CHAPTER XVIII.
FORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS.
1246. THE frequent combination of declinable stems with one another to form compounds which then are treated as if simple, in respect to accent, inflection, and construction, is a conspicuous feature of the language, from its earliest period.
a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier and the later language as regards the length and intricacy of the combinations allowed. In Veda and Brāhmaṇa, it is quite rare that more than two stems are compounded together — except that to some much used and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a further element is sometimes added. But the later the period, and, especially, the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggregate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language, takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into sentences.
1247. Sanskrit compounds fall into three principal classes:
I. a. Copulative or aggregative compounds, of which the members are syntactically coördinate: a joining together into one of words which in an uncompounded condition would be connected by the conjunction and (rarely or).
b. Examples are: índrāváruṇāu
Indra and Varuna, satyānṛté
truth
and falsehood, kṛtākṛtám
done and undone,
devagandharvamānuṣoragarakṣasās
gods and Gandharvas and men and
serpents and demons.
c. The members of such a compound may obviously be of any number, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain more than two members — of which, however, either or both may be compound, or decompound (below, 1248).
II. d. Determinative compounds, of which the former member is syntactically dependent on the latter, as its determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a noun (or pronoun) limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an adjective or adverb describing it. And, according as it is the one or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-classes: A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive compounds. Their difference is not an absolute one.
e. Examples are: of dependent compounds, amitrasenā́
army of
enemies, pādodaka
water for the feet, āyurdā́
life-giving,
hástakṛta
made with the hands; of descriptive compounds, maharṣí
great sage, priyasakhi
dear friend, amítra
enemy, súkṛta
well done.
f. These two classes are of primary value; they have undergone no unifying modification in the process of composition; their character as parts of speech is determined by their final member, and they are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the proper independent form and formal means of connection to each member. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accordingly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from one another.
III. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value of which is not given by a simple resolution into their component parts, but which, though having as final member a noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two sub-classes: A. Possessive compounds, which are noun-compounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possessing added, turning them from nouns into adjectives; B. Compounds in which the second member is a noun syntactically dependent on the first: namely, 1. Prepositional compounds, of a governing preposition and following noun; 2. Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present participle and its following object.
h. The sub-class B. is comparatively small, and its second division (participial compounds) is hardly met with even in the later Vedic.
i. Examples are: vīrasena
possessing a hero-army, prajākāma
having desire of progeny, tigmáśṛn̄ga
sharphorned, háritasraj
wearing green garlands; atimātrá
excessive; yāvayáddveṣas
driving away enemies.
j. The adjective compounds are, like simple adjectives, liable to be used, especially in the neuter, as abstract and collective nouns, and in the accusative as adverbs; and out of these uses have grown apparent special classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu grammarians. The relation of the classification given above to that presented in the native grammar, and widely adopted from the latter by the European grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treat the classes in detail.
1248. A compound may, like a simple word, become a member in another compound, and this in yet another — and so on, without definite limit. The analysis of any compound, of whatever length (unless it be a copulative), must be made by a succession of bisections.
a. Thus, the dependent compound pūrvajanmakṛta
done in a previous
existence is first divisible into kṛta
and the descriptive
pūrvajanman
, then this into its elements; the dependent
sakalanītiśāstratattvajña
knowing the essence of all books of
behavior has first the root-stem jña
(for √jñā
) knowing separated
from the rest, which is again dependent; then this is divided into
tattva
essence and the remainder, which is descriptive; this, again,
divides into sakala
all and nītiśāstra
books of behavior, of
which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possessive
(sa
and kalā
having its parts together).
1249. a. The final of a stem is combined with the initial of another stem in composition according to the general rules for external combination: they have been given, with their exceptions, in chap. III., above.
b. If a stem has a distinction of strong and weak forms, it regularly enters into composition as prior member in its weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (311), in its middle form.
c. That is, especially, stems in ṛ
or ar
, at
or ant
, ac
or
añc
, etc., show in composition the forms in ṛ, at, ac
, etc.; while
those in an and in usually (exceptions sometimes occur, as
vṛṣaṇaśvá, vṛṣaṇvasú
) lose their final n
, and are combined as if a
and i
were their proper finals.
d. As in secondary derivation (1203 d), so also as prior member of a
compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long vowel (usually ī
,
rarely ā
): thus, in V.,
rodasiprā́, pṛthiviṣṭhā́, pṛthiviṣád, dhā́rapūta, dhāravāká
; in B.,
pṛthivi-dā, -bhāga, -loká, sarasvatikṛta, senānigrāmaṇyāù
; in S.,
garbhiniprāyaścitta, sāmidheniprāiṣtya, vasatīvaripariharaṇa, ekādaśinilin̄ga, prapharvidā, devatalakṣaṇa, devatapradhānatva
;
later,
devakinandana, lakṣmivardhana, kumāridatta, muhūrtaja, iṣṭakacita
,
etc.
e. Occasionally, a stem is used as prior member of a compound which
does not appear, or not in that form, as an independent word: examples
are mahā
great (apparently used independently in V. in accusative),
tuvi
mighty (V.), dvi
two.
f. Not infrequently, the final member of a compound assumes a special form: see below, 1315.
1250. But a case-form in the prior member of a compound is by no means rare, from the earliest period of the language. Thus:
a. Quite often, an accusative, especially before a root-stem, or a
derivative in a
of equivalent meaning: for example, pataṁgá
going
by flight, dhanaṁjayá
winning wealth, abhayaṁkará
causing
absence of danger, puṣṭimbhará
bringing prosperity, vācamīn̄khayá
inciting the voice; but also sometimes before words of other form, as
áśvamiṣṭi
horse-desiring, śubhaṁyā́van
going in splendor,
subhāgaṁkáraṇa
making happy, bhayaṁkartṛ
causer of fear. In a
few cases, by analogy with these, a word receives an accusative form to
which it has no right: thus,
hṛdaṁsáni, makṣúṁgama, vasuṁdhara, ātmambhari
.
b. Much more rarely, an instrumental: for example, girāvṛ́dh
increasing by praise, vācā́stena
stealing by incantation,
krátvāmagha
gladly bestowing, bhāsā́ketu
bright with light,
vidmanā́pas
active with wisdom.
C. In a very few instances, a dative: thus, nareṣṭhā́
serving a man,
asméhiti
errand to us, and perhaps kiyedhā́
and mahevṛ́dh
.
d. Not seldom, a locative; and this also especially with a root-stem or
a
-derivative: for example, agregá
going at the head, divikṣít
dwelling in the sky, vaneṣáh
prevailing in the wood, an̄geṣṭhā́
existing in the limbs, proṣṭheśayá
lying on a couch, sutékara
active with the soma, divícara
moving in the sky; āréśatru
having enemies far removed, sumnáāpi
near in favor, máderaghu
hasting in excitement, yudhiṣṭhira
firm in battle, antevāsin
dwelling near; apsujá
born in the waters, hṛtsvás
hurling at
hearts.
e. Least often, a genitive: thus, rāyáskāma
desirous of wealth,
akasyavíd
knowing no one. But the older language has a few examples
of the putting together of a genitive with its governing noun, each
member of the combination keeping its own accent: see below, 1267 d.
f. Ablative forms are to be seen in balātkāra
violence and
balātkṛta
, and perhaps in parātpriya
. And a stem in ṛ
sometimes
appears in a copulative compound in its nominative form: thus,
pitāputrāu
father and son, hotāpotārāu
the invoker and purifier.
Anyonya
one another is a fused phrase, of nominative and oblique
case.
g. In a very few words, plural meaning is signified by plural form:
thus, apsujā́
etc. (in derivation, also, apsu
is used as a stem),
hṛtsvás, nṝ́ṅḥpraṇetra
conducting men, rujaskara
causing pains,
(and dual) hanūkampa
trembling of the two jaws.
h. Much more often, of words having gender-forms, the feminine is used
in composition, when the distinctive feminine sense is to be conveyed:
e. g. gopīnātha
master of the shepherdesses, dāsīputra
son of a
female slave, mṛgīdṛś
gaselle-eyed, praṇītāpraṇáyana
vessel for
consecrated water.
1251. The accent of compounds is very various, and liable to considerable irregularity even within the limits of the same formation; and it must be left to be pointed out in detail below. All possible varieties are found to occur. Thus:
a. Each member of the compound retains its own separate accent. This is
the most anomalous and infrequent method. It appears in certain Vedic
copulative compounds chiefly composed of the names of divinities
(so-called devatā-dvandvas
: 1255 ff.), and in a small number of
aggregations partly containing a genitive case-form as prior member
(1267 d).
b. The accent of the compound is that of its prior member. This is
especially the case in the great class of possessive compounds; but also
in determinatives having the participle in ta
or na
as final member,
in those beginning with the negative a
or an
, and in other less
numerous and important classes.
c. The accent of the compound is that of the final member. This is not
on so large a scale the case as the preceding; but it is nevertheless
quite common, being found in many compounds having a verbal noun or
adjective as final member, in compounds beginning with the numerals
dvi
and tri
or the prefixes su
and dus
, and elsewhere in not
infrequent exceptions.
d. The compound takes an accent of its own, independent of that of either of its constituents, on its final syllable (not always, of course, to be distinguished from the preceding case). This method is largely followed: especially, by the regular copulatives, and by the great mass of dependent and descriptive noun-compounds, by most possessives beginning with the negative prefix; and by others.
e. The compound has an accent which is altered from that of one of its
members. This is everywhere an exceptional and sporadically occurring
case, and the instances of it, noted below under each formation, do not
require to be assembled here. Examples are: medhásāti
(médha
),
tilámiśra
(tíla
), khā́dihasta
(khādí
), yāvayáddveṣas
(yāváyant
); śakadhū́ma
(dhūmá
), amṛ́ta
(mṛtá
), suvī́ra
(vīrá
), tuvigrī́va
(grīvā́
). A few words — as víśva, pū́rva
, and
sometimes sárva
— take usually a changed accent as prior members of
compounds.
I. Copulative Compounds.
1252. Two or more nouns — much less often adjectives, and, in an instance or two, adverbs — having a coördinate construction, as if connected by a conjunction, usually and, are sometimes combined into compounds.
a. This is the class to which the Hindu grammarians give the name of
dvandva
pair, couple; a dvandva
of adjectives, however, is not
recognized by them.
b. Compounds in which the relation of the two members is alternative
instead of copulative, though only exceptional, are not very rare:
examples are nyūnādhika
defective or redundant, jayaparājaya
victory or defeat, krītotpanna
purchased or on hand,
kāṣṭhaloṣṭasama
like a log or clod, pakṣimṛgatā
the condition of
being bird or beast, triṅśadviṅśa
numbering twenty or thirty,
catuṣpan̄cakṛtvas
four or five times, dvyekāntara
different by one
or two. A less marked modification of the copulative idea is seen in
such instances as priyasatya
agreeable though true,
prārthitadurlabha
sought after but hard to obtain; or in
śrāntāgata
arrived weary.
