Contents
List of illustrations
*page *vi
Acknowledgments
vii
List of abbreviations
ix
Glossary
x
Introduction: defiled trades
PART I THE MEANING OF DISHONOR IN EARLY MODERN SOCIETY
Medieval versus early modern dishonor
Honor, status, and pollution
PART II THE DISHONORABLE MILIEU
The status of executioners and skinners, –
Living on the periphery of dishonor
PART III PARADOXICAL DISHONOR: PUNISHMENT AND HEALING
The infamous fur coat, or the unintended consequences of social discipline
The executioner’s healing touch: health and honor in early modern German medical practice
PART IV ARTISANAL HONOR AND URBAN POLITICS
Guardians of honor: artisans versus magistrates
Honor and dishonor in the eighteenth century
Conclusion: dishonor and the society of orders
Selected bibliography
Index
v
Illustrations
Bird’s eye view of Augsburg in the sixteenth century. SStBA Graph /A.
*page *
Mid-eighteenth-century illustration of crowd assembled as a death sentence is proclaimed. StadtAA, Strafamt: Samuel Valentin, End-Urthel und Verruf . . . Aller derjenigen Manns- und Weibs-Persohnen, so von Einem Hoche-Edlen . . . Rath, des H. R. Reichs Freyen Stadt Augsburg Von Anno bis Anno vom Leben zum Tod condemnieret *und justifizieret worden . . . * Augsburg, n.d.
Drawing of a hanged corpse. StadtAA, RP , fo. , July , .
Drawing of pillory and neck ring. StadtAA, RP , fo. , July ,
.
Drawing of rope and switches. StadtAA, RP , fo. , February ,
.
Illustration from execution pamphlet. SStBA, Graphik, Verbrecher,
/d.
Execution in . SStBA, Graphik, Verbrecher, /.
The holy executioner, St. Apollinaris. Jacob Schmid, S.J. Trauben der Heiligkeit aus den Do¨rnern der Bo¨sheit, oder verwunderliche Bekehrungen allerhand Mo¨rdern, Raübern, Zauberern, auch viler zum Tod verurtheilten U
*¨ beltatern . . . * Augsburg, .
vi
Acknowledgments
Finally, to the great relief of everyone involved, this book is finished! Over the years I have benefited from the generous intellectual and moral support of teachers, friends, and colleagues. Among my longsuffering teachers I would like to thank Paul Bushkovitch, Jon Butler, and Alice Kessler-Harris. Klaus Tenfelde welcomed me in his Colloquium at the University of Innsbruck. I enjoyed many exchanges over lunch with Erik Midelfort at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek – and he took me on a pilgrimage! Bernd Roeck first introduced me to the untold treasures of the Stadtarchiv Augsburg.
My archival research in Augsburg has been a very fun and exciting part of this project. For that I would like to thank my fellow researchers and archive companions B. Ann Tlusty, Hans-Jo¨rg Ku¨nast, Lyndal Roper, Susanne Eser, Georg Feuerer, Beth Plummer, Benedikt Mauer, Christoph Bo¨hm, Doris Pfister, and Claudia Stein. We were all exploring different aspects of Augsburg’s past, but we developed a spirit of cooperation and intellectual exchange that made our individual research projects all the more exciting. This feeling of intellectual community was greatly enhanced by our regular Thursday night Archiv Stammtisch!
The helpful staff at the Stadtarchiv are another reason why research there is so enjoyable. Special thanks go to the indefatigable Alois Senser and Peter Weiss, who (almost) never tired of bringing me meters of archival documents. I would also like to thank the archivists Wolfram Baer, Wolfgang Wu¨st, and Josef Mancal. The Staatsbibliothek Augsburg was also a very congenial place to work. This was due to the professional expertise of Wolfgang Meyer (a mainstay of the Archiv Stammtisch!), and to Ekkehard Nowak’s zany sense of humor. I would also like to thank Direktor Helmut Gier for many valuable tips.
This project would never have come to fruition without the support of my friends and colleagues at UC Davis. Special thanks go to Bill Hagen (!), Ted Margadant, Joan Cadden, Mike Saler, Norma Landau, Michael Smith, Cathy Kudlick, Bob Borgen, Paul Teller, Peter Schaeffer, Winfried Schleiner, and Adrienne Martin. My graduate students Michele Clouse, Celeste Chamberland, Katherine Bell, Tracy Miller, and Kathleen Whalen provided helpful feedback.
Within the University of California, I have enjoyed brainstorming with David Sabean, Tom Brady, Herman Ooms, Peter Reill, and Randy Head. I have benefited vii
Acknowledgments
from conversations with Terry McIntosh, Christopher Friedrichs, Susan Karant-Nunn, Thomas Robisheaux, Natalie Zemon Davis, Mary Elizabeth Perry, Michael Scha¨fer, Wolfgang Behringer, Rolf Kießling, Johannes Burkhardt, and Wolfgang Weber. The incisive and constructive critiques of the editors of Cambridge Early Modern Studies, Sir John Elliott, Olwen Hufton, Helmut Koenigsberger, and Hamish Scott (to whom I owe special thanks for his rapid marathon reading of the manuscript!) helped strengthen the book considerably.
A variety of research grants helped keep body and soul together during the years of research and writing. I am grateful for the generous financial support of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, the Social Science Research Council, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), the Stiftung fu¨r Europaïsche Kulturgeschichte in Augsburg, and the UC Davis Humanities Institute.
Rosemary Shahan, Joanie Erikson, Gay Chung, Mary Francis Mullins, and Phyllis Jestice helped proofread. Pascaline Windand, Futoshi Schibayama, Richard Dinardo, and Jim Mavrikios provided comic relief. Schmuseli, Clyde, Sam, and Foghorn lay next to the computer as I typed. Throughout this enterprise my parents Ruth and John Arnott provided unflagging moral support, and so I dedicate this book to them.
Kathy Stuart
University of California, Davis
viii
Abbreviations
AHV
Archiv des Historischen Vereins
CM
Collegium Medicum
CM Prot.
Protokolle des Collegium Medicum
EWA
Evangelisches Wesensarchiv
GRP
Geheime Ratsprotokolle
HAP
Hochzeitsamt, Hochzeitsamtsprotokolle
HDA
Handwo¨rterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens
HHuStA
Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv (Vienna)
HWA
Handwerkerakten
Restitutiones
Restitutiones natalium ac legitimationes
RP
Ratsprotokolle
StaatsAA
Staatsarchiv Augsburg
StadtA Munich
Stadtarchiv Munich
StadtAA
Stadtarchiv Augsburg
Stadtbed.
Stadtbedienstete
SStBA
Staats-und Stadtbibliothek Augsburg
Trauungsreg.
Trauungsregister
ZHVS
Zeitschrift des historischen Vereins fu¨r Schwaben ix
Glossary
Achtbuch
late medieval book of punishments
Bu¨rgermeister
mayor
Carnifex
Latin: executioner
Ehelich
legitimate
Ehrlich
honorable
Ex opere operato
Latin: by the act itself
Henkersknecht
executioner’s servant
Herrschaft
lordship and domination
*Malefizknecht, Malefizscherge * police officer who deals with infamous prisoners Nachtarbeiter
‘‘night-worker,’’ i.e. latrine cleaner
Nachtko¨nig
‘‘night-king,’’ i.e. chief latrine cleaner
Obrigkeit
sovereign authorities
Pasquill
insulting placard illegally displayed in a public place Rechtlose lewte
medieval outlaws
Sachsenspiegel
mirror of the Saxons
Schwabenspiegel
mirror of the Swabians
Stadtknecht
bailiff
Stadtpir
cone shaped civic symbol of Augsburg
Stadtrecht
civic law code
Taubenreinheit
‘‘dove-like-purity’’
Unehrliche Leute
dishonorable people
Unehrlichkeit
dishonor
x
Document Outline
-
Half-title
-
Series-title
-
Title
-
Copyright
-
Contents
-
Illustrations
-
Acknowledgments
-
Abbreviations
-
Glossary
-
Introduction: defiled trades
- DISHONORABLE PEOPLE, MARGINALITY, AND SOCIAL DISCIPLINING
- DISHONOR, “TABOO,” AND CASTE POLLUTION
- THE DISHONOR OF THE EXECUTIONER
- THE “DOVE-LIKE-PURITY” OF ARTISANAL HONOR
- DISHONOR IN THE FREE IMPERIAL CITY OF AUGSBURG
-
PART I The meaning of dishonor in early modern society
- 1 Medieval versus early modern dishonor
- 2 Honor, status, and pollution
- DISHONOR IN LEGAL THEORY
- THE LINGUISTIC BOUNDARY OF HONOR
- ARTISANAL AMBIVALENCE
- DISHONOR AND SECULAR ELITES
- DISHONOR AND THE CHURCH
- CONCLUSION: THE AMBIGUITY OF DISHONOR
-
PART II The dishonorable milieu
-
3 The status of executioners and skinners, 1500–1700
- CONCLUSION
-
4 Living on the periphery of dishonor
- SHEPHERDS
- BAILIFFS
- GRAVE-DIGGERS AND “NIGHT-WORKERS”
- BATHMASTERS AND BARBER-SURGEONS
- LINEN-WEAVERS
- CONCLUSION
-
-
PART III Paradoxical dishonor: punishment and healing
-
5 The infamous fur coat, or the unintended consequences of social discipline
- INSTRUMENTS OF PUNISHMENT
- THE INFAMOUS FUR COAT
- THE COERCIVE POTENTIAL OF DISHONOR POLLUTION
- PUNISHMENT AND THE DIVISION OF LABOR
- DISOBEDIENCE AND THE OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE
- TORTURE AND THE EXECUTIONER’S TOUCH
- THE IMPACT OF NON-CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS
- CONCLUSION
-
6 The executioner’s healing touch: health and honor in early modern German medical practice
- MEDICAL OPTIONS
- EXECUTIONER MEDICINE
- MEDICINE AND MAGIC
- THE EXECUTIONER’S PRACTICE
- THE EXECUTIONER’S CLIENTELE
- RHETORICAL STRATEGIES OF MEDICAL COMPETITION
- ARS MORIENDI: EXECUTION, REDEMPTION, AND MEDICINE
- CONCLUSION: FILTH AND HEALING
-
-
PART IV Artisanal honor and urban politics
-
7 Guardians of honor: artisans versus magistrates
- HONOR AND ECONOMIC SELF-INTEREST?
