09 Mitra

CHAPTER IX SUHRT OR MITRA (ALLY OR FRIEND).

Manu inculcates the necessity of making friends in VII. 208 and cites the qualities of a good friend (for. a king) ‘a king does not prosper by the acquisition of gold and land so much as by securing a firm friend who would be powerful in future, though he may be of depleted resources at the time. That friend, though a weak one, is commended, who is righteous, grateful, whose subjects (or ministers) are contented, who is attached and who pursues (to the end) work undertaken’. According to Manu VII. 206 land, gold and ally are the three fruits of royal endeavour or policy. Yāj I. 352 is similar to Manu VII. 208. In VII. 9 Kautilya in opposition to the above holds that the acquisition of land is better than that of gold and friend and the acquisition of gold is superior to that of a friend284. The Mahā. bharata (Santi 138.110) states ’no one is the friend or enemy of any one else; friends or enemies are made by wealth (or objects pursued by a person):285 Kām. VIII. 52 says the same. Sukra. (IV. 1.8-10) opines’ in the case of a brave, energetic, strong and politic king all others, though outwardly friendly, secretly cherish enmity to bim and only wait for (the proper) time to strike). There is no wonder in this. Are they not themselves greedy of conquering territories? A king has no friend and he is the friend of none’. Santi (80. 3) says286 that a friend is of four kinds, one who has the same goal, one who comes for protec tion or security, one who is naturally go and one who is acqui. red. Karnaparva 88. 28 gives the four kinds somewhat diffe rently viz. natural (sahaja), acquired by conciliatory words,

284. संहितप्रयाणे मित्रहिरण्यभूमिलामानामुसरोसरो लाभः श्रेयान् । मित्रहिरण्ये हि भूमिलाभापतः । मित्रहिरण्यलाभाधो वा लाभः सिद्धः शेषयोरन्यतरं साधयति । Firat VII. 9.

RTF reproNETT I Haey PTT retro FTOHTUT # ṢTIF 138. 110: 0, a TY TO TAUTI F167VIII 52; ATIRT MITT FUSHA TH * fuifIm a g* ANG ITUATUI facguur II. 145. 14-Fi 140, 5; #entre per FAS FU *

IV, 1.9. : 286. #10T WATHS REA: TATUT I STIFT 80. 3. Ta may meat far m or and Fest friends are one’s mother’s sister’s son and the like.

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won by wealth and one drawn by one’s prowess. Kām. (IV. 74) says that a mitra is of four kinds viz. by birth (such as one’s father’s father, mother &c.), made by relationship (i. e. marriage), hereditary (one’s father’s friend), one who is saved from calamities.287 According to Kām. (IV.75-76) the qualities of a friendly king are purity (of heart), liberality, bravery, sharing happiness and sorrow, affection, vigilance (to carry out one’s friend’s object), truth; and briefly the characteristic of a true friend is devotion to the objects desired by his friend. The purpose for which & friend is made is to secure one of the three purusārthas, dharma, artha and kāma (Kām. IV. 72).

This subject of making friends leads on to the well-known theory of mandala i. e, of inter-state relationship. Kaut. VI. 2 and VII, Manu VII. 154-211, Aśramyāsiparva 6-7, Yāj. I. 345 348, Kam. VIII-XI, Agnipurāṇa 233 and 240, Viṣṇudharmottara II. 145-150, Nitivākyāmsta pp. 317-343, Rājanitiprakāśa pp. 316 330, Nitimayūkha pp. 44-46 deal with this theory of mandala and the six gurus at great length. As the Kauṭiliya is probably the earliest of these and contains the most elaborate treatment of the subject, a brief outline from it is presented here. The Nitivākyāmsta (pp. 311-313) copies the very words of Kautilya.

The yogakṣema (welfare) of a State springs from peace (sama) and exertion (vyāyāma). The latter achieves the com pletion of works undertaken, while śama brings about the undis turbed enjoyment of the fruits of undertakings. The (proper) employment of the six gunas ( sandhi &c.) is the source of sama and vyāyāma. What results (uday) from these six guṇas is either deterioration, stagnation or progress. Udaya depends upon human and divine causes which together govern the world. The human ones are naya and apunaya. Human causes are seen (anticipated) and can be operated (by men). Naya (good policy) is that out of the human causes from which results yogakṣema (welfare); apanaya (impolitic way) is that which produces loss (or an unfavourable state). In VI. 1 (last verbe) Kautilya says that a king who understands naya and is endowed with the ātmagunas and all the elements of the State will conquer the whole world, though originally he may have a small king dom. The mandala theory is set out in relation to a king who

287. औरसं कुतसम्बन्ध तथा वंशक्रमागतम् । रक्षित पसनेम्यश्च मित्रं शेयं चतु. RENATA. IV. 74.

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is called vijigiṣu ( the ambitious ruler or conqueror). Kām. VIII 6 defines 288 vijigiṣu as a king who aspires to extend his terri tories, who is possessed of all the seven elements of sovereignty. who has great energy and who makes great efforts. In verses 7-11 he mentions at length his qualities. All our works place before kings this ideal of conquest, domination or self-aggran dizement at the expense of one’s weak neighbours. A vijigiṣu is a king who is endowed with good qualities (called ātmasampat on p. 45 above) and with the several elements of the State and who is the fountain of policy (naya), i.e. who has a definite good policy to pursue. An ari (actual or potential enemy) is a king or kings who are the immediate neighbours on the circum ference of the kingdom of the vijigiṣu. From this it follows that ari may comprehend one king, two kings or more who are the immediate neighbours of the vijigiṣu. But it should be remembered as insisted upon by the Nitivākyāmrta289 (p. 321 that there is no inflexible rule that the immediate neighbour is an enemy and that the king whose dominion is beyond the imme diate neighbour will be a friend. Contiguity or distance is not necessarily the cause of friendship or enmity, but rather it is the purpose (or object) that makes friends or enemies. All that is meant is that the immediate neighbour is most likely to be an ari (a real or potential enemy). A mitra (friend of the vijigisu) is he who is separated (from the vijigiṣu) by the intervention of the kingdom of the ari. A satru is a neighbouring ruler posses sed of the characteristics of an enemy 290 (detailed in Kaut. VI. 1). The yātavya (to be attacked or invaded by the vijigiṣu) is an ari who is involved in difficulties. From this it is clear that in the terminology of Kautilya ari is a generic expression including actual and potential enemies who will generally be on the borders of the kingdom of the vijigiṣu. A satru is an ari who invites attack or destruction or harassment or reduction. That enemy who is plunged in vices or calamities may be