1253. The noun-copulatives fall, as regards their inflective form, into two classes:
1. a. The compound has the gender and declension of its final member, and is in number a dual or a plural, according to its logical value, as denoting two or more than two individual things.
b. Examples are: prāṇāpānāú
inspiration and expiration,
vrīhiyavāú
rice and barley, ṛksāmé
verse and chant,
kapotolukāú
dove and owl, candrādityāu
moon and sun,
hastyaśvāu
the elephant and horse, ajāváyas
goats and sheep,
devāsurā́s
the gods and demons, atharvān̄girásas
the Atharvans and
Angirases, sambādhatandryàs
anxieties and fatigues, vidyākarmáṇī
knowledge and action, hastyaśvās
elephants and horses; of more
than two members (no examples quotable from the older language),
śayyāsanabhogās
lying, sitting, and eating,
brāhmaṇakṣatriyaviṭśūdrās
a Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaiśya, and śūdra,
rogaśokaparītāpabandhanavyasanāni
disease, pain, grief, captivity,
and misfortune.
2. c. The compound, without regard to the number denoted, or to the gender of its constituents, becomes a neuter singular collective.
d. Examples are: iṣṭāpūrtám
what is offered and bestowed,
ahorātrám
a day and night, kṛtākṛtám
the done and undone,
bhūtabhavyám
past and future, keśaśmaśrú
hair and beard,
oṣadhivanaspatí
plants and trees, candratārakám
moon and stars,
ahinakulam
snake and ichneumon, śirogrīvam
head and neck,
yūkāmakṣīkamatkuṇam
lice, flies, and bugs.
1254. a. That a stem in ṛ
as prior member sometimes takes its
nominative form, in ā
, was noticed above, 1250 f.
b. A stem as final member is sometimes changed to an a
-form to make a
neuter collective: thus, chattropānaham
an umbrella and a shoe.
c. The grammarians give rules as to the order of the elements composing a copulative compound: thus, that a more important, a briefer, a vowel-initial member should stand first; and that one ending in a should be placed last. Violations of them all, however, are not infrequent.
1255. In the oldest language (RV.), copulative compounds such as appear later are quite rare, the class being chiefly represented by dual combinations of the names of divinities and other personages, and of personified natural objects.
a. In these combinations, each name has regularly and usually the dual form, and its own accent; but, in the very rare instances (only three occurrences out of more than three hundred) in which other cases than the nom.-acc.-voc. are formed, the final member only is inflected.
b. Examples are:
índrāsómā, índrāvíṣṇū, índrābṛ́haspátī, agnī́ṣómāu, turváśāyádū, dyā́vāpṛthivī́, uṣā́sānáktā
(and, with intervening words, náktā
…uṣā́sā
), sū́ryāmā́sā
. The only
plural is indrāmarutas
(voc.). The cases of other than nominative form
are mitrā́váruṇābhyām
and mitrā́váruṇayos
(also mitráyor váruṇayoḥ
),
and índrāváruṇayos
(each once only).
c. From dyā́vapṛthivī́
is made the very peculiar genitive
diváspṛthivyós
(4 times: AV. has dyā́vāpṛthivī́bhyām
and
dyā́vāpṛthivyós
).
d. In one compound, parjányavā́tā
, the first member (RV., once) does
not have the dual ending along with the double accent (indranāsatyā
,
voc., is doubtful as to accent). In several, the double accent is
wanting, while yet the double designation of number is present: thus,
indrāpūṣṇós
(beside índrāpūṣáṇā
), somāpūṣábhyām
(somāpūṣaṇā
occurs only as voc.), vātāparjanyā́, sūryācandramásā
, and indrāgnī́
(with indrāgníbhyām
and indrāgnyós
): somārudrāú
is accented only
in śB. And in one, indravāyū́
, form and accent are both accordant with
the usages of the later language.
e. Of other copulatives, like those made later, the RV. has the plural
ajāváyas
, the duals ṛksāmé, satyānṛté, sāśanānaśané
; also the neuter
collective iṣṭāpūrtám
, and the substantively used neuter of a
copulative adjective, nīlalohitám
. Further, the neuter plurals
ahorātrā́ṇi
nycthemera, and ukthārkā́
praises and songs, of which
the final members as independent words are not neuter. No one of these
words has more than a single occurrence.
1256. In the later Vedic (AV.), the usage is much more nearly accordant with that of the classical language, save that the class of neuter singular collectives is almost wanting.
a. The words with double dual form are only a small minority (a
quarter, instead of three quarters, as in RV.); and half of them have
only a single accent, on the final: thus, besides those in RV.,
bhavārudrāú, bhavāśarvāú
; agnāviṣṇū
, voc., is of anomalous form. The
whole number of copulatives is more than double that in RV.
b. The only proper neuter collectives, composed of two nouns, are
keśaśmaśrú
hair and heard, āñjanābhyañjanám
salve and ointment,
and kaśipūpabarhaṇám
mat and pillow, unified because of the virtual
unity of the two objects specified. Neuter singulars, used in a similar
collective way, of adjective compounds, are (besides those in RV.):
kṛtākṛtám
what is done and undone (instead of what is done and what
is undone), cittākūtám
thought and desire, bhadrapāpám
good and
evil, bhūtabhavyám
past and future.
1257. Copulative compounds composed of adjectives which retain their adjective character are made in the same manner, but are in comparison rare.
a. Examples are śuklakṛṣṇa
light and dark, sthalajāudaka
terrestrial and aquatic, dāntarājatasāuvarṇa
of ivory and silver
and gold, used distributively; and vṛttapīna
round and plump,
śāntānukūla
tranquil and propitious, hṛṣitasragrajohīna
wearing
fresh garlands and free from dust, niṣekādiśmaśānānta
beginning with
conception and ending with burial, used cumulatively; nā ’tiśītoṣṇa
not over cold or hot, used alternatively; kṣaṇadṛṣṭanaṣṭa
seen for
a moment and then lost, cintitopasthita
at hand as soon as thought
of, in more pregnant sense.
b. In the Veda, the only examples noted are the cumulative nīlalohitá
and iṣṭāpūrtá
etc., used in the neut. sing. as collectives (as pointed
out above), with tāmradhūmrá
dark tawny; and the distributive
dakṣiṇasavyá
right and left, saptamāṣṭamá
seventh and eighth,
and bhadrapāpá
good and bad (beside the corresponding neut.
collective). Such combinations as satyānṛté
truth and falsehood,
priyāpriyā́ṇi
things agreeable and disagreeable, where each
component is used substantively, are, of course, not to be separated
from the ordinary noun-compounds.
c. A special case is that of the compound adjectives of direction: as
uttarapūrva
north-east, prāgdakṣiṇa
south-east’,
dakṣiṇapaścima
south-west*, etc.: compare 1291 b.*
1258. In accentuated texts, the copulative compounds have uniformly the accent (acute) on the final of the stem.
a. Exceptions are a case or two in AV., where doubtless the reading is
false: thus, vātāparjanyā̀
(once: beside -nyáyos
), devamanuṣyā̀ s
(once: śB. -syá
), brahmarājanyā̀ bhyām
(also VS.); further,
vākopavākyà
(śB.), aśanāyā́pipāse
(śB.).
1259. An example or two are met with of adverbial copulatives: thus,
áhardivi
day by day, sāyámprātar
at evening and in the morning.
They have the accent of their prior member. Later occur also
bāhyantar, pratyagdakṣiṇā, pratyagudak
.
1260. Repeated words. In all ages of the language, nouns and pronouns and adjectives and particles are not infrequently repeated, to give an intensive, or a distributive, or a repetitional meaning.
a. Though these are not properly copulative compounds, there is no
better connection in which to notice them than here. They are, as the
older language shows, a sort of compound, of which the prior member has
its own independent accent, and the other is without accent: hence they
are most suitably and properly written (as in the Vedic pada-texts) as
compounds. Thus: jahy èṣaṁ váraṁ-varam
slay of them each beat man;
divé-dive
or dyávi-dyavi
from day to day;
án̄gād-an̄gāl lómno-lomnaḥ párvaṇi-parvaṇi
from every limb, from every
hair, in each joint; prá-pra yajñápatiṁ tira
make the master of the
sacrifice live on and on; bhū́yo-bhūyaḥ śváḥ-śvaḥ
further and
further, tomorrow and again tomorrow; ékayāi-’kayā
with in each case
one; vayáṁ-vayam
our very selves.
b. Exceptional and rare cases are those of a personal verb-form
repeated: thus, píbā-piba
(RV.), yájasva-yajasva
(śB.), véda-veda
(? śB.); — and of two words repeated: thus, yā́vad vā-yāvad vā
(śB.),
yatamé vā-yatame vā
(śB.).
c. In a few instances, a word is found used twice in succession without
that loss of accent the second time which makes the repetition a virtual
composite: thus, nū́ nú
(RV.), sáṁ sám
(AV.), ihé ’há
(AV.),
anáyā- ’náyā
(śB.), stuhí stuhí
(RV., acc. to pada-text).
d. The class of combinations here described is called by the native
grammarians āmreḍita
added unto (?).
1261. Finally may be noticed in passing the compound numerals,
ékādaśa
11, dvā́viṅśati
22, tríśata
103, cátuḥsahasra
1004, and so on (476 ff.), as a special and primitive class of
copulatives. They are accented on the prior member.
II. Determinative Compounds.
1262. A noun or adjective is often combined into a compound with a preceding determining or qualifying word — a noun, or adjective, or adverb. Such a compound is conveniently called determinative.
1263. This is the class of compounds which is of most general and frequent occurrence in all branches of Indo-European language. Its two principal divisions have been already pointed out: thus, A. Dependent compounds, in which the prior member is a substantive word (noun or pronoun or substantively used adjective), standing to the other member in the relation of a case dependent on it; and B. Descriptive compounds, in which the prior member is an adjective, or other word having the value of an adjective, qualifying a noun; or else an adverb or its equivalent, qualifying an adjective. Each of these divisions then falls into two sub-divisions, according as the final member, and therefore the whole compound, is a noun or an adjective.
a. The whole class of determinatives is called by the Hindu grammarians
tatpuruṣa
(the term is a specimen of the class, meaning his man);
and the second division, the descriptives, has the special name of
karmadhāraya
(of obscure application: the literal sense is something
like office-bearing). After their example, the two divisions are in
European usage widely known by these two names respectively.
A. Dependent Compounds.
1264. Dependent Noun-compounds. In this division, the case-relation of the prior member to the other may be of any kind; but, in accordance with the usual relations of one noun to another, it is oftenest genitive, and least often accusative.
a. Examples are: of genitive relation, devasenā́
army of gods,
yamadūtá
Yama’s messenger, jīvaloká
the world of the living, ``
indradhanús
Indra’s bow, brahmagavī́
the Brahman’s cow,
viṣagirí
poison-mount, mitralābha
acquisition of friends,
mūrkhaśatāni
hundreds of fools, vīrasenasuta
Vī́rasena’s son,
rājendra
chief of kings, asmatputrās
our sons, tadvacas
his
words; — of dative, pādodaka
water for the feet, māsanicaya
accumulation for a month; — of instrumental, ātmasādṛśya
likeness
with self, dhānyārtha
wealth acquired by grain, dharmapatnī
lawful spouse, pitṛbandhú
paternal relation; — of ablative,
apsaraḥsambhava
descent from a nymph, madviyoga
separation from
me, cāurabhaya
fear of a thief; — of locative, jalakrīḍā
sport
in the water, grāmavāsa
abode in the village, puruṣānṛta
untruth
about a man; — of accusative, nagaragamana
going to the city.
