, p. 327; AD, Cantal 40 M 11 (préf. Aurillac, Nov. 1879). 12. AN, FicIII Loiret 12 (sous-préf. Pithiviers, June 1859). Even St. Jean-Baptiste Marie Vianney, who tried to stamp out all other sins throughout his parish during his 41 years at Ars (1818-59), could not fight against this breach of the Lord’s will.

13. Marcilhacy, “Emile Zola,” p. 580, quoting from the archives of the Missions in Beauce, 1861; AD, Yonne III M1233 (Sens, Apr. 1862).

14. Le Saux, pp. 32-37, 54 (citing the bishop of Limoges); Corbin, pp. 907, 911; AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04470 (Riom, Oct. 1906); Belbèze, p. 74.

15. Le Saux, p. 54; Latreille and Rémond, 3: 360; Cholvy, pp. 226-27, 229; Edeine, 2: 701; Ségalen, p. 48.

16. Boulard (cited in note 10, above), 1: 154; Le Saux, p. 38.

17. Dupront in François, pp. 526-27; Daniel; Edeine, 2: 703 (Sologne); N.-J. Chaline, “Une Image du diocèse de Rouen sous l’épiscopat de Mgr. de Croy,” Revue de l’histoire de l’église de France, 1972, p. 66 (Normandy).

18. R. Brunet, p. 221.

19. Halévy, p. 65; R. Brunet, p. 221. See also Le Saux, p. 94 (“Catholicism and sorcery were indissolubly connected in the peasants’ mind”); and Lecoeur, p. 66, in 1883 (“Prêtres et bergers sont tous sorciers, dit un vieux proverbe qui n’a pas cessé d’être vrai”).

20. R. Brunet, p. 221; Beauquier, pp. 74-75; Baudiau, 1: 47; Charles Dumont, p. 25; Pérot, p. 18; Labourasse, p. 158. On malign priests, see Zind, p. 189, quoting reports of the rector of the Academy of Poitiers in 1858-59. At Boux (Bouëx, Charente), if hail ravaged the crops, “c’est le prêtre du lieu qui le fait tomber par vengeance.” At Vouzan (Charente) an old woman saw her priest with her own eyes “sitting on a cloud, casting thunderbolts.” “Et tout ceci se croit,” wailed the rector. On priests conjuring away storms, throwing a shoe or bonnet at them, and saying special prayers, see also Bérenger-Féraud, Réminiscences, pp. 291-93.

21. Le Saux, p. 92, quotes the curé of Saint-Victurnien (Hte.-Vienne) as saying in 1925: “On redoute que le prêtre n’introduise avec lui la mort.”

22. Perrin and Bouet, p. 110.

23. Malon, p. 17; Hilaire, p. 66; A. A. Milne, Winnie-the-Pooh (London, 1926), chap. 3: “In Which Pooh and Piglet Go Hunting and Nearly Catch a Woozle.” Readers should bear in mind that, while Heffalumps appear well authenticated, Wizzles and Woozles have a more uncertain pedigree.

24. On saints batteurs, etc., see Leproux, Dévotions, pp. xvi-xix. In Saintonge children struck by a mysterious illness or stunted in their growth are said to be struck by the saints (eit❜battut des saints). Doussinet, Paysan, p. 96. “Before you get to God, the saints will eat you up,” declares a Romanian proverb. Humility before men suggests humility before saints. If one is less than nothing, saints are very potent indeed. The more a person thinks he is able to help himself, the less he thinks he needs saints.

25. Perrin and Bouet, p. 157; Labourasse, p. 65; Daniel. Laborde, p. 357, points out that in calling George Sand “la bonne dame de Nohant,” the people around La Châtre were likening her to the Virgin Mary, who was so known in Berry.

26. Lapaire, pp. 16-17; Daniel; Cinq siècles, especially pp. xxi, 90. For more evidence, see Benoît, La Provence, pp. 275-77. Benoît makes very clear the role of local dialect in the varying attributions of saints. Thus, St. Aurélien (locally Aureille), bishop of Arles, could make the north wind (Auro) blow and keep rain from spoiling the crops. Around Salon the peasants sought the patronage of St. Blaise, protector of their wheat (Provençal, blad). While St. Eutropius (St. Tropes; St. Estròpi) could also respond to the appeal of cripples (estropiés).

27. Labourasse, p. 68 (Meuse); Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 145 (Ardèche); Hertz, p. 138 (Alps). Many legends warn against attempting to rebuild cult chapels on a different site, and Charrié tells the story of Notre-Dame-de-l’Espérance at Pramaillet, near Saint-

[[552]]

Notes to Pages 349-57

Etienne-de-Boulogne (Ardèche), where in 1823 the crowds of pilgrims and their excessive junketing brought official interdiction of the cult. The statue was transferred to Saint-Etienne and the chapel left to collapse, but the pilgrims kept coming, rebuilt the ruins and the cult was finally reestablished in 1872. (Bas-Vivarais, pp. 110, 127.)

28. Fage, Fontaines, pp. 14-15; Abbé Cazauran, Castelnau-d’Auzan (Auch, 1893), pp. 45-47, 62-63; Daniel.

29. BFI, 1954, p. 618.

30. Dupront, pp. 110-11; Cordier, p. 35; Pérot, p. 17.

31. Gostling, pp. 229-31.

32. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1.4: 2096 (Morbihan); Dergny, 1: 352-56 (Picardy); AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0274 (Miremont, arr. Riom).

33. Fage, Fontaines, p. 1o; Benoît and Gagnière; Paul Sébillot, “Les Ex-voto,” Revue des traditions populaires, 1906, especially p. 162; Berthout, p. 24.

34. HE 12.836 (inst. Urcerey, Territoire de Belfort, 1888); Jeanton, Habitation paysanne, p. 112; Collot, p. 5.

35. AG, MR 1234 (Vendée, 1840); Zeldin, Conflicts, p. 163.

36. AN, FicIII Ardèche 11 (Bourg-St.-Andéol, Oct. 1862).

37. J. Sabbatier, pp. 6, 166.

38. Laurentin, 1: especially pp. 171, 172, 177.

39. Lasserre, especially pp. 14, 30; Laurentin, 1: 63, 235; Taine, pp. 173, 175. Meanwhile, there was an ebbtide in the fortunes of older pilgrimage sites as railroads made the more prestigious ones accessible. See Vartier, Vie, p. 37, on the decline of Notre-Damedes-Ermites, in Lorraine; and the comments of Christian, pp. 47, 66.

40. Laurentin, 1: 20-21, 26; Mgr. Dupanloup in Lettre sur les prophéties contemporaines (1874), quoted in Mayeur, Débuts, p. 13.

41. Labrune, p. 135; Revue de synthèse, 1957, pp. 386-89. Notably, in response to listener’s remark that Christianity was decaying and “on retourne aux pensées paiennes,” Gabriel Le Bras is quoted as saying, “On y reste!”

42. AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0274 (Miremont, arr. Riom); Edeine, 2: 765; Georges Rocal, Les Vieilles Coutumes dévotieuses et magiques du Périgord (Toulouse, 1922), p. 119. Bellringing against calamities also began to be abandoned toward the end of the century as lightning rods and hail insurance made it increasingly dispensable.

43. Labourasse, p. 76; Donnedevie, pp. 168-69, 271; Corbin, pp. 967-68, citing La Semaine religieuse du diocèse de Limoges, Apr. 23, 1876, p. 263. See also vast files in AN, F12391, 12392, 12393, and 12393a; and AD, Hte.-Vienne 4M 33 (Bellac, June 1897), 4M 137 (St.-Léonard, 1904, 1911).

44. Dupront, p. 112; Daniel.

45. Norre, p. 51; Halévy, pp. 66-67. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (Harmondsworth, Eng., 1973 ed.), p. 792, suggests that fertilizers replaced fertility rites. But he says this about Tudor England. We find it happening in the days of Jean Jaurès.

I. Gorse, p. 9.

Chapter Twenty

2. Brugerette, 2: 53. But see Jean Meyer in Delumeau, p. 441, on how the Breton priests’ relative comfort compared with the general population gave them a certain personal independence and social prestige. Their salary was supplemented by gifts in money and in kind and, often, by a plot of land. Of course, conditions in Brittany were not necessarily reproduced in other regions. Prejudices were self-reinforcing. The more devout the region, the better off the priest and the higher his social position; the less devout the region, the worse the priest’s economic situation, and the weaker also his position in the socioeconomic pecking order.

Notes to Pages 358-64

3. AD, Yonne V7 (1800); Doussinet, Travaux, p. 345.

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4. AD, Ariège 5M 532 (Bouan, 1862; Barjac), Yonne V 151 (Sens, 1845); Labrune, p. 76. See also Zind, p. 163.

5. Dergny, 2: 32; Petit catéchisme du diocèse d’Annecy (Annecy, 1876), p. 5; BSAG, 1959, pp. 349, 358.

6. R. Brunet, p. 221 (Blajan, Hte.-Garonne); AD, Ariège 5M3 (St.-Girons, Mar. 1857); René Boudard, “Un Tumulte à Bourganeuf,” Mémoires de la Société des Sciences… de la Creuse, 1957, pp. 109-12.

7. AD, Ariège 3M 105 (Soutein, 1884); Le Roy, Moulin, p. 104; Zeldin, Conflicts, Pp. 177-78; AN, BB30 370 (Aix, June 1850).

8. AD, Hte.-Vienne 4M 24 (St.-Laurent-sur-Gorre, May-June 1881); Norre, pp. 78-79; Besson, p. 12. For stories of priestly charity and privation, on the other hand, see Hamerton, Round My House, pp. 335-40.