288. Frawen a fare: BayA: 1 from Amiga FAN TH. VIII. 6. :’ 289. mi arramt fat ter germ i f ilamento Troia gurontefamati fifaer (era upp. ) p. 321,

290, si pu: Un m a uvagery hit poft for सादो देवप्रमाणो यत्किानकारी अगतिरननुबन्धः कीमो नित्यापकारीपमित्रसंपत् । एवं van

H et perfectasy VI. 1..

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attacked and is then called yātavya 291 ; one who has no support or has only a weak support is to be extirpated; an enemy who is the opposite of this last (ie. who has a support or strong support) is to be either harassed or to be reduced. Support (asraya) means a strong fort or a good friend (Kām. VIII. 60). So that a satru is of four sorts (yātavya, ucchedya, pidanlya, karsaniya). Harassment is caused to him who is without mantra and a strong army, while one who is strong in mantra and army is to be rendered weak in these respects. Both a satru or a mitra are of three kinds, sahaja, krtrima and prākrta. A sahaja (natural) friend is one’ who is related through one’s parents (such as maternal or paternal aunt’s son); one who is resorted to for wealth or safety is kṣtrima (acquired) i. e. one who has obliged the vijigiṣu or has been under his obligations; and the king who is next to the neighbour (i. e. who is separated from the vijigiṣu by the intervention of the neighbour king) is prāksta (i. e. because he is a praksti, an element in the mandala theory ). A sahaja enemy is one who is born of the same family (such as a step-brother), a kṛirimu is one who is antagonistic or incites antagonists (i. e. one who has caused harm to or who has been harmed by the vijigiṣu), while the immediate neighbour is a prūksta enemy. The Mit. on Yāj. I. 345 very concisely but lucidly explains all these and the four kinds of satru. The Viṣṇudharmottara (II. 145. 15-16) and the Agnipurāṇa (233. 21–22) say that in their opinion the prāksta is really krtrima. Kām. VIII. 56 also speaks of only two, sahaja and krtrima, Although it is possible that the vijigiṣu’s realm is surrounded by many kings, the one who is taken for discussion is the enemy and is to be regarded as in front (purastāt ) of the vijigiṣu. Therefore in front of the vijigisu come in order the ari ( imme diate neighbour ), then the mitra ( whose domain is next after that of the ari), then the arimitra (the friend of the enemy who will be immediately after the mitra of the vijigisu and so will be the enemy of the mitra), then comes the mitra mitra ( friend of the friend of the vijigiṣu) and then arimitra mitra (ally of the enemy’s friend ). When the ari is said

291, withog i FTAAT: TI TT PET ruot grepet osa. fra fue train: plant reg VI. 2: atiti yanafa: Formate predia a reunit amerrats gratfat marafi starost form for: for furrat ground : I atentat apartat

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a to frasi farmacie Parlat a ATA: FISTER tara u इति। मिताक्षरा on पा. 1. 345. These very words are quoted in the सरस्पती. ETA p. 36.

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to be in front of the vijigiṣu, the ruler of the territory in the opposite direction is said to be in the rear of the vijigisu (pascat) and is called pārṣnigrāha 292 (lit. one who may Beize or attack the heels). He is really an enemy but this special term is applied to him and he causes trouble in the realm of the vijigisu when the latter has started on an invasion or is about to start on one. The king who is the ruler of the country beyond the pārṣnigrāha is called ākranda (lit. one for whose help a cry is or may be raised by the vijigisu ). He would ordinarily be a friend being separated from the vijigiṣu by the realm of the pārsnigrāha. The friend of the pārenigrāha ( who would be immediately next after the akranda ) is called pārṣpigrāhāsāra and the friend of the ākranda who would be beyond the pārṣı nigrāhāsāra is called akrandāsāra. A madhyama 2% king is one whose realm is close to ( is on the border of) that of the vijigiṣu and that of the ari ( the immediate enemy in front) and who is capable of helping (or favouring ) both of them whether both are combined in alliance or not and who is capable of resisting either of them individually when the two are not in combina tion. An udasina king is generally defined as one whose territory is beyond or outside of the sphere of the realms of the vijigiṣu, his enemy in front and the madhyama, who is very strong on account of his elements of sovereignty, is capable of helping the above three kings whether they be in combination or not and who is capable of resisting any of the three when they are not in combination. Kullūka on Manu. VII. 153 differs from this explanation i.e. the udāsina is a powerful king whose realm may be situated in front or in the rear or even at a distance from that of the vijigiṣu, but he is indifferent for some reason or other to the activities of the vijigiṣu. The Mit. on Yāj. I. 345 observes that the udāsina also is of three kinds and the prāksta udāsına is the overlord of the State that is separated from the central state (vijigiṣu) by two intervening States; the

292. di Toronto FURG # Tourante mufa For TFTOTT: पाणिग्राहाय: पश्चिमः स आक्रमः पाणिग्राहमित्रमासार आक्रन्दमित्रं च । नीति TUTE p. 319.

293. witrefwoontefrakt: Agar THUNEERAUT forange currerate मध्यमः । अरिविजिगीषुमध्याना बहिः प्रकृतिभ्यो बलवत्तरः संहतासंहतानामरिविजिगीषु. HYTHATRONE FAUT Page THEATATETRIA: I zmy VI. 2. p. 261; vide 3779 240. 3-5 and foreguntar II, 145, 11-12 for almost the same words in verse. FEMTETneEat TATUT I PEUR HETI FITRI I rù : #

firstroy 240. 4-5. This is quoted by the prevaTTTTF P. 39 without naming the source.