- A TYPOLOGY OF DISHONOR CONFLICTS
- DISPOSAL OF SUICIDES: SECULAR DISHONOR VS. “TABOO”
- BASTARDY AND SEXUAL MISCONDUCT
- GUILD MEMBERSHIP AND SELF-IDENTITY
- DISHONOR IN CORPORATE SOCIETY
- JOURNEYMEN AS ENFORCERS OF THE HONOR CODE
- DISHONOR POLLUTION AND GENDER
- CONCLUSION
-
8 Honor and dishonor in the eighteenth century
- EXECUTIONER MEDICINE AND THE LIMITS OF SOCIAL MOBILITY
- UNEMPLOYED EXECUTIONERS
- THE LIMITED EFFECTIVENESS OF LEGITIMATIONS
- THE PROLIFERATING CRITERIA OF INFAMY
- SOFT-TREADING MAGISTRATES: APPEASING THE ARTISANS
-
-
Conclusion: dishonor and the society of orders
-
Selected bibliography
-
PRIMARY SOURCES
- Unprinted sources
- Printed sources
-
SECONDARY SOURCES
-
-
Index
Introduction: defiled trades
In the winter of an unusual wedding took place in the free imperial city of Augsburg. A young fisherman, Andreas Anhauser, married Barbara Leichnam, the daughter of the local skinner. When Andreas had proposed marriage to Barbara in the preceding summer his parents had been aghast at this mismatch. Both Andreas and Barbara came from families that had long resided in Augsburg, but the Anhausers were citizens and prominent members of the fishermen’s guild, whereas the Leichnam family had filled the post of urban skinner for three generations.
Skinners’ work consisted of removing animal carcasses, putting down wild dogs, burying the corpses of suicides in the carrion field, and emptying latrines, among other unsavory tasks. Skinners also assisted the executioner in carrying out a variety of criminal punishments, in particular hangings, the most dishonorable form of execution. The very name of the young bride gave expression to the work her family had performed for generations; her surname *Leichnam * translates as
‘‘corpse.’’ As skinners, the Leichnam clan belonged to the so-called unehrliche Leute or ‘‘dishonorable people,’’ an outcast group in early modern Germany in which membership was ascribed by birth. The fishermen, by contrast, constituted an ancient and honorable guild. If the young fisherman were to marry into skinners’
stock, his wife’s dishonor would fall on him, an outrage to both his family and his guild.
The Leichnam family was no less opposed to the marriage, perhaps because they knew the young couple would face social ostracism. And most likely they also believed that Barbara could make an economically more advantageous match within her own social estate. In spite of their dishonorable status, skinners typically were wealthier than the honorable artisans who despised them. In any case, both sets of parents used their considerable authority over their children to prevent the union.
They threatened and cajoled, and when that did not help, they had their children imprisoned. With the girl safely locked away, Andreas was released. He then threw himself in the river Lech in an attempt to drown himself, but he was rescued by passersby. Meanwhile Barbara cut her wrists in prison, but she was saved by the jailer. These joint suicide attempts forced the parents to give in to their children’s
StadtAA, HAP, –, fo. on the marriage; Stadt AA, Reichsstadtakten, Stadtbed. / on the Leichnam family.
Introduction
demands. Before they would endanger the lives and the very souls of their children, they would consent to the marriage. They had done everything in their power to prevent it, the Anhausers claimed, but their boy was ‘‘insane from love’’ ( insania filia amoris). They conceded that this was a scandalous and dangerous marriage, but their child’s salvation should take precedence over the ‘‘mere political consideration of dishonor.’’
The fishermen did not agree. To allow this marriage would mean not only accepting Barbara Leichnam into the guild, but her children as well. To incorporate the skinner’s descendants would lead to the everlasting ridicule and dishonor of the entire guild, they wrote in an appeal to the city government. If Andreas insisted on marrying into such dishonorable stock, the fishermen declared, he would be expelled from the guild and forbidden to fish. The city government ruled in favor of the guild. It did not forbid the marriage outright, but the city council decreed that if Andreas went through with it, he could no longer practice his trade. Andreas and Barbara did marry; he was expelled from the fishermen’s guild. Thereafter, he made his living as a day-laborer.
This case is an example, albeit a dramatic one, of ritual pollution conflicts involving a variety of defiled trades that frequently disrupted early modern German guilds. Defiled tradesmen and their families were known as Unehrliche Leute, or dishonorable people. *Unehrlichkeit * or the concept of dishonor first emerged in the fourteenth century, it hardened and coalesced in the first half of the sixteenth century, and developed its greatest virulence in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Dishonor was a legal and social distinction which did not necessarily convey any moral meaning – although it often did. Dishonor was a vaguely defined term that applied to widely disparate groups bound by little else than the stigma of dishonor: they included vagrants and criminals of all kinds, prostitutes, bastards, the prenuptially conceived, ethnic and religious minorities such as Jews or gypsies, those who had been made legally infamous by honor punishments, and a variety of occupations and trades. Social status was expressed in terms of honor in the early modern German society of orders ( Sta¨ndische Gesellschaft); to be denied status in this society meant to be denied honor. This book does not present a study of dishonor in this generic sense. Instead, we are concerned with social groups who were dishonorable by virtue of their trade. Executioners, skinners, grave-diggers, shepherds, barber-surgeons, millers, linen-weavers, sow-gelders, actors, latrine-cleaners, nightwatchmen, and bailiffs were all defined as ‘‘dishonorable people’’ in this specific sense.
Throughout the Holy Roman empire dishonorable tradesmen suffered various forms of social, economic, legal, and political discrimination on a graduated scale of dishonor at the hands of ‘‘honorable’’ guild artisans and in ‘‘honorable’’ society at
StadtAA, HWA, Fischer , , correspondence between the Anhausers, guild, and magistrates; StadtAA Strafamt, Zucht-und Strafamtsprotokolle, –, fo. names Andreas Anhauser as a *Tagwerker *(day-laborer) in .
Introduction
large. As a matter of course, dishonorable people were excluded from most guilds.
In the case of the most extreme dishonor, that of executioners and skinners, *Unehrlichkeit * could lead to exclusion from virtually all normal sociability. Executioners and skinners might be pelted with stones by onlookers, they might be refused access to taverns, excluded from public baths, or denied an honorable burial. Dishonor was transmitted through heredity, often over several generations.
The polluting quality of dishonor is one of its defining characteristics. By coming into casual contact with dishonorable people or by violating certain ritualized codes of conduct, honorable citizens could themselves become dishonorable. Being labeled dishonorable had disastrous consequences for an honorable artisan. The guildsman who was tainted by dishonor suffered a kind of social death. He would be excluded from his guild and forbidden to practice his trade, so that he would lose both his livelihood and the social and political identity which guild membership conferred. The fear of pollution through personal contact could go so far that neighbors and onlookers would refuse to help a dishonorable person even in the face of mortal danger. A dramatic example is the executioner’s wife who was left to die in childbirth in the north German town of Husum in the s, because the midwife refused to set foot in the executioner’s house.
DISHONORABLE PEOPLE, MARGINALITY, AND SOCIAL DISCIPLINING
The history of dishonor is closely related to the history of sovereignty and lordship ( Herrschaft). What does it tell us about the nature of social control and the relationship of the popular classes to governmental authority that the very instruments who exercised this authority were dishonorable people? Throughout the empire executioners, bailiffs, and other low-level police officers were at the center of dishonor. Both the authorities and the dishonorable officers of law enforcement fended off accusations of dishonor with the argument that they were ‘‘the arm of justice.’’ One executioner argued, for example, that he did not ‘‘swing his sword for his own pleasure’’ but executed the judgments meted out by the ‘‘honorable’’
Karl-Sigismund Kramer, ‘‘Ehrliche/Unehrliche Gewerbe,’’ in Adalbert Erler and Ekkehardt Kaufmann, eds., Handwo¨rterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, vol. I (Berlin, ), pp. –. Richard van Du¨lmen, ‘‘Der infame Mensch. Unehrliche Arbeit und soziale Ausgrenzung in der fru¨hen Neuzeit,’’ in Richard van Du¨lmen, ed., Arbeit, Fro¨mmigkeit und Eigensinn. Studien zur historischen *Kulturforschung *(Frankfurt a.M., ), pp. –.
StadtAA, HWA, Ba¨cker , September , .
StaatsAA, Lehen und Adel c (Herrschaft Babenhausen), August , .
StadtAA, RP , fo. r, for June , .
StadtAA, HWA, Maurer , June–December .
[Augustus Giese], Der weheschreiende Stein, u¨ber den Greuel, daß man die Diener der Justiz bis anher *nicht zu Grabe tragen, und nun auch Ihrer etlichen Frauen in Kindsnoth niemand helfen will *(n.p., ), pp. –. Though this tract was published anonymously, its author was Augustus Giese, a doctor of law who served for many years as a city councilor of Husum. In this function he was responsible for arbitrating dishonor conflicts, a task which he found deeply frustrating.
Introduction
authorities, which left him with a clear conscience. Such arguments notwithstanding, punishment meted out in the name of sovereign authorities ( Obrigkeit) was central to plebeian ideas about dishonor. There were certain things honorable men did not do, namely hunting down, capturing, whipping, torturing, or executing criminals. A stigma attached to the performance of criminal punishments. One goal of this study is to understand what the existence of this stigma reveals about the nature of lordship and sovereignty, about the process of state-building, and about common folk’s responses to governmental attempts to ‘‘discipline’’ them.
The paradigm of ‘‘social disciplining,’’ first developed by Gerhard Oestreich, has been one of the dominant theoretical approaches of historians of early modern Germany in recent years. Social disciplining and ‘‘confessionalization’’ are seen as two interlocking processes. During the implementation of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, Lutheran, Calvinist, and Catholic territories developed distinct confessional cultures. But despite differences in religious culture, state-building followed a broadly similar pattern in Catholic and Protestant territories.