9. Le Saux, p. 129 (citing bishop’s pastoral); Massé, p. 43; Mazières, 1: 381; Louis A.-M. de Vogüé, pp. 336-37.

10. Audiganne, Populations, 2: 213. See also Stuart R. Schram, “Traditions religieuses et réalités politiques dans le département du Gard,” Christianisme social, 1953, PP. 194- 254. On the clash between the “White” religious processions and the “Red” male-voice choir in a Vaucluse commune under the reign of MacMahon, see Henry Meynard, Lourmarin à la Belle Epoque (Aix, 1968), pp. 150-59. A generation later, in northern Ardèche, the traditional enmity of Protestants and Catholics assumed acute forms at election time. See Pilenco, p. 235, on the operations of armed bands gathered by village priests, and the ritual burnings of mannikins (or live goats) during the elections of 1902.

II. Correspondence in AN, FicIII Loiret 12 (Apr. 1859); Gustave Delpon, Ma confession (Clermont, 1887), p. 17; Emile Zola, Germinal, Chap. 7, p. 1.

12. AD, Finistère 4M (Landerneau, Oct. 1897); Berthout, especially p. 125.

13. AD, Cantal 40 MI (préf. Aurillac, Dec. 1897); Monteils-Pons, p. 38 (referring to Florac, Lozère). See also AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04476 (sous-préf. Issoire, Aug. 1890). Compare Father Coubé, speaking at Lourdes in April 1901, contending that in the elections of 1902 “there would be only two candidates: Jesus Christ and Barabbas!” (Quoted in Guillemin, p. 387.)

14. Le Saux, p. 115.

15. On the social extraction of priests, see Cholvy, pp. 264-65; Jean Meyer in Delumeau, p. 440; Corbin, pp. 901, 1215; and Le Saux, p. 80 (quoting Missions des oblats). Charrié contrasts the higher social extraction of priests in the Ancien Régime with that of the nineteenth-century priests, who were “simple peasants” (Bas-Vivarais, pp. 147-48). Reminiscent of the priest of Rebets (Seine-Inf.), whom an episcopal visitation of the late 1820’s found to be “tout paysan et ne sachant parler qu’en paysan” (N.-J. Chaline, “Une Image du diocèse de Rouen,” Revue de l’histoire de l’église de France, 1972, p. 62).

16. Garneret, p. 288; Cholvy, pp. 422-23; Langue bretonne.

17. Gaston Méry, Libre parole, Sept. 1907, quoted in Brugerette, 3: 26.

18. AN, F179271 (Basses-Pyrs., 1880, 1881); AD, Finistère M4 (Pont-l’Abbé, Feb. 1903). 19. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 163 (préf., June 1879), Hte.-Vienne 4M24 (May 1881), Ariège 3M 105 (St.-Girons, May 1888; Dun, Aug. 1889; Rabat, Aug. 1890; Camon, Dec. 1896). On the cited examples of priests’ actions, see AD, Cantal II 252 (important report by inspecteur d’académie, “La Lutte contre l’école laique,” Feb. 1913); “Le Couronnement de la Vierge Noire,” Revue pédagogique, Dec. 1894, pp. 502-8; and André Hallays in Journal des débats, Dec. 23, 1894.

19. Berthout, p. 129; Bernard Lambert, Les Paysans dans la lutte des classes (1970), p. 39; Dergny, 2: 91-92.

20. Berthout, pp. 26-27.554

21. Brugerette, 2:55.

Notes to Pages 364-70

23. Abbé Pierre Collon, letter of Sept. 17, 1828, quoted in H. Rouyer, Annales de Bourgogne, 1956, p. 268 (Collon was born in 1755); Latreille and Rémond, 3: 362. See also Hilaire, p. 67. But see Zeldin, Conflicts, pp. 28-29: In 1855 at Saint-Amand-en-Puisaye (Nièvre) the priest noted in his parish register that Jansenism lay behind the hostility shown him by his parishioners. The Auxerrois, where clerical Jansenism was strong, was also fertile ground for anticlericalism.

24. AD, Ariège 3M 105 (Brussac, June 1812); Hilaire, p. 61; AD, Finistère 4M (Douarnenez, Feb. 1901); Sahuc, pp. 129, 131.

25. Hilaire, p. 64; Edouard Demachy, La Confession selon le rite catholique (1898); Zeldin, Conflicts, pp. 28-29, 31, 174; Abbé A. M. Larichesse, Etudes philosophiques et morales sur la confession (1865). On clerical transgressions, see AN, FicIII Loiret 12 (June 1868; Feb. 1868), F712387-88 (Carcassonne, Sept. 1896; Brive, June 1898; Brest, Feb. 1903; Montpellier, Mar. 1903); and Berthout, p. 22.

26. Zeldin, Conflicts, p. 194, gives a list of various places where priests attacked fêtes, dancing, and finery between 1854 and 1867, making themselves altogether unpopular and driving parishioners away from church attendance. See in this connection AD, Isère 52M35 (July 1857), relating that at Goncelin the priest tried to prohibit the local fête baladoire. 27. Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 149 (Balazuc); Canon Parmet, “Les Confréries de pénitents à Bourganeuf,” Mémoires de la Société des Sciences… de la Creuse, 1919-21, p. 84; Barker, Wandering, p. 116. For other material on penitents, see Corbin, pp. 951-52; Rouchon, 2.2: 162–63; and Malaussène, pp. 362-63.

27. Déribier Du Châtelet, 1: 26; Polge, Quelques légendes, pp. 26-43 (a whole series of healing fountains abandoned in Gers in the first half of the 19th century); Brekilien, pp. 245-46; Mourgues, pp. 38-39.

28. Mourgues, p. 35.

29. Baudiau, 1: 47; Bouteiller, Médecine, p. 88; Brekilien, p. 265; AD, Hte.-Vienne 4M24 (maire Breuilaufa to préf., Nov. 1880); Le Saux, p. 115 (St.-Laurent-sur-Gorre, 1885). For more on the clergy’s struggle against “superstitious” devotions and peasant persistence in observing them, see Georges Rocal, Les Vieilles Coutumes dévotieuses et magiques du Périgord (Toulouse, 1922), pp. 211-20.

30. Besson, p. 59; Brekilien, p. 246.

31. C. P. d’Amezeul, Légendes bretonnes (1863), p. 91; Poueigh, Folklore, p. 202: “Hèste sans hestoù, / Non n’y a, nou!” (Fête sans lendemain, / Non, il n’y en a point!)

32. See Serge Bonnet, Communion, pp. 264–65.

33. Labrune, pp. 19-23; Forestier, “Loi,” pp. 201-2.

34. Letter from Ministre des Cultes to prefect of Htes.-Pyrs., Mar. 1858, quoted in Laurentin, 1: 231.

35. La Semaine religieuse du diocèse de Montpellier, Aug. 4, Aug. 18, 1877; Cholvy, p. 362; AD, Ariège 5M 532 (Vernajoul, Aug. 1866), 3M 105 (Soutein, 1884). See also Garneret, p. 306, for endless injunctions and sermons against dancing and bals.

36. Dergny, 2: 224; Garavel, p. 88.

37. AEP, 2 (Anet, Eure-et-Loir, 1874); HE II (Lozère, 1888); AD, Hte.-Vienne 4M24 (Nov. 1880); Gostling, p. 94. The young priest to whom Angus Reach talked on the little train from Bordeaux to La Teste in the Landes on the eve of the Franco-Prussian War deplored superstition and placed his hopes in schooling: “The boys and girls we get to come to school are taught to laugh at the notion of their old grandmothers being witches, and in another generation or two there will be a great change” (p. 98). Henri Polge, who has read through La Semaine religieuse de l’archidiocèse d’Auch from the first number in 1872, finds that the clergy, avoiding appeals to the supernatural or to the Scriptures, used “very positive arguments, scientific or pseudoscientific,” found their most effective

Notes to Pages 370-79

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allies among the salaried workers, who were the most fallen away from the Church, and showed themselves highly “sensitive to the prestige of science, indeed of positivism.” (Personal communication, Dec. 8, 1973.)

39. Brugerette, 2: 55.

40. Abbé Desgranges and Cardinal de Cabrières quoted in Latreille and Rémond, 3: 547.

41. Brugerette, 2: 43, 47 (Guillemin, pp. 374-75, gives much lower figures on the enrollment in seminaries: 4,000 in 1881, 3,311 in 1894); Latreille and Rémond, 3: 544 (and Guillemin, p. 310); Julien Potel, Le Clergé français (1967), p. 29.

42. Latreille and Rémond, 3: 428-29, 430; Betham-Edwards, France, 1: 327.

43. See Brugerette, 3: 26, 29.

44. Ibid.; Narfon, pp. 294-95.

45. Brugerette, 3: 30; La Croix, survey of Aug.-Oct. 1907; Brugerette, 3: 28; Agnès Siegfried, L’Abbé Frémont (1933), 2: 663; Gaston Méry, Libre Parole, Sept. 1907.

46. See Camescasse, p. 116; Longy, Canton; and Coissac, p. 275.

47. Mireur, 2: 252; Dr. Warin, Notions sur l’hygiène des habitations rurales (Metz, 1858), p. 30; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 114-15; Labourasse, p. 55; Rambaud, Economie, p. 173. 48. Longy, Canton, pp. 67-68; Thiriat, Vallée, p. 315; Pérot, p. 169. The straw of the deathbed had been burned (in Burgundy) or stacked in a far corner of a field until it turned to compost (Provence). Mattresses would make such customs impractical. See Joseph Benoît, En Provence, p. 146.

48. Dergny, 1: 215-23; Mauriac, p. 27; Labourasse, p. 52 (and pp. 49-50, 56 on wakes). 50. Le Saux, pp. 91 (quoting bishop), 92; Garneret, pp. 289-90; R. Cruse, Témoignage chrétien, Oct. 12, 1967, p. 21.