1265. Dependent Adjective-compounds. In this division, only a very small proportion of the compounds have an ordinary adjective as final member; but usually a participle, or a derivative of agency with the value of a participle. The prior member stands in any case-relation which is possible in the independent construction of such words.
a. Examples are: of locative relation, sthālīpakva
cooked in a pot,
aśvakovida
knowing in horses, vayaḥsama
alike in age,
yudhiṣṭhira
steadfast in battle, tanū́śubhra
beautiful in body; —
of instrumental, mātṛsadṛśa
like his mother; — of dative, gohita
good for cattle; — of ablative, bhavadanya
other than you,
garbhāṣṭama
eighth from birth, dṛśyetara
other than visible (i.
e. invisible); — of genitive, bharataśreṣṭha
best of the Bharatas,
dvijottama
foremost of Brahmans; — with participial words, in
accusative relation, vedavíd
Veda-knowing, annādá
food-eating,
tanūpā́na
body-protecting, satyavādín
truth-speaking,
pattragata
committed to paper (lit. gone to a leaf); — in
instrumental, madhupū́
cleaning with honey, svayáṁkṛta
self-made,
índragupta
protected by Indra, vidyāhīna
deserted by (i. e.
destitute of) knowledge; — in locative, hṛdayāvídh
pierced in the
heart, ṛtvíj
sacrificing in due season, divícara
moving in the
sky; — in ablative, rājyabhraṣṭa
fallen from the kingdom,
vṛkabhīta
afraid of a wolf; — in dative, śaraṇāgata
come for
refuge.
1266. We take up now some of the principal groups of compounds falling under these two heads, in order to notice their specialities of formation and use, their relative frequency, their accentuation, and so on.
1267. Compounds having as final member ordinary nouns (such, namely, as do not distinctly exhibit the character of verbal nouns, of action or agency) are quite common. They are regularly and usually accented on the final syllable, without reference to the accent of either constituent. Examples were given above (1264 a).
a. A principal exception with regard to accent is páti
master, lord
(and its feminine pátnī
), compounds with which usually retain the
accent of the prior member: thus,
prajā́pati, vásupati, átithipati, gópati, gṛhápatnī
, etc. etc. (compare
the verbal nouns in ti
, below, 1274). But in a few words páti
retains its own accent: thus, viśpáti, rayipáti, paśupáti, vasupátnī
,
etc.; and the more general rule is followed in apsarāpatí
and
vrājapatí
(AV.), and nadīpatí
(VS.), citpatí
(MS.; elsewhere
citpáti
).
b. Other exceptions are sporadic only: for example,
janarā́jan, devavárman, hiraṇyatéjas, pṛtanāháva, godhū́ma
and
śakadhū́ma
(but dhūmá
); vācā́stena
.
c. The appearance of a case-form in such compounds is rare: examples
are dívodasa, vācā́stena, uccāíḥśravas, uccāírghoṣa, dūrébhās
(the
three last in possessive application).
d. A number of compounds are accented on both members: thus,
śácīpáti, sádaspáti, bṛ́haspáti, vánaspáti, ráthaspáti, jā́spáti
(also
jā́spati
), nárāśaṅsa, tánūnáptṛ, tánūnápāt
(tanū́
as independent
word), śúnaḥśépa
. And śB. has a long list of metronymics having the
anomalous accentuation kāútsīpútra, gā́rgīpútra
, etc.
1268. The compounds having an ordinary adjective as final member are (as already noticed) comparatively few.
a. So far as can be gathered from the scanty examples occurring in the
older language, they retain the accent of the prior member: thus,
gáviṣṭhira
(AV. gavíṣṭhira
),
tanū́śubhra, máderaghu, yajñádhira, sā́mavipra, tilámiśra
(but tíla
);
but kṛṣṭapacyá
ripening in cultivated soil.
1269. The adjective dependent compounds having as final member the bare
root — or, if it end in a short vowel, generally with an added t
— are
very numerous in all periods of the language, as has been already
repeatedly noticed (thus, 383 f–h, 1147). They are accented on the root.
a. In a very few instances, the accent of words having apparently or
conjecturally this origin is otherwise laid: thus,
áṅsatra, ánarviś, svā́vṛj, pratyákṣadṛś, púraṁdhi, óṣadhi, áramiṣ, uśádagh, vatsápa, ábda
.
b. Before a final root-stem appears not very seldom a case-form: for
example,
pataṁgá, girāvṛ́dh, dhiyājúr, akṣṇayādrúh, hṛdispṛ́ś, divispṛ́ś, vanesáh, diviṣád, an̄geṣṭhā́, hṛsvás, pṛtsutúr, apsujá
.
C. The root-stem has sometimes a middle or passive value: for example,
manoyúj
yoked (yoking themselves) by the will, hṛdayāvídh
pierced to the heart, manuja
born of Manu.
1270. Compounds made with verbal derivatives in a
, both of action and
of agency, are numerous, and take the accent usually on their final
syllable (as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1148 m).
a. Examples are: hastagrābhá
hand-grasping, devavandá
god-praising, haviradá
devouring the offering, bhuvanacyavá
shaking the world, vrātyabruvá
calling one’s self a vrātya
;
akṣaparājayá
failure at play, vaṣaṭkārá
utterance of vashaṭ
,
gopoṣá
prosperity in cattle, an̄gajvará
pain in the limbs.
b. In a few instances, the accent is (as in compounds with ordinary
adjectives: above, 1268) that of the prior member: thus,
marúdvṛdha, sutékara, divícara
(and other more questionable words).
And dúgha
milking, yielding is so accented as final: thus,
madhudúgha, kāmadúgha
.
c. Case-forms are especially frequent in the prior members of compounds
with adjective derivatives in a
showing guṇa
-strengthening of the
root: thus, fox example,
abhayaṁkará, yudhiṁgamá, dhanaṁjayá, puraṁdará, viśvambhará, divākará, talpeśayá, diviṣṭambhá
.
1271. Compounds with verbal nouns and adjectives in ana
are very
numerous, and have the accent always on the radical syllable (as in the
case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1150 e).
a. Examples are: keśavárdhana
hair-increasing, āyuṣpratáraṇa
life-lengthening, tanūpā́na
body-protecting; devahéḍana
hatred
of the gods, puṁsúvana
giving birth to males.
b. A very few apparent exceptions as regards accent are really cases
where the derivative has lost its verbal character: thus, yamasādaná
Yama’s realm, āchádvidhāna
means of protection.
c. An accusative-form is sometimes found before a derivative in ana
:
thus, sarūpaṁkáraṇa, ayakṣmaṁkáraṇa, subhāgaṁkáraṇa, vanaṁkáraṇa
.
1272. a. The action-nouns in ya
(1213) are not infrequent in
composition as final member, and retain their own proper accent (as in
combination with prefixes). Sufficient examples were given above (1213).
b. The same is true of the equivalent feminines in ya
: see above,
1213 d.
c. The gerundives in ya
(1213) hardly occur in the older language in
combination with other elements than prefixes. The two nīvibhāryà
and
prathamavāsyà
(the latter a descriptive) have the accent of the
independent words of the same form; balavijñayá
and áśvabudhya
(?)
are inconsistent with these and with one another.
1273. Compounds made with the passive participle in ta
or na
have
the accent of their prior member (as do the combinations of the same
words with prefixes: 1085 a).
a. Examples are: hástakṛta
made with the hand, vīrájāta
born of
a hero, ghóṣabuddha
awakened by noise, prajā́patisṛṣṭa
created by
Prajāpati, devátta
given by the gods; and, of participles combined
with prefixes, índraprasūta
incited by Indra, bṛ́haspátipraṇutta
driven away by Brihaspati, ulkā́bhihata
struck by a thunderbolt,
vájravihata
, `` saṁvatsarásammita
commensurate with the year. AV.
has the anomalous apsúsaṁśita
quickened by the waters.
b. A number of exceptions occur, in which the final syllable of the
compound has the accent: for example,
agnitaptá, indrotá, pitṛvittá, rathakrītá, agnidagdhá
(beside
agnídagdha
), kaviśastá
(beside kavíśasta
), kavipraśastá
.
c. One or two special usages may be noticed. The participle gata
,
gone to, as final of a compound, is used in a loose way in the later
language to express relation of various kinds: thus, jagatīgata
existing in the world, tvadgata
belonging to thee, sakhīgata
relating to a friend, citragata
in a picture, putragataṁ sneham
affection toward a son, etc. The participle bhūta
been, become is
used in composition with a noun as hardly more than a grammatical device
to give it an adjective form: thus, idaṁ tamobhūtam
this creation,
being darkness (existing in the condition of darkness);
tāṁ ratnabhūtaṁ lokasya
her, being the pearl of the world;
kṣetrabhūtā smṛtā nārī bījabhūtah smrtaḥ pumān
a woman is regarded as
a field; a man, as seed; and so on.
d. The other participles only seldom occur as finals of compounds:
thus, prāsakārmukabibhrat
bearing javelin and bow, aśāstravidvāṅs
not knowing the text-books, arjunadarśivāṅs
having seen Arjuna,
apriyaśaṅsivāṅs
announcing what is disagreeable, gāutamabruvāṇá
calling himself Gautama.
1274. Compounds with derivatives in ti
have (like combinations with
the prefixes: 1157 e) the accent of the prior member.
a. Examples are: dhánasāti
winning of wealth, sómapīti
soma-drinking, deváhūti
invocation of the gods, námaūkti
utterance of homage, havyádāti
presentation of offerings; and so
tokásāti, deváhiti, rudráhūti, sūktókti, svagā́kṛti, díviṣṭi
.
b. In nemádhiti, medhásāti, vanádhiti
(all RV.), the accent of the
prior member is changed from penult to final.
c. Where the verbal character of the derivative is lost, the general
rule of final accent (1267) is followed: thus, devahetí
weapon of the
gods, devasumatí
favor of the gods, brahmacití
Brahman-pile.
Also in sarvajyāní
entire ruin, the accent is that of compounds with
ordinary nouns.
1275. Compounds with a derivative in in
as final member have (as in
all other cases) the accent on the ín
.
a. Thus, ukthaśaṅsín
psalm-singing, vratacārín
vow-performing,
ṛṣabhadāyín
bullock-giving, satyavādín
truth-speaking,
śroṇipratodín
thigh-pounding.
