Source: here.
A geopolitical round-up: Vijayavijaya and related issues
In earlier accounts, we have detailed how the Mahāmleccha Deep State had engineered the uccāṭana of Vijaya-nāma-vyāpārin. In a dramatic reversal of fate, the Picchilaka made a comeback against all odds to retake the śvetālaya of the Mahāmleccha-s and, barring some extreme event will be re-crowned Mahāmleccheśvara. Thus, the story of the Nāriṅgapuruṣa has come to fit the classical and timeless tale of the triumph of the hero – something which prompted the mythologist Campbell to coin the phrase a hero with a thousand faces.
Following his uccāṭana by the Deep State, they installed their puppet Piṇḍaka along with their long-chosen agent Mahāhāsā on the āsandi. Earlier, Mahāhāsā had tried to run against Piṇḍaka with a lot of fanfare and backing from the Soraśaṇḍādi elite and the Deep State but was worsted and forced to retreat. Nevertheless, they snuck her in through the backdoor and installed her in proximity to the Jīrṇa-piṇḍaka so that she could be deployed in the event of his death or decline. She was the dream puppet of the Soraśaṇḍādi and their evil collaborators in the state and tech apparatus. With the Picchiluṅga banned from all social media platforms, he had no means of communicating with the broader public except his own loyal followers on his self-made platform. At this point, the Mahāduṣṭa-s Jāka, Mukhagiri, Bejha, Dvāra and Guggulu had all ganged up to muzzle him and his followers in concert with Piṇḍaka’s shadowy backers, like Sora, Navyāṅka, Karmakapatnī and Sabhāpuruṣa. Thus, the śaṇḍasainya had felt they had neutralized any attempt he may make to remobilize his supporters. In the midst of all this, challengers arose in his own pakṣa in the form of duṣṭa-paṭṭini, anugāmin, Viveka and others. However, he trounced them soundly and regained control of the leadership of the hasti-pakṣa. Seeing him clearly on the move to regain the āsandi that was taken away from him, the śaṇḍasainya began a massive campaign of lawfare against him to make him a kārāgṛhastha before he could even stand for the elections. Other forces of the gardabhin-s tried to even evict him from the ballots themselves.
Even as the Picchilaka had no voice, the entire force of the mainstream media (MSM) was leveraged in favor of the gardabhin-s to constantly pound him with slurs. In the midst of all this, Muṣkavān Kastūrī completed the vi-grahaṇa in the autumn of 2022 at great personal cost. Thus, for the first time, he had broken the stranglehold of the Mahāduṣṭa-s on social media. While Vijaya-vyāpārin did not return to using it himself, his anuyāyin-s were able to use it to massively counter the propaganda launched against him by the gardabhin-s and their evil backers. We see this as a key event in the return of the Nāriṅgapuruṣa — it might have not even happened without this. In the meantime, Picchilaka was weathering the devastating lawfare through a combination of luck, aid from the judges he had appointed, and self-goals in the tactical overreach by his enemies. Nevertheless, Picchilaka was saddled with some potentially devastating cases that could have him spend the rest of his life in the kārāgṛha. Of his earlier challengers, Viveka, upon being soundly defeated, joined hands with the Picchilaka and worked tirelessly for him. The Varṣapuruṣa was also working on getting his friend Muṣkavān over to the Nāriṅga’s camp. On the other side, things were only worsening for Piṇḍaka. The corruption of this Vyādhapiṇḍaka, and his inappropriate behavior with Bhutipiṇḍakī had been exposed despite the utmost efforts of the Deep State to conceal them from the public eye, starting from 2020 uccāṭana of Picchiluṅga. To add to this, his already fragile cognitive health was in a tailspin, with him seeing ghosts of dead people.