Chapter Twenty-one

Epigraph. The statement by the Royal Governor (a man of the 18th century but otherwise unidentified) is quoted by Yves Castan in André Abbiateci et al., Crimes et criminalité en France sous l’Ancien Régime (1971), pp. 174-75.

1. Teacher quoted by Varagnac, p. 50; Sologne in Edeine, 2: 811.

2. Marcel Mayer, Anet en Ile-de-France (Montligeon, 1946), pp. 225-27; Jules Lecoeur, Esquisses (1887), p. 151; R. Guignard in Revue de folklore français, 1934, p. 107.

3. Labourasse, p. 118. For confirmation, personal communication from Henri Polge, who doubts that traditional feasts suffered much even under the Terror. See also Budin, pp. 151–52. In 1793 at Miélan they were busy building a church, and at Urdin, they were casting a new bell. About the same time, Ivry-en-Montagne (Côte-d’Or) sought to have one of its two church bells replaced, and a third added aux frais de la nation. Edeine, 2: 894-96, also believes that certain local feasts and assemblées in Sologne whose dates coincide with the dates of certain patron saints or pilgrimages now forgotten are survivals of fairs that grew up around pilgrimages to “good saints.”

4. Malon, p. 498.

5. Pujos (Boissières); Besson, p. 99; Gustave Delpon, p. 12; AG, MR 1212 (Romans, 1845).

6. Mireur, 5: 317. For details, see M. P. Boissonnade, Les Fêtes de village en Poitou et Angoûmois au 18e siècle (Ligugé, 1897), pp. 10-11; Juge, p. 124; and AD, Puy-de-Dôme F 0274.

7. Blanchon, Vie, p. 57; Paul-Louis Courier, Oeuvres (1845), p. 175 (reprint of his pamphlet of July 13, 1822).

8. Déribier Du Châtelet, 1: 23-24; Mazuy, pp. 157-58; Gustave Delpon; Agulhon, Ré- publique, pp. 151, 409-15; AG, MR 1841 (Pyrs.-Ors., 1841); Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 139; Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 117, 796, 813. On the use of the fête patronale to serve political and

[[556]]

Notes to Pages 381–90

personal ends, see AD, Ariège 5M 532 (1862) about the goings-on at Daumazan, near Mas-d’Azil, where a defeated candidate entertained the people and organized a rival public dance-“with splendid illuminations”-in defiance of the mayor.

9. AD, Yonne III M1276 (sous-préf. Avallon, Mar. 26, 1853), III M1275 (1853); Forestier “Garçonnade,” pp. 9-10.

10. Forestier, “Garçonnade,” pp. 9-10.

II. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. Fêtes 4 (Prats, 1838); Thomas, p. 33.

12. Achard, p. 235; Bougeatre, especially p. 259; Labourasse, p. 94.

13. Marcel Hemery, “Le Jeu de la choule dans l’Oise,” BFI, 1946, pp. 3-11, 22; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 93-96; Lecoeur, pp. 159, 161. Picoche, p. 83, tells us that choule is still remembered at Etelfay in Somme, and was still being played at Tricot nearby in 1969. But while the opposing teams seem traditional (married men against “youths”), the play does not sound as brutal as in the past.

14. Prefect of Htes.-Pyrs. quoted in Lefebvre, Vallée, p. 23.

15. Lallement, p. 35; Jules Michelet, La Sorcière (1964 ed.), p. 139; Blanchon, Vie, pp. 57-61.

16. Picamilh, 1: 310; Ardouin-Dumazet, 32: 175; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 249-52. 17. Mazoyer, p. 416; Henri Prost, p. 29.

17. Julien Casebonne, Cinquante années de vie paysanne (Pau, 1963), p. 22; Charles Tilly, “How Protest Modernized France, 1845-1855,” Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Sciences, 1969.

18. Bastié, 2: 152; AD, Ariège 3M 105 (Bompas, 1885; Carla de Roquefort, Apr., Aug. 1888; Gestiès, Oct. 1889; Cabannes, Sept. 1900); Perrin and Bouet, p. 188.

19. AG, MR 2282 (Seine-et-Marne, 1863).

20. Varagnac, pp. 83-111.

21. Drouillet, 1: 172-73; AD, Ariège 5M 531 (Mazères, Feb. 1831), Yonne III M1114 (Mar. 1840). For examples of incidents seen as politically dangerous, see AG, G81 (Feb. 16, 1853), and G2 (Mar. 5, 1853), containing reports of the commanding officer of the Sixth Military Division at Strasbourg to the Minister of War.

22. “Mémoires du Père Toine, paysan périgourdin,” Cahiers des Amis de Jacquou le Croquant, 1939, p. 8.

23. AN, BB30 364 (Niort, Feb. 1850); Le Glaneur des Alpes, Mar. 10, 1850, quoted in Vigier, 2: iii; AG, GI (Bray, Feb. 7, Feb. 9, 1853). See also AN, BB30 370 (Aix, Mar. 1850).

24. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 223 (Arles, Feb. 28, 1877, Apr. 30, 1878).

25. See the voluminous and touching reports in AD, Pyrs.-Ors. Fêtes 2.

26. AD, Yonne III M3 12 (maire Auxerre, Oct. 1, 1825; maire Pontigny, Nov. 15, 1829). 28. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. Fêtes 4 (Mosset, 1831; St.-Paul, 1841), Cantal 43 M2 (St.-Flour, May 4, 1841).

27. Corbin, p. 1004; Malon, p. 317.

28. AD, Cantal 43 M2, and 43 M3 passim; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. Fêtes 8 (1852-69).

29. AD, Hte.-Vienne IM 212 (1880-82), Puy-de-Dôme M 0132 (1880-82). Le Gallo, 2: 355, quotes the letter of a naval surgeon, written in Brest, July 13, 1880: “On dansera le soir, après le feu d’artifice, toute la nuit, sur les places publiques éclairées: c’est vous dire assez que les honnêtes gens ne dormiront pas.”

30. AD, Hte.-Vienne IM 212 (St.-Bonnet, July 17, 1882, and many others). AD, Puyde-Dôme M 0132, contains numerous petitions to transfer the fête to Sunday (notably, in 1881 to July 17).

31. AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 0132 (Royat, July 15, 1882; Ambert, July 15, 1882), Hte.- Vienne IM 212 (Lacroisille, July 16, 1883).

32. AD, Hte.-Vienne IM 212 (Blond, July 15, 1882).

33. On the initial attitudes of small villages to July 14, see AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 0132

Notes to Pages 390-96

[[557]]

(Orcines, June 17, 1885; July 1, 1886, begging for subsidies); and AD, Ariège 5M 105 (Orgeix, July 19, 1888). On the tension between the old festivals and the new, see AD, Gers M 2799 (L’Isle-Jourdain, Aug. 6, 1888; Gimont, July 7, 1888; Eauze, July 15, 1889). 36. AD, Cantal 43 M5, file on “Fêtes du Centenaire,” May 5, 1889, and for a variety of ceremonies, 43 M6 (e.g., Aug. 1897, July 1910); Rougeron, Département de l’Allier, p. 67; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. M31 163 (Oct. 1, 1879), Finistère 4M (Douarnenez, Sept. 26, 1897), Puy-de-Dôme M 04469 (sous-préf. Riom, July 1896). There were feasts and counter-feasts. The Right tried to launch one for Jeanne d’Arc; for a typical report, see sous-préf. Mauriac in AD, Cantal 40 M II (Oct. 9, 1909). The anticlericalists sought to launch festivals of their own, like les casse-croûte du Vendredi-dit-Saint; see Viple, p. 64; and AD, Ariège 5 M 721 (Pamiers, July 1909). But in neither case was there any great success.

37. Rougeron, Département de l’Allier, p. 39; Michael Scher, “The Young Gustave Hervé” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1972), p. 122; AD, Puy-de- Dôme M 04478 (Billom, 1896).

38. AD, Yonne III M325 (dissension); Pérot, p. 85 (St. Nicholas); Mireur, 5: 328 (Draguignan); Gagnon, 2: 319-26; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 223 (Arles-sur-Tech, July 2, 1878). 39. AG, MR 2277 (Isère, 1860), MR 1212 (Isère, 1845); Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 1458, 1460, 1508. According to Charrié, in Ardèche and nearby, serious May queens had disappeared by 1840 and only children still enacted the rite, which had been an urban one there to begin with (Haut-Vivarais, pp. 93-94). Around 1890, however, E. H. Barker still found a “king of youth” being elected in the Albigeois, with the most recently married couple having to contribute a pail of wine to the proceedings. But Ambialet (Tarn), where Barker noted this, was a very small parish indeed (Wandering by Southern Waters, pp. 184-85).

39. Beauquier, pp. iff; Varagnac, p. 31; Charrié, Haut-Vivarais, p. 75; Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 1513. Edeine, 2: 834, had the same impression of developments in Sologne. Carnival, pyres, and torchlight feasts had been ceremonies that interested the whole population of the village. They became a monopoly of the young (sometimes of a special group among them, like the conscripts), then were left to the children, before they finally disappeared altogether.

40. Beauquier, pp. 71, 72.

41. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 1558, 1560; Garneret, p. 297.

42. Van Gennep, “Cycle préhivernal,” p. 53.

43. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 1798-99; Rouchon, 2.2: 193; Drouillet, 3: 138-39.

44. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 1751, 1764, 1791; Bertrand, pp. 117-19, 407-9.

45. Lallement, p. 35; Guillemot, pp. 160-61, 221; Varagnac, especially pp. 62-63; Violet, Clessé, p. 121. Pujos (Castelnau, Lot): in 1881 people still contributed their bundle, but the priest no longer blessed the bonfire.

46. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 1827; Bertrand, pp. 117-18; Guillemot, p. 161. Note that in 1883 Lecoeur referred to flaming wheels, but as practices with no contemporary relevance (pp. 225-26).

47. Buffet, Bretagne, p. 144; Thiriat, Vallée, pp. 324-25; Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 2077. 49. See their monographs in the HE II series.

48. Fagot, p. 140; E. Rimbaud, Saint-Jean-le-Centenier (Vals, 1907), p. 49; Bougeatre, p. 257.

49. Vaultier, p. 87; L. G. Guerdan, Un Ami oriental de Barrès (1936), p. 51, quoting a note of Feb. 8, 1891.

50. Bozon, Histoire, p. 465; Malaussène, pp. 15-16; Van Gennep, “Cycle cérémonial,” p. 436; Garneret, p. 294; Wylie, Village, p. 318.

51. See BFI, 1939, p. 24; Marouzeau, p. 111; Cressot, p. 228; HE II (Brouenne, Meuse, 1899); and Labourasse, p. 65. Sénéquier, p. 125, tells us that the bravade of La Garde- Freinet took place on the day of the Invitation de la Saints-Croix: “Ce jour ou plutôt cette

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Notes to Pages 397-405

fête est comme Noël immuable et se situe le 3 du mois de mai, puis on la fit le premier dimanche de mai.”(?)

54. André Dupin aîné, Le Morvan (1852), p. 42.

55. Hérelle, Etudes, pp. 24-25; Cressot, p. 145; André Souarnet in BFI, 1946, p. 12. See also Agulhon’s remark (in Ville ouvrière, p. 115) that people cling to those customs they find rewarding and those festivities that suit them.

56. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 182–83; Gérard, p. 17.

57. Garneret, p. 293; Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 73. Even the habit of placing Christmas presents in a sabot was an imitation of an urban practice.

58. EA, Landes. Note the popular meaning of “feasting,” or faire la nôce.

Epigraph. “Des charivaris,” p. 499.

Chapter Twenty-two

1. Varagnac, p. 103; Gagnon, 2: 335; Gérard, p. 8. In Lot we know that the paillade of husbands whose wives had contrived to beat them survived at least to 1831, because J.-A. Delpon mentions it in his Statistique, 1: 206-8. For historical background, see Natalie Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, Calif., 1975) especially chap. 4.

2. Ségalen, p. 66.

3. Bulletin de la Société Académique des Hautes-Pyrénées, 1861, pp. 471, 483.

4. Agulhon, République, p. 160. Note that the Church also condemned the charivari

as a denigration of the sacrament of marriage.

5. But see Le Petit Marseillais, June 16, 1906, for an instance there.

6. J.-A. Delpon, 1: 207; Malaussène, p. 25; Lalou, pp. 498-99.

7. AD, Ariège 5M 532.

8. For examples, see Lalou, pp. 507-14; and Emile Pouvillon, “Les Antibel,” RDM, May 1, 1892, pp. 5ff.

9. Le Gallo, 1: 46; AD, Ariège 5M 531 (Mas-d’Azil); Gagnon, 2: 336; Sahuc, p. 132; AD, Ariège 5M 54.

10. Forestier, Yonne, 2: 57ff.

11. Fernand L’Huillier in Dollinger, p. 414; Le Roy Ladurie in introduction to Angeville, p. xi.

12. Gagnon, 2: 336; AD, Puy-de-Dôme (Ambert gendarmes, Dec. 1836), Lot 6M9 (Apr. 1849).

13. Bulletin de la Société Archéologique du Finistère, 1962, p. 138; Viple, p. 59; AG, GI (Belley, Ain, Jan. 1853), G2 (Comte de Castellane, Mar. 1853).

14. AD, Gers M 2172 (Lombez, Aug. 1853); Corbin, p. 134, citing AD, Hte.-Vienne 262 (1857).

15. Jalby, p. 145; Fage, La Mort, p. 16; François Michel, Le Pays basque (1857); Bulletin de la Société Académique des Hautes-Pyrénées, 1858-59, p. 25, and 1861, pp. 457, 471, 483.

16. Hérelle, Théâtre rurale, pp. 156-57, 161; Fagot, pp. 147-48.

17. Lucien Duc, Mémoires d’un écolier (1884), p. 81.

18. Lavisse, Première année d’instruction civique, p. 156.

19. At La Garde-Freinet, where a charivari was carried on for 3 to 12 months, the practice died out toward the end of the century, but persisted longest in the countryside (Sénéquier, pp. 82-83). Bérenger-Féraud, Réminiscences, pp. 209-10, tells us that in Provence, though suppressed by the police in towns, charivaris continued to be held in the villages late in the century. Nevertheless, in Loire they lasted to 1918 (Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 16, 50), and in Mâconnais all the way to 1939 (Violet, Veillées, pp. 2ff).

20. Paul Bailly, p. 22; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 224 (Prades, May 1896), Finistère 4M (Châ-

Notes to Pages 405-14

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teaulin, Feb. 1901); Pérot, p. 23; Varagnac, p. 64. See also Charrié, Haut-Vivarais, p. 56. 21. Marc Leproux, “Contributions au folklore de l’Angoumois,” Nouvelle revue des traditions populaires, 1950, pp. 435-41; Paul Fortier-Beaulieu, Mariages et noces campagnardes dans les pays ayant formé le département de la Loire (1945), p. 314.

22. P. Saintyves in Revue des traditions populaires, 1919, pp. 59-60; Marc Leproux, as cited in preceding note, pp. 440-41 (Aumagne); Georges Rocal, Les Vieilles Coutumes dévotieuses et magiques du Périgord (Toulouse, 1922), p. 31 (Grand-Brassac); Edeine, 2: 814-16 (Sologne); Lalou, p. 499.

Chapter Twenty-three

Epigraph. The Bothie of Tober-na-Vuolich (1848), part 4.

1. Franchet, p. 26. According to Bougeatre, p. 17, a village was recognized as a bourg when it had a market and fair.

2. Bozon, Vie, pp. 218-19. On fairs in Morvan, see Levainville, pp. 203-7 passim; and André Dupin aîné, Le Morvan (1852), p. 42.

3. Donnadieu.

4. AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 0893 (“Enquête de 1903”).

5. One hears forest murmurs of this in Yonne by 1865. See AD, Yonne III M1234 (sous-préf. Joigny, Aug., Oct. 1865); and Allix.

6. Francus, Valgorge, p. 352; Longy, Port-Dieu, pp. 5-10; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 224 (Céret, Sept., Nov. 1896).

7. Durand, p. 297; Bozon, Vie, p. 470; Allix, p. 536, quoting Edouard Herriot, RDM, Apr. 15, 1916, pp. 758-87; Eugène Curet, “L’Industrie de la cordonnerie à Pertuis,” Congrès des Sociétés Savantes de Provence, 1906 (Marseille, 1907), pp. 876-77. Pertuis had become the shopping center for all the southern slope of the Luberon. “Every Friday, twenty villages invade its public places, its inns, cafés, and shops. Weekly, its merchants thus receive the beneficial balm of the rural population and, thanks to what they make on Fridays, they smoke their pipes in peace the rest of the week.”

8. Bourdieu, “Célibat,” p. 101; F. Benoît, Histoire de l’outillage, p. 97. 9. Perrin and Bouet, p. 181; Reynier, Pays, 1: 149; BFI, 1939, p. 24.

9. Dauzat, Patois, p. 104; BFI, 1939, p. 24.

II. AD, Gers M 2799 (Mirande, Oct. 1876); Victor Fournel, Les Spectacles populaires et les artistes des rues (1863), p. 298; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 317-20; Guilcher, “Vue,” pp. 38ff.

12. Flandrin, pp. 114-16; Fortier-Beaulieu, especially p. 549. On Gascony, see Daugé, p. 277 (“A girl who frequents markets does not remain without sins”); and on Languedoc, Fabre and Lacroix, p. 181.

13. AD, Vosges gbis M26; Pariset, Montagne Noire, p. 239; Chaumeil, pp. 158–59. 14. Labat, Gascogne, p. 32; Coissac, pp. 239-40.

14. Jollivet and Mendras, 1: 183.

15. Gorse, pp. 282-83.

16. See Bois, Paysans (1971 ed.), p. 308; P. Mayer, p. 4; J. A. Barral, Agriculture de la Haute-Vienne, p. 759; Coissac, p. 240; and Redfield.

Chapter Twenty-four

Epigraph. La Nouvelle Héloise, part 5, letter 7.

I. S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, p. 156; AD, Yonne III M22 16 (Nov. 1852); Marne: personal communication from Mme. Hébert, 1973.

2. Roubin. In Forez “les voisins apportent leur bûche et leur huile, chacun sa part,” reported Frédéric Noëlas in his Légendes et traditions foréziennes (Roanne, 1865), p. 319.

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Notes to Pages 414-26

3. Garneret, p. 288; S. Tardieu, Vie domestique, pp. 155-56; Violet, Clessé, p. 114; Sébillot, Littérature, p. iv.

4. Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 54, 70.

5. Marin, Veillées, especially p. 25; Marin, Contes, pp. 8, 30. See Le Roy, Moulin, for the story of the little tailor who read “La Ruche” and tried to educate the sharecroppers and cattlemen of Périgord at their veillées. But they would listen only to tales of the supernatural: chasse-volante, loup garou, biche blanche, etc.

6. Sébillot, Littérature, p. v; AN, F1710757 (Garrevagues, Tarn, 1861); Robert, “Lecture,” pp. 106-8.

7. Forestier, “Loi,” p. 202; Bordes, pp. 12-13; Sébillot, Littérature, p. v.

8. AN, F179376, “Rapport sur la situation générale de l’enseignement primaire dans le département de l’Ariège en 1868”; Marin, Veillées, pp. 29-30. See also Mistral, p. 103.