1276. There is a group of compounds with derivatives in i
, having the
accent on the penult or radical syllable.
a. Thus, pathirákṣi
road-protecting, havirmáthi
sacrifice-disturbing, ātmadū́ṣi
soul-harming, pathiṣádi
sitting
in the path, sahobhári
’ strength-bearing, vasuváni
winning
good-things, dhanasáni
gaining wealth, manomúṣi
mind-stealing,
phalagráhi
setting fruit; and, from reduplicated root, urucákri
making room. Compounds with -sáni
and -váni
are especially
frequent in Veda and Brāhmaṇa; as independent words, nouns, these are
accented saní
and vaní
. In many cases, the words are not found in
independent use. Combinations with prefixes do not occur in sufficient
numbers to establish a distinct rule, but they appear to be oftenest
accented on the suffix (1155 f).
b. From √han
are made in composition -ghni
and -ghnī
, with accent
on the ending: thus, sahasraghní, ahighnī́, śvaghnī́
; -dhi
from
√dhā
, (1155 g) has the accent in its numerous compounds: thus,
iṣudhí, garbhadhí, pucchadhí
.
1277. Compounds with derivatives in van
have (like combinations with
prefixes: 1169 c) the accent of the final member: namely, on the radical
syllable.
a. Thus, somapā́van
soma-drinking, baladā́van
strength-giving,
pāpakṛ́tvan
evil-doing, bahusū́van
much-yielding, talpaśī́van
lying on a couch, rathayā́van
going in a chariot, druṣádvan
sitting on a tree, aśrétvarī
f. going at the head. The accent of
the obscure words mātaríśvan
and mātaríbhvan
is anomalous.
b. The few compounds with final man
appear to follow the same rule as
those with van
: thus, svādukṣádman
sharing out sweets, āśuhéman
steed-impelling.
1278. Compounds with other derivatives, of rare or sporadic occurrence,
may be briefly noticed: thus, in u
,
rāṣṭradipsú, devapīyú, govindú, vanargú
(?): compare 1178 e; — in nu
or tnu
, lokakṛtnú, surūpakṛtnú
: compare 1196; — in tṛ
,
nṛpātṛ́, mandhātṛ́, haskartṛ́
(vasudhā́taras
, AV., is doubtless a false
reading). The derivatives in as
are of infrequent occurrence in
composition (as in combination with prefixes: above, 1151 k), and appear
to be treated as ordinary nouns: thus, yajñavacás
(but hiraṇyatéjas
,
AV.).
B. Descriptive Compounds.
1279. In this division of the class of determinatives, the prior member stands to the other in no distinct case-relation, but qualifies it adjectively or adverbially, according as it (the final member) is noun or adjective.
a. Examples are: nīlotpala
blue lotus, sarvaguṇa
all good
quality, priyasakha
dear friend, maharṣí
great-sage,
rajatapātrá
silver cup; ájñata
unknown, súkṛta
well done,
duṣkṛ́t
ill-doing, puruṣṭutá
much praised, púnarṇava
renewed.
b. The prior member is not always an adjective before a noun, or an adverb before an adjective; other parts of speech are sometimes used adjectively and adverbially in that position.
c. The boundary between descriptive and dependent compounds is not an absolute one; in certain cases it is open to question, for instance, whether a prior noun, or adjective with noun-value, is used more in a case-relation, or adverbially.
d. Moreover, where the final member is a derivative having both noun and adjective value, it is not seldom doubtful whether an adjective compound is to be regarded as descriptive, made with final adjective, or possessive, made with final noun. Sometimes the accent of the word determines its character in this respect, but not always.
e. A satisfactorily simple and perspicuous classification of the descriptive compounds is not practicable; we cannot hold apart throughout the compounds of noun and of adjective value, but may better group both together, as they appear with prefixed elements of various kinds.
1280. The simplest case is that in which a noun as final member is preceded by a qualifying adjective as prior member.
a. In this combination, both noun and adjective may be of any kind, verbal or otherwise. The accent is (as in the corresponding class of dependent noun-compounds: 1267) on the final syllable.
b. Thus, ajñātayakṣmá
unknown disease, mahādhaná
great wealth,
kṣipraśyená
swift hawk, kṛṣṇaśakuní
black bird, dakṣiṇāgní
southern fire, urukṣití
wide abode, adharahanú
lower jaw,
itarajaná
other folks, sarvātmán
whole soul, ekavīrá
sole
hero, saptarṣí
seven sages, tṛtīyasavaná
third libation,
ekonaviṅśatí
a score diminished by one, jāgratsvapná
waking
sleep, yāvayatsakhá
defending friend, apakṣīyamāṇapakṣá
waning
half.
c. There are not a few exceptions as regards accent. Especially,
compounds with víśva
(in composition, accented viśvá
), which itself
retains the accent: thus, viśvádevās
all the gods, viśvámānuṣa
every man. For words in ti
, see below, 1287 d. Sporadic cases are
madhyáṁdina, vṛṣkā́pi
, both of which show an irregular shift of tone in
the prior member; and a few others.
d. Instead of an adjective, the prior member is in a few cases a noun
used appositionally, or with a quasi-adjective value. Thus, rājayakṣmá
king-disease, brahmarṣi
priest-sage, rājarṣi
king-sage,
rājadanta
king-tooth, devajana
god-folk, duhitṛjana
daughter-person, śamīlatā
creeper named śamī
, muṣikākhyā
the
name “mouse”, jayaśabda
the word “conquer”, ujhitaśabda
the word
“deserted”; or, more figuratively, gṛhanaraka
house-hell (house
which is a hell), śāpāgni
curse-fire (consuming curse).
e. This group is of consequence, inasmuch as in possessive application it is greatly extended, and forms a numerous class of appositional compounds: see below, 1302.
f. This whole subdivision, of nouns with preceding qualifying adjectives, is not uncommon; but it is greatly (in AV., for example, more than five times) exceeded in frequency by the sub-class of possessives of the same form: see below, 1298.
1281. The adverbial words which are most freely and commonly used as
prior members of compounds, qualifying the final member, are the verbal
prefixes and the words of direction related with them, and the
inseparable prefixes, a
or an, su, dus
, etc. (1121). These are
combined not only with adjectives, but also, in quasi-adjectival value,
with nouns; and the two classes of combinations will best be treated
together.
1282. Verbal adjectives and nouns with preceding adverbs. As the largest and most important class under this head might properly enough be regarded the derivatives with preceding verbal prefixes. These, however, have been here reckoned rather as derivatives from roots combined with prefixes (1141), and have been treated under the head of derivation, in the preceding chapter. In taking up the others, we will begin with the participles.
1283. The participles belonging to the tense-systems — those in ant
(or at
), māna, āna, vāṅs
— are only rarely compounded with any other
adverbial element than the negative a
or an
, which then takes the
accent.
a. Examples are:
ánadant, ádadat, ánaśnant, ásravant, álubhyant, ádāsyant, áditsant, ádevayant; ámanyamāna, áhiṅsāna, áchidyamāna; ádadivāṅs, ábibhīvāṅs, atasthāna
;
and, with verbal prefixes,
ánapasphurant, ánāgamiṣyant, ánabhyāgamiṣyant, ávirādhayant, ávicācalat, ápratimanyūyamāna
.
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few:
arundhatī́, ajárantī, acodánt
(RV., once: doubtless a false reading;
the simple participle is códant
); AV. has anipádyamāna
for RV.
ánipadyamāna
(and the published text has asaṁyánt
, with a part of
the manuscripts); śB. has akāmáyamāna
.
c. Of other compounds than with the negative prefix have been noted in
the Veda -punardīyamāna
(in ápunard-
) and súvidvāṅs
. In
alalābhávant
and jañjanābhávant
(RV.), as in astaṁyánt
and
astameṣyánt
(AV.), we have participles of a compound conjugation
(1091), in which, as has been pointed out, the accent is as in
combinations with the verbal prefixes.
- The passive (or past) participle in
ta
orna
is much more variously compounded; and in general (as in the case of the verbal prefixes: 1085 a) the preceding adverbial element has the accent.
a. Thus, with the negative a
or an
(by far the most common case):
ákṛta, ádabdha, áriṣṭa, ánādhṛṣṭa, áparājita, ásaṁkhyāta, ánabhyārūḍha, áparimitasamṛddha
;
— with su, sújāta, súhuta, súsaṁśita, svàraṁkṛta
; — with
dus, dúścarita, dúrdhita
and dúrhita, dúḥśṛta
; — with other
adverbial words,
dáṅsujūta, návajata, sánaśruta, svayáṁkṛta, trípratiṣṭhita
: áraṁkṛta
and kakajā́kṛta
are rather participles of a compound conjugation.
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: with a
or an
,
anāśastá, apraśastá
, and, with the accent of the participle retracted
to the root, amṛ́ta, adṛ́ṣṭa, acítta, ayúta
myriad, atū́rta
(beside
átūrta
), asū́rta
(? beside sū́rta
); — with su
(nearly half as
numerous as the regular cases),
subhūtá, sūktá, supraśastá, svā́kta, sukṛtá
and sujātá
(beside
súkṛta
and sújāta
), and a few others; with dus
(quite as numerous
as the regular cases), duritá
(also dúrita
), duruktá, duṣkṛtá
(also dúṣkṛta
), durbhūtá
; with sa, sajātá
; with other adverbs,
amotá, ariṣṭutá, tuvijātá, prācīnopavītá, tadānīṁdugdhá, prātardugdhá
,
etc., and the compounds with
puru, purujātá, puruprajātá, purupraśastá, puruṣṭutá
, etc., and with
svayam, svayaṁkṛtá
etc. The proper name aṣāḍhá
stands beside
áṣāḍha
; and AV. has abhinná
for RV. ábhinna
.
1285. The gerundives occur almost only in combination with the negative prefix, and have usually the accent on the final syllable.
a. Examples are: anāpyá, anindyá, abudhyá, asahyá, ayodhyá, amokyá
;
adviṣeṇyá
; ahnavāyyá
; and, along with verbal prefixes, the cases are
asaṁkhyeyá, apramṛṣyá, anapavṛjyá, anatyudyá, anādhṛṣyá, avimokyá, anānukṛtyá
(the accent of the simple word being saṁkhyéya
etc.).
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are:
ánedya, ádābhya, ágohya, ájoṣya, áyabhya
. The two anavadharṣyà
and
anativyādhyà
(both AV.) belong to the yà
-division (1213 b) of
gerundives, and have retained the accent of the simple word. And
ághnya
and aghnyá
occur together.
c. The only compounds of these words with other adverbial elements in
V. are súyabhya
(accented like its twin áyabhya
) and prathamavāsyà
(which retains the final circumflex), and perhaps ekavādyá
.
d. The neuter nouns of the same form (1213 c: except sadhástutya
)
retain their own accent after an adverbial prior member: thus,
purvapā́yya, pūrvapéya, amutrabhū́ya
; and sahaśéyya
. And the negatived
gerundives instanced above are capable of being viewed as possessive
compounds with such nouns.
e. Some of the other verbal derivatives which have rules of their own as to accent etc. may be next noticed.