In the middle of this year, for reasons which we might never exactly discover, the duṣṭa backers of Piṇḍaka decided to field the vṛddha in an encounter with Picchilaka on a quiet, early summer night. The encounter proved disastrous for Piṇḍaka — battered by his rival, he had to retreat in disarray. At this point, the Deep State and its supporters realized that there was no way Piṇḍaka could win anymore. Hence, it appears that they might have taken the drastic step of eliminating Vijaya-nāma-vyāpārin. A little after a fortnight from the encounter with Piṇḍaka, a mysterious assassin came within centimeters of popping the Nāriṅga, but he survived with just a nick to his ear — it almost seemed as if he was saved by some god. His heroic defiance during this attempt on his life immediately brought Muṣkavān entirely into his camp and even aroused the admiration of his enemy, the wicked Mukhagiri. He followed up his providential escape by anointing the much younger Anūpa as his saciva. Seeing a buoyant Picchilaka flanked by the bear-like Anūpa and other anuyāyin-s, Piṇḍaka’s own fellow gardabhin-s, like the unfathomably evil Romakī, Ardhakṛṣṇa and others, now turned against the flailing vṛddha and overthrew him. We do not know if they replaced him with Aṭṭahāsakī or whether he anointed her as his successor to block their plans. Whatever the case, as is characteristic of the gardabhin-s, they solidly united behind Mahāhāsā and mobilized their enormous financial machine to prop her up.
On Sep 10th, a much-awaited skirmish took place between Sphuṇṭikā and Vijaya. Both sides claimed victory, but it did little to sway the public. Thinking that they had their pieces in place for a decisive victory, the duṣṭa-s backing Aṭṭahāsakī poured enormous sums of their wealth to shore her up. However, it was clear to us that it did nothing to stop the momentum of the Nāriṅgapuruṣa. Within a week from that skirmish, the Deep State seemed to have tried again to send an assassin to eliminate Picchilaka; however, his guards preempted the attempt. From around that time, Nāriṅga started sending his saciva Anūpa to strike deep behind enemy lines. Indeed, Anūpa proved a worthy warrior, ruthlessly cutting down many of Nāriṅga’s traditional detractors in the MSM, exposing their propaganda and raising the morale of his pakṣa. Soon, Muṣkavān Kastūrī, stinging from the death of his son to navyonmāda propagated by the śaṇḍasainya backers of Piṇḍaka, entered the fray himself. He finally was able to provide cash to challenge the enormous coffers of the backers of Aṭṭahāsakī. As Mahāmuṣka’s cannons roared on the battlegrounds, it was clear that Vijaya was putting up an extremely competitive fight. His ranks were now swelling with several other able anuyāyin-s like Surasā+++(=??)+++, Unmatta-karṇāṭi and some Uparimarkata elites (in return for assistance in their war against the Marūnmatta-s). However, his most important assets were the warriors on the ground like Jarilonmatta+++(=??)+++ (not to be confused with his other anuyāyin duṣṭa-Jarilaputra) and Samaliṅgaka, who were tirelessly skirmishing in key battlegrounds. On the other side, Mahāhāsā was being propped up by a huge contingent of the “Māgadha-puṃścalī-gaṇa, Neocons like Vakrās and Vakrāḥputrī and, of course, the agents of the Deep State.
