04 Ministers

CHAPTER IV

MINISTERS

Amatya -The second of the seven elements of rājya is the amālya, which word may be translated as ‘minister.’ There are three words that are interchangeable though sometimes dis tinguished, viz. amõtya, saciva and mantrin, the first being the oldest of the three. A Kārikā on Pāṇini (IV. 2. 104) teaches the formation of the word with the affix tyap (tya ) from ama meaning near or with’( vide Mahābhāṣya, vol. II. p. 292). In Rg. IV. 4. 1 188 there is the germ of this word ‘O Agnil Go like a king riding an elephant, accompanied by his ministers ‘. Yāska (in Nirukta VI. 12 ) explains’ amayān ’ as ‘amātya vān,’ though two more explanations of the word are offered by him. The word amatya itself occurs in Rg. VII. 15. 3, but there it is an adjective and means ‘our own’ or ’ abiding in our house ‘. In some of the sūtras like the Baudhāyanapitf-medhasūtra (I. A. 13, I. 12. 7 ) the word amātya is used in the sense of ’near male relations in the house’. Vide H. Dh, vol. II. p. 588 n. 1375. The word ’ amātya’ occurs in the sense of minister in Ap. Dh. 8. II. 10. 25. 10 The king should not live better or more luxuriously than his gurus ( elders) and his ministers (gurūn amātyānsca nātijivet)’. The word ‘gaciva’ occurs in the Ait. Br. ( XII. 9) where it is said that Indra considered the Maruts as his ‘sacivas’ (helpers or comrades). The necessity of amatyas or sacivas is stated in graphic language by several writers. Kautilya (I. 7 last verse ) says ‘kingship is possible only with ( the aid of) assistants, a single wheel cannot work ( a chariot ); therefore the king should appoint ministers and listen to their opinions’. Manu ( VII. 55 = Sukra II. 1) says it is difficult for a person single-handed to accomplish even an easy task ; how can government particularly, which has great good as its aim, be accomplished without helpers’? The Matsya-purāṇa ( 215. 2 ) prescribes the king, while his head is still wet with the waters of coronation, if he wants to supervise his State, should choose his helpers, as in the latter the kingdom secures stability. Matsya 215. 3 is the same as Manu VII. 55. Vide

  1. pga ors: gera a gesi ne parha *. IV. 4.1; THE STT T SRT 3777 FTT UT I F VI. 12.

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Amatya, saciva anu mantrin

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Viṣṇudharmottara II. 24. 2-3 which are the same as Matsya 215. 2-3; also śānti 106. 11 and Rājanttiprakāśa p. 174. From Arthaśāstra I." and 8, Manu VII, 54 and 60, Kām. IV. 25, 27, XIII, 24 and 64 it appears that they use the words saciva and amātya as synonyms. Rudradāman in his Junāgadh Inscription 134 (E. I. vol. VIII. p. 36 at p. 44 ) states that his great enterprise to repair the Sudarsana lake was disapproved of by his advisory (mati-saciva) and executive councillors (karma saciva) who were all endowed with the qualities required in amātyas and yet who were averse to the project and had no enthusiasm for it, since the breach to be repaired was very great. Here sacivas are divided into two sorts, those who give advice and those who execute the business decided upon and the word baciva seems to be a synonym of amātya. Amara 185 states that the amātya who is a dhisaciva (i. e. matisaciva ) is called a mantrin, while amātyas other than the mantrin are called karmasacivas. These distinctions are often not observed. Sumantra is called amātya in Rāmāyaṇa I. 7.3 and the best of mantrins in I. 8. 4. In Ayodhya 112. 17 amatya and mantrin seem to be distinguished. From Kaut. I. 8 ( last verse ) ’ Having divided the spheres of their powers and having taken into consideration the time and place and the work they have to do, all these persons should be appointed as ministers ( amātyas ), but not as mantrins,’ it follows that mantrins were regarded by Kautilya as of a higher grade than amātyas in general. The R. N. P. p. 178 says that the amātyas are also styled mantrins. Kautilya states (I. 10 ) how amātyas are to be tested by upadhās i. e. by means of tempting them as regards each of dlurnu, artha, kama, and bhaya (fear) and to be employed if found honest after any one of the four tests, while mantrins were to be appoint ed only if their integrity and loyalty were proved by all the tests combined. Upadhā 138 is defined by the Nitivākyāmrta p. 111 as ’testing the mind of a person as regards dharma, artha, kama and bhaya by various devices’ ( employed by secret agents). Kāt. (4-5 ) quoted by R. N. P. p. 136 states that the minds of kings always go astray on the (slightest ) cause by

  1. अस्मिल महाक्षत्रपस्य मतिसचिव कर्मसचिरैरमात्यगुणसमुधुक्तैरतिमहत्वाने. GETTETEP arara: arutart* &c. E. I. VIII. p. 36 at p. 44, 1. 17

  2. Auft fraferntserrat

Far: 1 SATEISTII, TT. 136. Valoarūg suista are NOTETUT 1 off ry (#foto 29 14 p. 111); The iter FAITriat Titi WTI GATT STUT TFT Targurier # * IV. 27,

14

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reason of the fact that they possess great valour, knowledge, wealth and particularly the fact that they possess absolute power; therefore brāhmaṇas should always enlighten the mind of the king as to the duties of a king.

About the number of members in the council of ministers there has been a great divergence of views from ancient times, Kaut. I. 15 and Kām. XI. 67-68 state that according to the Mānava school the council (pariṣad) of ministers should be constituted of twelve amātyas, acc. to the Bārhaspatyas of 16, acc. to the Auśanasas of 20, but Kautilya’s own opinion was that the number is determined by the power or exigencies of the State (yathāsāmarthyam). The Bālakāpda (7. 2-3) states that Dasaratha had eight honest and devoted amatyas ( who are then named). Manu VII. 54 and Mānasollāsa (II. 2. verse 57 ) require that the king should select seven or eight ministers who should be hereditary, versed in the sāstras, brave, born of high family and well-tested. This advice was followed by Shivaji, the founder of the Maratha empire, who had a council of eight ministers (Pradhānas). Vide Ranade’s ‘Rise of the Maratha Power’ pp. 125-126 where he describes the functions of the eight ministers called ‘Mukhya-pradhana’ (Prime minister)’, Pant Amatya ( Finance minister), Pant Sachiva (General Accountant and Auditor), Senāpati (Commander-in chief), Mantsi (in charge of king’s private affairs ), Sumanta (Foreign Secretary ), Panditrao ( in charge of the Ecclesiastical Department), Nyāyādhisha (Chief Justice ). This list was probably taken by Shivaji’s advisers from the Sukranitisāra II. 71-72 where almost the same eight are said to be the ministers according to some, Vide also Grant Duff’s History of the Marathas, vol. I. p. 193, and Rao Bahadur Wad’s selec tions of sanads and letters ( in Marathi) published by Messrs. Mawajee and Parasnis in 1913, where the names of the eight ministers of Shivaji are stated and their duties are described (p. 123). In the Santiparva (85. 7-9) it is declared that the king should have 37 sacivas, of whom 4 should be learned and bold brāhmaṇas, 8 valiant kṣatriyas, 21 prosperous vaiśyas, 3 sūdras and one sūta versed in the Purāṇas, but Verse 11 adds that the king should discuss and settle lines of policy in the midst of eight mantrins and Santi 83. 47 says that mantrins should not be less than three. In the Rāmāyana (II 100.71 ) Rāma whom Bharata came to meet in the former’s exile asks him whether he held consultation with three or four mantrins and ( in verse 18 = Sabhāparva 5. 30) Rāma hopes

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that Bharata did not settle his policies by himself alone or in consultation with too many ministers. Kautilya also (I. 15) lays down that the king should hold consultation with three or four mantring. The Nitivākyāmrta (mantrisamuddeśa pp. 127-128) holds that they should be three, five or soyen, that unanimity is difficult to secure in a group of persons of different characters and that when there are many ministers they are jealous and try to carry out their own ideas. These passages show that firstly there was to be a small cabinet of three or four ministers, secondly there was to be a council ( pariṣad ) of ministers who might be eight or more in number according to requirements and thirdly there was a large number of amātyās or sacivas (high functionaries concerned with various departments ). The council is mentioned in the 3rd and 6th Rock Edicts of Asoka (Corpus I. I. vol. I. p. 4 ’ parisā pi yute ājñāpayisati’) in the words *the council will order the officers called Yuktas’. The qualifica tions of ministers (amātyas) are laid down in several places e. g. in Kautilya I. 9, Manu VII. 54, Yāj. I. 312. Kām. IV. 25-30 (of which verses 28-30 are almost the same as the words of Kautilya ), Santi 118. 2-3 (14 qualities of mantrins are men tioned ), Sānti 80. 25-28, Bālakāṇda 7. 7-14, Ayodhyākānda 100. 15, Medhātithi on Manu VII. 54, Agnipurāṇa 239.11-15 (= Kam. IV. 25 and 28-31 ), Mānasollāsa II. %, verses 52-59, Nitivāky āmṛta p. 108, Rājanitiratnākara pp. 13-14 ( quoting Nārada and Harita ), Rājanitiprakāśa pp. 174-178, Rājadharmakaustubha pp. 251-254, Budhabhūṣaṇa pp. 32, 57–58. Only the qualities required by Kautilya in amatya are set out here: He must be a native of the country, born of high family, influential, well trained in arts, far-sighted, wise, of good memory, vigilant, eloquent, bold, intelligent, endowed with enthusiasm and dignity, capable of endurance, pure (in mind and actions), well-disposed, firmly devoted ( to the king ), endowed with character, strength, health, spiritedness, free from arrogance and fickleness, affec tionate, who would not have recourse to hatred (even when offended by the king). Kautilya states that amātyas are of three kinds, the best, middling and inferior, of which the first must be endowed in full with the qualities set out by him and the other two are deficient by one quarter and a half respectively. In Santi 83. 35-40 the faults that disqualify a person for being a mantrin are stated and verses 41-46 set out the qualifications for’a mantrin, one of which deserves special notice, viz, ( verse 46 ) he should have secured the confidence of the pauras and jānapadas. Many works prescribe that the ministers were