- The root-stem (pure root, or with
t
added after a short final vowel: 1147 d) is very often combined with a preceding adverbial word, of various kinds; and in the combination it retains the accent.
a. Examples are: with inseparable prefixes, adrúh
not harming,
asū́
not giving birth, arúc
not shining; sukṛ́t
well-doing,
suśrút
hearing well; duṣkṛ́t
ill-doing, dūḍā́ś
(199 d)
impious; sayúj
joining together, samád
conflict; sahajā́
born together, sahaváh
carrying together; — with other adverbs,
amājúr
growing old at home, uparispṛ́ś
touching upward,
punarbhū́
appearing again, prātaryúj
harnessed early, sadyaḥkrī́
bought the same day, sākaṁvṛ́dh
growing up together, sadaṁdí
ever-binding, viṣūvṛ́t
turning to both sides, vṛthāsáh
easily
overcoming; — with adjectives used adverbially, uruvyác
wide-spreading, prathamajā́
first-born, raghuṣyád
swift-moving,
navasū́
newly giving birth, ekajá
only born, śukrapíś
brightly
adorned, dvijá
twice born, trivṛ́t
triple, svarā́j
self-ruling; — with nouns used adverbially, śambhū́
beneficent,
sūryaśvít
shining like the sun, īśānakṛ́t
acting as lord,
svayambhū́
self-existent; and, with accusative case-form, pataṁgá
going by flight.
b. When, however, a root-stem is already in composition, whether with a
verbal prefix or an element of other character, the further added
negative itself takes the accent (as in case of an ordinary adjective:
below, 1288 a): thus, for example, ánākṣit
not abiding, ánāvṛt
not turning back, ávidviṣ
not showing hostility, áduṣkṛt
not
ill-doing, ánaśvadā
not giving a horse, ápaśuhan
not slaying
cattle (anāgā́s
would be an exception, if it contained √gā
: which is
very unlikely). Similar combinations with su
seem to retain the
radical accent: thus, supratúr, svābhū́, svāyúj
: svā́vṛj
is an
unsupported exception.
c. A few other exceptions occur, mostly of doubtful character, as
prátiprāś, sadhástha, ádhrigu
, and the words having añc
as final
member (407 ff.: if this element is not, after all, a suffix) compare
1269 a.
1287. Other verbal derivatives, requiring to be treated apart from the general body of adjectives, are few and of minor importance. Thus:
a. The derivatives in a
are in great part of doubtful character,
became of the possibility of their being used with substantive value to
make a possessive compound. The least ambiguous, probably, are the
derivatives from present-stems (1148 j), which have the accent on the
suffix: thus,
asunvá, apaśyá, akṣudhyá, avidasyá, anāmṛṇá, sadāpṛṇá, punarmanyá
; and
with them belong such cases as
stṛpá, avṛdhá, araṁgamá, urukramá, evāvadá, satrāsahá, punaḥsará, puraḥsará
;
and the nouns sāyambhavá, sahacārá, prātaḥsāvá, mithoyodhá
.
Differently accented, on the other hand, although apparently of the same
formation, are such as ánapasphura, ánavahvara
(compare the compounds
noticed at 1286 b),
sadā́vṛdha, sū́bharva, nyagródha, puroḍā́śa, sadhamā́da, sudúgha, supáca, suháva
,
and others. Words like adábha, durháṇa, sukára, suyáma
, are probably
possessives.
b. The derivatives in van keep in general the accent of the final
member, on the root (compare 1169 c, 1277): thus, āśupátvan
and
raghupátvan
swift-flying, puroyā́van
going in front, sukṛ́tvan
well-doing; and sutárman
and suváhman
and raghuyā́man
are
probably to be classed with them. But the negative prefix has the accent
even before these: thus, áyajvan, árāvan, áprayutvan
; and
satyámadvan
(if it be not possessive) has the accent of its prior
member.
c. A few words in i
seem to have (as in dependent compounds: 1276) he
accent on the radical syllable: thus, durgṛ́bhi, ṛjuváni, tuviṣváṇi
.
d. The derivatives in ti
are variously treated: the negative prefix
has always the accent before them: as, ácitti, ábhūti, ánāhūti
; with
su
and dus
, the compound is accented now on the prefix and now on
the final, and in some words on either (súnīti
and sunītí
, dúṣṭuti
and duṣṭutí
); with other elements, the accent of the prefix prevails:
thus, sáhuti, sadhástuti, puróhiti, pūrvápīti, pūrvyástuti
.
e. The derivatives in in
have, as in general, the accent on the
suffix: thus, pūrvāsín, bahucārín, sādhudevín, savāsín, kevalādín
.
But, with the negative prefix, ánāmin, ávitārin
.
f. Other combinations are too various in treatment, or are represented by too few examples in accentuated texts, to justify the setting up of rules respecting them.
1288. Of the remaining combinations, those made with the inseparable prefixes form in some measure a class by themselves.
1. a. The negative prefix a
or an
, when it directly negatives the
word to which it is added, has a very decided tendency to take the
accent.
b. We have seen above (1283) that it does so even in the case of
present and perfect and future participles, although these in
combination with a verbal prefix retain their own accent (1085: but
there are exceptions, as avadánt, apaśyánt
, etc. śB.); and also in the
case of a root-stem, if this be already compounded with another element
(1286 b). And the same is true of its other combinations.
c. Thus, with various adjective words:
átandra, ádabhra, ádāśuri, ánṛju, ádevayu, átṛṣṇaj, átavyāṅs, ánāmin, ádvayāvin, ápracetas, ánapatyavant, ánupadasvant, ápramāyuka, ámamri, áprajajñi, ávidīdhayu, ánagnidagdha, ákāmakarśana, ápaścāddaghvan
.
Further, with nouns,
ápati, ákumāra, ábrāhmaṇa, ávidyā, āśraddhā, ávrātya
.
d. But there are a number of exceptions, in which the accent is on the
final syllable, without regard to the original accentuation of the final
member: thus, for example,
acitrá, aśrīrá, aviprá, ayajñiyá, anāsmāká, asthūrí, anāśú, ajarayú, anāmayitnú
;
and in amítra
enemy, and avī́ra
unmanly, there is a retraction of
the accent from the final syllable of the final member to its penult.
2. e. The prefixes su
and dus
have this tendency in a much less
degree, and their compounds are very variously accented, now on the
prefix, now on the final syllable, now on the accented syllable of the
final member; and occasionally on either of two syllables.
f. Thus, for example,
súbhadra, súvipra, súpakva, súbrāhmaṇa, súbhiṣaj
;
sutīrthá, suvasaná, suṣārathí, supāśá, sucitrá
; suśéva, suhótṛ
:
suvī́ra
is like avī́ra
; — durmitrá, duṣvápnya
; and ducchúnā
(168
b), with irregular retraction of accent (śuná
).
3. g. The compounds with sa
are too few to furnish occasion for
separate mention; and those with the interrogative prefix in its various
forms are also extremely rare in the Veda: examples are
kucará, katpayá, kábandha, kunannamá, kumārá, kúyava, kuṣáva
.
1289. The verbal prefixes are sometimes used in a general adverbial way, qualifying a following adjective or noun.
a. Examples of such combinations are not numerous in the Veda. Their
accentuation is various, though the tone rests oftenest on the
preposition. Thus, ádhipati
over-lord, áparūpa
mis-form,
prátiśatru
opposing foe, prápada
fore part of foot, práṇapāt
great-grandchild, vípakva
quite done, sámpriya
mutually dear;
upajíhvikā
side tongue (with retraction of the accent of jihvā́
);
antardeśá
intermediate direction, pradív
forward heaven,
prapitāmahá
(also prápitāmaha
) great-grandfather, pratijaná
opponent, vyadhvá
midway. These compounds are more frequent with
possessive value (below, 1305).
b. This use of the verbal prefixes is more common later, and some of
them have a regular value in such compounds. Thus, ati
denotes excess,
as in atidūra
very far, atibhaya
exceeding fear, átipūruṣa
(śB.) chief man; adhi
, superiority, as in adhidanta
upper-tooth,
adhistrī
chief woman; abhi
is intensive, as in abhinamra
much
incliving, abhinava
span-new, abhirucira
delightful; ā
signifies somewhat, as in ākuṭila
somewhat crooked, ānīla
bluish; upa
denotes something accessory or secondary, as in
upapurāṇa
additional Purāna; pari
, excess, as in paridurbala
very weak; prati
, opposition, as in pratipakṣa
opposing side,
pratipustaka
copy; vi
, variation or excess, as in vidūra
very
far, vipāṇḍu
greyish, vikṣudra
respectively small; sam
,
completeness, as in sampakva
quite ripe.
1290. Other compounds with adverbial prior members are quite irregularly accented.
Thus, the compounds with puru
, on the final (compare the participles
with puru
, 1284 b): as, purudasmá
, purupriyá
, puruścandrá
; those
with púnar
, on the prior member, as
púnarṇava, púnarmagha, púnaryuvan, púnarvasu
(but punaḥsará
etc.);
those with satás, satīná, satyá
, the same, as
satómahant, satīnámanyu, satyámugra
; a few combinations of nouns in
tṛ
and ana
with adverbs akin with the prefixes, on the final
syllable, as puraëtṛ́, puraḥsthātṛ́, upariśayaná, prātaḥsavaná
; and
miscellaneous cases are
mithóavadyapa, háriścandra, álpaśayu, sādhvaryá, yācchreṣṭhá
and
yāvacchreṣṭhá, jyógāmayāvin
.
1291. One or two exceptional cases may be noted, as follows:
a. An adjective is sometimes preceded by a noun standing toward it in a
quasi-adverbial relation expressive of comparison or likeness: e. g.
śúkababhru
(VS.) parrot-brown, ū́rṇāmṛdu
(TB.) soft as wool,
prāṇapriya
dear as life, kuśeśayarajomṛdu
soft as lotus-pollen,
bakālīna
hidden like a heron, mattamātan̄gagāmin
moving like a
maddened elephant.
b. An adjective is now and then qualified by another adjective: e. g.
kṛṣṇāita
dark-gray, dhūmrárohita
grayish red: and compare the
adjectives of intermediate direction, 1257 c.
c. The adjective pūrva
is in the later language frequently used as
final member of a compound in which its logical value is that of an
adverb qualifying the other member (which is said to retain its own
accent). Thus, dṛṣṭapūrva
previously seen, pariṇītapūrva
already
married, aparijñātapūrva
not before known, somapītapūrva
having
formerly drunk soma, strīpūrva
formerly a woman.
III. Secondary Adjective Compounds.
1292. a. A compound having a noun as its final member very often wins secondarily the value of an adjective, being inflected in the three genders to agree with the noun which it qualifies, and used in all the constructions of an adjective.
b. This class of compounds, as was pointed out above (1247. III.), falls into the two divisions of A. Possessives, having their adjective character given them by addition of the idea of possessing; and B. those in which the final member is syntactically dependent on or governed by the prior member.