9. Bonnemère, 2: 372; Fortier-Beaulieu; EA, Savoie.

10. HE 12.820 (Bulson, Ardennes); Sébillot, Littérature, p. 5; Foville, Enquête, 1: 150. II. Madeleine Rébérioux, “Un Groupe de paysans socialistes,” Mouvement social, 1966, especially p. 91.

11. Foville, Enquête, 2: 300; Jollivet and Mendras, 1: 137, 139; Bougeatre, pp. 147, 173. 13. Mistral, p. 103; Le Guyader, p. 224; Violet, Veillées, p. 2.

12. Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 93, 196, 263; Thiriat, Vallée, pp. 330-31.

13. Gagnon, 2: 301; Jollivet and Mendras, 1: 127; EA, Allier, pp. 5-6; Garneret, p. 289; Guillaumin, Panorama, pp. 61-62.

Chapter Twenty-five

1. Lavisse, Année préparatoire, pp. 80-82; Gorse, pp. 14-15.

2. Examples in this paragraph and the following ones are culled from Gorse; Juge; Donnadieu; Hérelle, Etudes; Doussinet; and Alfred de Tarde.

3. Donnadieu.

4. Pujos (Laroque des Arcs); Perron, Proverbes, p. 2. See also Coissac, p. 313, on Creuse; and Musset, Bas-Maine, pp. 167-68, on the rustic calendar of Lower Maine.

5. Desforges, p. 18; EA, Gers; Perron, Proverbes, p. 22; Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, pp. 159-60.

6. Chaumeil, pp. 145-46; Fagot, p. 76 (“Madounai sélo, peto candelo…”); Pérot, p. 69.

7. Perron, Proverbes, pp. 44-45.

8. Ibid.

9. See ATP, manuscripts 43.86.6 (Charente) and 54.294 (Hérault); Nouveau Petit Larousse (1971), p. 834; Passama, pp. 47-48 (on traditional hiring practices persisting in Minervois however cumbersome); and Bogros, p. 163 (on Morvan children of the 1870’s going round to gather eggs and other goodies at Carnival crying “Au guillanet” “au gui, l’an neuf”-a survival of the old system in which the year began at Easter.

10. Delarue and Ténèze, 2: xxiv; Gachon, Brousse-Montboissier, p. 71; EA, Marne; Esnault, Imagination, pp. 57, 60, 69, 78, 200, 220, 224; Marc Leproux, MATP manuscript 43.115; Marie Drouart, “Petit dictionnaire pittoresque,” MATP manuscript; Garneret, PP. 51, 71-72, 133, 157, 161.

II. Hérelle, Etudes, pp. 15-19; Ethnographie, 1966-67, p. 30.

12. Jeanton, Légende, pp. 73–79.

13. Delarue and Ténèze, 1: 44-45; Haudricourt and Delamarre, p. 414; Ogès and Dé- guignet, pp. 122-28.

14. Dévigne, pp. 29-30. On nobles and Satan, see the remarks of Parain, “Nouveau Mythe,” p. 96. On the Quatre fils Aymon, see Souvestre, Derniers Bretons (1843 ed.), p. 271.

Notes to Pages 427-35

15. Ogès and Déguignet, p. 88.

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16. Sébillot, Folklore, 4: 403, 404. On Taxil, see Eugen Weber, Satan franc-maçon (1964).

17. Perron, Proverbes, p. 56; Desforges, p. 18. See also Van Gennep, Folklore de l’Auvergne, p. 313; Delarue and Ténèze, 1: 46-47; Sébillot, Littérature, p. xi; and Labat, Ame, pp. 55-56.

18. On couarails d’enfants and piats-bans (petits-bancs, the little stools children brought to sit on while listening to their elders), see Marin, Veillées, p. 147; and especially Marin, Contes, pp. 7-8, 30, 129–33.

Epigraph. “Ode to a Nightingale.”

Chapter Twenty-six

1. Guilcher, Tradition, p. 240; Trébucq, Chanson populaire et la vie rurale, 1: 53. No wonder many songs were simple one-part melodies in which anyone could join in impromptu..

2. Souvestre, Derniers Bretons (1843 ed.), pp. 145-46; Brekilien, p. 310.

3. See Ileana Vrancea, “Les Doinas roumaines,” La Pensée, 1953, pp. 199-212.

4. Fagot, p. 250.

5. Tradition en Poitou et Charentes, p. 370.

6. Quoted in Vincent, p. 275.

7. Germain Laisnel de la Salle, Souvenirs du vieux temps, vol. 2: Le Berry: Moeurs et Coutumes (1902), cited in EA, Indre; Poueigh, Folklore, pp. 92, 106: “Quand lou bouie cànto, l’araire vài ben!”

8. EA, Lot; EA, Corrèze.

9. Is this why we hear of so few real songs among the coastal mariners and rivermen of Languedoc? See Valaux, p. 83; Poueigh, Folklore, pp. 181-82.

10. Manceau, pp. 45-47; Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, pp. 148-49, 155.

II. Narcisse Quélien, Chants et danses des Bretons (1889), p. 18; Valaux, p. 83; Manceau, p. 47. On the length of ballads, see Doussinet, Travaux, p. 497: The “Complainte de Furet,” a song about a murderer executed at Saintes in 1886 that was very popular in Saintonge, went on for 57 couplets.

12. On improvised songs, see Paul Sébillot, Le Folk-lore. Littérature orale et ethnographie traditionnelle (1913), p. 49; Garneret, p. 342; and Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 311.

13. Peygnaud, p. 57. Brekilien, p. 271, mentions that Breton love songs were generally the work of seminarians.

14. Gorse, pp. 140-41. See also Fagot, pp. 11, 23-25.

15. Marc Leproux, MATP manuscript 43.115.

16. E. Soleville, “Chants populaires du Bas-Quercy,” Bulletin archéologique et historique de la Société Archéologique de Tarn-et-Garonne, 1889, pp. 7-9; Pérot, Folklore, p. 111; Coissac, especially p. 324; Cénac-Moncaut, Littérature, pp. 259-65.

17. Bollème, Bibliothèque bleue, pp. 232-35; Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, PP. 41-44. The original text of the last quotation is found in Trébucq, Chanson populaire et la vie rurale, 1: 166.

18. Pérot, p. 103; Gérard. At Gerardmer, old noëls were still sung in patois in the 1890’s.

19. Peygnaud, p. 55.

20. Dauzat, Village, p. 162.

21. Brochon, Chanson française, 1:27.

22. Monteil-Pons, in Cerca, 1960, p. 326.

23. AD, Yonne III M1268 (Mar. 1854). AN, BB30 371 (Angers, June 1850), contains

a triumphant letter from the public prosecutor at Rennes at his success (after two

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Notes to Pages 435-40

acquittals) in securing a conviction for the singing of Dupont’s song as a “délit d’attaque à la propriété.”

24. AN, BB30 396 (Bordeaux, Jan. 1852).

25. Fagot, p. 252.

26. Brochon, Chanson sociale, p. 72.

27. AD, Yonne III M1268 (Jan. 1854), M1227 (Apr. 1854); Marc Leproux, MATP manuscript 43.115; Manceau, p. 52; Urbain Gibert, “La Partie des Meuniers ou le Carnaval de Limoux,” Annales de l’Institut d’Etudes Occitanes, 1948, pp. 77-78: “Tau foutut un tap al tiol, / Paure Perera, paure Perera. / Tau foutut un tap al tiol, / Paure Perera per tojorn.”

28. Jules Ferry, L’Evolution économique de Veslud (Aisne) (1946), p. 52; Abbé S. Solassol, Le Revers de la médaille (1895), pp. 30, 41, 67; AD, Ariège 5M 105 (Gestiès, 1894; Capoulet, 1896); Passama, p. 133.

29. Agulhon, 1848, p. 109.

30. Cénac-Moncaut, Littérature, pp. 279-80.

31. Cinq siècles, p. 268; George Sand, Les Maîtres Sonneurs (1843). Similarly in Consuelo: “On dit chez nous [in Berry] que la musique pousse dans les bois,” not only in Bourbonnais but, farther still, in Auvergne (quoted in Georges Roger, Les Maîtres Sonneurs de George Sand, 1954, p. 55).

32. André Desrousseaux, Moeurs populaires de la Flandre française (Lille, 1889), 1:

21-22.

33. Reuchsel, pp. 119-21; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. (Associations, sous-préf. Céret, 1894); Séné- quier, p. 163. Daugé, p. 102, tells us that in the Landes in the 1860’s one had to pay 10-12 francs each for a bagpiper and flutist to play a wedding party to and from church, and to hire a violinist could cost as much as 40 francs. But that was for the rich, who sometimes even got a pianist, whose services were “très cher.” In the Gascon countryside, where wedding parties had danced to the vielle (hurdy-gurdy), the bouhe (bagpipe), or the flute, by the twentieth century the accordion (and, more rarely, the violin) had taken over. In the Tarn, too, we hear that the clarinet and, after it, the accordion, spread through the countryside after 1900 (Jalby, p. 193).

34. Trébucq, Chanson populaire et la vie rurale, 1: 108; J.-L. Roche, p. 1. “Un Ange” was the product of Jean Reboul, a Provençal baker patronized by Lamartine, Alexandre Dumas père, and George Sand. For the imitative poetry of the self-educated, see the papers of Edgar Newman, notably “The Socialist Worker Poets of the Bourgeois Monarchy, 1830-1848” (unpublished manuscript); and Michel Ragon, Histoire de la littérature prolétarienne en France, 1974, especially chap. 2: “Socialisme romantique et littérature ouvrière au XIXe siècle.”