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to be hereditary if the son was capable like his father, e. g. Manu VII. 54, Yāj. I. 312, Rāmāyana II. 100. 26 ( = Sabhāparva 5.43 ), Agni, 220. 16-17, Sukra II. 114, The Matsya 215. 83-84 and Agnipurāṇa ( 220. 16-17) add the very sensible remark that such hereditary ministers should not be allowed to dispose of the cases of their dāyādas (agnates ). The Viṣṇudharmottara (II. 24, 55-56 ) contains the same rule. This hereditary character is borne out by many inscriptions. For example, in the Allahabad stone pillar ing. of Samudragupta, Hariṣena is himself a Mahā. daṇda-nāyaka whose father Dhruvabhūti was also a Mahādanda nāyaka (Gupta Inscriptions pp. 10, 15 ) and in the Udayagiri cave Inscription of Candragupta II (ibid p. 34) Virasena is described as ’ anvayaprāptasācivya’ (who hereditarily obtained the post of saciva). The R. N.P. (p. 176) after quoting the Matsya purāṇa expressly states that the hereditary principle was to be given up, if the son or grandson of a former minister had not the requisite qualifications, but that such a descendant was to be employed only in such state work as was suited to his " attainments. The mantrins should, according to most authorities, be chosen from among brāhmanas, ksatriyas and vaisyas, but not from śūdras, even if the latter be endowed with qualities (vide Sukra II. 426-427, Nitivākyāmsta p. 108). 18a The consultation with the council of ministers was to be in secret. Kautilya (I. 15 ) says ‘All administrative undertaking! must be preceded by consultation with ministers. The place for consultation should be so secluded that the conversation going on inside will not be heard outside and that even birds cannot see it, for it is narrated that secret consultations were divulged by parrots, mainas, dogs and other lower animals ‘. 138 The Harsacarita VI states that Nāgasena of the Nāga dynasty met destruction in Padmāvati because his secret policy was divulged

  1. AFETYTTQ gurrant ur fairy Fa: 7991 A fagorier यथायोग्येषु भागशा॥ अवार्य वाक्यार्थ:। यदि मोलाः कुलीमा अपि तथा पितृपैतामहपदयोग्य गुणहीनास्तास्तथाविधगुणहीनामपि विज्ञाय यथायोग्येन्वेष कर्मस स्वयं भागशः कर्मविभागेन नियुजीत न तु तत्सस्पितपैतामहपदेषु तत्र तत्र तेषामयोग्यत्वात् । रा. नी. प्र. p. 176.

137a. WTETONIETTET ER ATAT

M a gagawaratan बारिणमधीताखिलम्पपहारतन्त्रमनशमशेषोपाधिविशुद्धं च मन्त्रिणं कुर्वीत । समस्तपक्षपाते FTTHTETT REFTI T p108.

  1. Histup HT: ITT: #14: Fuar ruft f ra : fyrir F H Hut how: a treifafat: istefa 1. 15; compare eta VI 7719FRY: FIFTIFEAFaktoret AMÀTET पमावस्याम । कभुतरहस्यस्प च श्रीरशीर्यत श्रुतवर्मणः श्रावस्याम् ।।

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by a mainā, Srutavarman lost his kingdom in Srāvasti as his gecret was disclosed by a parrot, and king Suvarṇacūda met his death in Mșttikāyati by babbling in a dream about his policy. Vide also Manu VII. 147-150, Yāj. I. 344, Kām. XI. 53, 65-66, Agnipurāṇa 225. 19, Mānasollāsa II. 9, verses 700-705 p. 92. Kaut (1. 15) has a verse’ no outsider should know the king’s secret policy which he desires to carry out. Only those who are to carry it out should know it only when it is begun or accomplished’. Vide for a similar rule Manu VII. 105 (=śānti. 140, 24 which is also the last but one verse in Kaut. I. 15). 139 The king presided in the council, but if he was not present the chief minister presided (Manu VII. 141 ). In the Mālavikāgnimitra (V) the king’s decision to make a dvairājya is conveyed to the council of ministers and then the amātya (who here means the chief minister or President of the council ) informs the king that the council agreed with the king, where upon the king asks the council to depute the commander-in chief Virasena to carry out the proposal. Kaut. further says (I. 15 ) that all business was to be transacted in the presence of the ministers ; but if any one was absent his opinion was to be elicited by despatching a letter. In matters of emergency (or great danger ) the king is to call his cabinet ministers and the council of ministers and what the majority decide or what would lead to success is to be carried out by the king. Sukra I. 365 also refers to the view of the majority. It is the duty of the ministers, according to Kām. IV. 41-49, to prevent a king from

pursuing an evil course, it is the duty of the king to listen to the advice of his ministers and such ministers are not merely his friends but are really his gurus. “40 Sukra (II. 82-83) asks · How can the kingdom be brought to prosperity by those ministers whom the king is not afraid to offend? They are no better than ladies who are to be decked with ornaments and fine clothes. What is the use of those ministers, whose advice does not tend to the advancement of the kingdom, the people, the army, the treasury, good government and to the destruction

  1. FIFT 10 ans que foreg TATTET I TER at af A a: # AT 83. 49 and a 140. 24 with slight variations foru

reads नास्य परे विद्युश्छिन्न विचारपरस्य च। … यत्स्थाविपतमात्मनः॥ , 140. सज्जमानमका निकायुमन्त्रिणो अपम् । पुरूणानिष चैतेषां शृणुपाचन अपः ॥ …सुपस्य तेहि हदस्त एव गुरषो मता। य एनमुत्पथगवं वारपश्यनिवारिता सज्ज माममकार्येषु यो पारयन्ति ये । सत्यं ते भैष सहदो पुरको पुरषोहिते कामन्दक IV. 41, 44-45.

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of enemies? The ministers, however, must have found it difficult to please the king and also to placate the subjects. A well-known subhāṣita states that one who looks to the benefit of the king comes to be hated by the people and he who looks to the good of the people (only) is abandoned by the king; when there is this great conflict it is rare to find a person who can secure the aims of both the king and the people.“40x Manu (VII. 56-59) prescribes the matters in which consultations are to be held with ministers and the procedure thereof, viz. peace and war, sthāna (i. e. army, treasury, capital and the country), sources of revenue, protection (of himself and of the country), the proper bestowal of the wealth obtained; the king is to ascertain the opinions of ministers separately and then jointly and then do what is beneficial; he is then to hold consultation on the most important affairs relating to the six means of policy with a wise brāhmaṇa who is the most distinguished of all ministers and always to rely upon him, to settle all lines of policy finally on his advice and then to act. Yaj. I. 312 also requires the king to consult his mantrins, then a brāhmaṇa (purohita ) and thereafter to decide himself the course of action, The principal matters which mantrins have to concentrate them selves upon, acc. to Kām. XIII. 23-24 (=Agnipurāṇa 241. 16–18), are : mantra, securing the fruit of the line of policy adopted ( such as conquering a country and protecting it), the carrying out of the business ( of the State ), predicting the good or evil effects (of an action taken), revenue and expenditure, govern ment (i. e. punishing those who deserve punishment), subduing enemies, measures against calamities like famine, guarding the king and the kingdom. \ The Nītivākyāmṛta (p. 185) concisely puts the same by saying that amātyas have to concern them selves with revenue, expenditure, guarding the ruler (i. e. his body, his dharma, wife and children ), looking after the army in all its arms.

Yāj. I. 343 says since the State depends upon mantra (i. e. lines of policy arrived at after consultation with ministers), the

140a. T a temat na Jin pacatenat e artista yfa fuit fart ## datat et stof g. by g’. p. 86, last pada being read as non af 1948 af :. ; 141. # F a : mala8TWARE: Barget porttitor

  • TFT siti per attirHora Fegato per te fs #T Farar! I FRAVET XIII. 23-24 apd siano 241. 16-18; urut FITTACHT

pript ART TATWIT: P TTH ( PATETRURI) p. 185…

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king should keep his lines of policy secret in such a way that people should not know them till the results of his undertakings manifest themselves’. Kautilya (X. 6 last verse ) emphasizes the importance of mantra in ‘an arrow discharged by an archer may kill one man or none at all, but a ( well-considered) scheme put into operation by a wise man may destroy even those who are only conceived’. 142 Both Sabhāparva 5. 27 and Ayodhyā 100. 16 have the same verse, viz. mantra is the root of victory.16 Kautilya and the Nitivākyāmsta p. 114 say that mantra accomplishes the following, viz. the apprehension of what is not or cannot be seen, imparting the strength of definite conclusion to what is apprehended, removal of doubt when two courses or opinions are possible, inference of an entire matter when only a part is seen.” In most works such as Kauṭ. I. 15, Kām. XI. 56, Agnipurāṇa 241, 4, Pancatantra I. p. 85, Mānasollāsa (II. 9 verse 697 ff, p. 92 ) it is said that mantra has five elements which have to be considered (it is pancanga), viz, means of carrying out actions (or works), plenty of men and materials, proper allotment of time and place, remedies against pitfalls, the ( happiness of the kingdom or people ) that will result from the accomplishment of the course decided upon. 145

The high functionaries and office-holders have been different at different times. In the Vedic age, in the performance of the Rājasūya, there are certain offerings (generally twelve in number) which are called ‘ratninām havimṣi’. Their order and names differ in different texts, though most are the same in all. Besides the king (the sacrificer), the eleven ‘ratnas’ ( jewels ) or ‘ratnins’ are (according to the Sat. Br. V. 3. 2). the commander-in-chief, the purohita, the crowned queen, sūta grāmaṇi, kṣatıṣ (chamberlain), sangrahit? (treasurer or charioteer?),

879ras feat usht 1 Ta Afa: PHT PUTETT marf # d e X. 6 last verse, quoted in Jati III. p. 386. - 143. put for fyrst of a river 100. 16; AHT #79 Fet fort **fa TETT FT 5. 27.