A. Possessive Compounds.
1293. The possessives are noun-compounds of the preceding class,
determinatives, of all its various subdivisions, to which is given an
adjective inflection, and which take on an adjective meaning of a kind
which is most conveniently and accurately defined by adding having
or
possessing
to the meaning of the determinative.
a. Thus: the dependent sūryatejás
sun’s brightness becomes the
possessive sū́ryatejas
possessing the brightness of the sun;
yajñakāmá
desire of sacrifice becomes yajñákāma
having desire of
sacrifice; the descriptive bṛhadratha
great chariot becomes the
possessive bṛhádratha
having great chariots; áhasta
not hand
becomes ahastá
handless; durgandhi
ill savor becomes durgándhi
of ill savor; and so on.
b. A copulative compound is not convertible into an adjective directly,
any more than is a simple noun, but requires, like the latter, a
possessive suffix or other means: e. g.
vāgghastavant, doṣaguṇin, rajastamaska, aśirogrīva, anṛgyajus
. A very
small number of exceptions, however, are found: thus, somendrá
(TS.),
stómapṛṣṭha
(VS. TS.), hastyṛ̀ṣabha
(śB.), dāsīniṣka
(ChU.), and,
later, cakramusala, sadānanda, saccidānanda, sān̄khyayoga
(as n. pr.),
balābala, bhūtabhāutika
.
c. The name given by the native grammarians to the possessive compounds
is bahuvrīhi
: the word is an example of the class, meaning possessing
much rice.
d. The name “relative”, instead of possessive, sometimes applied to
this class, is an utter misnomer; since, though the meaning of such a
compound (as of any attributive word) is easily cast into a relative
form, its essential character lies in the possessive verb which has
nevertheless to be added, or in the possessive case of the relative
which must be used: thus, mahākavi
and āyurdā
, descriptive and
dependent, are “relative” also, who is a great poet, and that is
life-giving, but bṛhadratha
, possessive, means who has a great
chariot, or whose is a great chariot.
1294. a. That a noun, simple or compound, should be added to another
noun, in an appositive way, with a value virtually attributive, and that
such nouns should occasionally gain by frequent association and
application an adjective form also, is natural enough, and occurs in
many languages; the peculiarity of the Sanskrit formation lies in two
things. First, that such use should have become a perfectly regular and
indefinitely extensible one in the case of compounded words, so that any
compound with noun-final may be turned without alteration into an
adjective, while to a simple noun must be added an adjective-making
suffix in order to adapt it to adjective use: for example, that while
hasta
must become hastin
and bāhu
must become bāhumant
,
hiraṇyahasta
and mahābāhu
change from noun to adjective value with
no added ending. And second, that the relation of the qualified noun to
the compound should have come to be so generally that of possession, not
of likeness, nor of appurtenance, nor of any other relation which is as
naturally involved in such a construction: that we may only say, for
example, mahābāhuḥ puruṣaḥ
man with great arms, and not also
mahābāhur maṇiḥ
jewel for a great arm, or mahābāhavaḥ śākhāḥ
branches like great arms.
b. There are, however, in the older language a few derivative adjective
compounds which imply the relation of appurtenance rather than that of
possession, and which are with probability to be viewed as survivals of
a state of things antecedent to the specialization of the general class
as possessive (compare the similar exceptions under possessive
suffixes, 1230 g, 1233 f). Examples are: viśvā́nara
of or for all men,
belonging to all (and so
viśvákṛṣṭi, -carṣaṇi, -kṣiti, -gotra, -manus, -āyu
, and sarvápaśu
,
saptámānuṣa
), viśváśārada
of every autumn, vipathá
for bad
roads, dvirājá
[battle] of two kings, áśvapṛṣṭha
carried on
horseback, vīrápastya
abiding with heroes, pūrṇámāsa
at full
moon, adévaka
for no divinity, bahudevata
or -tyà
for many
divinities, aparisaṁvatsara
not lasting a fall year,
ekādaśakapāla
for eleven dishes, somendrá
for Soma and Indra.
And the compounds with final member in ana
mentioned at 1296 b are
probably of the same character. But also in the later language, some of
the so-called dvigu
-compounds (1312) belong with these: so dvigu
itself, as meaning worth two cows, dvināu
bought for two ships;
also occasional cases like devāsura [saṁgrāma]
of the gods and
demons, narahaya
of man and horse, cakramusala
with discus and
club, gurutalpa
violating the teacher’s bed.
1295. The possessive compound is distinguished from its substrate, the determinative, generally by a difference of accent. This difference is not of the same nature in all the divisions of the class; but oftenest, the possessive has as a compound the natural accent of its prior member (as in most of the examples given above).
1296. Possessively used dependent compounds, or possessive dependents, are very much less common than those corresponding to the other division of determinatives.
a. Further examples are: mayū́raroman
having the plumes of peacocks,
agnítejas
having the brightness of fire, jñatímukha
wearing the
aspect of relatives, pátikāma
desiring a husband, hastipāda
having an elephant’s feet, rājanyàbandhu
having kshatriyas for
relatives.
b. The accent is, as in the examples given, regularly that of the prior
member, and exceptions are rare and of doubtful character. A few
compounds with derivatives in ana
have the accent of the final member:
e. g. indrapā́na
serving as drink for Indra, devasádana
serving as
seat for the gods, rayisthā́na
being source of wealth; but they
contain no implication of possession, and are possibly in character, as
in accent, dependent (but compare 1294 b). Also a few in as
, as
nṛcákṣas
men-beholding, nṛvā́has
men-bearing, kṣetrasā́dhas
field-prospering, are probably to be judged in the same way.
1297. Possessively used descriptive compounds, or possessive descriptives, are extremely numerous and of every variety of character; and some kinds of combination which are rare in proper descriptive use are very common as possessives.
a. They will be taken up below in order, according to the character of the prior member — whether the noun-final be preceded by a qualifying adjective, or noun, or adverb.
1298. Possessive compounds in which a noun is preceded by a qualifying ordinary adjective are (as pointed out above, 1280 f) very much more common than descriptives of the same form.
a. They regularly and usually have the accent of their prior member:
thus, anyárūpa
of other form, ugrábāhu
having powerful arms,
jīváputra
having living sons, dīrgháśmaśru
longbearded,
bṛhácchravas
of great renown, bhū́rimūla
many-rooted, mahā́vadha
bearing a great weapon, viśvárūpa
having all forms, śukrávarṇa
of bright color, śivā́bhimarśana
of propitious touch, satyásaṁdha
of true promises, sárvān̄ga
whole-limbed, sváyaśas
having own
glory, háritasraj
wearing yellow garlands.
b. Exceptions, however, in regard to accent are not rare (a seventh or
eighth of the whole number, perhaps). Thus, the accent is sometimes that
of the final member; especially with derivatives in as, as
tuvirā́dhas, purupéśas, pṛthupákṣas
, and others in which (as above,
1296 b) a determinative character may be suspected: thus, urujráyas
beside urujrí
, uruvyácas
beside uruvyác
, and so on; but also with
those of other final, as ṛjuhásta, śitikákṣa
etc.,
kṛṣṇakárṇa, citradṛ́śika, tuviśúṣma, ṛjukrátu, pṛthupárśu, puruvártman, raghuyā́man, vīḍupátman
.
In a very few cases, the accent is retracted from the final to the first
syllable of the second member: thus,
aṅhubhéda, tuvigrī́va, puruvī́ra, pururū́pa, śitibā́hu
(also śitibāhú
).
The largest class is that of compounds which take the accent upon their
final syllable (in part, of course, not distinguishable from those which
retain the accent of the final member): for example,
bahvanná, nīlanakhá, puruputrá, viśvān̄gá, svapatí, tuvipratí, pṛśiparnī́
f., darśataśrī́, pūtirajjú, asitajñú, pṛthugmán, bahuprajás
.
c. The adjective víśva
all, as prior member of a compound (and also
in derivation), changes its accent regularly to viśvá
; sárva
whole,
all does the same in a few cases.
1299. Possessive compounds with a participle preceding and qualifying the final noun-member are numerous, although such a compound with simple descriptive value is almost unknown. The accent is, with few exceptions, that of the prior member.
a. The participle is oftenest the passive one, in ta
or na
. Thus,
chinnápakṣa
with severed wing, dhṛtárāṣṭra
of firmly held
royalty, hatámātṛ
whose mother is slain, iddhā́gni
whose fire is
kindled, uttānáhasta
with outstretched hand, práyatadakṣiṇa
having presented sacrificial gifts; and, with prefixed negative,
áriṣṭavīra
whose men are unharmed, átaptatanu
of unburned
substance, ánabhimlātavarṇa
of untarnished color. Exceptions in
regard to accent are very few: there have been noticed only
paryastākṣá, vyastakeśī́
f., achinnaparṇá
.
b. Examples occur of a present participle in the same situation. In
about half the (accentuated) instances, it gives its own accent to the
compound: thus, dyutádyāman, dhṛṣádvarṇa
etc.,
śucádratha, rúśadvatsa
etc., bhrā́jajjanman
etc.,
saṁyádvīra, stanáyadama, sā́dhadiṣṭi
; in the others, the accent is
drawn forward to the final syllable of the participle (as in the
compounds with governing participle: below, 1309): thus, dravátpāṇi
etc. (dravát
also occurs as adverb),
rapśádūdhan, svanádratha, arcáddhūma, bhandádiṣṭi, krandádiṣṭi
. With
these last agrees in form jarádaṣṭi
attaining old age, long-lived;
but its make-up, in view of its meaning, is anomalous.
c. The RV. has two compounds with the perfect middle participle as
prior member: thus, yuyujānásapti
with harnessed coursers (perhaps
rather having harnessed their coursers), and dadṛśānápavi
(with
regular accent, instead of dádṛśāna
, as elsewhere irregularly in this
participle) with conspicuous wheel-rims.
d. Of a nearly participial character is the prior element in
śrútkarṇa
(RV.) of listening ear; and with this are perhaps
accordant dī́dyagni
and sthā́raśman
(RV., each once).
1300. Possessive compounds having a numeral as prior member are very
common, and for the most part follow the same rule of accent which is
followed by compounds with other adjectives: excepted are those
beginning with dvi
and tri
, which accent in general the final
member.
a. Examples with other numerals than dvi
and tri
are:
ékacakra, ékaśīrṣan, ékapad, cáturan̄ga, cátuṣpakṣa, pán̄cān̄guri, pán̄cāudana, ṣáḍaśva, ṣáṭpad, saptájihva, saptámātṛ, aṣṭā́pad, aṣṭáputra, návapad, návadvāra, dáśaśākha, dáśaśīrṣan, dvā́daśāra, triṅśádara, śatáparvan, śatádant, sahásraṇāman, sahásramūla
.
b. Exceptions in regard to accent are but few, and have the tone on the
final syllable, whatever may be that belonging originally to the final
member; they are mostly stems in final a
, used by substitution for
others in an
, i
, or a consonant: thus, caturakṣá
etc. (akṣán
or
ákṣi
: 431), ṣaḍahá
etc. (áhan
or áhar
: 430 a), daśavṛṣá
etc.