Government authorities and territorial churches cooperated to form the ‘‘confessionalized’’ absolutist state. This modernizing state set out with growing efficiency to ‘‘discipline’’ its subjects, i.e. to control the burgeoning population of the poor, to impose labor discipline, to impose stricter norms of sexual morality, to impose confessional orthodoxy, and to eradicate popular superstitions. The effect was, as historians who apply the social disciplining model suggest, to transform and domesticate popular culture in general, and to inculcate an all-round obedience to the instruments of the state. Historians of other European countries have described a similar process. Peter Burke has described the repression of popular festivities, and the drunkenness, gluttony, and moral disorder elite reformers associated with them, as ‘‘the triumph of Lent.’’ Robert Muchembled has interpreted the witch-hunt in France as a comprehensive effort by the absolutist state to ‘‘acculturate’’
rural society and to extirpate popular ‘‘superstitions.’’
According to the German social disciplining paradigm, this process began in the late middle ages in the cities. Urban disciplining practices were then imitated by the nascent absolutist territorial states in the sixteenth century. Social discipline really
Quote from . StadtAA, HWA, Maurer .
StadtAA, HWA, Weber .
Gerhard Oestreich, ‘‘Strukturprobleme des europaïschen Absolutismus,’’ in his Geist und Gestalt des *fru¨hmodernen Staates *(Berlin, ). On social discipline, see also R. Po-Chia Hsia, Social Discipline in *the Reformation: Central Europe – *(London/New York, ), especially pp. – *; * Stefan Breuer, ‘‘Sozialdisziplinierung. Probleme und Problemverlagerungen bei Max Weber, Gerhard Oestreich und Michel Foucault,’’ in Soziale Sicherheit und Soziale Disziplinierung. Beitra¨ge zu einer historischen Theorie der Sozialpolitik, eds. Christian Sachße und Florian Tennstedt (Frankfurt a.M.,
), pp. –; Winfried Schulze, ‘‘Gerhard Oestreichs Begriff ‘Sozialdisziplinierung in der fru¨hen Neuzeit’,’’ *Zeitschrift fu¨r historische Forschung * (), –.
Kaspar von Greyerz, ‘‘Confession as a social and economic factor,’’ in Germany: a New Social and Economic History, vol. II (New York, ), pp. –.
Peter Burke, *Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe *(London, ), pp. –.
Robert Muchembled, *Popular Culture and Elite Culture in France, – *(Baton Rouge, ), pp. –.
Introduction
began to take hold in the seventeenth century when absolutist states imposed a
‘‘disciplining of the staff’’ ( Stabsdisziplinierung) to shape their officer corps and state bureaucracy into reliable instruments of government. Finally, in the eighteenth century this process reached its successful conclusion with the stage of ‘‘fundamental disciplining,’’ when social disciplining effectively reached all levels of society.
There is a striking overlap in this chronology of social disciplining and the history of dishonor. Discrimination against dishonorable people reached its greatest virulence just when the process of social disciplining was allegedly reaching its successful conclusion.
Although social disciplining is seen as a more or less all-encompassing process, this paradigm is obviously of particular relevance in studies of deviance, marginality, and poverty. *Unehrlichkeit * emerged as a social category in the fourteenth century. Discrimination against dishonorable people coincided with the increasing stigmatization of a variety of marginal groups in the late middle ages. In his broad-ranging synthesis The Emergence of a Persecuting Society, R. I. Moore has documented a concerted effort by the centralizing institutions of church and state in the late middle ages to persecute deviants of all kinds with new vigor. This was a European-wide trend. Jews, lepers, heretics, sodomites, and prostitutes were symbolically associated in a new coherent ideology of persecution. They were assimilated ‘‘into a single rhetoric.’’ In Moore’s interpretation, the persecution of deviants is a concomitant of the emergence of new bureaucratic regimes. Persecution of deviants was instigated by elites. Popular anti-semitism, for example, was whipped up by the sermons of mendicant friars. Church and state developed a kind of tool-kit of infamy, a flexible array of measures to mark and segregate deviants. According to Frantisek Graus, the treatment of prostitutes was paradigmatic in this regard. Prostitutes enjoyed relative tolerance in the high middle ages, when ecclesiastical authorities justified their existence as a ‘‘lesser evil.’’ But in the fourteenth century, city governments began to issue new legislation restricting prostitutes to certain areas of the city, creating a new social topography of deviance in the process, and imposing ‘‘stigma symbols,’’ vestimentary signs of infamy which would visibly distinguish them from honorable women. Authorities applied the same measures to Jews, lepers, and beggars. Historians see the proliferation of begging ordinances in cities across Europe around as a first step in governments’ new social disciplining program. These ordinances distinguished between
Breuer, ‘‘Sozialdisziplierung,’’ p. .
R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, –
(Cambridge, ), p. .
Ibid., pp. –.
Diane Owen Hughes, ‘‘Distinguishing signs: ear-rings, Jews, and Franciscan rhetoric in the Italian Renaissance city,’’ *Past and Present * (), –, and Robert Ju¨tte, ‘‘Stigma-Symbole. Kleidung als identita¨tsstiftendes Merkmal bei spa¨tmittelalterlichen und fru¨hneuzeitlichen Randgruppen (Juden, Dirnen, Aussa¨tzige, Bettler),’’ *Saeculum * (), –.
Frantisek Graus, ‘‘Randgruppen der sta¨dtischen Gesellschaft im Spa¨tmittelalter,’’ Zeitschrift fu¨r *historische Forschung * (), –.
Introduction
the ‘‘deserving poor’’ – invalids, widows, orphans – and ‘‘strong beggars’’ who were unworthy of alms and who should be compelled to work by coercive measures.
This new public policy towards poverty contributed to the ‘‘criminalization’’ of the able-bodied poor. This was the group on whose back the social disciplining process was carried out, the group that experienced the repressive apparatus of the state in all its brutality.
In the sixteenth century the social boundary excluding dishonorable people from honorable society hardened and coalesced, just as the persecution of marginal groups in general reached new intensity. In the age of Reformation and Counter-Reformation, modernizing states hunted deviants more efficiently. The purifying impulse was strongest when governments were confronted by the presence of an opposing religious camp in the immediate proximity. The European witch-hunt, for example, was most bloody in the political and confessional patchwork of the Holy Roman empire. Goaded on by the presence of a competing religion just beyond their borders, confessional states set out to create a Godly state, a ‘‘heavenly Jerusalem,’’ within their own territory. Bernd Roeck interprets the persecution of Jews, religious dissenters, witches, the resident and vagrant poor, gypsies, dishonorable people, bastards, homosexuals, and highwaymen as part of a general program to create the ‘‘ideal Christian state.’’ The disciplining of marginal groups had wider social ramifications, contributing to the formation of the absolutist state.
In his study of highway robbery in seventeenth-and eighteenth-century Germany, for example, Uwe Danker argues that early modern territorial states instrumentalized the prosecution of bandits in order to consolidate political domination ( Herrschaft). The exemplary marginalization and punishment of deviants served to inculcate obedience, orthodoxy, thrift, and work discipline in the general population.
There are significant problems with this social disciplining approach to the topics of marginality in general and dishonor in particular. First, discipline should not be seen as a unilateral process imposed by elites. In an incisive criticism of the social disciplining model, Lyndal Roper has argued that ‘‘discipline is not a natural accompaniment of the rise of centralized authority, but a concept around which rival political claims could be staked out.’’ In fact, sometimes it was the ‘‘bastions of
Bronislaw Geremek, ‘‘Criminalite´, vagabondage, paupeŕisme. La marginaliteá` l’aube des temps modernes,’’ *Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine * (), –; Robert Ju¨tte, Poverty and *Deviance in Early Modern Europe *(Cambridge, ), pp. –.
Brian P. Levack, *The Witch-hunt in Early Modern Europe *(London, ), pp. –, –.
Bernd Roeck, Außenseiter, Randgruppen, Minderheiten. Fremde im Deutschland der fru¨hen Neuzeit (Go¨ttingen, ), pp. –; Bernd Roeck, ‘‘Christlicher Idealstaat und Hexenwahn. Zum Ende der Europaïschen Verfolgungen,’’ *Historisches Jahrbuch * (), –.
Uwe Danker, Raüberbanden im alten Reich um . Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte von Herrschaft und *Kriminalita¨t in der fru¨hen Neuzeit *(Frankfurt a.M., ), p. .
Christian Sachße and Florian Tennstedt, ‘‘Sicherheit und Disziplin. Eine Skizze zur Einfu¨hrung,’’
in Christian Sachße and Florian Tennstedt, eds., *Soziale Sicherheit und Soziale Disziplinierung. *
*Beitra¨ge zu einer historischen Theorie der Sozialpolitik *(Frankfurt a.M., ), pp. –, p. .
Introduction
resistance’’ to state centralization that were the champions of discipline. In German cities, guild corporations played this role. Second, the social disciplining perspective tends to obscure the fact that marginal groups were sometimes persecuted by middling groups in society as a form of resistance to the expanding authority of the state. For example, political conflict between urban commoners and patricians sometimes sparked pogroms. By attacking local Jews, commoners undermined the authority of their patrician lords, who served as the Jews’ patrons. By studying marginal groups *en gros * we run the risk of creating a kind of grab-bag of deviance, in which essential differences are obscured, making the stigmatization of these diverse groups appear to be part of the same social process. But the marginality of witches, hunted by church and state with the goal of exterminating them, had little in common with the marginality of their executioners, who, as we shall see, at times derived considerable social advantages from their outcast status. Although popular denunciation was usually the first step in the making of a witch, there would have been no witch-hunt without the participation of elites and the judicial institutions of the state. Women and men who died in the European witch-hunt were, in part, victims of the disciplining drive of the modernizing state. Like the prosecution of witches, the criminalization of the vagrant poor was state driven. By contrast, the marginalization of dishonorable people followed a different dynamic. Unlike witches and vagabonds, dishonorable people did not suffer at the hands of the state.