  1. BET TENUIFT FTOINFULET HATTISTE इस्य शेषोपलग्विरिति मन्त्रसाध्यमेतत् । तस्माद् बुद्धिवद्धः सार्धमासीत मन्त्रम् । अर्धेशान I. Is and नीतिवा. p. 114, which reads उपलब्धस्य निश्चयो निश्चितस्य बलाधानम्. . : 145. OTTAT Hrei, STETTU, ETA Hai, Protaral Trię कार्यसिद्धिरिति पनाको मम्मः । अर्थशान I. 15: सहाया: साधनोपाया विभागो देश. WITHOUT:

I n seient arti yang sega XI. 56. It will be noticed ihat kam, omits reafir and makos up the five by counting an and TTTT separately,112

History of Dharmaśāstru

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akṣāvāpa (superintendent of gambling or of the records ? ), bhāgadugha ( collector of taxes ), govikartana? hunter ), dūta (courier), parivṛkti ( discarded queen). Vide H. Dh, vol. II. p. 1215 n and 1216. In Tai. Br. (1.7.3) they are the same as above except that govikartana is omitted and the queen called

vāvātā’ is added. These are described in the Tai. Br. I. 77. 3 as the bestowers of the kingdom (ete vai rāṣtrasya pradātāraḥ ). Vide also Tai. S. I. 8. 9. 1-2. It is clear from Sat. Br. V. 3. 2. 2 and 4 that some of these jewels like the commander-in-chief and the huntsman were of low caste or of the sūdra caste. Later on certain functionaries began to be called tirthas, their number being 18; vide Sabhāparva 5. 38 ( –Ayodhya 100, 36 ) and Sānti 69.52 for a reference to the 18 tirthas. 148 Kautilya (I. 12 ) speaks of the 18 tirthas and enumerates them. 17 In the Raghuvamsa 17.68 Kālidāsa employs the word tirtha in this sense. According to the Nitivākyāmsta (p. 29 ) persons who are helpers in dharma and state business are called tirtha. In the Edicts of Asoka the high officers were called mahāmātras ( in Rock Edict XII there are dharma-mahāmātras ) and other officers were yuktas, rājukas and prādesikas (in Rock Edict III) of whom the first at least were subordinate to the council of ministers. Later writers like Govindaraja on Ayodhyā 100. 36, the com.

  1. eragiroag for an ao fanfaritraatia niana : 11 T 100.36= 4 5. 38= USET I. 52.

  2. TI p o Afgrita-harga-qatra-atatafore-art HA180-

f arnirraraginta a

gita14x-qayna. पालाटविकेषु प्रदेयदेशवेषशिल्पभाषाभिजनापदेशान भक्तितः सामर्थ्ययोगाच्चापसर्पयेत् । … एवं शौच मित्रेच मायमे चावपेचारान् । उदासीने च तेषां च तीर्थेष्वष्टादशस्वपि ॥ अर्थ

Træ I. 12. tanta is lit, doorkeeper i. e. Lord Mayor of the palace; - 161 is Lord Chamberlain (the same as stupor TH in Asvamedhika. parva 22. 20 and Salya 29.72 and 94 and the TT AUTHTY in the 12th Rock Edict at Girnar or Mansehra in Corpus I. I. p. 80; and the TTF in मत्स्यपुराण 215. 42). मशास्तु is probably Chief Magistrate, समाt is the minister or the Chief Commissioner of Revenue, where is the minister in charge of the Treasury, प्रदेष्ट्र functions are not known, नायक is probably मगराध्यक्ष. पोरण्यावहारिक is the Chief Justice whose court was in the capital. कार्मान्तिक was superintendent of all mines and State manufactories, quatre was officer in charge of all branches of the army, rath ( = TXT) officer in charge of all forts, s ur officer in charge of all frontiers, wenta superintendent of forests and forest tribes. It is possible to regard to earn as one word meaning the chief of pradestrs (they were many, acc. to Kautilya V. 2) and to take Paura as equal to the Nagarata i. e. capital Superintendent (vide Arthalāstra II. 36) and Vyāvahārika as Chief Justice. For th at see RETE 2, 7, (cr. ed.).

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on the Yasastilaka I. p. 91 differ as to the names of these 18. 148 The Rājatarangiṇi I. 120 informs us that in former times there were only seven departments ( karmasthānas ), that later on they became 18 and that five more were added to these eighteen (IV. 142-143 and 512) viz. mahāpratihāra, mahāsāndhivigraha, mahāśvaśāla, mahābhāndāgāra, mahāsādhanabhāga (and so the Heads were called ‘adhigata-pañcamahāśabda’ i. e. to whom five titles with ‘mahā’ in them were given). “9 The Agni purāṇa 220 mentions several high functionaries like the senāpati, pratihāra, dūta and heads of departments. The Sukra nitisāra ( II. 69-70 ) enumerates ten principal high functionaries of the king (prakṛtis ) viz. purodhas (purohita), pratinidhi, pradhāna ( President of council ), saciva (war minister), mantrin ( Home minister), prādvivāka (minister of justice ), pandita (minister of ecclesiastical matters), sumantra (Finance minister), amātya (revenue minister) and dūta (minister of diplomatic relations ) and remarks that others omitted purodhas and data from this list of ten and held that these eight should all receive the same pay ( verses 71-72), while śukra was of opinion that the ten high dignitaries should each receive in order one tenth more as pay than the succeeding one ( v. 71 ), that the purohita was the most eminent of all, that among the rest each preceding was more eminent than each succeeding one ( 11. 74-77), that after these high dignitaries came the other officers (adhikārigana, II. 279), that then came the darśaka ( secretary?), and lekhaka ( clerk), then the menial servants who waited on the king and lastly the lowest were those who carried out dirty work, In II. 84-87 Sukra briefly brings out the special functions of the

  1. उक्त च । सेनापतिर्गणको राजभेष्टी दण्डाधिपो मन्त्री महत्तरो बलवत्तरचत्वारो otsa GUINEATSAKYT AETATETTErat tint aiuna wafat i com. on

TIMO I. p. 91 ;

U T A: 414FATA graikaista samn. p. 29 ( lager),

  1. This is a meaning of pancamahāśabda which is peculiar” to the Rājatarangini. Elsewhere that title generally means one before whom were beaten the five-musical instruments. In the Talcher grant of Kulastambha in the 9th century the epithet ‘samadhigata-pancamabāśabda’ is applied to a king (mabārājādhirāja) in E. I. vol. XII P: 157, while in an Inscription from Yewur of about 1040 A. D. it is applied to a mabāmandalesvara (E. I. vol. XII. p. 269). In the Pimpari plates of Dhārāvarsa Dhruvarāja dated Sake 697 the same title is applied to a minister described as Agafarer FUATA (E. I, vol. X. p. 89). Vide J BBRAS (New series) vol. I pp. 238-245, VII. 487, VIII. 93 for discussion.

15

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ministers from pratinidhi to dūta 150 and then in II. 88-105 at length. In 1. 353-361 Sukra lays down how the king’s public durbar should be arranged, viz. the king’s throne should be in the centre of the western half of the hall on which the king should sit well-dressed, wearing his crown, armour and a drawn sword; his sons, grandsons, brother’s and sister’s sons should sit behind him, his daughter’s sons should sit on his right and on his left should sit in order his uncles, chief agnates, members of the assembly, commanders ; in front of the king to his right should be seated his maternal grandfather’s relatives, the man trins, and to the left his father-in-law, wife’s brother, officers &c. The Sukranitisāra ( I. 374-376 ) lays down certain very practical rules for the king :‘he should personally observe villages, towns and districts every year; he should see whether his subjects are kept contented or are harassed by his officers, he should not side with the officers (with the man on the spot ) but rather should take the side of the subjects, he should remove an officer who is hateful to many (lit, a hundred ) people and an amūtya should be removed if he is found to commit several illegal acts. Sukra ( in II. 107-113 ) further advises the change of portfolios among the ministers (e. 8. sumantra should be appointed amatya or vice versa); he says that for each department three should be engaged, one the most clever being the head and two others being darsakas (secretaries ) who should be changed every thrée, five, seven or ten years; one man should not be allowed to hold the same high office for a long time, since otherwise he becomes intoxicated with power; 181 servants should not do any business without a written order nor should a king order any thing to be done except in writing (II. 290 ).

  1. The words in Asoka’s Edict III pañcasu pañcasu vāgesu niyātu’ probably refer to the practice of the transfer of high

· 150. relaterat *: qaraft #: 1 Harasti punea Harita RUTRUTI FR Hilagan poea whakarati a n d merrari: स्मृतः सदा देशकालप्रविज्ञाता प्रमात्य इति कथ्यते । आयाययमविज्ञाता सुमन्त्रास

ta: Ngala II84-86.

  1. Compare what Kautilya says it for fami’ (VII. 14 p. 305). That power corrupts is forcibly stated by Plato la his ‘Laws’ Book IV p. 485 (Random House ed.) ‘Chronos knew that no human nature invested with supreme power is able to order human affairs and not overflow with insolence and wrong’.