35. Trébucq, Chanson populaire en Vendée, pp. 10-11; Nisard, Des chansons, 2; 2. See also Pottier, Chants, pp. 5, 22. Closer to Paris, and in the realm of Oil, local songs seem to have disappeared earlier in the century. Gérard de Nerval, whose Chansons et légendes du Valois (1842) had a lot to say on the subject, was already complaining that the songs of his youth were seldom heard, and that journeymen, rivermen, washerwomen, and haymakers were more often repeating “les romances à la mode.” See the whole passage in Oeuvres complètes, 1931, 1: 205-20. See also local details in Congrès provincial de la Société Bibliographique et des Publications Populaires, Mans, 1893 (1894), p. 494.

36. See Pierre Cavard, L’Abbé Pessonneaux et la Marseillaise (Vienne, 1954), pp. 135- 36; and Alfred Chabaud, “La Marseillaise: Chant patriotique girondin,” Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 1936, pp. 460-67. For a discussion of this evolution, see my essay “Who Sang the Marseillaise?” in Edward Gargan, ed., Popular Culture in France (Saratoga, 1976).

37. My account is based on Laurent Lautard, Marseille depuis 1789 jusqu’en 1815, par

Notes to Pages 440–50

[[563]]

un vieux Marseillais (1844), 1: 134; Jules Michelet, Histoire de la Révolution française (1869), 3: 238-39; Alphonse de Lamartine, Histoire des Girondins (1846), 1: xvi, para. sec. 26; Pollio and Marcel, especially pp. 104, 389, 392; and Mazuy (who cites the new refrain), pp. 29, 32, 33, 36.

38. Pollio and Marcel, pp. 87, 154; Sébillot, Folk-lore de France, 4: 387; F. Brunot,

9:73.

39. AN, BB30 370 (Aix, Oct. 1850); “Un Lundi de liberté,” in Eugène Baillet, Chansons (1867); AD, Ariège 5 M3 (Pamiers, Apr. 1858).

40. Maurice Barrès, Scènes et doctrines du nationalisme (1902), 1: 3. See AD, Finistère 4M (Pont-l’Abbé, June 1901), reporting that for the birthday of the director of the Catholic school a bonfire was lit in the schoolyard and the band played 4 pieces, ending with “La Marseillaise,” which had to be repeated at the demand of a crowd that had gathered.

41. Raymond Doussinet, Le Paysan santongeais, p. 117: “Suzy’s Dance,” or “Fart, Ol’ Woman, Fart.” “Our Suzy’s no more’n a kid. / Who does all her ma would forbid. / When ma becomes mad, / Suzy says ‘That’s too bad: / Just you fart! I’ll not do what you bid.’”

42. Mazuy, pp. 39ff; Thiriat, Vallée, p. 381.

43. Bordes, p. 3; AN, F1710757 (Rienbach, Ariège, Jan. 1861).

44. Instruction primaire, 2: 37; Reuchsel, p. 91; Clément Brun, p. 93; Félix Pécaut, “Notes d’inspection,” Revue pédagogique, Oct. 15, 1894, p. 307.

45. Reuchsel, pp. 1, 3.

46. Ibid., pp. 119-21, 139–41.

47. Audiganne, Populations, 2: 152, 253.

48. Smith, p. 1; Quellien, Chansons, p. 34; Sébillot, Littérature, p. xi; Sénéquier, p. 198. 49. Valaux, p. 83; Pujos (St.-Paul, Labouffie).

49. Dauzat, Village, p. 161; Julien Tiersot, Chansons populaires des Alpes françaises, Savoie, Dauphiné (Grenoble, 1913); Pérot, p. 118. See also Van Gennep, Folklore du Dauphiné, 2: 582.

50. Fagot, p. 9; Dubreuil-Chambardel, p. 165; Tradition en Poitou et Charentes, pp. 356-57; BFI, Jan. 1946, p. 13.

51. Juge, p. 95; Brekilien, pp. 270, 283-84.

52. Quellien, Rapport; Gostling, p. 122; Brekilien, p. 270. See also Charles Le Goffic quoted in Brekilien, p. 283.

53. This paragraph is based largely on Guilcher, Tradition, p. 190.

54. Ibid., pp. 17ff; J. A. Barral, Agriculture du Nord, 2: 424.

55. Jollivet and Mendras, 1: 159.

56. Guilcher, Tradition, pp. 18-21.

57. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. (Fêtes 4; Céret, 1838); Donnedevie, p. 125.

58. Edouard Gallet, La Ville et la commune de Beauvoir-sur-Mer (Nantes, 1868), pp. 73-74; Hérelle, Etudes, p. 26; Guilcher, Tradition, pp. 257, 309, 404; Lefebvre, Vallée, p. 23; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. (Associations, sous-préf. Céret, Mar. 1894). Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 134, mentions the village of St.-Forgeux-Lespinasse in Loire, where musicians had never been used at weddings. Once a wedding party brought one in from a nearby village: “Ceci n’avait jamais été vu et faisait rire tout le monde.”

59. Guilcher, Contredanse, pp. 187–98.

60. Bogros, pp. 100-101; Pujos (Castelnau); HE 12.782 (Nommay, Doubs); Longy, Canton, p. 73; Marin, Contes, pp. 36-37.

61. Fagot, pp. 135-36; Hérelle, Etudes, p. 26.

62. Ajalbert, En Auvergne, p. 141; Ardouin-Dumazet, 28: 279; Grise, p. 9. See also Fage, Autour du mariage, p. 12; and Peygnaud, p. 16.564

Notes to Pages 450-58

64. Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 110; Grenadou and Prévost, pp. 26, 37-40; AD, Pyrs.-Ors. (Associations); Halévy, p. 36.

65. Fage, Autour du mariage, p. 12; Bourdieu, “Célibat.”

66. F. Benoît, Provence, pp. 321-25; Charrié, Bas-Vivarais, p. 139.

67. Guilcher, Tradition, p. 572; Grise, p. 10.

Chapter Twenty-seven

Epigraph. The Winter’s Tale, act 4, sc. 3, line 262.

1. AD, Yonne 69 T2 (Tonnerre, Mar. 1825).

2. Thuillier, Aspects, p. 497; Pierre Pierrard, La Vie ouvrière à Lille sous le Second Empire (1965), pp. 267ff; Pierrard, Lille et les Lillois (1967), pp. 72-73.

3. Pierrard, as cited in preceding note; BSF, p. 222; Marquis de Fournes, Rapport sur l’appui à donner à la propagande des bons écrits (1873).

4. Roger Bellet, “Une Bataille culturelle, provinciale et nationale, à propos des bons auteurs pour bibliothèques populaires (Janvier-Juin 1867),” Revue des sciences humaines, 1969, pp. 453-73. Note, for example, that the savings and reading societies in Nièvre discussed in Thuillier, “Presse,” p. 31, were in Cosne and Fourchambault, both centers of some size.

5. Corbin, pp. 472-74, 527. See also the story of Catholic attempts to reach the peasants through books, in Congrès provincial de la Société Bibliographique, 1891 (Lyon, 1892),

P. II.

6. Nisard, Histoire; Brochon, Livre de colportage, pp. 86, 96-97.

7. Joseph Fiévée in 1815, quoted in Thuillier, Aspects, p. 497.

8. BSF, pp. 100-110.

9. Instruction primaire, 1: 728, 912; AN, F179146 (Senez, July 1866; Seine-et-Marne, 1866); BSF, p. 223; AN, F179146 (sous-préf. Bastia, July 1866).

10. Instruction primaire (Académie d’Aix-en-Provence).

II. Corbin, pp. 472-75; AN, F179146 passim (on Ocagnano, see July 1866), F179252 (Allier, 1878).

12. AD, Yonne 69 T1 and 71 T1 (circulars of Nov. 1810 and Dec. 1815).

13. AD, Yonne III M1114 (Jan. 1839).

14. Ibid., M1233 (Tonnerre, Jan. 1862); Michel Chevalier, p. 684; Pérot, p. 160; Musset, “Genres,” pp. 5-7; Leproux, Dévotions, p. xvii.

15. Collot, p. 9.

16. Mistler et al., Epinal, pp. 133-34.

17. See Hommage à Gabriel Maignen: Canivets et images populaires (Lyon, 1970); Mistler et al., Epinal, p. 16; and especially Cinq siècles, p. xxi. See also Jean Adhémar, L’Imagerie populaire française (1968); and P. L. Duchartre and R. Saulnier, L’Imagerie populaire (n.d.).

18. Marin, Regards, p. 170; Mistler et al., Epinal, pp. 64, 72. See also Paul Claudel, Soulier de Satin (act 4, sc. 1 and 2), for frequent mentions of “feuilles de Saints.”

19. See Cinq siècles, p. 287 (Chambre rustique, 1852, with the Virgin and Napoleon nestling under the stairs); Paul Sébillot, L’Imagerie populaire en Hauteet Basse- Bretagne (1888), p. 5; and Balzac’s Peau de Chagrin (1832). See also, two score years later, Angus Reach, p. 238: “I halted at a roadside auberge… and reaped my reward in the sight of a splendid cartoon suspended over the great fireplace, which represented, in a severe allegory, “The Death of Credit Killed by Bad Payers.””

20. J. M. Dumont in Cinq siècles, pp. 222, 258, 281-82.

21. Mistler et al., Epinal, p. 7; G. H. Rivière and Jean Adhémar in Cinq siècles, pp. xiv-xvii, xix.

22. Mignot, p. 5; Pérot, p. 108; Institut Français d’Ecosse, Images populaires françaises

Notes to Pages 458-68

[[565]]

(Edinburgh, 1960), especially pp. 9-10; Cinq siècles, pp. 92-93, 282; AD, Vosges 9bis M26 (1874).