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neutral in the the pakyāmrta

madhyama ( or madhyastha acc. to Nitivākyāmṛta p. 318 ) is the immediate neighbour of both the vijigisu and his enemy, but wants to remain neutral in the conflict of the two for some reason. It will have been noticed that the vijigiṣu, the enemy, the madhyama and the udāsina are independent catagories, while four out of the remaining eight others viz. mitra, mitramitra, akranda, ākrandāsāra can be grouped under vijigiṣu, while the other four viz, arimitra, arimitramitra, pārṣpigrāha and pārṣpi grāhāsāra may be grouped under ari. It is therefore that Manu (VII. 155-156 ) speaks of the four prakstis (vijigisu, satru, madhyama and udāsīna ) as the mūla (basis) of the mandala theory and Kām. VIII. 20 informs us that Maya declared that a mandala was constituted by these four. Kām. VIII. 86 gives it as his own opinion that mandala is constituted by mitra, udāsīnu and ripu (enemy) only 294 Kautilya says that the man dala is constituted as explained above by twelve prakstis. Uśa nas was of the same opinion (Kām. VIII. 22) and Kām. (VIII. 41) states that there were numerous views about the number of the elements of the mandala, but a mandala of twelve kings is quite clear and well-known among all people 295. Kām. (VII). 20-41) explains how by various combinations of the elements of the mandala with some elements of sovereignty (viz. minis ters, rāstra, durga, kośa, bala) different writers held that the mandala comprised 18, 26, 54, 72, 108 and other numbers of prakrtis. The Sarasvativilāga (pp. 37-41) shows how from different standpoints Uśanas himself argued that the mandala was constituted by one praksti, two, three, 10, 21, 108 and that other writers speak also of 4, 5, 6, 14, 18, 30, 36, 44, 60, 72 prakrtis. All these figures are due to the inveterate habit of scholastic minds to run an idea to the earth and to indulge in divisions and sub-divisions. Even Manu (VII. 157 ) states that combining each of the twelve members of mandala with the five elements of sovereignty from amātya onwards we get 60 which with the twelve 2% come to 72. It is to this that the

294. Vide the FETHET ON T I. 345 arfer TAPETARIETAT THÀr दासीनेम्वेवान्तर्भवन्ति संज्ञाभेदमात्र अन्यान्तरे दर्शितमिति योगीश्वरेण न पृषाक्ताः।।

295. इतिप्रकारं बाधा मण्डलं परिचक्षते । सर्वलोकमतीतं स्फर्ट द्वादशराजकम् ॥ STA. VIII. 41. This is quoted as a verse of Uśanas in the T F p.41,

296. एवं चतुर्मण्डलसरक्षेपः । द्वादश राजकतयः पटिग्यमकतयः सरक्षेपेण fefe: 147#Tur para: srt FPREIS : RE: 1 fiyat fryt i mary VI. 2. p. 261; AUTORITETIT TER TETT FT I FA fra

T TYT UT # THE 59. 70-71, oft aux connects this half with medicine, while some read द्विसततिविधा व शरीरस्य प्रतिक्रिया.222

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Dasakumāracarita (VIII. p. 144) refers when speaking of the tree of naya that it has 72 prakstis as its leaves (dvigaptatipra kstipatraḥ … nayavanaspatiḥ). The central idea of the man dala was to keep a balance of power among a circle of States, some being friendly among themselves owing to their position and surroundings, while others would form an antagonistic group. Kaut. (VI. 2) also refers to this number 72, out of which twelve are constituted by kings (rājaprakstis ) and 60 ( five sovereignty elements of each of the twelve ) are styled ( dravyaprakrtis). The śāntiparva (59.70–71) also refers to a mandala of 12 kings and to the number 72. Vide N. N. Law’s ‘Studies in Ancient Hindu Polity’ pp. 195-208 for elucidation of the theory of mandala. The theory of mandala has this element of truth in it that on a calculation of probabilities the kings who are the immediate neighbours of a ruler are likely to be his enemies (at least potential) and the kings that are beyond the immediate neighbours may make common cause with the central State taken for discourse in order to crush between them a hostile intermediate State. It suggests that diplomacy may take the lines indicated by position and probabilities. The diagram below will247 illustrate the idea. Manu (VII.177 and 180) declares that (state) policy consists briefly in this that a king must so arrange all things or means that the ally, the udāsina and the satru cannot harm him or become superior to him. Medhātithi (on Manu VII. 177 ) remarks that even an ally may become an enemy if his interest so requires (svārthagativasācca mitramapyarirbhavati).

Kautilya2% relates the theory of mandala to the theory of Saktis (already referred to on p. 171) and the six-fold policy (sadgunya).

उदासीन

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अििमत्रमित्र

मित्रमित्र

अरािमित्र

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298. prorry: repa Turysugerit. VII. 3; UTOTTT pora

ula:

suraTTATURU : rarametrerat: 167. VII. 1 ; मण्डलानि समाचल विजिगीपोर्पयाविधि । पान्याश्रित्य उपैः कार्य सन्धिपिमहचिन्तमम् ।

L. IT 14K 6

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Everything secures success (i.e. his and his kingdom’s happiness) according as the king is able to put forth each of the saktis to their utmost. The aspiring king taking into account his three Śaktis may employ the six gupas (methods of policy). The circle of the twelve States gives rise to the employment of the six methods. Differing from Vatavyādbi ( who said that there were only two methods, sandhi and vigraha ) and for once agreeing with the ācāryas, Kautilya accepts the position that there are six gunas and briefly defines them. The Sarasvativilāsa (p. 42 ) quotes a sutra of Gautama about the six guṇas, which is not found in the printed text. 299 Kautilya defines the six as follows: Sandhi 300 means making an arrangement or agreement; vigraha means taking up a hostile attitude; āsana means an attitude of indifference; yāna means preparing ( for attacking one’s enemy); samsraya means taking shelter (with another powerful king); draidhibhāva means making peace with one king and adopting a hostile attitude to another. He then states that a king who is less strong than his neighbour may make an agreement with him, one who is rising in power may take up a hostile attitude, whoever thinks’ the hostile king cannot hurt me nor can I hurt him’ may remain indifferent (or neutral) in his own State, one who is endowed with all advantages may march against the enemy, whoever is devoid of strength should seek the protection (of a powerful ruler), and one should resort to a two-fold attitude when one’s object can be accomplished by a friend. Some other works give more exact definitions and also define dvaidhībhāva somewbat differently, viz. dvaidhibhāva is dividing one’s army into two parts. Vide Viṣoudharmottara301 II. 150.3-5 and Mit. on Yāj. I. 346. Some say that samsraya means seeking the protec tion of the udāsina or madhyama king. Kautilya (book VII) gives the most elaborate treatment of these six gunas and so do