Much to the contrary, their persecution originated with urban guildsmen, who forced the exclusion of dishonorable people – often against the express commands of the state. For centuries artisans defied governmental attempts to rehabilitate dishonorable people. From through the eighteenth century imperial and local governments regularly issued mandates attempting to cleanse defiled trades of their stigma of dishonor.
DISHONOR, ‘‘TABOO,’’ AND CASTE POLLUTION
In Leonhard Eder, a journeyman butcher in the small Austrian town of Horn, addressed a petition to the Holy Roman emperor in which he recounted a life-altering misfortune that had befallen him. Leonhard had accidentally killed a dog.
Lyndal Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London/New York, ), p. .
See R. Po-Chia Hsia, *The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany *(New Haven, ), pp. –; Christopher Friedrichs, ‘‘Anti-Jewish politics in early modern Germany: the uprising in Worms, –,’’ *Central European History * (), –.
For an interpretation of the European witch-hunt in the context of social disciplining, see for example, Michael Kunze, *Highroad to the Stake: a Tale of Witchcraft *(Chicago, ), and Christina Larner, *Enemies of God: the Witch-hunt in Scotland *(London, ).
Ju¨tte, Poverty and Deviance, pp. –.
Hans Proesler, ed., Das gesamtdeutsche Handwerk im Spiegel der Reichsgesetzgebung von –
(Berlin, ), pp. , , , , .
One day while he was rinsing slabs of meat at the city well, a ‘‘small starving weak dog’’ snapped up a piece of lamb. Leonhard recovered the meat and took it to the butcher’s stall, but the dog followed him into his master’s house. Leonard caught the dog, swung him around by the tail, and flung him into the alley. Unfortunately for Leonhard, the dog landed on his head and died. Even though he had not used a ‘‘deadly weapon’’ or purposefully killed the dog (as his fellow journeyman was willing to attest), Leonhard was now dishonorable in the eyes of his fellow butchers.
It was obviously not cruelty to animals the butchers objected to, but the fact that by this action Leonhard had likened himself to the skinner, for it fell within the skinner’s duties to put down wild dogs. Deprived of his livelihood, Leonhard begged the emperor to remove the taint of infamy he had contracted due to the death of the dog.
Leonhard’s dishonor resulted from his transgression of a pollution prohibition, not from any ethical-moral flaw. The communication of dishonor in this case corresponds to Mary Douglas’s definition of ritual pollution, which occurs ex opere operato, i.e. it is effective regardless of the moral condition of the actor. Intention is irrelevant, and pollution is likely to be sparked inadvertently. The contagious quality of early modern German dishonor has led a number of scholars to explain *Unehrlichkeit * as a ‘‘taboo.’’ In *Die Germanischen Todesstrafen *(), Karl von Amira argues, for example, that the dishonor of the executioner originated in the conflict between Germanic pagan religion and medieval Christianity. Among the pre-Christian Germanic tribes, public executions took the form of sacrifices offered to the gods. The person who carried out the execution, often a priest, established immediate contact with the gods so that he became endowed with some sacral power (‘‘mana’’). Thus contact with this person became dangerous and he was treated with reverence and awe. With Christianization the execution lost its character as a sacrifice and the feelings of awe and reverence for the magical efficacy of the pre-Christian priest were somehow transformed into their opposite (‘‘taboo’’). Persons who carried out executions, now mostly slaves or criminals, inspired feelings of revulsion and disgust. Werner Dankert developed the ‘‘taboo’’ theory further, with the goal of identifying the unifying factor, the ‘‘fundamental motive,’’
that would explain the defamation of all outcasts, including witches and Jews. For Dankert the explanation lay in the fact that all pariahs were associated with liminal situations in the human life-cycle (which he groups under such headings as ‘‘death and the afterlife’’ and ‘‘eros, vegetation’’) and were somehow heir to pre-Christian Germanic cults. These pariahs were invested with ‘‘mana,’’ a magical-religious potency that enabled them to heal as well as to harm. Although no sources have
HH StA, Restitutiones /E, Leonhard Eder, .
By the act itself.
Mary Douglas, *Purity and Danger: an Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo *(London, ), pp. –.
Karl von Amira, Die Germanischen Todesstrafen. Untersuchungen zur Rechts- und Religionsgeschichte (Munich, ), pp. –.
Werner Danckert, *Unehrliche Leute. Die verfemten Berufe *(Bern/Munich, ).
Introduction
been identified to back up these speculations, the ‘‘taboo’’ theory continues to hold considerable attraction for scholars of Unehrlichkeit.
The tenacity of the taboo theory is probably due to the fact that there are indeed some intriguing structural parallels between German dishonor and patterns of ritual pollution in a number of non-Western societies. We will briefly sketch out some comparisons here, the purpose of which is not to arrive at any cross-cultural generalizations about pollution behavior, but rather to highlight the unique features of early modern German dishonor. Most obviously, there is considerable overlap in trades defined as dishonorable or impure in different societies. Barber-surgeons, leather-workers, and latrine-cleaners number among the ‘‘untouchables’’
in India. In Japan, trades associated with dead animals and leather work were classed among the pariah group of the burakumin. *Burakumin * served as village watchmen, executioners, morticians, and night-soil fertilizers. However, we should note that butchers, defiled in both Japan and India, did not number among the dishonorable trades in early modern Germany. Sociability and commensality with untouchables, burakumin, or dishonorable people could be defiling for members of higher castes or estates. Pariah groups in Germany, India, and Japan practiced social endogamy and formed hereditary castes. At first sight Amira’s and Dankert’s analogy with Polynesian mana/taboo seems apt, since dishonor was at times characterized by a similar fundamental ambivalence. The German executioner, as we shall see, was believed to be endowed with the gift of healing, and spent more time practicing medicine than carrying out criminal executions.
However, the taboo theory is based on a profound misinterpretation of the phenomenon of Unehrlichkeit. A striking difference between caste pollution in Japan and India or Polynesian mana/taboo and early modern German dishonor lies in the ideological legitimation and the effects of pollution. In India and Japan, pariah groups were described as religiously and spiritually defiled. The selection criteria according to which trades were classed as pariahs were religious in nature.
Pollution presented an impediment to worship. For example, a Havik Brahman was required to perform the rite of bathing and thus enter the highest state of religious purity before prayer. In the Polynesian context, ‘‘taboo’’ was used to shore up the boundary between the sacred and the profane. Violation of a taboo resulted in
See for example Else Angstmann, Der Henker in der Volksmeinung. Seine Namen und sein Vorkommen in der mu¨ndlichen U
*¨ berlieferung *(Halle an der Saale, ), pp. –; Franz Irsigler and Arnold Lasotta, *Bettler und Gauner, Dirnen und Henker. Außenseiter in einer mittelalterlichen Stadt. Ko¨ln, *
*– *(Munich, ), p. ; Gu¨nter Voß, ‘‘Henker. Tabugestalt und Su¨ndenbock,’’ in Bernd-Ulrich Hergemo¨ller, *Randgruppen in der spa¨tmittelalterlichen Gesellschaft *(Warendorf, ), p. .
Adrian C. Mayer, ‘‘Caste: the Indian caste system,’’ in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. II (), pp. –, p. .
John Price, ‘‘A history of the outcast: untouchability in Japan,’’ in George De Vos and Hiroshi Wagatsuma, eds., *Japan’s Invisible Race: Caste in Culture and Personality *(Berkeley, ), pp. ,
–; Herman Ooms, *Tokugawa Village Practice: Class, Status, Power, Law *(Berkeley, ), p. .
Gerald D. Berreman, ‘‘Structure and function of caste systems,’’ in De Vos and Wagatsuma, Japan’s *Invisible Race, * p. .
Douglas, *Purity and Danger, * p. .
Introduction
cosmological pollution and brought down direct divine retribution. A violator might suffer a skin disease or might be struck down dead on the spot. In contrast, dishonor pollution had no cosmological consequences. As will become clear, no
‘‘danger’’ resulted from dishonor other than loss of social status. In this sense, dishonor is clearly distinct from witchcraft and magic. Dishonor pollution was a profane condition that did not impede communication with the supernatural. The attribution of honor and dishonor worked according to a kind of secular liturgy, which operated quite independently of and often in opposition to religion. This will be a surprising statement for historians of early modern Europe, who have long emphasized that early modern people did not experience the sacred and the profane as two distinct realms. To argue that dishonor was a secular construct, however, is not to say that early modern Germans inhabited a secularized or disenchanted universe, but rather that questions of honor and dishonor occupied a different sphere of relevance than the sacred. When it came to questions of honor and social status, early modern Germans *did * distinguish the religious from the political. We saw that the parents of the hapless fisherman Andreas Anhauser classified dishonor as a ‘‘mere political consideration.’’ It was the livelihood and political identity of their son that was at stake, not his soul.
Early modern German *Unehrlichkeit * was a characteristic of urban society.
Augsburg, the site of Andreas and Barbara’s ill-fated marriage, was one of Germany’s oldest and largest cities. Pollution conflicts regarding dishonor occurred almost exclusively in cities, until the mid-eighteenth century when peasants began to imitate the honor pretensions of city folk. In contrast, pariah status in India and Japan were features of rural society. The *burakumin * lived in endogamous village communities, and in certain regions of India untouchable subcastes made up the majority of the agricultural labor force. The urban nature of the whole complex of German dishonor flies in the face of much of the anthropological literature on both honor and caste. Anthropologists tend to study honor in rural village societies, emphasizing that stringent and exclusive honor codes flourish mostly in small face-to-face societies where actors are personally known to one another. The anonymity of the city, as J. G. Peristiany among others has suggested, would make it impossible to enforce honor prohibitions. This approach harks back to Max
Louis Dumont, *Homo Hierarchicus: the Caste System and its Implications *(Chicago, ), p. ; Roy Wagner, ‘‘Taboo’’ in Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Mircea Eliade, vol. XIV (New York, ), pp. –.
For a similar analysis of plebeian honor in early modern Italy, see Thomas Cohen, ‘‘The lay liturgy of affront in sixteenth-century Italy,’’ *Journal of Social History * (), –: ‘‘Honor and religion were almost separate realms and, to a striking degree, contrary ethical codes’’ (p. ).