(vṛ́ṣan
), ekarātrá
etc. (rā́tri
or rā́trī
), ekarcá
etc. (ṛ́c
);
but also a few others, as
ṣaḍyogá, aṣṭāyogá, śatārghá, sahasrārghá, ekapará
(?).
c. The compounds with dvi
and tri
for the most part have the accent
of their final member: thus, for example,
dvijánman, dvidhā́ra, dvibándhu, dvivartaní, dvipád
;
tritántu, trinā́bhi, triśóka, trivárūtha, tricakrá, triśīrṣán, tripád
.
A number of words, however, follow the general analogy, and accent the
numeral: thus, for example,
dvípakṣa, dvíśavas, dvyā̀sya, tríṣandhi, tryàra, tryā̀śir
, and sometimes
dvípad
and trípad
in AV. As in the other numeral compounds, a
substituted stem in a
is apt to take the accent on the final: thus,
dvivṛṣá
and trivṛṣá
, dvirājá, dvirātrá, tryāyuṣá, tridivá
; and a
few of other character with tri
follow the same rule: thus,
trikaśá, trināká, tribandhú, tryudhán, tribarhís
, etc.
d. The neuter, or also the feminine, of numeral compounds is often used substantively, with a collective or abstract value, and the accent is then regularly on the final syllable: see below, 1312.
1301. Possessive compounds having as prior member a noun which has a quasi-adjective value in qualifying the final member are very frequent, and show certain specialities of usage.
a. Least peculiar is a noun of material as prior member (hardly to be
reckoned as possessive dependents, because the relation of material is
not regularly expressed by a case: 295): thus, híraṇyahasta
gold-handed, híraṇyasraj
with golden garlands, áyaḥsthūṇa
having brazen supports, rajatánābhi
of silver navel.
1302. Especially common is the use of a noun as prior member to qualify the other appositionally, or by way of equivalence (the occasional occurrence of determinatives of this character has been noticed above, 1280 d). These may conveniently be called appositional possessives. Their accent is that of the prior member, like the ordinary possessive descriptives.
a. Examples are: áśvaparṇa
horse-winged, or having horses as
wings (said of a chariot), bhū́migṛha
having the earth as house,
índrasakhi
having Indra for friend, agníhotṛ
having Agni as
priest, gandharvápatnī
having a Gandharva for spouse, śūráputra
having hero-sons, jarā́mṛtyu
having old age as mode of death, living
till old age, agnívāsas
fire-clad, tadanta
ending with that,
cāracakṣus
using spies for eyes, víṣṇuśarmanāman
named
Vishnuśarman; and, with pronoun instead of noun, tvā́dūta
having thee
as messenger, tádapas
having this for work. Exceptions in regard to
accent occur here, as in the more regular descriptive formation: thus,
agnijihvá, vṛṣaṇaśvá, dhūmaśikhá, pavīnasá, asáunā́ma, tatkúla
, etc.
b. Not infrequently, a substantively used adjective is the final member
in such a compound: thus, índrajyeṣṭha
having Indra as chief,
mánaḥṣaṣṭha
having the mind as sixth, sómaśreṣṭha
of which soma
is best, ekapará
of which the ace is highest (?), ásthibhūyas
having bone as the larger part, chiefly of bone, abhirūpabhūyiṣṭha
chiefly composed of worthy persons, daśāvara
having ten as the
lowest number, cintāpara
having meditation as highest object or
occupation, devoted to meditation, niḥśvāsaparama
much addicted to
sighing.
c. Certain words are of especial frequency in the compounds here described, and have in part won a peculiar application. Thus:
d. With ādi
beginning or ādika
or ādya
first are made
compounds signifying the person or thing specified along with others,
such a person or thing et cetera. For example, devā indrādayaḥ
the
gods having Indra as first, i. e. the gods Indra etc.,
marīcyādīn munīn
Marīci and the other sages,
svāyambhuvādyāḥ saptāi ’te manavaḥ
those seven Manus, Svāyambhuva
etc., agniṣṭomādikān
the sacrifices Agnishtoma and so on. Or the
qualified noun is omitted, as in annapānendhanādīni
food, drink,
fuel, etc., dānadharmādikaṁ caratu bhavān
let your honor practise
liberality, religious rites, and the like. The particles evam
and
iti
are also sometimes used by substitution as prior members: thus,
evamādi vacanam
words to this and the like effect;
ato ‘ham bravīmi kartavyaḥ saṁcayo nityam ityādi
hence I say
“accumulation is ever to be made” etc.
e. Used in much the same way, but less often, is prabhṛti
beginning: thus, viśvāvasuprabhṛtibhir gandharvāiḥ
with the
Gandharvas Viśvāvasu etc.; especially adverbially, in measurements of
space and time, as tatprabhṛti
or tataḥprabhṛti
thenceforward.
f. Words meaning foregoer, predecessor, and the like — namely,
pūrva, pūrvaka, puraḥsara, puraskṛta, purogama
— are often employed in
a similar manner, and especially adverbially, but for the most part to
denote accompaniment, rather than antecedence, of that which is
designated by the prior member of the compound: e. g. smitapūrvam
with a smile, anāmayapraśnapūrvakam
with inquiries after health,
pitāmahapurogama
accompanied by the Great Father.
g. The noun mātrā
measure stands as final of a compound which is
used adjectively or in the substantive neuter to signify a limit that is
not exceeded, and obtains thus the virtual value of mere, only: thus,
jalamātreṇa vartayan
living by water only (lit. by that which has
water for its measure or limit), garbhacyutimātreṇa
by merely
issuing from the womb, prāṇāyātrikamātraḥ syāt
let him be one
possessing what does not exceed the preservation of life;
uktamātre tu vacane
but the words being merely uttered.
h. The noun artha
object, purpose is used at the end of a compound,
in the adverbial accusative neuter, to signify for the take of or the
like: thus, yajñasiddhyartham
in order to the accomplishment of the
sacrifice (lit. in a manner having the accomplishment of the sacrifice
as its object), damayantyartham
for Damayantī’s sake (with
Damayantī as object).
i. Other examples are ābhā, kalpa
, in the sense of like,
approaching: thus, hemābha
gold-like, mṛtakalpa nearly dead,
pratipannakalpa
almost accomplished; — vidhā
, in the sense of
kind, sort: thus, tvadvidha
of thy sort, púruṣavidha
of human
kind; — prāya
, in the sense of mostly, often, and the like: thus,
duḥkhaprāya
full of pain, tṛṇaprāya
abounding in grass,
nirgamanaprāya
often going out; — antara
(in substantive neuter),
in the sense of other: thus, deśāntara
another region (lit. that
which has a difference of region), janmāntarāṇi
other existences,
śākhāntare
in another text.
1303. In appositional possessive compounds, the second member, if it designates a part of the body, sometimes logically signifies that part to which what is designated by the prior member belongs, that on or in which it is.
a. Thus, ghṛtápṛṣṭha
butter-backed, mádhujihva
honey-tongued,
niṣkágrīva and maṇigrīva necklace-necked, pā́trahasta
vessel-handed, vájrabahu
lightning-armed, ásṛn̄mukha
blood-faced, kīlā́lodhan
mead-uddered, vā́jajaṭhara
sacrifice-bellied, vāṣpakaṇvha
with tears in the throat,
śraddhā́manas
with faith in the heart; with irregular accent,
dhūmākṣī́
f. smoke-eyed, aśrumukhī́
f. tear-faced; and
khā́dihasta
ring-handed (khādí
). In the later language, such
compounds are not infrequent with words meaning hand: thus,
śastrapāṇi
having a sword in the hand, laguḍahasta
carrying a
staff.
1304. Of possessive compounds having an adverbial element as prior member, the most numerous by far are those made with the inseparable prefixes. Their accent is various. Thus:
a. In compounds with the negative prefix a
or an
(in which the
latter logically negatives the imported idea of possession), the accent
is prevailingly on the final syllable, without regard to the original
accent of the final member. For example: anantá
having no end,
abalá
not possessing strength, arathá
without chariot,
aśraddhá
faithless, amaṇí
without ornament, aśatrú
without a
foe, avarmán
not cuirassed, adánt
toothless, apád
footless,
atejás
without brightness, anārambhaṇá not to be gotten hold of,
apratimāná
incomparable, aducchuná
bringing no harm,
apakṣapucchá
without sides or tail.
b. But a number of examples (few in proportion to those already
instanced) have the prefix accented (like the simple descriptives: 1288
a): thus, ákṣiti
indestructible, águ
kineless, ágopā
without
shepherd, ájīvana
lifeless, ánāpi
without friends, áśiśvī
f.
without young, ámṛtyu
deathless, ábrahman
without priest,
ávyacas
without extension, áhavis
without oblation, and a few
others; AV. has áprajas
, but śB. aprajás
. A very few have the accent
on the penult: namely, aśéṣas, ajā́ni
, and avī́ra
(with retraction,
from vīrá
), apútra
(do., from putrá
); and AV. has abhrā́tṛ
, but
RV. abhrātṛ́
.
c. In compounds with the prefixes of praise and dispraise, su
and
dus
, the accent is in the great majority of cases that of the final
member: thus, sukálpa
of easy make, subhága
well portioned,
sunákṣatra
of propitious star, suputrá
having excellent sons,
sugopā́
well-shepherded, sukīrtí
of good fame, sugándhi
fragrant, subāhú
well-armed, suyáṁtu
of easy control,
sukrátu
of good capacity, suhā́rd
good-hearted, susráj
well-garlanded, suvárman
well-cuirassed, suvā́sas
well-clad,
supráṇīti
well guiding; durbhága
ill-portioned, durdṛ́śīka
of
evil aspect, durdhára
hard to restrain, durgándhi
ill-savored,
durādhī́
of evil designs, durdhártu
hard to restrain, duṣṭárītu
hard to excel, duratyétu
hard to cross, durdhúr
ill-yoked,
durṇā́man
ill-named, durvā́sas
ill-clad.
d. There are, however, a not inconsiderable number of instances in
which the accent of these compounds is upon the final syllable: thus,
suśiprá
well-lipped, svapatyá
of good progeny, susaṁkāśá
of
good aspect, svan̄gurí
well-fingered, sviṣú
having good arrows,
supīvás
well fatted; and compounds with derivatives in ana
, as
suvijñaná
of easy discernment, sūpasarpaṇá
of easy approach,
duścyavaná
hard to shake; and AV. has suphalá
and subandhú
against RV. suphála
and subándhu
. Like avī́ra
, suvī́ra
shows
retraction of accent. Only dúrāśir
has the tone on the prefix.
e. On the whole, the distinction by accent of possessive from
determinative is less clearly shown in the words made with su
and
dus
than in any other body of compounds.
f. The associative prefix sa
or (less often) sahá
is treated like
an adjective element, and itself takes the accent in a possessive
compound: thus, sákratu
of joint will, sánāman
of like name,
sárūpa
of similar form, sáyoni
having a common origin, sávācas
of assenting words, sátoka
having progeny along, with one’s
progeny, sábrāhmaṇa
together with the Brahmans, sámūla
with the
root, sā́ntardeśa
with the intermediate directions; sahágopa
with
the shepherd, sahávatsa
accompanied by one’s young, sahápatnī
having her husband with her, sahápūruṣa
along with our men.
g. In RV. (save in a doubtful case or two), only saha
in such
compounds gives the meaning of having with one, accompanied by; and,
since saha
governs the instrumental, the words beginning with it might
be of the prepositional class (below, 1310). But in AV. both sa
and
saha
have this value (as illustrated by examples given above); and in
the later language, the combinations with sa
are much the more
numerous.
h. There are a few exceptions, in which the accent is that of the final
member: thus, sajóṣa, sajóṣas, sadṛ́śa, sapráthas, sabā́dhas, samanyú
and AV. shows the accent on the final syllable in sān̄gá
(śB. sā́n̄ga
)
and the substantivized (1312) savidyutá
.
i. Possessive compounds with the exclamatory prefixes ka
etc. are too
few in the older language to furnish ground for any rule as to accent:
kábandha
is perhaps an example of such.