299. UT TINE TTTgwaar hituntuurraarina समाश्रयाख्यान्गुणान् परिकल्पयेत् । इति । सरस्वतीषिलास p. 42.

300. m ar affu:, IT ITAG:, TUNUTATRATE,

S T 1977, orr र्पणं संश्रयः, सन्धिविग्रहोपादानं वैधीभावः, इति षड्गुणाः । परस्मादीयमानः सन्दधीत । अपुचीयमानो विग्रहीयात् । न मा परो नाई परमुपहन्तुं शक्क इत्यासीत । गुणातिशययुक्तो 19TEI STIPFE TA: KW I FEITA Fitt vire a la ITTFUTTER

hry VII. 1. Vide Raghuvamsa 8.21 where Kālidāsa follows this qure बन्यमुखान्गुणानजा पहुपायुक्त समीक्ष्य तत्फलम् ।’

301. Yorumu: Film: TUTTITET U prirat: sofort groups faut यते ॥ विमपि स्वके देशे स्थितिरासमभुज्यते। बलान प्रयाण धीभावंताच्यते ॥ उदासीन AXTÀ THTRÅT: Fa: 1 freguET II. 150. 3-5 ; UTT. Me ftuar

OTTI THOT. on T I. 346.

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Manu VII. 160 ff, Kām. IX-XVI, Viṣṇudharmottara II. 145-150, Agnipurāṇa 240, Mānasollāsa pp. 94-116, Rājanitiprakāśa pp. 324-413. Only a few remarks are all that considerations of space allow. Manu (VII. 162-168 ) states that each of the gunas is of two sorts. Kām. LX. 2-18 and Agni 240 enumerate sixteen kinds of sandhis and Kām. defines them. His treatment is based on Kauṭ. VII. 3. Kauṭ. (VII. 3 ) says that when a weak king is attacked by a powerful king who is the leader in a circle of States, the former should at once gubmit and sue for peace on condition of offering his army, treasury, himself and his territory. Then he says that sandhis made on condition of offering the army are of three kinds viz. ātmāmiṣcı (lit. offering himself as the proy, which involves the condition that the king himself with a fixed number of troops or with the flower of his army would presert himself when called), atmaraksana ( saving himself, where the condition is that the commander-in-chief or the crown prince would present himself with an army), adssta puruṣa (lit. in which no person is definitely prescribed, where the agreement is that some one on the king’s behalf or the king himself should march with the ariny to some place as required by the invader ). These sandhis are called dandopanata (lit. in which submission is made with the army ). Sandhis made on condition of offering the treasury (kosopanata ) are parikraya (lit. price, where by offering the treasury the other elements of rājya are kept free), upgraha ( where as much money is offered as can be carried on a man’s shoulder ), kapāla (lit. broken half of a pot, where an immense amount of money has to be paid). Sandhis called lesopimata (submission with offer of territory ) are ūdista ( where a part of the realm is ceded and the rest saved from the invader), ucclunna ( where all the realm except the capital which has been deprived of all its wealth is offered ), apakraya where by offering the produce of the land the kingdoin is freed, paribhūṣaṇa where the agreement is to pay more than the produce of the land. Kām. adds some varieties and remarks (IX. 21-22 ) that upahāru (offering a present) is the only sandhi ( of which all the rest are varieties ) in his opinion, that only the maitra sandhi (alliance of friendship without the offer of land, money or anything else) does not come under upahāra 302 Kām. IX. 20 and Mānasollāsa ( II. 11.

302. एक एबोपहारस्त सन्धिरेतन्मतं हि नः। उपहारस्य भेदास्तु सम्ये मैत्रपजिनाः ॥ अभियोका पली परमादलगवा न निवर्तते । उपहाराहते तस्मात् सन्धिरण्यो मवियते ।

TAP IX. 21-22.

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pp. 94-95) speak of four sandhis, maitra, parasparopakūra ( agree ment to help each other ), sambandhaja (by offer of a princess in marriage ) and upahāra. An interesting example of a sandhi is furnished by the Lekhapañcāśikā which gives a form of treaty dated Monday, Full Moon of Vaiśākta in saivat 1288 (1232 A, D.) between Yādava king Singhaṇa of Devagiri who is styled mahārājādharaja and Lāvaṇyaprasāda (Lavapaprasāda) a Vaghela king who is styled rāṇaka and mahāmandalesvara, whereby the high contracting parties agreed not to invade each other’s possessions, to combine and oppose anyone else who invaded one of them. Vide Bom. G, Vol. I part 1 p. 200 based on Bhandar kar’s Report on the search for Mss. 1882-83 pp. 38-40. Kām. IX. 23-26 and Agnipurāṇa 240. 10-13 mention twenty kinds of persons with whom sandhi should not be made, Kam. (IX. 27-41 ) states the reasons why it should be so and in IX. 42-52 seven persons are enumerated with whom he recommends sandhi and gives reasons. A king should make sandhi even with one equal in strength ( not only with one who is more powerful ), since victory in battle is doubtful (Kām. IX. 59 ). 303 Kaut. uses a striking simile when he says that if one king comes in conflict with an equal they both will be destroyed in the same way as two unbaked earthen pots striking against one another. If a more powerful king rejects the proposal of a weaker king for sandhi, the latter should take up the attitude of offering his army or follow the course prescribed in book XII (ū baliyasam ). In VII. 12 when dealing with agreements between kings, about under takings to build forts or irrigational works or forests &c. Kaut. makes very interesting remarks about land routes being superior to water routes and about the route to the Deccan and the south being more profitable than the one leading to the Himā layas. 304 Kām. X. 15 ( = Agni 240. 19 ) says that vaira (hostile attitude ) is of five kinds viz. that of step-brothers, that due to land ( seizure of or encroachment on lands or houses ), due to woman ( carrying away one’s wife or loving the same woman), due to words ( cutting speech ) and due to wrongs. Kām. X. 2-5

303. सन्धिमिच्छेत्समेगापि सन्दिग्धो बिजयो युधि। न हि संशयितं कुर्यादित्युवाच Tema: #TA. IX. 59.