On the fluid boundaries between the sacred and the profane, see Robert W. Scribner, ‘‘Elements of popular belief,’’ in Thomas A. Brady, Heiko A. Oberman, and James Tracy, eds., Handbook of European History, –, vol. I (Leiden, ), pp. –.
Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus, p. .
J. G. Peristiany, ‘‘Introduction,’’ in J. G. Peristiany, ed., *Honor and Shame: the Values of Mediterranean Society *(Chicago, ), pp. –, p. ; Julian Pitt-Rivers, The Fate of the Sichem or the Politics *of Sex: Essays in the Anthropology of the Sichem *(Cambridge, ), p. .
Introduction
Weber’s interpretation of honor as a characteristic of ‘‘traditional’’ societies. It implies that the significance of honor recedes as societies become more complex and diversified. Gerald Berreman has made a similar argument in his comparison of Indian caste with race relations in the southern United States: ‘‘Indian caste, without clear color badges of rank, can only work in a small face-to-face locality where everyone knows the background of everyone else. By contrast, racial caste can function in a large impersonal milieu.’’ This anthropological assumption does not hold true for early modern German dishonor. Much to the contrary, as we shall see, the larger the city, the more stringent the honor code. On this point, we will take issue with Mack Walker’s classic study German Home Towns. Emphasizing the cultural particularity, indeed uniqueness, of individual towns, Walker has argued that the force of honor was greatest in small to medium-sized towns of less than
, inhabitants. In contrast, it will be shown here that the largest German cities served as arbiters in dishonor disputes that erupted in smaller towns, and that urban artisans developed mechanisms to enforce their honor code and pollution prohibitions far beyond their particular locality.
THE DISHONOR OF THE EXECUTIONER
Until quite recently scholarship on dishonor has focused almost exclusively on identifying its first causes. The first major secondary work on the topic is Otto Beneke’s *Von Unehrlichen Leuten. Cultur-Historische Studien *(). He argued that the emergence of dishonor in the thirteenth century resulted from the growing influence of Roman law. The fact that the Roman *carnifex *(executioner) had been a pariah explained why German professional executioners became outcasts in the thirteenth century. The executioner was undoubtedly the lowest and most contaminating among the dishonorable, and so, according to Beneke, the spread of the whole complex of dishonor could somehow be traced back to him. However, this explanation begs the question: how does the infamy of the Roman *carnifex * explain the dishonor of the German executioner in the thirteenth century, especially when
H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., *From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology *(New York, ), pp. –. On Weber’s concept of honor and corporate estate, see also Klaus Schreiner and Gerd Schwerhoff, ‘‘Verletzte Ehre. U
¨ berlegungen zu einem Forschungskonzept,’’ in Klaus Schreiner and Gerd Schwerhoff, eds., Verletzte Ehre. Ehrkonflikte in Gesellschaften des Mittelalters und der fru¨hen *Neuzeit *(Cologne, ), pp. –, p. .
For critique of this approach, see Martin Dinges, ‘‘Die Ehre als Thema der historischen Anthropologie. Bemerkungen zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte und zur Konzeptualisierung,’’ in Schreiner and Schwerhoff, Verletzte Ehre, pp. –, pp. –.
Berreman, ‘‘Structure,’’ p. .
Mack Walker, *German Home Towns: Community, State, and General Estate, – *(Ithaca/
London, ).
On the Roman *carnifex * see Heribert Aigner, ‘‘Zur gesellschaftlichen Stellung von Henkern, Gladiatoren und Berufsathleten,’’ in Ingomar Weiler, ed., Soziale Randgruppen und Außenseiter im Altertum (Graz, ), pp. –.
Hans-Ju¨rgen Ganß, ‘‘Der Scharfrichter. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Rechts-und Kulturgeschichte’’
(Ph.D. dissertation, Universita¨t Ko¨ln, ), p. , makes the same argument.
Introduction
there is a gap of several centuries to account for, since the office of professional executioner did not exist in Germany in the early middle ages? Furthermore, the dishonor of the executioner seems to date back to the beginning of the office in Germany in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, well before the assimilation of Roman law, which was a long-term process and initially affected only a small elite. As we shall see, early modern Germans did constantly quote Roman law to justify their discrimination against dishonorable people, but this constituted an *ex post facto * rationalization of what was already an established social fact.
A psycho-historical approach has also been taken to explain the dishonor of the executioner. Joachim Gernhuber sees *Unehrlichkeit * as a phenomenon of mass psychology. The common people felt an unconscious aversion to the array of elaborate death penalties and other blood sanctions that came into more frequent use in the high middle ages. Alternatives to capital and other corporal punishments, such as imprisonment, were not available at this level of social development, and so criticism against the bloody criminal justice system could not be voiced. Unconscious revulsion against torture and execution resulted in a collective trauma that was projected onto the executioner. This psycho-historical approach, as well as theories that dishonor derived from Roman law, or from early Christian ‘‘taboo’’
have in common that they cannot be proven or disproven. Historians have been unable to find sources that shed light on the origins of the executioner’s dishonor in the late middle ages. In the absence of new evidence, this question ultimately cannot be solved.
The preoccupation of most existing literature with the first causes of dishonor has distracted from the questions that lie at the heart of this study. Why did common people cling so tenaciously to their definitions of dishonor over centuries?
And why did the force of dishonor grow stronger over the course of the early modern period? Any analysis of *Unehrlichkeit * must also take into account the significant regional variation in the definition of dishonor. Linen-weavers, for example, were dishonorable only in northern and northeastern Germany and not in the major cloth producing centers in the south. Millers were dishonorable in Nuremberg, but they were not in Augsburg. Sow-gelders were dishonorable in Hessia, Saxony, Brandenburg, Lu
¨ neburg, and Cologne, but not in Augsburg.
The basic research on who was dishonorable where, when they became so, and how the social consequences of dishonor differed from region to region is yet to be done.
Two recent works on the social history of executioners have begun to correct this situation. In her study of executioners and skinners in Osnabru
¨ ck, Giesela Wilbertz
Joachim Gernhuber, ‘‘Strafvollzug und Unehrlichkeit,’’ *Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fu¨r Rechtsgeschichte, Germanische Abteilung * (), –; see also Wolfgang Oppelt, U
¨ ber die ‘‘Unehrlich-
*keit’’ des Scharfrichters. Unter bevorzugter Verwendung von Ansbacher Quellen *(Lengfeld, ), pp. –.
StadtAA, HWA, Schneider , June , .
HH StA, Restitutiones /S, Schweinschneider Handwerk, –.
Introduction
argues that the social consequences of dishonor were less severe for executioners in the north than in southern Germany. In the north, executioners did not suffer many of the legal and social consequences that ostensibly resulted from dishonor. They were not required to wear any special identifying dress. They suffered no legal disabilities; they could take oaths, make a will, inherit property, or serve as a witness or legal guardian just like any honorable citizen. Most interestingly, they seem not to have suffered the same social ostracism as they did in the south. Jutta Nowosadtko’s social history of executioners and skinners in the duchy of Bavaria confirms many of Wilbertz’s observations. Executioners did occupy a lower legal status in Bavaria than in northwestern Germany. Their legal status had little impact on social practice, however. Overt discrimination and spectacular pollution conflicts were exceptional, Nowosadtko argues. Dishonor did not shape executioners’ and skinners’ experience of daily life ( Alltagsgeschichte). Nowosadtko focuses on the internal history of executioners and skinners and is not concerned with the functions of dishonor for other social groups. She argues against analyzing dishonor as a form of marginality, since this would put the social epistemology according to which honorable society labeled and stigmatized dishonorable people at the center of the study, instead of the social history of executioners themselves. Therefore, she excludes social classification within the society of orders and the role of dishonorable people within the corporate hierarchy from the scope of her study.
We shall pursue a different approach here. The self-experience of dishonorable people cannot be divorced from the general social context. Accordingly, this book is as much about honor as dishonor. Our goal is to reconstruct the social and political milieu in which honor pretensions flourished and attributions of dishonor proliferated. We begin with executioners and skinners at the ideological center of dishonor, and then go beyond this core group to reconstruct the status and self-experience of other defiled trades, and relations among them. Just as various pariah castes in India were untouchable to one another, different dishonorable groups were polluting to each other. The bulk of the analysis concerns the role dishonor played in the making of honorable society. We turn now to the social group that developed the most extreme pollution anxieties *vis-à-vis * dishonorable people, the honorable guildsmen.
THE ‘‘DOVE-LIKE-PURITY’’ OF ARTISANAL HONOR
The earliest sources on *Unehrlichkeit * are fourteenth-century north German guild ordinances that required honorable birth of their members and then listed all the
Giesela Wilbertz, Scharfrichter und Abdecker im Hochstift Osnabru¨ck. Untersuchungen zur Sozialgeschichte zweier ‘‘unehrlicher’’ Berufe in nordwestdeutschen Raum vom . bis zum . Jahrhundert (Osnabru¨ck, ), pp. –.
Jutta Nowosadtko, Scharfrichter und Abdecker. Der Alltag zweier ‘‘unehrlicher Berufe’’ in der fru¨hen *Neuzeit *(Paderborn, ), pp. –.
Introduction
trades that did not meet this condition. As early as the goldsmiths of Braunschweig excluded the children of linen-weavers and beadles from their guild.
The Bremen shoemakers no longer admitted the children of linen-weavers in .
In the wealthy butchers’ guild of Hildesheim rejected the children of linen-weavers, shepherds, and millers. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, guilds in Hamburg, Lu¨beck, Lu¨neburg, and other north German cities began to demand birth certificates from prospective apprentices. These documents attested to apprentices’ honorable background and to the fact that they were not of illegitimate birth, and then proceeded to list ineligible trades. These formulaic birth certificates were quite elaborate. In the goldsmiths’ guild in Lu¨beck drew up a birth certificate for one of their fellow citizens who wanted to join the goldsmiths’ guild in Cologne. They certified that
Clays Cruytzburgh, our fellow citizen, is a proper child of marriage, of father and mother, who went to church and street as is customary for righteous, honorable people to do. And we also say . . . that Clays is of good repute, that he is free and no one’s serf, and that he is not the child of a barber-surgeon, nor linen-weaver, nor minstrel, nor bathmaster . . .