Finally, last week, the vast and seemingly well-funded forces of Aṭṭahāsakī, swelling with the śaṇḍasainya, mārjāra-roga-dūṣitā-s, brūṇaghnī-s, academics, rudhiradhvaja-s, Picchilonmatta-s and kṛṣṇasādhaka-s entered the field against Vijaya. Her close allies, the marūnmatta-s, betrayed her at the last minute due to internal conflicts with the many powerful prathamonmatta-s who are her traditional allies and backers. Vijaya’s troops were led by several able generals, with the vanguard being formed by the vast forces raised by Jarilonmatta, aided by Viveka, and Samaliṅgaka. Supplying the van stood Muṣkavān Kastūrī, the hero of many battles and the terror of his foes. Picchilaka himself fought tirelessly in the center, aided by Surasā, Unmatta-karṇāṭi and Ardhacīnā+++(=??)+++. Finally, the bear-like Anūpa formed the rear. As the battle was joined, some of us were unable to make a clear judgment in the early stages. While our intuition told us that Vijaya held the advantage (our Mahāmleccha allies and a relative who was making some good money through betting were giving us clear intelligence in this direction), the confusion sowed by the well-oiled propaganda machinery of the gardabhin-s was misleading us. We got the impression that they held moves that would be played in the final hours to cripple the Nāriṅgapuruṣa. In the midst of the fierce fighting, even the leader of the vanguard, Jarilonmatta, started expressing doubts adding to our suspicion. Nevertheless, he and Samaliṅgaka held their ground even as Muṣkavān swooped in to bolster their defenses. Thus, as the day wore out and the results from the different battle fronts started pouring in, it was becoming increasingly clear that the vast gardabhasenā was being put to the sword. The dramatic moment came when Samaliṅgaka informed the Nāriṅgapuruṣa that he had taken the province of Ghaṇṭāpura+++(=Philadelphia)+++: it was almost like Koṇḍājī Ravlekar telling Śivājī that he had completed the Parṇāla-parvata-grahaṇa. With that, Picchilaka had regained the crown of Mlecchrāṭ. The devastated forces of Aṭṭahāsakī dispersed towards Navyarkapura, Kapilāraṇya and Pretamātṛpura, handing Vijaya a decisive victory.
The fundamentals of Picchilaka were strong. As he likes to emphasize, much to the anger of the rudhironmatta-s, he has good genetics. The fact that he is able to go on at the age of 78 without sleep for three days in a row and stay energetic after consuming substandard food and drink is a clear marker of his superior genetics. In contrast, Sphuṇṭikā was marked with low energy, kuvāk and peals of ghorāṭṭahāsa at inappropriate moments. The wicked Aṭṭahāsakī’s natural energy comes out only when she is agitating for rudhironmāda and navyonmāda. Her backers, realizing that Picchilaka would hit her hard for this, had to make her go against her natural instincts, thereby breaking the flow of her expression. Thus, a one-on-one comparison would have predicted a clear victory for Picchilaka. He had also gained a lot of new followers. Eight years ago, a good friend of mine was almost on the verge of TDS, influenced by some of her misinformed and already diseased acquaintances. Since she is very intelligent and a firm H, all I had to tell her was to do her own research and not believe the MSM. This time around, she had become a vocal votary of the Nāriṅgapuruṣa.
In the end, Aṭṭahāsakī was not the candidate of her own making in this war; she was merely a puppet for the Deep State and its wicked allies. Further, they had muzzled the Nāriṅgapuruṣa with their communication bans and were running a huge propaganda campaign against him with the MSM. Here is where Garjaka+++(=??)+++ and Muṣkavān’s vi came into play to counter these moves of his enemies. Further, the Nāriṅgapuruṣa’s active participation in vādavivaraṇa-s gave him unprecedented exposure as a leader of the people, even as the incapable Sphuṇṭikā’s backers hid her in the antaḥpura. Finally, we believe that the massive victory of Picchilaka made it very hard for the gardabhin-s to cheat, unlike in the previous round. Now, given the numbers and patterns, it is becoming increasingly likely that the Nāriṅgapuruṣa was right all along, and the gardabhin-s had cheated in the previous round to place Piṇḍaka on the āsandi. A surprising development in all this is Aṭṭahāsakī’s coffers not only being emptied but going seriously negative, all despite her backers raising over a billion dollars for her. All this sounds very suspicious and makes one wonder if her backers were, after all, running some kind of a money laundering operation or even a program to get money for some intelligence agencies +++(f)+++or the Uparimarakata war effort.