304. स्थलपधेपि हेमवतो दक्षिणापथाच्छ्रेयान इस्त्यश्चगम्बदन्ताजिनलप्यनुवर्ण YooT: HTTTTTT RTUTT:: Are there. I request: rura

#1: Ergoloo97* EITT TITTEET VII. 12.

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( = Agni. 240. 20-24) enlarges upon the 16 ways in which vigraha ( hostility ) springs, such as seizing the kingdom, wife, districts, vehicles (horses, elephants) and wealth of another, pride, harassment of subjects &o. When a king feels that his own army is well-nourished and pleased, that his subjects are prosperous and contented and that the army and subjects of another are the opposite of this, then he may adopt a hostile attitude and when he feels sure that he will secure one of the three fruits of hostility (viz, land, ally and wealth-Kām. X. 26-28). Kaut. VII. 15 deals with the attitude and conduct of a conquered king who has offered to the conqueror his army ( dandopanata-urtta ), while VII 16 speaks of the conduct of the dandopanāyi (an aspiring king who wants to make by means of his army another king submit to him). Yūna means marching for invasion on the part of a vijigișu whose army and prowess are of the highest and whose subjects are contented on account of his good qualities (Kānı. XI. 1). The Matsya 240.2 and the Agnipurāṇa ( 228. 1-2 ) add that when the enemy in the rear is overwhelmed by an ākranda, then the vijigiṣu should start on an invasion or when the enemy is plunged in calamities. But before actually invading the enemy who is yātavya ( chosen for attack ) an ambassador ( dūta ) should be sent ( Kām. XII. 1) to see whether the enemy will submit without fighting. That is, there was to be no war without negotiations and an ultimatum. In the Mahābhārata (Udyoga 83, 5-7) it is said that Krsna started as an envoy from the Pandavas to the Kauravas at the end of sarad (autumn) on the Revati nakṣatra in the month of Kārtika ( verse 7, Kaumude mūsi revatyām saradante himāgame). In the Purāṇas and the medieval digests elaborate rules are laid down about the religious and propitiatory ceremonies before starting on an invasion. The Viṣṇudharmottara II. 176 and Agnipurāṇa 236, 1-18 require that for seven days before starting on an invasion the king is to engage in the worship of and make offerings to various gods, first to Ganapati, then to all the guardians of the quarters, the planets, Asvins, Viṣṇu and Śiva and the images in the temples of his capital. Then he is to note what good and bad dreams he sees on those days in his sleep and judge accordingly. Vide Matsya 242, Agnipurāṇa 229 for dreams portending good and evil. This prognostication of good fortune from dreams is very ancient. The Chandogya Up. (V.2.8-9) quotes a verse to the effect that when a man is engaged in the performance of solemn sacrifices for securing some object and sees a woman in a dream he should feel that his rite will be

Prognostications from dreams

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crowned with reward, Similarly the Ait. 305 Ār. III. 2. 4 men tions the signs of approaching death, one of which is to see in a dream a dark person with black teeth. Both these passages are quoted by Śhaṅkara in his bhāsya on Vedāntasūtra II. 1. 14. The Viṣṇudharmottara II. 132-144 (based on Garga), IL 164, Matsya 228-241, Agni 230-23% are concerned with the portents and omens in the heavens, in the sky and on the earth and rites ( śāntis ) meant to avert the evil prognostications from them. The Mānasollāsa II. 13 pp. 97-112 and Rājanitiprakāśa pp. 331 351 also deal with these and other astrological matters, which are passed over here, though some of them are very interesting 8. g. Vispudharmottara II. 135. 1 refers to the weeping and dancing of images. On the 6th day from the time the rites begin which is the day previous to the starting of the invasion the king undergoes a ceremonial bath for victory called jayā. bhiṣoki. This is described at great length in the Rājanitiprakāga pp. 351-395 quoting extensive passages from the Lingapurāṇa. The ceremony of Jayasnānu resembles the coronation ceremony in many respects. The Matsyapurāṇa 243. 15-16 and the Viṣṇudharmottara II. 163. 18-31 contain the same long list (with very slight variations) of articles, persons and animals the sight of which is auspicious when the king starts on an invasion and Matsya (243.2-14) contains another long list of inauspicious sights. A few of the auspicious ones are white flowers, jars full of water, cows, horses, elephants, fire in flames, a courtesan, durvā grags, gold, silver, copper, all gems, sword, umbrella, banner, corpse not accompanied by crying persons, fruits, the svastika sign. Among the inauspicious things and sights are dark grains, cotton, dried cowdung, fuel, jaggery, tonsured or naked man or man with dishevelled hair or wearing reddish robes, a lunatic, a cāṇḍāla, a pregnant woman, broken pot, chaff, asbes, bones. The Mānasollāsa IL 13 verses 811-823 (pp. 102 103), Nitimayūkha pp. 58-59 also give long lists of inauspicious and auspicious sights or events. Matsya 213. 27 and Viṣṇu dharmottara II. 163. 32 are both careful to add that all evil signs are counterbalanced by the confident (or joyous) frame of the mind, which is the highest sign of victory. 306 Gaut.