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officers every five years. The 6th caste mentioned by Megas thenes (Fragment 1 p. 41 and Fragment XXXIII p. 85 in McCrindle’s ‘Ancient India’) was that of overseers who inquired into and superintended all that went on in India, and made reports to the king or, where there was no king, to the magistrate Megasthenes probably confounded the ministers and adhyaksas ( who were often hereditary ) with a caste. Vide also Fragment XXXIV pp. 86-88 about the officers of state and their duties. It is probably on account of some such rule as is stated in Sukra about frequent change of portfolios that in the inscriptions high functionaries have epithets prefixed to them which indicate their connection with several portfolios e. g. in the Bangkhera plate of Emperor Harsa ( E. I. vol. IV p. 208 at p. 211) Skanda gupta ( who is probably the same as the Skandagupta mentioned by Bāṇa in the Harsacarita VI as commander of the elephant arm) was the dūlaka of the grant and is described as’ mahāpramātāra mahāsāmanta’; in the Allahabad stone pillar Ing. of Emperor Samudragupta (Gupta Inscriptions p. 10 and p. 15 n. 4), Hariṣeṇa is described as ‘Sāndhivigrahika’( minister for peace and war ), Kumārāmātya’(the minister of the Yuvarāja ?) and Mahā-danda nāyaka 158 ( commander of an army); Pșthyisena ( a brāhmana) is described as mantrin, kumārāmātya and then mahābalā dhiksta (in E. I. vol. X p. 72, of Gupta Samvat 117). In theory and practice the king was to issue orders in the presence or under the advice of his principal ministers. We read in the grant of Rājarāja I of the Eastern Cālukya dynasty that he issued his command in the presence of the mantrin, purohita, senā pati, yuvarāja, dauvārika and pradhāna (E. I vol. IV. p. 300 at p. 302 ). Sukra (II. 362-370 ) describes the procedure followed in issuing orders about State business. First the mantrin, prādvivāka (Chief Judge), pandita (head of ecclesiastical department ), and dūta should write out the business relating to their departments, then the amātya should write thereon ( sādhu likhanam-asti, the writing is good), sumantra adds samyag vicaritam’ (it is well considered ), the pradhāna writes ‘satyam yathārtham” (it is the truth, it is as the business requires ), pratinidhi should write ‘angikartuin yogyam’ (it is proper to accept this ), the yuvarāja should write ‘angikartavyam’ ( it should be accepted ), the purohita should write “lekhyam svā.

  1. ‘Mahādandanāyaka’ may mean the chief minister ’ as Manu VII. 65 states ‘on the amātya depends the control (of the govero meot) and discipline (among subjects) depends on control (danda).’

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bhimatam’ (this writing is approved by me); all then should make their seals after their remarks and then the king should write angikstam'188 ( it is accepted) and affix his soal.

The Rājatarangipi shows that persons often rose to ministe rial positions from low birth e. g. (V. 73) it states that an engineer of Avantivarman was a foundling, ( VII. 207) a watch man became chief minister.

It is necessary to say a few words about some of the great officers of State. First comes the Yuvarāja. Kautilya devotes one chapter (I. 17 ) to taking care of the prince. The subjects of the prince’s education, his association with state business, treatment of princes, good or bad, the coronation of a yuvarāja have already been dealt with (pp. 49, 83 &c.). The younger brother or eldest son was made yuvarāja ( Crown Prince ) during the reigning king’s life ( Ayodhyā, chap. 3-6, Kām. VII. 6, Sukra II. 14-16). Rāma on his coronation as king made Bharata the Crown Prince when Lakṣmaṇa refused to be so (Yuddha 131.93). The yuvarāja and princes were often sent as governors of different parts of the realm. The Divyāvadāna ( XXVI. p. 371 ) states that Asoka was sent by his father Bindusāra to Takṣaśila to pacify popular disturbances and Emperor Asoka himself is said to have sent his son Kunāla from Pataliputra to the same town to pacify the citizens that had been offended by the arrogance of the amātyas (ibid. pp. 407-8). Khāravela in the Hāthigumphā Ins. ( E. I. vol. XX at pp. 79, 86) was a yuvarāja for nine years from his 16th to his 24th year. From the Mālavikāgnimitra we learn that while Pusyamitra was virtual emperor of Bharatavarṣa his son Agnimitra was ruling at Vidika and had the authority to divide the kingdom of Berar betweon two brothers, Yajñasena and Mādhavasena. The yuvarāja is not generally enumerated in the lists of mantrins, but he is one of the 18 tirthas and from Sukra ( above p. 115) it appears that he had a seal and important matters passed through his hands along with those of the ministers. According 14 to

  1. Compare the word “drstam’ occurring at the beginning of Chammak and Śivani grants of the Vākāṭaka emperor Pravarasena II and the same word in the plate of the Pallava kiog Śivaskandavarman (in E. I. vol. I. at p. 9). In most plates of the Vākāļakas the word ‘drstan’occurs at the beginning; vide E. I. vol. 22 p. 167.

  2. जीवन्सन स्वामिता पुढे न देयाप्यखिला कचित् । स्वभाषसहाणे यस्मान्महा ममदापहा ॥ पिण्याप्रैरपि भो दत्ता स्वपुत्रे स्वाधिकारता। स्वायुषः स्वल्पशेषे तुमत्पुत्रे

FUERTE il giahat. V. 17-18.

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Sukra ( II. 12 ) the yuvarāja and the group of amātyas are the two arms or eyes of the king, but Sukra V. 17 warns the king against transferring all power to the Crown Prince except when the king is about to die. The Matsyapurāṇa 220.7 quoted in the Budhabhūṣaṇa (p. 33) prescribes that the king should entrust to the well-disciplined prince at first unimportant offices and then gradually important ones. 185 If a prince was ill-behaved he was not to be abandoned as he would go over to the enemies and harm the king, but he should be kept confined in a guarded place ( Kām. VII. 6, Budhabhūsana pp. 33, 35, verses 77, 93). As regards his emoluments he was placed on the same footing as the mantrin, purohita, senāpati, the queen, the king’s mother (Kaut. V. 3). What office is meant by the Kumārāmatya in some of the Inscriptions ( e. g. Gupta Ing. pp. 10, 50, E. I. vol. X p. 72, E. I. vol. XI. p. 83 ) is not clear. It does not probably mean ‘a royal prince who was also an amātya’, but rather some minister attached to the yuvarāja, as contradistinguished from rājāmātya (which office occurs in Gupta Inscriptions, p. 218). It appears that in ancient times provincial governors could be total strangers to the royal family. From Rudradāman’s Junagadh Ing. we learn that the governor of Surāṣtra under Candragupta Maurya was a vaisya called Puṣyagupta and under Aśoka a Yavana noble or king called Tuṣāspa “Sa (E. I. VIII p. 36 at p. 43).

Next comes the purohitu. In H. Dh. vol. II pp. 40 and 363 it has been already shown how purohitas existed from the most ancient period of the Rgveda, how the purohita was thought to be half the soul of the king and how the co-operation of the spiritual teacher and the secular head ( the king ) was deemed absolutely necessary for the prosperity of the kingdom, how Gautama (XI. 12-14) and Āp. Dh, S. II. 5. 10. 16 prescribed the qualities of the purohita. Our authorities show that the purohita was not a mere priest. The Ait. Br. ( 40.2 ) calls the purohita *rāṣtragopa ‘( the saviour of the kingdom ). The Sukraniti also,

  1. S tig Farratei TFTOT I et for ma: T FRONTY HETFOTO # ARET 220. 7, qu. p. 33

155a. It is strange that Dr. Beni Prasad in ‘The State in ancient India’ (p. 189) remarks “the former governor is designated rastriya while the latter is called adhisthūya”. “Adhisthaya’ in Rudradāman’s Ins. is only a gerund of sthā’ with “adbi’ and means ‘having ruled over ‘. राष्ट्रिय is formed from रा according to राहावारपाराह यसो (Pan. IV. 2.93) and means ‘one ruling over a proviące, a Provincial Governor’. Ia dramas a means ’ king’s brother-in-law’. Kpirasvāni says’ Arograma El

fugal try.

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though a very late work, similarly describes the purohita (II. 74 ) as “rājarāstrabhrt’ (the supporter of the king and the kingdom). In the Rgveda III. 53. 12 we find the idea that the hymns and the spiritual power of the purohita Visvāmitra protected the Bharata clan. 156 He made the king ready for battle and accompanied him in battle murmuring where the arrows fly &c’. (Rg. VI. 75.17) while the fight went on (vide Aøv. Gr. III. 12. 19 quoted below n. 308). The Viṣṇudharmasūtra HI. 70, Yāj. I. 313, Kām. IV. 32 require that the purohita was to be well versed ‘57 in the vedas, itihāsa, dharmaśāstra or danda niti, in astrology and portents, in rites of propitiation contained in the Atharvaveda, of high family, endowed with all vidyās and good acts as stated in the śāstras and with austerities. Kaut. (I. 9) states almost the same qualifications for the purohita, requires the king to honour his advice as a pupil honours his teacher or a son his father or a servant his master and says that royal power advanced by brāhmaṇas, enforced as with a spell by the consultations of mantrins and endowed as with a weapon by the observance of śāstric rules becomes invincible and secures success. Vide Adi. 170.74-75, 174. 14-15, śānti. 72. 2-18 and chap. 73, Rājanltiprakāśa pp. 59-61 and 136-137, Rāja” dharma-kaustubha pp. 255-257 for qualifications expected in the purohita. Kautilya (X. 3) states that while a battle is going on the chief ) minister and purohita should urge on and encourage the soldiers by exhorting them with verses from the Veda and classical Sanskrit, promising great rewards in the next world for those who fall in battle. The Sukranitisāra ( II. 78-80 ) requires in the purohita among other qualities the study of dhanurveda, proficiency in arms and in formations of armies for battle and possession of so much religious merit as to be able to pronounce an effective curse. A purohita was to be distinguished from a stuj (a sacrificial priest) as Manu VII. 78 and Yaj. I. 314 show. Vide Mānasollāsa II. %. 60 (p. 34), Rājanitiratnākara pp. 16-17, Vispudharmottara II. 5., Agni 239. 16-17 for further passages on purohita. Some authorities include

  1. fearranto Tera HITTATIF. III. 53, 12.