23. See Bibliothèque Nationale, ed., Charles Péguy (1974), pp. 62-63, 154, 156, 158, 178, for good examples. See also Anatole France, Le Vivre de mon ami (1885), p. 162; and Emile Moselly, “Souvenirs sur Charles Péguy,” in Cahiers de l’Amitié Charles Péguy, 1966 (1968), pp. 80-81 (quoting a letter from Péguy to Maurice Barrès, 1910).

24. Institut Français d’Ecosse, Images (cited in note 22, above), pp. 16-18; AD, Vosges 9bis M17 (July-Aug. 1867), Hte.-Vienne IM 191 (Limoges, Nov. 1899).

25. See the writings of Séguin, notably Canards du siècle passé; and R. Hélot, Canards et canardiers en France, et principalement en Normandie (1932).

26. References here and in the next paragraphs are to canards 52, 24, and 23 reproduced in Séguin, Canards du siècle passé; and to Séguin’s remarks in “Canards de faits divers,” pp. 33ff.

27. Pérot, p. 42.

28. AD, Cantal 49 MI (lists of books and pamphlets); Corbin, pp. 507ff; BSF, p. 185; Bollème, Bibliothèque bleue, pp. 8-9, 12; Delarue and Ténèze, 1: 29.

29. Cressot, p. 129.

30. Bollème, Bibliothèque bleue, p. 20; Bollème, Almanacs, p. 34; Burguière, p. 153; Doussinet, Travaux, p. 446; Doussinet, Paysan, p. 411; Méraville, p. 310.

31. Girardin quoted in Dubois, pp. 25-26; BSF, pp. 108-10 (survey of 1861).

32. London Times Literary Supplement, May 25, 1973, P. 590.

33. Bollème, Almanacs, pp. 35-39.

34. See the remarks of Nisard, Histoire, 2: 494-95; and Séguin, Canards du siècle passé.

35. AD, Vosges 9bis M17; Séguin, “Canards de faits divers,” p. 129; Archives de la Préfecture de Police, D B/198, Dec. 1884.

36. Paul Sébillot, L’Imagerie populaire (cited in note 19, above), pp. 5, 22; Pérot, p. 42; Cinq siècles, p. 287; Perrin and Bouet, pp. 368-84; Van Gennep, Remarques, p. 25. Little attention has been given to the canard’s influence on the picture postcard, which appeared at this time. See Guyonnet, Carte postale; Guyonnet in BFI, 1948, pp. 14-16; and Roger Lecotté in BFI, 1954, p. 650.

37. BSF, p. 181; AN, F179146 (préf. Cher, July 1866).

38. Corbin, p. 513.

39. See AN, F179146, and AD, Cantal 49 M1, passim, for the national survey of 1866 discussed in this section. See also Darmon, p. 302.

40. AN, F179146 (préf. Eure-et-Loir, 1866); Halévy, pp. 42-43.

41. Dubois, p. 3 (also on Sologne); R. Brunet, p. 213; Labourasse, p. 12; Charles Dumont, p. 46; AD, Ariège 6M59 (1901); Duclos, 1: 49-50; Ricard, pp. 83-84; Fortier- Beaulieu, p. 881.

42. AN, BB30 370 (Aix, Dec. 10, 1849; Feb. 14, 1850), BB30 396 (Bordeaux, a Jan. 1852 reference to J. P. Labro); the same file refers to one Boyer, called Migro, an edgetool maker at Ste.-Marie-de-Frugère (Dordogne), age 38: “Demi lettré, abonné aux journaux socialistes, en donnant lecture” (my italics).

43. AD, Ariège 5M3 (Oct. 1865), Corrèze 164 T 4-5; Tanneau, p. 226. A number of references seem to trace the spread of newspaper reading in Yonne from insignificance (III M1231, May 1860) to expansion throughout the countryside, where “all who can read a little” read the paper (III M1234, May, July 1865). By local account, this group took in about a quarter of the rural population. But they could read aloud!

44. Séguin, Canards du siècle passé; AN, BB30 373 (Besançon, Apr. 1866). 45. Mazières, 1: 47; Corbin, pp. 531, 1407; Pécaut, Etudes, pp. 15, 16.

45. Corbin, pp. lxxi-lxxiv; compare pp. 1292, 1407. Burguière, p. 151, tells us that at

[[566]]

Notes to Pages 468–73

Plozévet only local newspapers were read until the First World War, when the Petit Journal, its illustrated supplement, and Le Matin made their “timid” appearance. On the small number of readers and the still-restricted reach, see AD, Cantal 40 MII (Aurillac, May 1889); and AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 0162 (Thiers, Apr., May 1892), M 04478 (Brassac, Issoire, 1896), and M 04478 (La Bourboule, Apr. 1895). The slogan of the Messager de la Manche was “Peu de politique! Beaucoup de nouvelles!” (EA, Manche.)

47. AD, Pyrs.-Ors. 3M1 223 (comm. de police Rivesaltes, 1878); Decoux-Lagoutte, p. 53; AD, Cantal 40 M6.

48. Duine, p. 27; Cholvy, pp. 303-4; AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04474 (Dec. 1906; Apr. 1907); compare AD, Puy-de-Dôme M 04478. It is hazardous but tempting to connect this wider distribution of national news with the “épidémies de grève” that Gabriel Tarde mentions in his Essais (1895), p. 15, “comme j’en ai vu s’ébaucher parmi des ouvriers meuliers du Périgord, qui voulaient simplement se mettre à la mode.” We don’t need to accept Tarde’s explanation in order to find it suggestive.

49. Duine, p. 27; Labat, En Gascogne, pp. 651-54. See the remarks of Louis Chevalier, Paysans, p. 128; and Brochon, Livre de colportage, p. 98.

50. Rapports d’inspection générale (Doubs); Le Cri du peuple, Nov. 13, 1883, recommending Henri Brissac’s brochure Résumé populaire du socialisme.

51. Félix Pécaut, “Notes d’inspection,” Revue pédagogique, Oct. 1894, pp. 307-8; Pécaut, Education, p. 39; Thuillier, “Presse,” p. 39.

Chapter Twenty-eight

Epigraph. In Memoriam, part CVI, stanza 2; Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, chap. 5, stanza I.

1. Méline, p. 2; Varagnac, pp. 56-57. Also writing in 1905, an equally astute observer, Louis Marin, discerned “one of the gravest crises, perhaps the most grave, that French civilization has ever undergone.” Changes were coming so fast that for “the first time… one sees all the customs unsettled… and it is in all the provinces that we see them unsettled one after the other, and so strongly that as a consequence the moral and economic life of the whole nation is unsettled in turn” (“Survivances,” pp. 143-44).

2. The Société des Traditions Populaires was founded in 1885. According to Jeanton, Mâconnais, p. 5, just after the First World War “the elite of the local bourgeoisie” in Mâcon and Tournus discovered an interest in local traditions, costume, and folklore. The first local exhibition devoted to folklore took place in 1921. This is about the right décalage between Paris and the provinces!

3. See series like Les Chansons de Jean Rameau illustrées, edited at Bourges, with their attractive sepia photographs.

4. Félix Pécaut, Critique religieuse (1879), p. 31; Jean Macé quoted in Bulletin de la Ligue de l’Enseignement, 1894, p. 201.

5. Gautron du Coudray in Le Nivernais, Nov. 22, 1953; Dergny, 2: 7, 10-11; Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 193.

6. Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 2, 10, 14, 20, 27, 31, 379, 447 (Loire); Dauzat, Village, p. 147 (Beauce).

7. Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 119. In Morvan, characteristically, churching continued until 1911. On couvades, see Fage, Autour du mariage, p. 18; Thuillier, “Pour une histoire,” p. 255; Jalby, p. 18; and P. Cuzacq, La Naissance, le mariage et le décès (1902), p. 17.

8. Haudricourt and Delamarre, p. 450; VA, Moisson (Moselle, Somme, Pas-de-Calais). 9. Wylie, Village, p. 224.

9. Buffet, Haute-Bretagne, pp. 119-26.

II. VA, Moisson (especially Boulonnais, Aisne, Hte.-Loire).

Notes to Pages 474-82

[[567]]

12. Guillaumin, Paysans, p. 217; P. Mayer, p. 11; Hamp, France, p. 29; Jules Renard, Philippe, pp. 25-26. See also Thuillier, “Pour une histoire,” very suggestive, like everything he writes.

13. Lefournier, p. 887.

14. VA, Moisson (Forez).

15. On conscripts, see Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 213-23; Jeanton, Mâconnais, pp. 20-23; and Jeanton, Travaux du Premier Congrès International de Folklore, Paris, 1937 (Tours, 1938), pp. 245-47.

16. Fortier-Beaulieu, pp. 143-44, 175, 213, 231, 264, 313, 345; Fortier-Beaulieu, Mariages et noces campagnardes dans les pays ayant formé le département de la Loire (1945), pp. 40-43; Van Gennep, Manuel, 1: 221.

17. La Feuille de Provins, Jan. 30, 1891.

18. On the revelatory role of social catastrophes, see Maurice Halbwachs, Les Cadres sociaux de la mémoire (1952 ed.), chap. 7: “Les Classes sociales et leurs traditions.” On wars, see Varagnac, pp. 59-63.

19. Morin, p. 50; Fortier-Beaulieu, especially p. 82; Garneret, p. 346.

20. Jeanton, Légende, p. 88; Pourrat, p. 189; Collot, p. 4.

21. EA, Marne; VA, St.-Jean / Moisson. Under the Empire the bonfire celebrations had been transferred from St. John’s Eve to the Emperor’s feast on Aug. 15, which must have contributed to their total disappearance.

22. Fortier-Beaulieu, p. 10; Guillemot, p. 22; Varagnac, p. 63; VA, Moisson; Abbé Jean Garneret, L’Amour des gens (1972), p. 253.