305, स यदि नियं पश्येत्सवं कर्मेति विद्यात् । तदेष श्लोकः । यदा कर्मसु काम्येषु fora pang suri HORT attah Femina I 017 V.2. 8-9; ferrar strategia fara… spur: igro Geotrovare usura pat raai ger. HF. III. 2. 4.

306. Farrelaterte ori seg i pea: Fight #THEATET FIT # aperty 243. 27=faragvattert II. 163. 32.

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(XI. 15-17) prescribes that the king should heed the advice of astrologers and of those who are adepts in averting the effects of portents and perform the rites indicated by them such as grahaśānti, rites on auspicious days and of svastyayana, rites of black magic against his enemy &c. Kauṭ. IX, 7 ( at the end) says that the removal of divine calamities is brought about by the worship of deities and by honour to brāhmaṇas and by performing rites prescribed in the Atharvaveda. Manu VII 82 and Yaj. I, 315 state that gifts made to learned brāhmapas are an inexhaustible treasure for the king. The Rājadharmakanda (p. 109) quotes the Brahmapurāpa requiring the king to perform two Lakṣahomas every year and also a Kotihoma. The Raja dharmakānda (p. 113 ) and Rājanitiprakāśa (p. 144) quote Udyogaparva 33, 93-95 which set out eight indications of a man’s approaching fall, viz, hating brāhmaṇas, opposing brāhmaṇas, depriving them of their wealth, desire to kill or harm them, taking pleasure in calumniating them, not liking their praise, not remembering them in religious acts and get ting angry when they make requests,

It may be useful and interesting to see how in very ancient times the king was made ready for battle. The Asv. Gr. S (III. 12) says: when a battle is impending (the purohita) should make the king put on his armour (in the following way). The purohita should stand to the west of the chariot (of the king) muttering the hymn (Rg. X. 173) ‘I have brought thee &c.’. He should hand over to the king his armour with Rg. VI. 75. 1 *when the man with armour advances it is like the appearance of the cloud &c.’. He hands over the bow with the next verse (Rg. VI. 75. 2 ‘dhanvanā gā). The purohita should make the king recite the next verse (Rg. VI. 75. 3) and should himself mutter the 4th verse (Rg. VI. 75. 4). He should hand over the quiver to the king with the 5th verse (Rg. VI. 75.5). When the chariot turns in the direction intended the purohita should mutter the sixth verse (Rg. VI. 75. 6). He should recite over the horses the 7th (Rg. VI. 75.7). He makes the king recite the 8th (Rg. VI. 75.8) when the latter looks at the arrows and makes the king recite Rg. VI. 75. 14 (‘he envelopes his arm’ &c.) when the latter fastens to his arm the leather (that pro tects his arm against the bow-string). When the king is being taken forward in the chariot by the charioteer the purohita ascends the chariot near the king and makes him recite the hymn called Abhivarta (Rg. X. 174) and the two verses (Rg. VIII. 101. 3-4). Then the priest looks at the king with

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Grhya rites before a battle

229 .pratiratha hymn (Rg. x. 103 asun sisano’), the Sasa hymn (Rg. x. 152 sasa. ittha.’) and the Sauparna hymn * pra dhārayantu madhuno ghṛtasya ?:30 Then the king should traperbe in order all directions in his chariot. He should stand in that direction in which the Sun (by day) or Venus (by night) shines and give fight from that direction. The king should pass his hand over the drum with the three verses (Rg. VI. 47. 29-31 ‘fill with breath (or roar) the heaven and the earth’). The king should discharge arrows with Rg. VI. 75. 16 and the purohita should mutter Rg. VI. 75. 17 (‘where the arrows fall together &c.) when soldiers are fighting, or the purohita may direct or teach (the king to recite from the above such verses as are appropriate to his actions ). 308 In the Harṣa carita (7th Ucchyāsa first paragraph) Bāṇa favours us with a realistic and graphic description of the preparations made when Harsa marched out from his palace on his digvijaya. The astro logers found out an auspicious day and lagna (sign of zodiac

307. This hymn is found in no sarhitā Sāyana in his comment on Ait. Br. 29.9 (where the sanparna hymn is mentioned ) gives an alternative explanation saying that the sauparna hymn referred to is the one declared in the grhyasutra viz. ‘pra dhara yantu &c. ‘, i. e. he does not read ‘pradharayantu’ as in the printed Asv. Gr. ; on Ait. Br 37.7 (where the Abhivarta, Sāsa, Apratiratha and Sauparna hymns are mentioned) the comment of Sayana as printed reads ’ pradhārayantu’.

308. संग्रामे समुपोहे राजानं संनाहयेत् । आ वा हार्षमन्तरेधीति पश्चावयस्याव स्थाय । जीभूतस्येव भवति प्रतीकमिति कवचं प्रयच्छेत् । उत्सरया धनुः । उत्तरी वाचयेत् । स्वयं चतुर्थी जपेत् । पञ्चम्यषुधि प्रयच्छेत् । अभिप्रधर्तमाने षष्ठीम् । सप्तम्याश्वान । अष्टमी मिपूनवेक्षमाणं वाचयति । अहिरिव भोगैः पति बाहुमिति तलं मह्यमानम् । अथैनं सारय माणमुपारुवाभीत वाचयति म यो वा मित्रावरुणेति च । अथैनमन्वीक्षेताप्रतिरथशास सौपर्णेः । प्रधारयन्तु मधुनो घृतस्येति सौपर्णम् । सर्या दिशोऽनुपारियायात् । आदित्यमोशनस वावस्थाय प्रयोधयेत् । उपश्चासय पृथिवीमुक्त धामिति तृचेन दुन्दुभिमभिमुशेत् । अवसष्टा परापतेतीपून्धिसर्जयेत् । यत्र बाणा: संपतन्तीति युध्यमानेषु जपेत् । संशिज्यादा । आश्व. ग. III. 12. with आदित्यमोशनसं वा compare शान्तिपर्ष 100. 20 ‘यतोषायुर्यतः सूर्यो यतः