  2. HIETAVASTI TUG A HET Taffet gratis prea froy धर्मत्र III. 70; पुरोहितं प्रकुर्षीत दैवज्ञहदितोदितम् । वण्डनीयां च कुशलमधर्वाङ्गिरसे तथा पाश. I. 313; पुरोहितहादितोदितकुलशीलं पङ्गे वे देवे निमिते वण्डनीत्या

format acarei razraff i anti giorni foton: rant पुत्रो मृत्यः स्वामिनमिष चालवत । … … ब्राह्मणेधित क्षत्रं मन्त्रिमात्राभिमन्त्रितम् । जयत्यजितमत्यन्त शाबानुगमशत्रितम् ॥ कौटिल्य 1.9; राजा पुरोहितं कुर्यादुदितं माझणं for ATTITAE T ETETT. g. in f. p. 20,

MALL

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the purohita among amatyas or mantrins (e. g. Vijñāneśvara on Yāj. I. 353, Sukra II. 69-70), while others like Yāj. I. 312 regard him as distinct from mantring. The purohita was often hereditary. Acc. to Kautilya quoted above he was to employ means declared in the Atharvaveda to remove calamities, divine and human. The great divine calamities acc. to Kautilya IV. 3 are fire, flood, disease, famine, rats, wild elephants, snakes and evil spirits, 158 According to Manu VII. 78 the purohita was concerned with the religious rites laid down in the srauta and grhya sūtras and Ap. II. 5. 10. 14-17 show that the purohita had complete jurisdiction in matters of penance for offences. Vas. ( 19. 40-42 ) provides that if the king lets off an offender deserving to be punished the king had to fast for a day and the purohita for three days and to perform the heavy penance of Kr̥cchra if the king punished the innocent. According to most authorities he played a role that was pre-eminently religious. He is not mentioned among the 10 limbs of the sabhā in the administration of justice. Kāt. 24 (quoted in S. V. p. 20) does not require him to be an expert in arthaśāstra, though Kāt. 56 quoted by the Mit, on Yāj. II. % and Sm, C. (II. p. 14) say that the king should enter the Hall of Justice with learned brāhmaṇas, the ministers, the chief justice, the purohita &c. Yāj. I. 31% and the Mit. on Yāj. I. 312-313 on the other hand prescribe that even after consulting all mantrins, the king was finally to consult the purohita in all secular and religious matters. The Nitivākyāmrta (purohitasamuddeśa ) p. 160 states that the divine calamities are: shower of fire (fall of lightning?), excessive rainfall, epidemics, famine, damage or disease of crops, swarms of locusts and other vermin, diseases, goblins and female evil spirits, snakes, wild elephants, rats. The purohita is required to know ritual of five kinds, ‘59 viz. that dealing with the propitiation of Nakṣatras, that of śrauta sacrifices, that of the sainhitās ( of Tantra worship ), that of Atharvasiras and that of

  1. aaronet Anna-Mfoq* afirma satu araf tutaifa i Ara T a ru IV, 3; HATE for Hot (#T#t?) g** सस्योपचासो जसोप्याधिभूतपिशाचशाकिनीसर्पग्यालमूषकावरयापदः। नीतिवा. p.160.

  2. Tarom T

I 97**697 Aria Fincanlar: 4 चतुर्थः शिरसा कल्पः शान्तिकल्यरत पत्रमः ॥ पत्रकल्पविधानज्ञमाचार्य प्राप्य भूपतिः । FUTTAAṢTIRT/ART Jaihi rout force # rasgunit II. 5. 3-5 quoted in राजनीतिको. p. 256. रिस् here seems to mean अथर्वशिरं which is an Upahisad mentioned in Gaut. 19.12, Vas. 28. 14, Viṣṇudharmasūtra 56. 72 among the holy Vedic texts that purify a person of sins. It begins with a fait Mi d ar TRT at Herrafat Vide Muir’s Sanskrit Texts vol. IV.

P. 356 ff for text (portion) and translation.

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śāntis ( such as grahaśānti &c.). Calamities, according to Kām. XIII. 20-21, are of two sorts, divine ( daiva ) and human : there are five kinds of the first viz. fire, flood, disease, famine and epidemic, all of which can be met by human effort and by propitiatory rites, while human calamities should be withstood by constant effort and by proper lines of policy. The same verses are Agnipurāṇa 241. 14-16.

Acc. to Kautilya (V.3) 48000 panas were the salary of the (royal) sacrificial priest, ācārya (teacher), mantrin, purohita, commander in-chief, crown prince, the king’s mother, the queens and he holds that “with that amount of maintenance they would not yield to temptation or revolt (against the king)",180 The amatyas, the chief judge and even the purohita could be punished by the king, acc. to Manu, if any of them went wrong (VIII. 335 and IX. 234) and Kaut (IX. 3) prescribes that when the purohita is guilty even of a great offence, the remedy is to imprison him or banish him. Some great ministers, though not exactly purohitas of the king, were learned brāhmaṇas and led simple lives such as Cānakya and Madhava. There is divergence of views about the salaries set out in the Arthaśāstra (V. 3). Jayaswal ( in Hindu Polity’ part II p. 136 ) holds that the salaries were yearly and the paṇas in which they were paid were silver ones. Prof. Dikshitar (in * Mauryan Polity’ p. 151 ) holds that the salaries were monthly. Confusion is caused by the fact that there were paṇas of copper, silver and gold. Vide Rājanitiprakāda p. 294. The Rājatarangini VII. 950 speaks of dinnāras of gold, silver and copper. Rao Bahadur K. V, Rangaswami Aiyangar holds that the salaries (in the Arthasāstra ) were monthly and in golden paṇas (in Ancient Indian Polity’ pp. 44-45). Therefore this matter must be investigated. Manu (VIII. 13) promises that those names of copper, silver and gold coins which are well-known among the people (of its day) for purposes of trade will be described by him. Acc. to Manu VIII. 134 and 136, Viṣṇu Dh. S. IV. 6-10, and Yaj. I. 363-365 five krṣpalas are equal to a māṣa, 16 māṣas are equal to a suvarṇa, 4 suvarṇas ( or five aco. to some ) are equal to a pala, a karṣa is equal to of a pala and a piece of copper one-fourth of a pala in weight is called a papa, which is the same as kārṣāpaṇa 16’ ( equal to 80 raktikūs or

  1. gaarafangrigaaratTag HELPTATEUTE T T ह एतावता भरणेनामास्वायत्वमकोपर्क चेषां भवति। कौटिल्प V. 3.

  2. HATRIATA : Turent af afgr9*niqora rast han : 00:- ATTAH HATO od 1. 1. 365; 90107977

puiten EU OUT a T e r. (II. p. 99); UTITI - ATTITUT GOT 1 gauti m a i ori II. 19. 1

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guñjā berries). A pala was equal to 320 raktikās. Kaut. II. 19 says practically the same thing. In Kaut. V. 3 the salaries range from 48000 to 60 paṇas from the highest functionaries to the lowest servants. They must all be taken to be for the same period in every case and in the same metal, since Kaug. expressly states no different periods and no difference in metal. Ordinarily the words pana and karṣāpaṇa ( as stated by Manu VIII. 136 and the Mit. on Yāj. I. 365 and the Sukraniti IV. 1. 116 ) refer to copper pieces ( used as coins ) and bearing a stamp. Another table given by Manu VIII. 135-136, Viṣṇu Dh. S. VI. 11-12, Yāj. I. 364 is : 2 raktikās 10% or kropalas = one (silver ) māṣa, 16 māsas #one

  1. A raktikā was found by General Cunningham after many experi ments to weigh on an average 1.8 grains (vide his ‘Coins of Ancient India’ pp. 45-46 and also Rapson’s ‘Coins’ pp. 2-3). So that a silver dbarana or purāṇa ( of 32 raktikās) should weigh about 57. 6 grains and a copper pana (of 80 raktikās) should weigh 144 grains. It appears that the weights of Indian coins in different parts and at different times varied a good deal. Cunningham (Coins of Ancient India’ p. 5) states that gold was cheap in India, being as one to eight rates of silver. But in medieval times i. e. about 1300 A. D. (vide Sukra IV. 2. 92-93 ) gold was 16 times the price of the same weight of silver, which again was 80 times of the price of the same weight of copper. Though, as stated in note 161 above, a copper pana was usually equal to eighty raktikas, a copper pana of 100 raktikās (i, e, of 20 māṣas) was known. Nār. (parisista verse 58) speaks of musa as the 20th part of the kārṣāpaṇa and the Mit. on Yaj. I. 365 and Vy. Nirnaya p. 207 quote a verse (attributed to Usapas by Haradatta and Maskaria on Gaut. XII. 19 ) that a māsa is a twentieth part of paṇa (ATT SITHA #T: COFFY Trattaa:). The Agaipurāṇa ( 227. 2) appears to have known a pana of 120 kronalas (Fotorat aur HUT TN # Strana). The verses in Nār. (parisista 58-60) are ascribed to Kāt, by the Sm. C. II. p. 99 and it is stated by both that those terms are in vogue in Pañcanada (Punjab). When the pana of copper was equal to 20 māsas (and 100 gunijās), the copper coin would have been almost of the weight of the modern copper half anna coin, The table given by Nār. ( pari, 58-60) is: 4 kākinis- māsa, 20 māṣas=kārśāpana (which is the same as Andikā ), 4 kārsāpanas dhānaka, 12 dhānakas = suvarṇa (also called dināra). The table giveo by Br. (as quoted in Sm. C. II p. 99 and V. R. p. 667) is the same. Bș, as quoted by Aparārka p. 832 and V. R. p. 111 employs the word ’nāṇaka’ for coin, which word also occurs in the Mṛcchakaṭika and in Vāj. II. 240-241. The Amarakośa states that niska and dināra are synonyms and also gives other meanings of niṣka. Sabara on Jai, IV, 3.39 gives the striking example no one would spend a kārsā pana for finding out a kākini that he had lost’, The Arthasastra II. 12 p. 84 states that the superintendent of the mint should manufacture copper panas, half panas, kākiṇis and half kākinis. The Viṣṇu Dh. S. V. 96 refers to a golden