It was generally the most prestigious and wealthy guilds that made these requirements first. Less prestigious guilds followed suit within a few years.
In south German ordinances such requirements appeared much later. In Frankfurt, for instance, legitimate birth did not become a general requirement before the early sixteenth century, even though a few guilds demanded it in the fourteenth century. Only in the course of the sixteenth century did the Frankfurt guildsmen demand ‘‘honorable’’ birth. The standard formula in Augsburg guild rolls in the mid-sixteenth century required legitimate and free birth. However, the two words *ehrlich *(honorable) and *ehelich *(legitimate) were so similar that they were often were used as synonyms. Perhaps the requirement of eheliche Geburt in south German ordinances implied honorable birth as well. When south German ordinances required anything beyond legitimate birth, they simply stated that the candidate must be ehrlich, without the formulaic listing of excluded trades one finds in north German sources. The meaning of the word *ehrlich * was not fixed. Who was or was not honorable was left open to interpretation in south German guild roles, which could work both for and against dishonorable people. As will become clear, in practice south German guilds did require honorable birth, and their definition of honor was stringent, though they did not necessarily make this condition explicit in their ordinances.
Rudolf Wissell, Des Alten Handwerks Recht und Gewohnheit, ed. Ernst Schraepler, vol. I (Berlin,
), pp. –.
Heinrich von Loersch, ed., Die Ko¨lner Zunfturkunden nebst anderen Ko¨lner Gewerbeurkunden bis zum Jahre , vol. II (Bonn, ), p. .
Karl Bu¨cher and Benno Schmidt, eds., Frankfurter Amts- und Zunfturkunden bis zum Jahre , vol.
II (Frankfurt, ), pp. , , , for example.
For example article of the Augsburg stonemason ordinance of . StadtAA, HWA, Maurer , Ordnungen.
‘‘Legitimate birth.’’
Introduction
German artisans defined their ethos of honor and *Taubenreinheit *(‘‘dove-like purity’’) mainly in opposition to dishonor. Discrimination against dishonorable people became most severe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. German social historians have interpreted the exclusiveness and extreme sexual prudery that grew out of the artisanal honor code as just another symptom of the economic decline of the German artisanate in these centuries. German artisans used their ethos of ‘‘dove-like purity’’ to justify their exclusion of the dishonorable and the illegitimate, thereby restricting guild membership and limiting competition. But any explanation that does not get beyond simple economic self-interest remains inadequate. While hard times undoubtedly contributed to the growth of this exclusive ethos, the demands German artisans placed on *themselves * in the name of purity and honor are without parallel in the experience of artisanal classes in other European nations. As Mack Walker writes: ‘‘The extremes and eccentricities of guild moralism remain puzzling after all reasonable explanations have been used up, and may be, like some eccentric personal behavior, a signal of the matter’s importance.’’
Journeymen were the most rabid enforcers of artisanal honor rules and pollution prohibitions. Andreas Grießinger’s study of journeymen’s strikes in the eighteenth century is one of the few works to interpret artisans’ honor code and pollution anxieties as more than a cynical attempt by guildsmen to further their economic self-interest. Population growth starting in the s precipitated a structural crisis in the German artisanate. Journeymen experienced unemployment and sinking wages, as journeymanship was transformed from a stage in the life-cycle to a permanent class status. Bewildered by these changes, journeymen were unable to identify the underlying structural causes of their declining status. Honor as a constituent factor in journeymen’s self-identity was well suited to the more
‘‘static,’’ ‘‘traditional’’ society and economy of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but in the rapidly changing economy of the second half of the eighteenth century it became dysfunctional. Grießinger interprets journeymen’s strikes to enforce honor rules as ‘‘archaic’’ purification rituals. Trapped in a ‘‘primitive-magical’’ worldview, journeymen clung to traditional notions of honor that became a kind of psychic compensation for the socio-economic deprivation they had suffered. Even during the generalized economic crisis of the s, journeymen underwent no ‘‘cognitive reorientation’’ that might have enabled them to develop new strategies of resistance that were better adapted to changing economic circumstances. Fixating on honor was an ‘‘escapist’’ way of dealing with crisis. Journeymen were not cynically pursuing their economic self-interest, Grießinger argues.
See for instance Fritz Blaich, Die Wirtschaftspolitik des Reichstages im Heiligen Ro¨mischen Reich. Ein *Beitrag zur Problemgeschichte wirtschaftlichen Gestaltens *(Stuttgart, ), pp. –; Roland Bettger, Das Handwerk in Augsburg beim U
¨ bergang der Stadt an das Ko¨nigreich Bayern. Sta¨dtisches Gewerbe *unter dem Einfluss politischer Vera¨nderungen *(Augsburg, ), p. .
Walker, *German Home Towns, * p. .
Introduction
Much to the contrary, honor led them to pursue strategies inimical to their own interests; in a word, they were the victims of ‘‘false consciousness.’’ Artisanal honor, in Grießinger’s interpretation, was an ideology for historical losers.
This is not the explanation that will be offered here. While honor undoubtedly offered some psychic compensation to journeymen suffering social and economic decline, the impact of honor and dishonor on social structure and political power in early modern society was more complex and paradoxical than this interpretation implies. As Lyndal Roper has argued concerning discipline, honor, too, was ‘‘a concept around which rival political claims could be staked out.’’ Political discourse in early modern German cities made constant appeal to a few fundamental values. These included peace and unity, law and justice, the common weal, and honor. These norms gelled into a pattern, where the mention of one evoked the others. The equivalence of honor and common weal, for example, is expressed in a Nuremberg city council decree, that proclaimed ‘‘only that which is done with honor, would be beneficial to the town and the community.’’ Hans Christoph Rublack has emphasized the ideological nature of these urban norms, describing
‘‘the conscious, politically motivated invocation of norms’’ by governmental authorities ‘‘in an attempt to secure the regime by establishing a communal consensus.’’ However, opponents of the regime invoked these same norms to legitimize political resistance. Early modern German city folk of very different political persuasion or social status participated in the same discourse. What defines a ‘‘community,’’ David Sabean suggests, is not so much ‘‘shared values or common understanding as the fact that [its] members . . . are engaged in the same argument, the same raisonnement, the same Rede, the same discourse, in which alternative strategies, misunderstandings, conflicting goals and values are threshed out.’’ In this sense, urban communities in early modern Germany defined themselves by engaging in a continual conversation about honor.
Urban guildsmen, masters and journeymen alike, were powerful speakers in this conversation. Artisans masterfully invoked the norms of honor and common weal in their effort to maintain areas of corporate autonomy against the encroachments of increasingly authoritarian governments. While seeming to pay obeisance to the absolutist pretensions of their patrician lords, acknowledging the patricians’ claim
Andreas Grießinger, Das symbolische Kapital der Ehre. Streikbewegungen und kollektives Bewußtsein *deutscher Handwerksgesellen im . Jahrhundert *(Frankfurt a.M./Berlin/Vienna, ), pp. –, ,
. For Grießinger’s application of the Marxist concept of ‘‘false consciousness,’’ see pp. –.
Roper, Oedipus, p. .
On ‘‘fundamental values’’ in early modern society, see Paul Mu¨nch, ‘‘Grundwerte in der fru¨hneuzeitlichen Sta¨ndegesellschaft? Aufriß einer vernachla¨ssigten Thematik,’’ in Winfried Schulze, ed., *Sta¨ndische Gesellschaft und soziale Mobilita¨t *(Munich, ), pp. –.
Hans Christoph Rublack, ‘‘Political and social norms in urban communities in the Holy Roman empire,’’ in Kaspar von Greyerz, ed., Religion, Politics, and Social Protest: Three Studies on Early *Modern Germany *(London, ), pp. –.
Quoted in ibid., p. .
Ibid., pp. , .
David Warren Sabean, Power in the Blood: Popular Culture and Village Discourse in Early Modern *Germany *(Cambridge, ), p. .
Introduction
to sovereignty in deferential language and gestures, artisans were absolutely intransigent in questions of honor. Ritual pollution conflicts over dishonor followed a typical pattern. A person of dishonorable background tried to gain admission to a guild, or a guild member violated pollution prohibitions, thus dishonoring himself.
The honorable guildsmen denied admission or expelled the dishonorable person from the guild, whereupon the dishonorable person appealed to the city government. The authorities saw dishonor as a kind of social cancer that caused the economic destruction of individuals who became defiled, and threatened to spread beyond them to swell urban welfare rolls. Accordingly, the magistracy proclaimed that the dishonorable candidate was in fact honorable, and ordered the guild to accept him. But the authorities were frequently unable to enforce their command.
Dishonor conflicts dragged on for years or decades, and in most cases the dishonorable candidate never gained admission to the guild.
According to David Sabean’s definition of lordship and sovereignty, ‘‘the exercise of *Herrschaft * takes place through its power of definition, its ability to say who the subject is and what his needs are.’’ Early modern Germans defined themselves personally, socially, economically, and politically through the idiom of honor. The authorities conceived of themselves as the fount of honor. By granting or denying honor, the magistrates attempted to determine the identity and status of their subjects. But honorable artisans did not yield this power of definition to the city government. This was one aspect of *Herrschaft * the state was unable to realize in practice. A *leitmotif * of urban discourse, honor was a contradictory and paradoxical force. Honor could function as an ideology that legitimated social and political hierarchies. It could be instrumentalized as a highly flexible instrument of social and political inclusion or exclusion. At the same time, social and political conflict and claims to status were often articulated in terms of honor. There was no consensus on what constituted honor, or on who did or did not have it. Honor was a norm with universal appeal, but the definition and distribution of honor was one of the most contested issues in early modern society.
DISHONOR IN THE FREE IMPERIAL CITY OF AUGSBURG
Regional variations in the definition of dishonor make it necessary to study *Unehrlichkeit * on the local level before proceeding to wider generalizations. We will understand dishonor only if we place it in its local context, if we reconstruct the social milieu in which attributions of dishonor took place. This work presents a detailed case study of dishonorable people in Augsburg, –. We will be less concerned with the sources and origins of *Unehrlichkeit * than with the social and cultural history of dishonor in the early modern period.