कस्ततो जयः। पूर्व पूर्व ज्याय एषां संनिपाते युधिष्ठिर’. This shows that the king desiring victory should not face the Sun or Venus (ओशनस) but should have them behind him and that he should not have the wind blowing in his face but blowing behind him. कालिदास in the कुमारसंभव III. 43 ‘खिमपातं परिहत्य तस्प काम: पुरा शुक्रमिष प्रयाणे| refers to this, on which मल्लिनाथ quotes a verse ‘प्रतिशुक्र प्रतिबुध प्रत्यारकमेव च । अपि शक्रसमो राजा इतसैन्यो निवर्तते ॥.. The युक्तिकल्पतरु (ed. by N. N. Law) p. 176 says ‘शस्तस्तु देवलमतेपनि पृष्ठतोऽकः’ (verse 79). Oldenberg’s translation (in S. B. E. vol. 29 p. 234) ‘he should commence the battle in the line of battle invented by Aditya or Usadas’ is wrong, as will be seen from the above quotations. Hopkins in J. A. O. S. XIII. p. 193n simply follows Oldenberg’s translation holding Aditya and Ausanasa to be vyubas.

Kingशस्तस्तु देवसम्यो निवर्तते ॥ varse

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rising on the eastern horizon) indicative of his conquest of all the four quarters, Harsa was bathed in water poured from silver and golden jars, performed worship of Śiva, offered oblations into fire that sent up flames turning from left to right, made gifts of jars full of sesame grains and of cows whose hoofs and horns were tipped with gold, sat on a throne on which tiger-skin was spread &c.

When starting on an invasion the king was required to perform a rite called nīrājanāvidhi which consisted in waving lights before horses, elephants, banners, armies &c. 309 In II. 30 Kautilya 310 prescribes that on the 9th day of Aśvina lights should be waved before horses and at the beginning and close of invasions and in times of diseases. In II. 32 Kautilya speaks of the waving of lights before elephants thrice in the cāturmāsya (from about July to October) and at the time when two seasons meet. Kālidāsa in the Raghuvamsa 4.25 refers 311 to the per formance of this ceremony when Raghu started on his digvijaya and states ( in 17.13 ) that dūrvā grass, barley sprouts and the bark of the palasa tree were required in the Nirājanāyidhi, Kām. IV. 66 speaks of waving lights before horses and elephants ( nirajita-hayadvipaḥ). The Bṛhatsamhita, chap. 44 (verses 16-28 ) deals with the ceremony of waving lamps before horses, elephants and men. This ceremony had to be performed overy year in the month of Āśvina from the first to the 9th day of the bright half or on the 8th, 12th, or 15th of the bright half of Kārtika (acc. to the Bșhatsamhitā 44.2 ) by those who owned horses and also elephants. It is also described in the Saunaklya II. 8, Agni purāṇa 268, Vispudharmottara II. 159 ( quoted at length in the Rājaniti-prakāśa pp. 434-438 ), Kālikāpurāṇa 88-15 ff, Nirna yasindhu II. p. 169, Yuktikalpataru p. 178. The Bșhatsamhita describes it as follows In the north-east of the capital an ornamental arch of some holy tree was to be erected 10 cubits wide and 16 high. Round the necks of horses threads smeared

309. nt print and forrigut arra i

F arrera EST

H aut orina: i paraparat ma# gioia p. 178

310. siCara UPSETH I fragrarara T TATUT I Trident ta: # Uṣe II. 30 last verse ; forat si : 198ATHIFTOFF I TE II. 32, last verse but one. उत्पल explains नीराजन as भीरण जलेन भजनं स्पर्शनम् (on ym MT 43. 1 ). It is possible to derive the word from PART + rear (from (r).

311. तस्मै सम्परातो पहिर्वाजिनीराजनाविधी । प्रदक्षिणाधिर्याजेन हस्तेनेव जयं i 4. 25.

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with saffron paste and marking nut, with rice grains and white mustard and kuṣtha plants tied on them were to be sus pended. For seven days mantras addressed to the Sun, Varuna, Viśve-Devas. Prajāpati, Indra and Viṣṇu were to be recited over the horses, during those days the horses were not to be harshly addressed nor struck with a whip and auspicious words were to be addressed to them, conches were to be blown, drums beaten and singing indulged in before them. On the 8th day, to the south of the arch a shed with its face to the north and covered with kusa grass and barks was to be erected and in front of it on a vedi fire was to be lighted and various materials and plants such as sandal-wood were to be collected and thrown into jars full of water, various foods were to be offered as bali, fuel sticks of khadira and other holy trees were to be brought. The king seated on a tiger-skin and facing the east should sit near the fire together with an astrologer and horse doctor and should follow at the direction of the purohita the procedure laid down for Grahayajña ( sacrifice to planets ) and the raising of Indra’s banner. A horse and an elephant possessing the most auspici ous signs should be bathed and honoured with new white cloth, sandal-wood paste, garlands and incense and should be hrought to the foot of the arch near the shed with sweet words to the accompaniment of music and conch-blowing. The movements of the horse and elephant should be watched and prognostications made therefrom about victory &c. A ball of food over which mantras have been recited should be offered to the horse and if the latter smells it or eats it that is a sign of coming victory. Dipping an udumbara twig in the jars filled with water and plants the purohita should touch therewith the horse, the elephant, the king and his soldiers to the accompaniment of mantras. Then making an effigy of the enemy the purohita should pierce it with a sharp and pointed stave in the region of the heart with incantations from the Atharvaveda and break it. The purohita should pronounce over the bridle vedic mantras and insert it in the mouth of the horse, which the king should ride and proceed in the north-east together with his army, with drums beaten, concies blown and banners displayed. This is a propitiatory rite ( śānti) as said by Varāhamihira ( Br̥hat samhita 44.2) and the Agnipurāṇa 26.8 and 31 and must have been in vogue centuries before Kautilya flourished,