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silver purāṇa or dharana ; 10 dharaṇas=one (silver) satamāna. This table was used for silver coins. Thus a dharana would be 1/10th of a pala as stated in the Br̥hatsamhita ( 10. 13 palada

(Continued from last page) māsaka. Under the Guptas golden coins are mentioned as dināras; vide “Gupta Inscriptions’p, 29 at p. 31 where there is a gift of 25 dināras in the Gupta year 93 and pp. 38, 41, 261 ( where it is stated that one bhikṣu was to be fed every day throughout the year from the permanent endowment of 12 dināras). From the Baigram plate dated Gupta samvat 128 it appears that one dinara was equal to 16 rūpakas (silver coins) in E. I. vol. XXI. p. 80. A Mathurā las. of the 28th year of Huviska speaks of the deposit of 550 purāṇas (E. I. vol. XXI. p. 55 at 61). Bhaskarācārya ( who was born in sake 1036 and wrote his Siddhāntasiromani in 1072 sake i. e. 1150 A. D.) gives the following table (in Lilāvati I. 2-4): 20 varāṭakas = kākini, 4 kākinis - pana. 16 panas - dramma, 16 drammas = niska; 2 yavas = guñjā, 3 guājās = valla (modern Marathi vāl), 8 vallas - dharana, 2 dharanas = gadyānaka ; 5 guñjās = māsa, 16 māsas = karsa, 4 karṣas = pala and a karṣa of gold is called Suvarṇa. It will be seen that Nār, and Lilavati differ as to ITFOTT. Gadyāṇakas of gold are referred to in the Pattadakal pillar Ins. of Kirtivar man I (754 A. D.), where it is stated that a field of 30 nivartanas was purchased for thirty gadyanakas of gold (E. I, vol. III, pp. 6–7). From a verge of the Caturvimsatimata quoted by the Mit. on Yaj. III. 258 it appears that gadyānaka was also a silver coin. From an inscription of Vikramaditya V near Gadag dated sake 934 it appears that fines for offences were levied in gadyanakas (E. I. vol. XX p. 64). The following works may be consulted for further information on Indian coins viz. Cunningham’s ‘Coins of Ancient India’ (1894), Rapson’s ‘Indian coins’ (1897) in the Grundriss, C. J. Brown’s Coins of India’ (in the Heritage of India’ series, 1922). The Dharmadvaitanirṇaya (pp. 137-139) and the Vaijayanti on Viṣṇu Dh. S. IV, 9 may be consulted for efforts to reconcile the various statements about Suvarṇa, Niṣka &c, For an informing paper on the most ancient Denarii, vide Proceedings of the British Academy vol.XVIII pp.211-266 where it is established that the earliest denarius period begins about 187 B. C. Therefore Jolly’s assumption (in Recht und Sitte p. 23 followed by Winternitz in ‘History of Indian Literaturo’ val, II. p. 216. 0, 4 that all Indian works in which the word dināra occurs cannot have been composed before and century A. D. is unwarranted. Prof. Keith (JRAS for 1915. p. 504) does not accept Jolly’s assumption. The dināra was variously defined. According to Viṣṇugupta quoted in Hemadri’s Vratakhanda, a rūpaka is oth of suvarṇa and a dināra was equal to 28 rūpakas, while ace, to Nār. aad Kāt. But and fare were synonyms. The Dharmadvaitanirṇaya says that a kārsāpaña ( of silver it seems ) was equal to eight or ten dhabbukas. One of the verses of the Jūāpesvarī (composed in 1290 A, D.) that speaks of gold as tu* (15 times ia price of the same weight of silver ) may be cited here are proti vi muatot. * 1 (v. 1. #T) fageti chap 17 verse 322 (Bhide’s and Madgavkar’s editions),

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sabhāgo dharanam). Nārada (pariṭiṣta 57 ) expressly states that a silver kārṣāpaṇa is in vogue in the south i. e. a silver pana or kārṣāpaṇa was not universal. 16 A golden suvarṇa also comprised 80 guñjas, while the standard silver paṇa was of 32. Rhys Davids ( in Buddhist India’p. 100 ) states that about the time of Buddha’s birth transactions were carried on in terms of the kahāpana, a square copper coin weighing about 144 grains and guaranteed as to weight and fineness by punch marks made by private individuals, that there were half and quarter kaha panas also, that a kahāpana would be now worth about fths of a penny, though its purchasing power was then equal to about one shilling of the present day. Therefore it is proper to under stand that a paṇa or kārṣāpaṇa, when the word is used without any qualification, was meant to be one of copper and that prima facie the salaries in Kautilya were meant to be in copper panas. This conclusion oan be supported by various considera tions. Manu VII. 126 prescribes that the wages for the lowest menial servant ( such as one who sweeps the house or brings water) is one pana a day and of a superior menial servant 6 paṇas a day and that the former was to get in addition one pair of garments every six months and every month a drona of corn (which would be equal to 1024 mustis according to the Mit. on Yāj. III. 274). Whatever ages may be assigned to the Arthaśāstra and the present Manusmfti the two works cannot be separated from each other, if at all, by more than a century or two. Therefore the economic conditions of the one may be held to have not differed much from those to which the other refers. It is impossible to hold that the lowest menial servant got one gold paṇa a day besides over 30 muṣtis of corn every day (1024 in a month). If that were so, the lowest menial servants of Kautilya’s days would have to be supposed to be a hundred times better off than their confreres in big cities like Bombay towards the end of the 19th century ( when menial servants got from five to ten rupees a month without any allowance of grain ). Therefore the pana in Kautilya V. 3 is not of gold. Kautilya (in V. 3) says that a king who has a depleted treasury may make payment of salary by giving forest produce, cattle or fields along with small guantities of cash, that if he has under taken to colonize a waste tract he may make payment of salary in cash only and not by bestowing a village. In connection

. . 163. Bromberont effroreat ramat dicas generatoare ( TRISTE 57); aggioreht योजने दूतो मध्यमः । दशोत्तरे विणवेतन आयोजनशतादिति। कौटिल्य V. 3.

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with this he says that 60 panas are to be the equivalent of one adhaka of corn (ṣaṣṭivetanasyadhakam krtvā hiraṇyānurūpam bhaktam kuryat). An adhaka 165 came to only 256 muṣtis (handfuls) of corn and even in famine times one adhaka could not have cost 60 silver paṇas, much less golden ones. In V. 3 Kautilya declares that an ordinary dūta should get ten panas for a journey of one yojana and twice the wages for each yojana up to one hundred. A yojana acc. to Kaut himself (II. 20 ) is equal to 8000 dhanus ( acc. to another reading 4000 dhanus ), a dhanus being equal to four aratnis (each aratni being 24 angulas ). So taking the highest figure a yojana was at the

  1. The word hiranya has two senses gold’ and ’ money or cash’ whether in gold, silver or copper (as said by Amara who gives ‘draviṇa’as a synonym). When Kautilya says that the king may pay. biranya’ and not ‘grāma’ be means only cash payment and not necessarily only gold i vide the copperplate grant of Siladitya VII in Gupta Inscriptions p. 179 at p. 189 where the grant of a village is said to be sadhāngahiranyādeyah’. Here dhūnya (payment of tax in kind) is contradistinguished from payment in hiranya i, e, in cash (either gold, silver or copper). When Patañjali states that the Mauryas being greedy of ‘biranya ’ founded or manufactured images (Mahābhāṣya vol. II. p. 429 on Pāṇ. V. 3. 99 quoted in H. Dh. vol. II p. 710 n. 1696 ) what is meant is that they wanted casb and not merely gold,

  2. The measures of capacity such as 376. Sper occur in the Mat. hura Ins, of Huviska (E. I. XXI. p. 55 at p. 61 ). According to Parāśara (VI. 70 ) two prasthas are equal to an adhaka and 32 prasthas are equal to a drona. The Mit. on Yāj. III. 275 quotes a verse to this effect: 8 mustis = one kifcit or kufici (acc. to some ), 8 kincit = puskala, 4 puṣkalas = adhaka; 4 adhakas = drona and 16 dronas - khāri. Aparārka (pp. 305 and 846 ) quotes two verses (which the Par. M. II 1, p. 141 ascribes to the Bhaviṣya. purāṇa) which say: 2 palas = prasști, 2 prasstis kudava, 4 kudavas = prastha, 4 prasthas * adhaka, 4 adhakas = drona. 2 dronas = kumbha. The Danda. viveka p. 135 refers to this, adds that some held the kumbha to be equal to 20 dronas (Kauṭ. II, 20 holds kumbha to be equal to 20 dronas ) and quotes the following verse from quingelorector: OTTATHN: 8:1 Gut fūr unter FA:’ H. The word drona occurs even in the Rgveda in the sense of a wooden trough used for holding water or soma juice. Vide Rg. VI. 2,8, VI, 37.2. VI, 44,20, IX. 28,4 etc. In Rg. IV. 32. 17 the sage prays Indra to grant a hundred khāris of soma. The words ūdhaka and drona occur in the ardbarcadi group (Pān. II. 4. 31), Khari ia Pāṇ, V 1. 33 and V. 4. 101. The Par. M. II. 1. 141 says on this difference about kumbha . $10 TET TUTTATTETE.’ Kaut. (II. 19 p. 104 ) himself tells us that the measure drona was of four varieties, 162; palas, 175, 187} or 200 palas according as it was used for measurement in the barem, or for servants or for ordinary dealings or for royal income,