Why go into such a detailed recounting of these events among the Mahāmleccha? First and foremost, the Mahāmleccha are the most powerful force in the world at the head of the pañcanetraka confederation. What happens there affects the rest of the world. Since the Deep State put Piṇḍaka and Aṭṭahāsakī in power, they became crusaders for the new religion of Navyonmāda, a secularized version of the prior unmāda-s. Like with rudhironmāda, there is svabhāvavairam between navyonmāda and the devadharma. Thus, the powerful mleccha state became a natural enemy of the H, worsening relationships from when Picchilaka held sway in his first reign. Thus, the Piṇḍaka regime backed the usual enemies of the H: the marūnmatta-s, the paṭṭonmatta-s and various other rebellious forces were incited to cause chaos in the deśa. To add to this navyonmāda was being exported to the deśa in a big way. While standard hastin-s are pretamatabhāṇaka-s, the Nāriṅgapuruṣa is a mild one, not interested in forcing parivartana. Hence, even though Anūpa is a strong preta, Nāriṅga is way more moderate in this regard. Further, his reign is likely to be bad for his haters in Kṛśadeśa and Europa. This might be good for H, because they have been supporting marūnmatta-s and purveying rudhironmāda against the H. This reign of Picchilaka will go in tandem with a corresponding reign of the Lāṭeśa, allowing for some positive interaction. Thus, as the H foreign minister noted, this change is likely to be good for the H as long as the Nāriṅgapuruṣa is able to carry through with his proposals. That is the part of which we are not entirely sure. He is already targeted by parts of the hastin elite that are still against him. He could be stymied by the regrouping of the backers of the defeated gardabhin-s through various acts of lawfare. The old hats in the intelligence and state agencies could continue to pursue anti-H policies as his attention is turned elsewhere. Nevertheless, we must admit that we might have overestimated the strength of his enemies, and we have reason to be cautiously optimistic. However, our intuition says everything has not yet played out, and we can have a better assessment only around the time Picchilaka actually retakes the throne. Shortly after we posted the original version of this note, we got the news that the Pañcāśra was already holding a secret meeting to deal with the Nāriṅgapuruṣa; thus, we could very well be seeing the first shots being fired in what will be the true question of democracy.
The śūlapuruṣa Oswald Spengler theorized that civilizations, like biological organisms, undergo birth, growth, maturity and senescence. While Spengler rejected Darwin’s work from across the pond, the best support for the former’s theory can come from an analogy to organisms within a Darwinian framework. Natural selection optimizes organisms for expedient pathways leading to immediate fitness gains rather than a long-winded pathway of low or neutral fitness gains leading to a bigger and better fitness bonanza at the end of it. The case of sickle-cell anemia is a classic example of this. While there exist superior hemoglobin alleles that can provide malaria protection without the downside they act in a homozygous state, thereby taking a long time to be effective. In contrast, the sickle-cell allele acting in the heterozygous state can rapidly provide that fitness gain, albeit with a big downside in the homozygous state. Thus, it has spread more widely over the superior alleles acting in homozygosity. Similarly, a variety of alleles providing immediate fitness advantages in the reproductive age accumulate from selection but come to have negative effects down the line leading to degeneration and senescence. We posit the same for civilizations: a growing and mature civilization selects for short-term, expedient enhancements that can have long-term negative effects leading to civilizational senescence. We infer that the rise to power of the Mahāmleccha came with several such expedient steps that allowed them to grow rapidly and quickly with no consideration whatsoever for the deep future. We see the rise of navyonmāda as the first symptom of senescence. The efforts of the Nāriṅganara, Anūpa, Muṣkavān and Viveka are likely to fix the immediate symptoms but potentially at the risk of a great deal of harm to a lot of people. These expedient fixes, especially in the context of energy, AI and manufacturing, are also likely to sow the seeds for an even more exacerbated senescence. Would they be able to beat it – that is not clear at all. Thus, in the best case, the new regime might be a transient fix for some people but not a solution to the civilizational senescence.