Who was dishonorable in Augsburg and when? Here as everywhere in the Holy
Ibid., p. .
Introduction
Roman empire the executioner and skinner belonged to this group. The offices of executioner and skinner were linked. The skinner’s main function was to skin dead animals and to dispose of the carcasses. The skinner’s duties were clearly distinct from those of the butcher, who was an honorable artisan. The skinner was responsible for removing skins from carrion, and disposing of rotting animal carcasses. The butcher, in contrast, slaughtered healthy livestock and skinned the animals on the spot. To emphasize this distinction between the work of butchers and skinners, artisans called the skinner the ‘‘cold-slaughterer’’ ( Kaltschla¨chter) since he dealt with the cold carcasses of animals that had been dead for some time.
The skinner was also required to assist the executioner in torturing prisoners during interrogations and in carrying out criminal executions. Often the skinner carried out the ‘‘dishonorable’’ punishment of hanging, while the executioner reserved beheading, a more honorable form of execution, for himself.
Bailiffs were more on the periphery of dishonor. Though they were regularly labeled as dishonorable by guildsmen, the bailiffs themselves adamantly denied being dishonorable. Shepherds, bathmasters, grave-diggers, and outhouse cleaners were occasionally involved in honor conflicts or were challenged by groups outside Augsburg. Linen-weavers and millers, who figured so prominently in north German lists of defiled trades, were not dishonorable in Augsburg. This work does not present any systematic analysis of illegitimacy, though it does compare a number of conflicts concerning bastards seeking admission to a guild with other dishonor conflicts.
As a free imperial city, Augsburg developed extensive bureaucracies that have produced a rich archival record. The Augsburg collection of court records, specifically the *Urgichtenprotokolle * or interrogation records, is probably unmatched in any other German archive. The collection begins in the late fifteenth century and continues through the late seventeenth century, though the collection becomes dense only in the late sixteenth century and thins out considerably towards the end of the seventeenth century. These records provide word for word testimony of prisoners as they were being questioned by patrician city council members, frequently under torture. The interrogations are complemented by a complete set of
‘‘punishment books,’’ which run from the late fifteenth through the seventeenth century, though these were kept most thoroughly in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. The ‘‘punishment books’’’ give a short description of the offense and record the punishment. These two sources recorded serious crimes.
Lesser offenses, such as drinking, gambling, or fighting were noted in the ‘‘discipline books.’’ Depending on the circumstances, sexual offenses might be recorded
Carsten Maehnert, ‘‘Metzger,’’ in Reinhold Reith, ed., *Lexikon des alten Handwerks. Vom Spa¨tmittelalter bis ins . Jahrhundert *(Munich, ), pp. –.
See the entry ‘‘Kaltschla¨chter,’’ in Jacob Grimm and Wilhelm Grimm, Deutsches Wo¨rterbuch, vol. V
(Leipzig, ), p. .
StadtAA, Strafamt, Urgichtensammlung, –.
StadtAA, Strafamt, Strafbu¨cher, –.
Introduction
either in the ‘‘punishment books’’ or the ‘‘discipline books.’’ In the sixteenth and early seventeenth century the entries in the discipline books are very cryptic, listing only names and fines. But in the later seventeenth and eighteenth century they give extensive descriptions of the offense and punishment.
Augsburg’s extensive collection of guild papers is equally valuable for our purposes. They reveal the attitudes and policies of honorable artisans, the group that most adamantly insisted on keeping dishonorable people in their place.
Unfortunately this collection starts only around . Historians have Emperor Charles V to thank for the destruction of what must have been a fantastic collection of guild treasures. When Charles abolished the city’s guild constitution in he ordered the documents of Augsburg’s guilds to be burned! The guild papers from after contain mainly correspondence between private individuals or guilds and the city council, in which all sorts of conflicts were hashed out. Since the guilds were no longer autonomous corporations after , the conflicting parties addressed petitions to the city council. Depending on the circumstances, the council then launched its own investigation, made inquiries with the magistrates of other cities, or asked for a legal opinion. Finally, after all parties had been heard and all aspects of the case considered, the council handed down its judgment, which might then be appealed. Sometimes this could take years. This long-winded and tedious procedure has provided some of the most valuable sources for an investigation of dishonor *. * The conflicts often involved the children of dishonorable people who were trying to be admitted to a guild, or guildsmen who married a dishonorable person or otherwise transgressed the rules of artisanal honor. The tragic case of the marriage between the fisherman Andreas Anhauser and the skinner’s daughter Barbara Leichnam was preserved in these records. These qualitative sources are complemented by a variety of serial sources. We shall follow dishonorable people through tax records, marriage protocols, guardianship records, and militia lists.
This combination of sources makes it possible to reconstruct the concrete social relationships of the dishonorable and to show how the boundary of honor actually worked. Since the core group of defiled trades was relatively small, it is possible to follow them over the long time period from to .
StadtAA, Strafamt, Zucht-und Strafamtsprotokolle, –.
The documents were burned in after an unsuccessful attempt to restore the guild government.
See Rudolf Feile, ‘‘Die Gewerbegerichtsbarkeit der Freien Reichsstadt Augsburg’’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Universita¨t des Saarlandes, ), p. .
StadtAA, HWA.
StadtAA, Steueramt, Steuerbu¨cher. See also Claus-Peter Clasen, Die Augsburger Steuerbu¨cher um
* *(Augsburg, ).
StadtAA, HAP, –; Oberpflegamt, Kleine Pflegschaftsbu¨cher I–IV and Pflegschaftsbu¨cher,
–; Musterungsbu¨cher , , .
This study is based on the analysis of dishonor conflicts that could be identified in Augsburg guild records between and . The distribution of cases was as follows: – = cases;
– = cases; – = cases.
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.
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Selected bibliography
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.
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Selected bibliography
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.
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Index
absolutism, , , , ,
Berreman, Gerald,
Achtbuch, –
Berthold, of Regensburg,
actors, , –
Bez, Caspar,
Amira, Karl von,
Biberer, Thomas, , ,
Anhauser, Andreas, –, –, , , ,
birth certificates, , –
, ,
Bloch, Marc,
anti-semitism,
Bo¨hm, Barbara, –
Aquinas, St. Thomas,
bookbinders, ,
Armsu¨nderfett, *see * poor sinner’s fat Bourdieu, Pierre, ,
artisans, *see * guildsmen
Boyle, Robert,
Augsburg
brothel-keepers, –
Caroline reform,
brothels, –
constitution, , , ,
Burakumin,
free imperial city, ,
Bu¨rgerrecht, *see * citizenship
population, ,
Burke, Peter,
social structure, , , –
butchers, , , , , ,
Augustine, St., , , ,
Calvin, John,
Bab, Maria,
cameralism,
Bach, Anna,
Camporesi, Piero,
Bach, Johannes,
cannibalism, –
bailiffs, , , , –, –, –
canon law, ,
Bair, Hans,
capital punishment, , , –, –
bakers,
carnifex, ,
barber-surgeons, , , –,
carpenters, –,
bastards, *see * illegitimacy
charivaris,
bathmasters, , , –,
Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, , ,
Bauer, Hans,
churching,
Bausch, Hans,
citizenship, , , , , , , , –
beadles, , , , –, –
Civic Code of Augsburg, see Stadtrecht
Becher, Johann Joachim,
civilizing process, the,
Becker, Daniel,
clergy, , –, , , –
beggars, –, , ,
clothing, identifying, *see * stigma symbols
begging ordinances,
clothing ordinances, –,
Behem, Caspar, , , ,
Coblentz, Martin,
Beisitz, *see * residency
Collegium Medicum, , , ,
Beneke, Otto,
commission, imperial ,
Index
common weal, the, , ,
origins of, –
commune, , ,
secular understanding of, , , ,
Communion, exclusion from, , , ,
–, –
community, , , ,
dishonorable people, –
confessionalization, , , , , –,
legislation on, –
–,
number of, –, –
Constitutio Criminalis Bambergensis, ,
rehabilitation of, –
Constitutio Criminalis Carolina,
*see also * bathmasters; bailiffs; beadles;
corporate society, *see * society of orders
executioners; grave-diggers;
Counter-Reformation, the, , ,
linen-weavers; millers; night-kings;
Crafft, Hans,
shepherds; skinners
criminal, condemned, the, ,
Dismas, St., ,
absolution of, ,