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most about 9 or 10 miles (or only 4} or five miles according to the other reading). To hold that 10 silver panas were allowed to an ordinary data for going even ten miles (which he could cover in half a day or less ) would be too much. Hence also the paṇas in Kaut. V. 3 are only copper ones. When once it is settled that the paṇas are of copper, it easily follows that the salaries in papas were monthly. Artisans and craftsmen were, acc. to Kaut., to get 120 panas. If this were yearly, they would get only 10 paṇas a month, while, according to Manu quoted above, even the lowest menial was to get a papa a day. Therefore 120 papas (of copper ) were the monthly salary of an artisan. A monthly salary is more natural and practical than a yearly one. Other ancient writers like Saṅkha-Likhita ( in Rājanitiprakasa p. 252 ) contemplate a monthly salary for soldiers (viz. two suvarpas a month ). 166 From the Nasik Inscription No. 12 (E. I. Vol. VIII.

  1. Trocat I gaturat #gara Tarot graarh atafurat arti पाण्मास्यं स्मरणं चातुर्मास्यं वा । स्वर्यालेषु वानमनुक्रोशो विदितेष्वनुप्रदानं कुलचारित्रशील foII TT HA Hyula HEFTE p. 58, Trstofsforga 17 p. 252.

TATUAg explains 157417 gag ang pigeriament are 91 179 Eur NETTI authg arramararana Tariq taiteed. This provides for pension to the dependents when the soldier dies on duty, special bonuses or favours for special valour, work or worth.

A few words may be said about words like suvarṇa, satamāna, niska &c. The word krsnala occurs in the Tai. S II. 3. 2 1. Hiranyakāra ( goldsmith) is found in Vāj, S, 30. 17. In Rg. I. 126, 2 gifts of a hundred niskas and horses are mentioned and in Rg. IV. 37. 4 the Rbhus are address. ed as wearing ‘good niskas’. In Atharva V. 14. 3 ’niska’ occurs and in the Ait. Br. (39.8) damsels who are niskakanthyah ( whose necks are adorn ed with necklaces of niskas) are among the gifts. So’niska’ was probably a gold piece used as a coin or an ornament or a thin plate of gold like a modern putli, several of which are even now worn by women in the form of a necklace. In Rg. II. 33. 10 Rudra is said to wear ‘visvarūpa-niska’ which is probably an allusion to golden pieces stamped with various figures. In Rg. VI. 47. 23 the sage says that he received ten ‘biranyapindas’ (golden pieces ) from Divodāsa. In æg. VIII. 78. 2 a prayer is offered to Indra for the bestowal of golden. mana’, which may be the precursor of Satamāna’. This last occurs in the Tai. S. VI. 6. 10. 2. Pan. (V. 1.27, 29, 30 ) respective ly mentions satamana ( what is bought for a satamāna is called sātamāna ), kārsāpana, niska and V. I. 34 refers to pana, pāda and māsa. Patañjali ( Mahābhāṣya vol. III. p. 369 on Pāṇ, VIII. 1. 12 ) gives the instance ‘from this kārṣāpaṇa give one māṣa to each of these two persons who are here ‘. The sūtra of Pāṇini V. 2. 120 (rūpād–āhataprasastayor-yap) conveys that

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p. 82 ) we learn that in the early centuries of the Christian era 35 kārṣāpaṇas were equal to one suvarṇa.

Hopkins in ‘Position of the ruling caste’ J, A, 0. S. vol. XIII. pp. 151-162 traces how the influence of the purohita grew. One cannot accept his views about there being three layers in the Mahābhārata and the conclusions from such dealing with the text that he draws, which are rather subjective, Gradually the importance of the purohita waned. As the Sukranitisāra cited above ( n. 150 ) shows, long before that work he came to be omitted by several writers from the council of ministers and was supplanted by the Pandita. The same func tions came to be exercised by an officer called dharmādhyaksa or dharmādhikaranika in Bengal and other countries. The Matsyapurāṇa ( 215.24) states the qualifications of a dharmadhi kūrin. 187 Vide E. I. vol. 14 p. 156 at p. 160 of the Naihati grant of Ballālasena, where we have both purohita and mahā dharmādhyaksa mentioned among the great functionaries of State and the Benares copper-plate of the Cedi king Karnadeva in 1042 A. D. in E. I vol. II, p. 309 where we have mahādharmādhi. karaṇika but no purohita. Besides another officer called sāmvatsara ( astrologer ) gradually took over some of the functions of the purohita. The Viṣṇudharmasūtra II. 75 (rājā ca sarvakāryeṣu samvatsarādhinah syāt) requires the king to depend on the sāṁvatsara in all matters. The Bphat-samhitā (2.9) states that a king without a sāmvatsara mistakes his path like a blind man. Kām. 4.33 and Viṣṇudharmottara II. 4. 5-16 recom mend reliance on him. Kautilya 17a IX, 4 was himself against too much reliance on astrology, while Yāj. I. 307 holds that the rise and fall of kings depend on the (aspects or influence of) planets.

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Panini knew metal pieces tbat were well beaten and trimmed into good. looking coins. The Vārtika ‘Kākinyāścopasankhyānam’ (on Pāṇini V. 1, 33 ) establishes that kākini was used in those days as a medium of purchasing goods, The Kāśikā gives ’ rūpyo dinārah’ as an example: fwaniterare iar दीनारादिए रूपं यदुत्पद्यते तदाहतमित्युच्यते। आइतं रूपमस्य रूप्यो दीनारः। सत्यं #191qori TT. . 167. समः शत्रौ च मित्रेच धर्मशाबविशारदः । विममुख्यः कुलीनच धर्माधिकरणी

WE ATANGTU 215. 24 and gu. p. 48 verse 216. i

167a. aragent proautfarande i sruf ode * funt fterna TOOTTI W ar IX. 4 (last verse but one) :’)

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Senūpati : The qualities of a commander-in-chief are stated in several places such as Kautilya (II. 33), Ayodhyā 100.30 (= Sabhā 5. 46 ), Santi 85, 31-32, Matsya 215. 8-10, Agnipurāṇa 220. 1 ff, Kām. XVIII. 27-44, Viṣṇudharmottara II. 24. 4-6, Mānasollasa II. %, verses 90-92 p. 37. Acc. to the Agni purāṇa 220. 1, Matsya 215. 10 the commander-in-chief must be either a brāhmana or a kṣatriya. Sukra ( II. 429-430 ) requires that a ksatriya should be preferred as senapati, but if a valiant kṣatriya be not available a brāhmaṇa may be chosen, but a $ūdra should not be chosen. Acc. to the Mānasollāsa he should possess the following qualities : good family, character, courage, proficiency in (several) languages, cleverness in riding horses and elephants and in the science of arms, knowledge of omens and medicine, knowledge of the breeds of horses and of the difference between what is essential and non essential, liberality, sweet speech, self-control, intelligence, resoluteness. In the Mahābhārata senāpatis are elected and consecrated (vide Udyoga 151, Drona 5, Karna 10), but this was not so in later times. He is appointed by the king on his own initiative.

Dūla : ( Ambassador or messenger). The word and the office of data as messenger was known in the most ancient times. In Rg. I. 12.1, 1.161.3, VIII. 44.3 Agni is said to be the dūta and is requested to bring the gods to the sacrifice. There is also attached to the word the meaning of espionage, since Saramā, the bitch of the gods, is represented in Rg. X. 108. 2-4 as sent by Indra to find out the treasures of the Panis. The Udyogaparva (37.27, cr. ed. 37.25 ) specifies the eight qualities of a dūta viz. he must not be stiff-necked, nor timid, nor dilatory, he must be kind and amiable, not liable to be won over by others, free from diseases, endowed with a fine mode of speech. 169 Śānti 85.28 refers to seven qualities. Vide Ayodhyā 100.35, Manu VII. 63–64, Matsyapurāṇa 215. 12-13 for the qualities of a dūta. The dūta should speak only what he has been ordered (by his king) to speak, otherwise he would be liable to be killed (Udyogaparva 72.7, cr, ed. 70,7). Sānti 85. 26-27 say that the person of the data is sacred. Kautilya devotes one chapter (I. 16 ) to the treatment of the subject of data. He states that the data is to be sent by the king after the line of

W

‘168. astattet fra Antara senimantasarini ra rangeyonge sain 37. 27.