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already been set forth above (p. 71). Conquests resulted in either loss of territory or more generally in the offering of tribute of various kinds to the conqueror viz. wealth ( gold and silver ), horges, elephants, pearls and gems, fine cloth &c. Particularly horses from Kamboja, Bālhika, Gāndhāra and other countries in the north and west were highly prized. Vide Sabhā 51.10, 53.5, Udyoga 86.6, Dropa 156. 47, Sauptika 13. 2; and Sabhā 27. 27, 28. 6 for horses as tribute. In Sabhā 30, 28-30 all the above kinds of tribute are said to have been levied from the Mleccha kings by Bhima 312

Kautilya devotes one book (VIII) to the discussion of vyasanu. Vyasana 313 means’ what deprives a man of great good’ (from the root’ as to throw with ‘vi’). According to Kaut. vyasana may be either the absence of qualities (such as noble birth) or the opposite of such qualities, faults (such as hot temper ), excessive attachment (to women &c. ), harassment ( by invasion or calamities like famines ). So vyasanas may broadly be divided into two classes viz. calamities and faults due to kāma (passion ) and Krodha (hot temper). The view of many ūcāryas is that of the vyasanas of the king, ministers, the people of the realm, fort, treasury, army and ally, the vyasanas of each preceding one are more serious than those of each succeeding one. From the discussion in VIII. 1 it appears that Kautilya in this case agrees with the acāryas. Differing from Bhārdvāja Kaut, holds that the calamities befalling a king or his vices are more serious in their consequences than those of the ministers, since it is the king who appoints the ministers, the purohita, other servants and superintendents of departments and be can employ others in their places and since the rise or fall of the people depends upon him. Disagreeing with Viśālākṣa Kautilya holds that the vyasanas of ministers have more serious consequences than those of the people, as all (national) under takings proceed froin the ministers, as the security of person and property from internal and external enemies, adoption of remedies to resist calamities, recruiting of army, collection of taxes are all in their hands. Differing from the school of

312. स सर्वान म्लेच्छखुपतीन सागरानूपवासिमः । करमाहारयामास रत्नानि विदि. utra 11418Tfot hor 84 78* The farm water

• wire Tahan leta HEUT rat i s erangarap arabe queTE* #YT 30, 28-30.

313. गुणमातिलोम्यमभावः प्रदोषः प्रसः पीडापा व्यसनं ग्यस्पत्येनं श्रेयस इति T

eu VIII. 1. Vide FTA. XIII, 19 and wifetar. p 177 for a similar derivation, tourneren gaat TF a qui offraut.

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Parāśara, Kautilya is of opinion that the vyasana of the people has graver consequences than that of the fort (or capital), for forts, treasury and army, all irrigation and agricultural work, stability, bravery and abundance (of things ) spring from the people. Against Piśuna, Kautilya states that the calamities befalling the fort (or capital) give rise to graver consequences than those of the army for the reason that it is in the fort that the treasury and army are kept safe. Kaut. (VIII. 2) holds that internal troubles are more serious than external ones and troubles due to ministers are the most serious of all internal troubles, Kaut. prefers an ignorant ruler ( who has not studied śāstras ) to a king who is bent on swerving from the dictates of sāstras which he knows; he prefers a king suffering from illness to a new king (a conqueror ), a weak but a high-born king to a strong but low-born one. In VIII. 3 he enumerates the several faults and vices which have already been stated above (p. 54 ). After remarking that ignorance and lack of training are the causes of vices or faults, Kaut. discourses on the relative seriousness of the several faults or vices and holds that gambling is worse than hunting, that sexual passion is worse than gambling, that drinking is worse than sexual vice and that gambling is the special cause of dissension among sanghas (corporate assemblies) and among families of nobles that have the characteristics of sanghas. In VIII. 4 he states that among divine visitations like fire, flood, epidemics and famine, floods are more devastating than fire, diseases and epidemics are less destructive than famine, that the loss of outstanding 314 men is more serious than that of common men even in large numbers, since there can hardly be one eminent man among a thousand ordinary or inferior men. He holds that the trouble caused by the Crown Prince is a lesser evil than that caused by a favourite queen. In VIII. 5 Kautilya holds a discussion on the troubles arising from the army and allies. He first enumerates thirty-three matters that may cause trouble with the army, such as not giving due respect to it, or showing contempt to it, not dispensing the pay at the proper time, not preventing diseases from attacking it, having soldiers who are very fond of their wives. He then takes pairs of troubles out of these and states which is the lesser evil of the two. Then he deals with causes that lead to the loss or defection of allies.

314. #far FT-789: 9999: Graniti grą! EITI TEF क्षयः । सहनेषु हि मुख्यो भवत्येको न वा सषमज्ञाधिक्याश्रयत्वात् क्षुबकाणामिति । 6. VIII. 4.

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In the Rājadharmakāṇda, the Rājanitiprakāśa and other works the king is advised to celebrate several rites and festivals, which may be briefly referred to here. They were meant as propitiatory rites to avert national calamities and also to keep the populace in good humour and to afford enjoyment to people. The Rajadharmakānda (pp. 115-117 ) and the Rājanitiprakāśa (pp. 416-419 ) quote about 35 verses from the Brahmapurāṇa to the effect that the king is to celebrate in one or more of the six months from Vaiśākha festivals (devayātrā) in honour of various deities such as Brahmā, the gods, the Ganges, Vināyaka, Nāgas, Skanda, the Adityas, Indra and Rudra, the Mātrs ( Durgā and others ), the Earth, Viśvakarman, Viṣṇu, Kamadeva, Śiva, the Moon respectively on the tithis from the 1st to the 15th. The same two works quote a passage of 18 verses from the Skandapurāṇa about the festival of moonlight and also the rite of raising the banner of Indra and the latter quotes (pp. 425-433) a long passage from the Viṣṇudharmottarapurāṇa also. Vide H. of Dh. vol. II pp. 825–26 for description of the festival of Indra’s banner. They describe the worship of Devi on the 8th and 9th days of Asvina ( from the Devipurāṇa ) when animals were sacrificed, the gifts of cows on the Amāvābyā of Kārtika, the rite called Vasordhārā ( stream of wealth). The details of all these are passed over here for want of space.