dissections, –
cadaver, , ,
Do¨pler, Paul,
last meal,
Douglas, Mary, , ,
preparation for execution, –
Duden, Barbara, ,
sanctification, –
dungeon guards,
*see also * executions, execution rituals; poor sinner
Eberwein, Martin,
criminal justice, , , –
Eder, Leonard,
accusatorial procedure, –
Eisenbarth, Martin, –
division of labor in administration of, ,
Elias, Norbert,
–
Elsesser, Joachim,
inquisitorial procedure,
embroiderers,
criminal punishments, , , –, –
empirics, –
customs officers,
endliche Rechtstag, *see * final day of justice Enlightenment, the, impact of, , , ,
Danker, Uwe, ,
–
Dankert, Werner,
epilepsy, –, –
Darton, Robert,
Ettlin, Conrad,
Daübler, Marx,
Eucharist, ,
Davis, Natalie Zemon,
Evans, Richard,
day-laborers,
execution pamphlets, , –
Decretum Gratiani,
execution rates, –
degradation rituals, –, –, ; see
execution rituals, , –, –; see also
*also * honor punishments
final day of justice
Deibler, Barbara, –
executioners
Deibler, Hans, , , –
burial of, , , –,
Deibler, Maria Elisabeth,
confession of, –
Deibler, Michael, , , ,
economic status, –
deviance, –,
endogamy, –
dishonor conflicts, , , , –
exclusion from citizenship, –, –
attempts to contain, , ,
exclusion from guilds, , –
criteria of, –
masterpieces of, –, , ,
expansion of, –
office of, –, –
heredity of, , , –,
polluting touch, , –, ,
legal theory of, –
professional caste, ,
medieval, –
relations with skinners, –
Index
social interaction with, , , –, ,
Gerstecker, Augustin, , ,
–
Giese, Augustus,
social networks, –
Glanz, Jacob,
spiritual state of, –, –
glaziers, , , ,
vagrancy and crime of, –
goldsmiths, , , –
*see also * prostitutes; stigma symbols
Graus, Franticek,
executions, , –
grave-diggers, , , , ,
beheadings, , , , , , , ,
Grießinger, Andreas,
, , , , –, ,
Gru¨ner, Christian Gottfried,
hangings, , , , , , ,
guild revolt, –
guilds, –, , , , –, –
Fahner, Johann Michael,
guildsmen, –, , , –
Feinler, Thomas,
gypsies, , , ,
Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor, ,
final day of justice,
Habnits, *see * have-nots
filth, –
Halmberger, Franz Antoni, –,
first aid practices,
Hartmann, Anna Catherina,
fishermen, –, –, –
Hartmann, Johann Adam, , , , ,
Forssdorfer, Wolf, –
–, –
Franc¸ois, Etienne,
Hartmann, Maria Barbara,
Frank, Anthoni,
Hartmann, Marx Philipp, , , , –,
Frank, Hans Jerg, , –
, , , , , , –
Frank, Tobias, –, –
Hartmann, Matheus, ,
Frankfurt, , , , , , –
Hartmann, Susanna, –
Frederick I, King of Prussia,
Haüserer, Tobias, –
Frederick II, King of Prussia,
have-nots,
free imperial cities, , , –
Hefelin, Anthoni,
free status, ,
heretics,
Freitag, Hans,
Herren- und Bu¨rgerstube, –
Friedrich, Johann,
Herrschaft, , ; *see also * sovereigny; lordship Fru¨holz, Michael,
Hirschfeld, Balthasar, ,
Fugger family, ,
Hoffman, Johann Georg,
Ho¨gt, Jacob Otto, –
Gaisser, Barthlme,
Holy Roman emperor, –, , , ,
Gaisser, Hans, the Elder, –
–,
Gaisser, Hans, the Younger, , –
Holy Roman empire, , , , ,
gallows, , ,
honor, –, –, –, , , , ,
gallows-building rituals, –, –
, , , , –, –,
Gassner, Christoph,
–, –
Geiger, Balthasar, ,
honor punishments, , , –, –
Geiger, Georg,
*see also * degradation rituals
Geißler, Franz Anthoni,
Ho¨zl, Hans, , , ,
Geißler, Hans, –, –
Hsia, R. Po-Chia, ,
Gemeinde, *see * community
Huss, Karl,
gender, , , , –; *see also * sexual Hu¨ttling, Christoph, –
division of labor; pollution, female
Hu¨ttling, Georg,
Germanic law,
Gernhuber, Joachim,
illegitimacy, , , , , –
Index
imperial law, –, , –; *see also * police lordship, ,
ordinances
Ludwig, Hans,
improvers of society, see Mehrer der
Luther, Martin, ,
Gesellschaft
Luz, Hans, , ,
infamia juris, *see * infamy
infamy, , , , –
magic, –, ; *see also * witchcraft
insults, –; see also pasquills
Mair, Christoph,
irregularity,
Malsch, Veit,
marriages, cross-confessional, –, –
Jews, –, , –, , , –, , ,
Maurer, Hans,
Mauss, Marcel,
journeymen, ,
Mayr, Melchior,
enforcers of artisanal honor, , –
medical practice of executioners, –
organizations of, , –
competition with licenced practitioners,
strikes, , , , –,
–
Justi, Johann Heinrich Gottlob von, ,
criminalization of, –
Ju¨tte, Robert,
healing touch,
human raw materials, –, , –
Kaufleutestube,
latency of dishonor, ,
Keck, Samuel, , , –
patients, –
Kimicher, Barbara,
skinners’ practice, , –
Klugheimer, Joseph, –
and upward social mobility, –
Ko¨lderer, Georg,
wives’ practice,
Kopp, Hans,
medical practitioners, –,
Kromer, Martin,
Medicus Microcosmus,
Mehrer der Gesellschaft, ,
latrine-cleaners, *see * night-king and
Mellinkoff, Ruth,
night-workers
menstrual taboo, –
legitimate birth, , ,
mercantilism,
legitimations, –, , –, –
merchants, ,
Leichnam, Barbara, –, –, ,
Metz, Barbara, , , ,
Leichnam, Christoph,
Metz, Dietrich, , , –, , ,
Leichnam, Dietrich,
Metz, Maria,
Leichnam, Georg, –
midwives, , , , ,
Leichnam, Hans,
millers, , , , , , , , –, ,
Leichnam, Martin, the Elder, , ,
–
Leichnam, Martin, the Younger,
minstrels,
Leichnam, Michael, –,
Mirror of the Saxons, see Sachsenspiegel
Leimer, Johann Georg,
Mirror of the Swabians, see Schwabenspiegel Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor,
Moore, R. I.,
lepers, ,
Mozart, Franz, –, ,
Leser, Hans,
Mozart, Hans Georg, –, ,
levis notae macula,
Mozart, Leopold,
Liber Vagatorum,
Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, –
linen-weavers, , , –, –, –
Muchembled, Robert,
Lingo, Alison,
mummy, , ,
lords’ drinking hall, see Herren- und
Bu¨rgerstube
Nadler, Leonard,
Index
natural law, –,
Reformation, the, , ,
Nicolai, Friedrich, ,
Reiser, Hans Georg, , ,
night-kings and night-workers, , , , ,
Reiser, Michael,
, –
ritual pollution, , ,
norms, political, –, –
ambivalence towards, –,
Nowosadtko, Jutta,
by carrion, , –, , –
female, –
Obrigkeit,
verbal protective formulae, –
Oestreich, Gerhard, ,
*see also * taboo; menstrual taboo
outlaws, see rechtlose lewte
Roeck, Bernd, , , , –
Roman law, , , –
pain, attitudes towards,
Roper, Lyndal, , , ,
palatine counts, , ,
royal touch, the,
Paracelsus,
Rublack, Hans Christoph,
Pare´, Ambroise,
rumors, defamatory, –
pariahs
in India, , –
Sabean, David, ,
in Japan, –
Sachsenspiegel, –,
parity, confessional, , ,
saints’ relics, –
pasquills, , ,
Scha¨ffer, Franz, –
patricians, , , , –, , , ,
Schauman, Tobias,
Schebel, Johann,
conservatism, –
Scheibenhart, Hans, , ,
marriage strategies, ,
Scheibenhart, Sabina, , –
nepotism, ,
Scheifelhut, Margaretha,
as ruling class, –, , , –
Scheifelhut, Marx,
see also Herren- und Bu¨rgerstube
Scheifelhut, Simprecht, –,
Paulani, Christian Franz,
Scheifelhut, Wolf,
peasants, , , , –
Scheller, Johann Jacob, , –,
pillory, , –
Scheller, Johann, the Younger, , –
police ordinances, , –, –, –, ;
Schelm von Bergen, –
*see also * imperial law
Scheppelin, Georg,
Pompanazzi, Pietro,
Scheppelin, Johann, –, ,
poor sinner, the, *see * criminal, condemned
Schinderhannes,
poor sinner’s blood, –
Schmidt, Franz, ,
poor sinner’s fat,
Schmidt, Georg, , ,
poverty, –, –, , ; *see also * beggars Schmidt, Gordian,
Preining, Clas,
Schmidt, Johann Michael, –, ,
printers, , –
Scholz, Valentin, –
prison workhouse
Schott, Georg,
in Augsburg, –,
Schubert, Ernst,
in Buchloe, ,
Schu¨tz, Samuel,
prostitutes, , , , –, –
Schwabenspiegel, –,
supervision by executioner, ,
Schwerhoff, Gerd,
*see also * stigma symbols
Seckendroff, Veit Ludwig von,
Seidler, Hans,
Ramer, Peter, –
Seitz, Lorentz,
rechtlose lewte,
Sewell, William,
Index
sexual division of labor, –, –; s ee
territorial states,
*also * gender
Thirty Years’ War, ,
sexual morality, , –,
Thomas, Keith, –
shepherds, , , –,
Thomasius, Christian, ,
Sieber, Jacob Gottlieb,
Tlusty, Ann,
skinners, , , , –, , , , ,
topography, social, –
–, , –,
torture, judicial, , , –, ,
confession of, –
Tregelin, Adam, –
endogamy, –, –
Tregelin, Elias, –
legal rehabilitation of, –
Trenkler, Johann Georg, –, , ,
professional caste, –,
–
social interaction with, , , , –, ,
Trenkler, Josepha, –
–,
Trenkler, Stephan,
social capital,
Truckenmu
¨ ller, Elizabeth,
social control,
Trummer, Thomas,
social disciplining, –, –, –, ,
Unehelichkeit, *see * illegitimacy
society of orders, , –, , –, –
unehrliche Leute, *see * dishonorable people sovereignty, , , , , , –,
Unehrlichkeit, *see * dishonor
sow-gelders, ,
Stadler, Hans, , ,
vagrancy, –, ,
*Stadtrecht * of Augsburg, ,
Vogel, Johann Georg, , , –,
Stapf, Hans, –
Volmayr, Johannes,
Stetten, Paul von,
stigma symbols, , , , , , –, –
Wagner, Franz,
Stolz, Margaretha,
Walker, Mack, , ,
Stolz, Veit, , ,
weavers, , , , ,
stonemasons, , , –, –
Weber, Max, –,
Storch, Johann,
Welser family,
Straub, Anna Maria,
Wergeld, ,
suicides, –, –
Widemann, Johann Georg, ,
sumptuary legislation, ,
Widemann, Johann Michael,
symbolic capital,
Wilbertz, Giesela, ,
witchcraft, , , ; *see also * magic
taboo, –,
witches, , ,
tanners, ,
witch-hunting, , –, , , –
Taylor, Edward,
Wu¨stle, Caspar,
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P A R T I
The meaning of dishonor in early modern society
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