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policy has been settled at a council of ministers to the king who is to be attacked (vide Kām. XII. 1 also). A dūta is of three kinds : (1) nisrstārtha 1 (one to whom is entrusted full discretion as to what is to be said ) is one who is possessed of the qualifications required in a minister (amatya), such as Krona from the Pandavas or the ambassadors in modern times; (2) parimitārtha ( entrusted with a definite mission, an envoy ) who possesses the same qualifications as the first less by one quarter ; (3) $ūsanahara (a mere carrier of royal writings or missives ) who possesses only half the qualifications of the first. The Mit. on Yāj. I. 328 lucidly explains the three varieties. Kaut. dilates at great length on the qualifications of the data, what he has to note while in the enemy country, how he is to behave ( such as avoiding women and wine ), how he is to gather information through spies ; but all this has to be passed over for want of space. Vide Kām. XII. 2-24 for the same. Kām. (XII. 22-23 ) briefly sets out the following duties of the duta; determining those who are inimical to the king to whom he is sent, winning over to his side the friends and relatives of the enemy king, finding out the ( number and equipment of) forts, the economic resources and military strength of the enemy king, collection of news as to what the enemy intends to do, bringing over to his side the officers in charge of the districts of enemy country, collecting knowledge about the places of the enemy where battles can be waged by his king or whence he can pass away swiftly. Manu VII. 65 says that it is the data who brings about alliance or war. Kaut, says that when the ruler to whom the dūta is accredited becomes displeased at the message he brings, the dūta should reply 170 . All kings, you and others,’ speak through their dūta. Therefore dūtas have to deliver the message entrusted to them even if weapons are raised ( to threaten them ); even the lowest caste dūtas (cāṇḍālas) are not to be killed, what need be said about a dūta who is a

  1. VTT agarra : 1 SARUHQatat fau:19ragogia: eftraemino gua: arti e I. 16; ** *AT Tara or TTK माचरन्ति । ते च विविधाः । निसुधाः सन्दिष्टार्थाः शासनहराधेति । तत्र निस्वार्था राज कार्याणि देशकालोचितानि स्वयमेव कधपित क्षमाः । उक्तमात्रं ये परस्मे निषेदन्ति में

freerut 1 TRETIR T TTROTEITAM. OD 1191. I. 328.

  1. Magasi Hari TTT VON THE quth पकारस्तेषामन्तावसायिनोऽप्यस्याः । किम पुनर्वाह्मणः । परस्पैतवाक्यमेष इतधर्म ffati adatok I. 16. Almost these very words occur in

w a rga (THETAT p. 171 ) and qarT III. p. 564.

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brāhmapa? This ( that I utter ) is the message of another. It is my duty to say it’. The Rāmāyaṇa ( V. 52. 14-15) says that good men do not allow the killing of a dūta, but certain modes of dealing with him ( viz. lashing him, shaving his head) are allowed in certain cases.

A dūta is to be distinguished from a cura or cūra ( spy ), as done by Kaut., Kam, XII. 32, Yāj. I. 328. Kām. XII. 32 says that a duta is an open ( prakūśa ) spy, while a caru is a spy who works in secret. In modern times also ‘an ambassador is often nothing more than an honourable spy acting under the protect ion of the law of nations’ (Encyclopædia Britannica on * espionage’). Kaut, devotes four chapters to spies (I. 11-14) and Kān. (XII. 25-49 ) also deals at great length with them. The Sukranstisāra (1. 334-336 ) states that the king should learn every day at night from his secret spies the intentions and actions of his subjects and officers, and the opinions of ministers, enemies, soldiers, the members of the assembly, relations and the women in the harem. The cart must, according to Kām. XII. 25, possess ability to infer the inner thoughts of men), must have a good memory, must be soft in speech, have quick gait, be capable of enduring privations and heavy labour, swift in action, ready-witted. Kaut. (I. 11 ) says !? that spies are those who work in the guise of a kāpxıtiku ( a bold pupil capable of know ing the minds of others ), ulāstluita (a sham ascetic, who has fallen from the real duties of asceticism and is endowed with intelligence and pure character), yrhaputika (a householder who is a cultivator that has not the means to maintain himself, has intelligence and is of pure character ), a wridehaka ( a trader who cannot maintain himself by trade and is possessed of intel ligence and pure character), a lūpnisu (a spy practising auste rities, who has either shaved his head or has matted hair and is desirous to maintain himself ), a class-mate or colleague (sattrin), a desperate character (tikṣna), a poisoner and a female mendicant. The first five of these are called by Kautilya five sarnsthās (groups

171, yura: ar runt 1796191da i Flora itafiuntETTO** वैदेहकतापसग्यशानान् सत्रितीक्ष्णरसदभिक्षुकीश्च । परमर्मज्ञः प्रगल्भः छात्रः कापटिकः । … प्रवज्याप्रत्यासितः प्रज्ञाशौचयुक्त उदास्थितः । …… कर्षको वृत्तिक्षीणः प्रज्ञाशौचयुक्तो prefer : I forsta gizartan: aurtleg

:/ … gosiasi TTTTH THRO: … from Tarat sig troreargrig:

Hati Ta #Ti a FT: 1 aran 1. 11. 9659798991Ha means the same thing as r o n, which occurs in T. II. 183 and is explained by the PHOTO as a TH FITOTSITHT: synt. Furiaru on Manu VII. 154 quotes almost verbatim a large part of Kaut I, 11 from fate and a portion from I, 12.

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or institutions ), which should be honoured by the king with awards of money and marks of respect and through which the king is to test the purity of the character of his servants. Kautilya says that the spy called udāsthita should carry on agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade on land set apart for the purpose, should be supplied with plenty of gold and disciples and should afford to all (sham ) ascetics food, clothing and lodg ing, direct them to detect particular crimes and report. The spy called tāpasa was to stay near the capital, to have many pupils, to pretend to eat once in a month or two only a handful of vegetables or grass and eat secretly his favourite dishes. His disciples were to proclaim that he possessed supernatural powers, he should pretend to make predictions about gain or fires or fear from robbers after ascertaining from his pupils by nods and signs such events. In I 12 Kaut. deals with wandering spies ( called sancaru ) viz. sattrins (who are orphans that are to be maintained by the State and that are taught palmistry, sorcery, tricks of legerdemain &c.), tikṣna (desperadoes who, regardless of their lives, may fight elephants for money), rasada ( who have no affection even for their relatives, are indolent and cruel), bhikṣuki or parivrājikā (a poor brāhmaṇa widow, clever and desirous to earn her livelihood, honoured in the king’s harem and visiting the families of mahāmātras or high ministers). These are to spy on the 18 tirthas (mentioned on p. 112 above ) in public. For spying on their private character persons pretending to be hump-backed, dwarfs, kirātas (pigmies), the deaf and dumb, idiots, the blind, and others that are actors, dancers, singers and the like and women are to be employed. This information is to be tested by the persons belonging to the five sarnsthās ( mentioned above on p. 129 ), but these are to act without their being known by the wandering spies and vice versa. Then further testing by other spies follows. When the information received from these three sources tallies then it will be held reliable; if the information frequently disagrees, the spies should be secretly punished or discharged. A similar rule about sending several spies on the same mission without their knowing each other is laid down by Viṣṇudharmot tara II. 24. 66-67. Kaut, in I. 13 deals with espionage on subjects in general (i. e. those in the capital and other parts of the country ). Spies are to pretend to take sides, some praising the king as possessed of all good qualities, others qualifying that praise. They were also to report the rumours spreading among the people, to report whether there was discontent and the king was to honour those who were reported to be contented and to

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Spies and their work

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bring round the discontented by conciliation, gifts, sowing dissensions among them or by punishing them. In. I 14 Kautilya deals with the employment of spies for taking advantage of parties in a foreign State i. e. groups of persons angry with the foreign king or afraid of him or of persons who are ambitious or proud, who are to be won over by appropriate words and stimuli. It will be seen how there was a network of spies of all kinds, so much so that Kām. XII. 28 declares that spies are the king’s eyes ( caracakṣur mahipatiḥ). The Viṣṇudharmottara II. 24.63 says the same (‘rājānas-cāracakṣuṣaḥ ‘) and also Udyoga 34. 34. cāraih paśyanti rājānaḥ’. In IV. 4-6 Kautilya dilates 178 upon the employment by the samāhart; ( Collector) of a host of spies for suppressing those who are thorns (or disturbers of peace), these being employed for detecting judges ( dharmastha ) and superintendents of various departments that take bribes, counterfeiters of coins, adulterers, thieves and robbers and other criminals. Kautilya relies in extreme cases on spies even in the decision of judicial matters. He says (III. 1 last verse ) ‘when owing to the depositions of witnesses the plaintiff’s case and the defendant’s case are both destroyed, when the cause of either of the parties is found through the spies to be false, then the decree shall be passed against that party’. 178 In Dronaparva 75.4 it is said that Krspa had his spies in the army of Duryodhana and vice versa (74.1). Sānti 69.8–12 and 140.39-42 mention the places where spies are to be set!? up and emphasizes that they should not know each ether. One need not feel surprised at the machinery of espion age that Kautilya. so elaborately describes. All governments in modern times employ spies, informers and secret agents to keep themselves informed of the activities, views and resources of their opponents. We know also how the Indian Police, in order to catch offenders against the Prevention of Gambling Act or other similar Acts, employ agents with marked coins or notes and draw in their net unsuspecting people.

  1. Fige faga A TTAINTY TENETnteresanti antrent मित्तिकमोहसिकचिकित्सकोन्मत्तमूकबधिरजबान्धवैदेशककारुशिल्पिकुशीलववेशशौण्डिकापू पिकपाकमासिकोदनिकग्यशनान् प्रणिदभ्यात् । ते प्रामाणामायक्षाणां च शोधाशोचं fagri sastra IV. 4. Compare an OTTH ( TTRCÈNET) p. 172 for a long list of various kinds of people as spies.

  2. gufererererera ATTENTATUT I T re facgrat qera: 987 4: # Mfu III. 1, last verse.

  3. पापणारतापसादीप परराने निवेशयेत् । उपानेषु विहारेषु प्रपास्वावसथेषु । ahme other arugu FETISTA 140, 39-42; UT #farai sporta

eror RIFAT 69. 10.