23. Bozon, Vie rurale, p. 465; Fortier-Beaulieu; VA, Moisson / St.-Jean; personal communication from Mme. Hubert (Marne). See also Edeine, 2: 824.

24. VA, Moisson; Roubin, pp. 115, 174-77; Garneret, Village comtois, p. 306.

25. J. H. Ricard, “La Vie paysanne d’août 1914 à octobre 1915,” Revue politique et parlementaire, Dec. 1915, pp. 364-65; Maria Craipeau and Louis Lengrand, Louis Lengrand, mineur du Nord (1974), extracts in L’Express, May 20-26, 1974, p. 176.

26. Jeane Lhomme, Economie et histoire (Geneva, 1967), pp. 96-97; Augé-Laribé, Politique, p. 124.

27. Pasquet, p. 13.

28. Morin, p. 133 (see also pp. 45-49, 135); Thabault, Mon village, pp. 200-201.

29. Matoré, pp. 51, 88-90; Guilcher, Contredanse, p. 199; Nisard, Histoire, 1: 248; Gérard de Nerval, Contes et légendes du Valois, cited in Mandrou, p. 169.

30. Lefebvre, Vallée, p. 214.

31. Perron, Broye-les-Pesmes, pp. 54, 55; Michel Chevalier, p. 213. See also Leroi- Gourhan, Milieu, p. 457.

32. Ricard, p. 66; J.-A. Delpon, 1: 203.

33. Both quotations in this paragraph are from Michel Chevalier, pp. 689ff.

34. Romieu, p. 19. See Maurice Le Lannou, Géographie de la Bretagne (Rennes, 1952), 2: 200: “La trop célèbre routine du paysan de chez nous est moins une passivité de l’esprit et des énergies qu’un esclavage imposé par le manque d’argent.”

35. Marcilhacy, “Emile Zola,” pp. 578, 581.

36. Neufbourg, p. 9; Garavel, pp. 3, 8, 62; Daniel Faucher in Journal de psychologie normale et pathologique, 1948, p. 98.

37. EA, Lot. Compare Cuisenier, pp. 96-98; and Fanon, pp. 180-81: “Le contact du peuple avec la geste nouvelle suscite un nouveau rythme respiratoire.”

38. Romieu, p. III. “Of all progressive agricultural innovations, the suppression of fallow is the one most forcibly rejected by our farmers,” wrote Mme. Romieu in 1865. Why? It was not laziness, but simply that “the peasant clings to the idea that… everyone needs repose, beasts and people; why should the land be different from all the rest?”

[[568]]

Notes to Pages 482–88

39. Guillaumin, Appui de la manche, p. 75; Donatien Laurent, “Le Gwerz de Louis Le Ravallac,” Arts et traditions populaires, 1967, p. 33.

40. Esnault, Imagination, p. 144; Gorse, pp. 259-60.

41. EA, Indre, no. 324. See also Ricard, p. 64.

42. Francus, Midi de l’Ardèche, p. 239; Chaumeil, p. 145; Marouzeau, p. 73; Perron, Franc-Comtois, p. 79.

43. See Gilbert Simondon, Du mode d’existence des objets techniques (1958), especially pp. 114-15.

44. EA, Aveyron. On the peasants’ refusal to recognize concepts like profit and loss, or to keep accounts, and the deliberate avoidance of economic issues in order to live day by day, see L’Aubrac, 1: 267–74.

45. “When [the peasants] work solely for self-consumption,” reported a priest from Savoy, “they feel as if they are destroying themselves, as if they are useless, as if they cannot make ends meet” (quoted in Maître, p. 23).

Chapter Twenty-nine

Epigraph. Roux, Pensées, p. 154; Fanon, Les Damnés de la terre, p. 35.

1. Compare Sicard, p. 26, talking of sociopolitical entities born of decolonization: “On se retrouve toujours en face d’un ensemble territorial élaboré de l’extérieur au gré des conquêtes, des décisions administratives ou politiques.”

2. Marcel Mauss, notes of 1919-20, published posthumously as “La Nation,” L’Année sociologique, 3d ser., 1953-54, pp. 7-68; Karl Deutsch, Nationalism and Its Alternatives (New York, 1969), p. 7.

3. The definition of society is from Ralph Linton, The Science of Man in the World Crisis (New York, 1945), p. 79. The rest of the quotes are from Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication, pp. 61, 70-71, 75.

4. Georges Valérie, Notes sur le nationalisme français (1901), p. 7.

5. Leproux, MATP manuscript 43.115.

6. Pariset, Lauragais, pp. 9-10. See also Souvestre, Derniers Bretons (1854 ed.), 2: 7. 7. R. Brunet in Wolff, p. 511; Le Figaro, June 19, 1907. See also Wolff himself, p. 7; and Jacques Ellul, Métamorphose du bourgeois (1967), p. 45, referring to “le Languedoc conquis à qui est imposé par le pouvoir le nom de France.”

7. See Audiganne, Populations, 2: especially pp. 210, 258, on the picturesque naïveté of the Provençal; the primitive customs of Mazamet; the unique rudeness of the inhabitants of the Montagne Noire. Patrick Dumont, La Petite Bourgeoisie vue à travers les contes quotidiens du Journal (1894-1895) (1973), p. 71, remarks that the rural parts of France are presented as “des amériques peuplées de demi-civilisés.”

8. See Charles de Ribbe, La Provence au point de vue des bois… (1875), p. 136; and de Ribbe, Des incendies des forêts (1865), p. 25. Even friendly observers thought of the simile. Thus, a Parisian lawyer who had befriended a group of Provençal shepherds could beg them to go on singing, because it made him feel as if he were “in some African caravan, among the Arabs” (Batisto Bonnet, p. 209).

9. Van Gennep, Folklore de Flandre, 1: especially p. 22 (quotations from the official survey of 1852); Arthur Dinaux, “Sobriquets de villages,” Archives du Nord de la France, 1: 271. See also AG, MR 1218 (Hérault, 1825), MR 2281 (Loire, 1862); and Bourdieu and Sayad, p. 38.

II. Mayors of canton Quérigut (1843) and the official reports of 1850, 1859, quoted in Michel Chevalier, pp. 723-26; L. Gaillard, Montagnes de Massat (Toulouse, 1900), quoted in ibid., p. 720.

12. AN, F712849 (préf., Dec. 23, 1872; proc. gén. Bastia, May 18, 1874), F712850 (1902, 1907, 1917); AG G8, correspondance générale, Corsica.

Notes to Pages 488–96

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13. Ricard, p. 11, who also quotes Baron d’Haussez, Etudes administratives sur les Landes (Bordeaux, 1826), and Vicomte d’Yzarn Freissinet, Coup d’oeil sur les Landes de Gascogne (1837); Michelet in chap. 6 of the 17th century of his Histoire de France; AG, MR 1231 (Gironde, 1839); AN, F102342 (Landes de Gascogne, May 1861).

the

14. Honoré de Balzac, Le Curé de village (1837), chap. 3. Compare Sicard, p. 53: reconciliation of the legal structure with the ethnocultural whole that surrounds and supports it remains the great problem of nation-building.

15. Ardouin-Dumazet, 30: 34-35, 55, 120-22; Ricard, p. 80.

16. Lovie, pp. 378–79; RDM, June 1, 1864, pp. 631-32.

17. Perrin and Bouet, p. 267; V. Brenac, “Etude sur les conditions de travail agricole dans les parties montagneuses des trois départements de la Haute-Vienne, de la Creuse et de la Corrèze,” L’Agriculteur du Centre, 1866; Gorse in Revue du Limousin, 1862, p. 297. Wolkowitch, p. 72, suggests that the appeal was heard. According to him, the lines-actually the secondary lines-built in the Massif Central express “the will of the masters of [France’s national] economy to affirm a unified national market,” suggestively contemporary to “their will of colonial expansion.” Compare Fanon, p. 120: “The economy of the colony is always in complementary relationship to that [of the metropolis].”

18. Ardouin-Dumazet, 1: 98-99, 121.

19. “A new colony, most of whose inhabitants come from distant provinces,” wrote the Minister of Marine in 1724; “a colony settled by seafaring people,” wrote the Maritime Prefect to the First Consul in 1800; “a maritime colony, not a Breton town,” echoed Emile Souvestre in 1841; “a maritime colony” peopled by “outsiders,” noted a French traveler in 1859. See Le Gallo, 1: 37-39, 88-89; Souvestre, Mémoires d’un sans-culotte Bas-Breton (1841), 1: 304; and Ed. Valin, Voyage en Bretagne-Finistère (1859), p. 148.

20. Revue pédagogique, Mar. 15, 1888, Apr. 15, 1891, Feb. 15, 1894, Mar. 15, 1894. 21. Chombart de Lauwe, p. 115. See also Jean Meyer in Delumeau, pp. 420-21. 22. Le Mercier d’Erm, pp. 23-32; Louis Hémon, Pour la langue bretonne (Quimper, 1903), p. 2.

21. Fanon, pp. 72, 158, 177 (and 69), 33, 158 (and 40), 106, 116 (and 164).

22. Ibid., p. 178.

23. See Cuisenier’s very sensible remarks on this, especially p. 5.

24. Vincent, p. 141, around 1914, about Berry: “Si le paysan a conservé quelques anciennes coutumes, au point de vue de la nourriture son régime a complètement changé: la viande, le vin, le café, le sucre et les douceurs de toutes sortes, sont devenues les conditions ordinaires, et je dirais presque nécessaires, de son alimentation.” The sea-change is immense!

25. Angeville, p. 16; and Le Roy Ladurie, introduction.

26. He said it about religion. See Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London, 1973), p. 798.

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