1305. Possessive compounds in which a verbal prefix is used as prior member with adjective value, qualifying a noun as final member, are found even in the oldest language, and are rather more common later (compare the descriptive compounds, above, 1289; and the prepositional, below, 1310). They usually have the accent of the prefix.
a. Most common are those made with pra
, vi
, and sam
; thus, for
example, prámahas
having exceeding might, práśravas
widely
famed; vígrāva
of wry neck, vyàn̄ga
having limbs away or gone,
limbless, víjāni
wifeless, víparva
and víparus
jointless,
vyàdhvan
of wide ways, vímanas
both of wide mind and mindless,
vívācas
of discordant speech; sámpatnī
having one’s husband
along, sámmanas
of accordant mind, sáṁsahasra
accompanied by a
thousand, sámokas
of joint abode. Examples of others are: átyūrmi
surging over, ádhivastra
having a garment on, ádhyardha
with a
half over, ádhyakṣa
overseer, ápodaka
without water, abhírūpa
of adapted character, ávatoka
that has aborted, ā́manas
of
favorable mind, údojas
of exalted power, nímanyu
of assuaged
fury, nírmāya
free from guile, nírhasta
handless.
b. In a comparatively small number of cases, the accent is otherwise,
and generally on the final: thus, avakeśá, upamanyú, viśaphá, viśikhá
(AV. víśikha
), vikarṇá, saṁmātṛ́
, etc.; in an instance or two, that
of the final member: thus, samśíśvarī
having a common young.
1306. Possessive compounds with an ordinary adverb as prior member are also found in every period of the language. They usually have the accent which belongs to the adverb as independent word.
a. Examples are: ántyūti
bringing near help, avódeva
calling
down the gods, itáūti
helping on this side, ihácitta
with mind
directed hither, dakṣiṇatáskaparda
wearing the braid on the right
side, nā́nādharman
of various character, purudhápratīka
of
manifold aspect, viśvátomukha
with faces on all sides, sadyáūti
of immediate aid, víṣurūpa
of various form, smádūdhan
with
udder, adhástāllakṣman
with mark below, ekatomukha
with face on
one side, táthāvidha
of such sort.
b. An instance or two of irregular accent are met with: thus,
purorathá
whose chariot is foremost, evaṁkratú
so-minded.
1307. a. It was pointed out in the preceding chapter (1222 h) that the
indifferent suffix ka
is often added to a pure possessive compound, to
help the conversion of the compounded stem into an adjective;
especially, where the final of the stem is less usual or manageable in
adjective inflection.
b. Also, the compound possessive stem occasionally takes further a
possessive-making suffix: thus,
yaśobhagín, suśiprin, varavarṇin, dīrghasūtrin, puṇyavāgbuddhikarmin, sutásomavant, tādṛgrūpavant, trayodaśadvīpavant, nārakapālakuṇḍalavant, amṛtabuddhimant
.
c. The frequent changes which are undergone by the final of a stem occurring at the end of a compound are noticed further on (1315).
1308. The possessive compounds are not always used in the later language with the simple value of qualifying adjective; often they have a pregnant sense, and become the equivalents of dependent clauses; or the having which is implied in them obtains virtually the value of our having as sign of past time.
a. Thus, for example, prāptayāuvana
possessing attained
adolescence, i.e. having arrived at adolescence; anadhigataśāstra
with unstudied books, i. e. who has neglected study; kṛtaprayatna
possessing performed effort, i. e. on whom effort is expended;
an̄gulīyakadarśanāvasāna
having the sight of the ring as termination,
i. e. destined to end on sight of the ring; uddhṛtaviṣādaśalyaḥ
having an extracted despair-arrow, i. e. when I shall have extracted
the barb of despair; śrutavistāraḥ kriyatām
let him be made with
heard details, i. e. let him be informed of the details;
dṛṣṭavīryo me rāmaḥ
Rāma has seen my prowess,
bhagnabhāṇḍo dvijo yathā
like the Brahman that broke the pots,
ukhānṛtam ṛṣiṁ yathā
like a sage that has spoken falsely.
B. Compounds with Governed Final Member.
1309. Participial Compounds. This group of compounds, in which the prior member is a present participle and the final member its object, is a small one (toward thirty examples), and exclusively Vedic — indeed, almost limited to the oldest Vedic (of the Rig-Veda). The accent is on the final syllable of the participle, whatever may have been the latter’s accent as an independent word.
a. Examples are: vidádvasu
winning good things, kṣayádvīra
governing (kṣáyant
) heroes, taráddvevas
overcoming (tárant
)
foes, ābharádvasu
bringing good things, codayánmati
inciting
(codáyant
) devotion, mandayátsakha
rejoicing friends,
dhārayátkavi
sustaining sages, maṅhayádrayi
bestowing wealth.
b. In sādádyoni
sitting in the lap (sādat
quite anomalously for
sīdat
or sadat
), and spṛhayádvarṇa
emulous of color, the
case-relation of the final member is other than accusative. In
patayán mandayátsakham
(RV. i. 4. 7), patayát
, with accent changed
accordingly, represents patayátsakham
, the final member being
understood from the following word. Vidádaśva
is to be inferred from
its derivative vāídadaśvi. Of this formation appear to be
jamádagni, pratádvasu
(prathád
?), and trasádasyu
(for
trasáddasyu
?). It was noticed above (1299 c) that yuyujānásapti
is
capable of being understood as a unique compound of like character, with
a perfect instead of present participle; sā́dhadiṣṭi
, on account of its
accent, is probably possessive.
1310. Prepositional Compounds. By this name may be conveniently called those combinations in which the prior member is a particle having true prepositional value, and the final member is a noun governed by it. Such combinations, though few in number as compared with other classes of compounds, are not rare, either in the earlier language or in the later. Their accent is so various that no rule can be set up respecting it.
a. Examples are: átyavi
passing through the wool, atirātrá
overnight, atimātrá
exceeding measure; ádhiratha
lying on the
chariot, adhigavá
belonging to the cow; adhaspadá
under the
feet, adhoakṣa
below the axle; ánupatha
following the road,
anupūrvá
following the one preceding, one after another, anuṣatyá
in accordance with truth, anukū́la
down stream, etc.; ántaspatha
(with anomalously changed accent of antár
), within the way,
antardāvá
within the flame (?), antarhastá
in the hand;
ántigṛha
near the house; apiprā́ṇa
accompanying the breath
(prāṇá
), ápivrata
concerned with the ceremony, apiśarvará
bordering on night, apikarṇá
next the ear; abhijñú
reaching to
the knee, abhívīra
and abhísatvan
overcoming heroes; ā́pathi
on
the road, ā́deva
going to the gods, ājarasá
reaching old age,
ādvādaśá
up to twelve; upakakṣá
reaching to the armpits,
upottamá
next to last, penultimate; upáribudhna
above the
bottom, upárimartya
rising above mortals; tirojaná
beyond
people; niḥsālá
cut of the house; paripád
(about the feet)
snare, parihastá
about the hand, bracelet; parókṣa
out of
sight, parómātra
beyond measure, parogavyūtí
beyond the fields,
paraḥsahasrá
(páraḥsahasra
, śB.) above a thousand; purokṣá
in
front of the eyes; pratidosá
toward evening, pratilomá
against
the grain, pratikū́la
up stream, pratyákṣa
before the eyes;
bahiḥparidhí
outside the enclosure; vípathi
outside the road;
samakṣá
close to the eyes, in sight.
b. Compounds of this character are in the later language especially
common with adhi
: thus, adhyātma
relating to the soul or self,
adhiyajña
relating to the sacrifice, etc.
c. A suffixal a
is sometimes added to a final consonant, as in
upānasá
on the wagon, āvyuṣá
until daybreak. In a few instances,
the suffix ya
is taken (see above, 1212 m); and in one word the suffix
in:
thus, paripantín
besetting the path.
d. The prepositional compounds are especially liable to adverbial use: see below, 1313 b.
Adjective Compounds as Nouns and as Adverbs.
1311. Compound adjectives, like simple ones, are freely used substantively as abstracts and collectives, especially in the neuter, less often in the feminine; and they are also much used adverbially, especially in the accusative neuter.
a. The matter is entitled to special notice only because certain forms of combination have become of special frequency in these uses, and because the Hindu grammarians have made out of them distinct classes of compounds, with separate names. There is nothing in the older language which by its own merits would call for particular remark under this head.
1312. The substantively used compounds having a numeral as prior
member, along with, in part, the adjective compounds themselves, are
treated by the Hindus as a separate class, called dvigu
.
a. The name is a sample of the class, and means of two cows, said to
be used in the sense of worth two cows; as also pañcagu
bought for
five cows, dvināu
worth two ships, páñcakapāla
made in five
cups, and so on.
b. Vedic examples of numeral abstracts and collectives are: dvirājá
[combat] of two kings, triyugá
three ages, triyojaná
space of
three leagues, tridivá
the triple heaven, pañcayojaná
space of
five leagues, ṣaḍahá
six days’ time, daśān̄gulá
ten fingers'
breadth; and, with suffix ya
, sahasrāhṇyá
thousand days’ journey.
Others, not numeral, but essentially of the same character, are, for
example: anamitrá
freedom from enemies, nikilbiṣá
freedom from
guilt, savidyutá
thunderstorm, víhṛdaya
heartlessness, and
sáhṛdaya
heartiness, sudivá
prosperity by day, sumṛgá
and
suśakuná
prosperity with beasts and birds. Feminines of like use are
not quotable from RV. or AV.; later occur such as triśatī
three
hundred (481), trilokī
the three worlds, pañcamūlī
aggregate of
five roots.
c. As the examples show, the accent of words thus used is various; but it is more prevailingly on the final syllable than in the adjective compounds in their ordinary use.
1313. Those adverbially used accusatives of secondary adjective
compounds which have an indeclinable or particle as prior member are
reckoned by the Hindu grammarians as a separate class of compounds, and
called by the name avyayībhāva
.
a. This term is a derivative from the compound verb (1094) made up of
avyaya
uninflected and √bhū
, and means conversion to an
indeclinable.
b. The prepositional compounds (1310) are especially frequent in this
use: thus, for example, anuṣvadhám
by one’s own will, abhipūrvám
and parovarám
in succession, ādvādaśám
up to twelve,
pratidoṣám
at evening, samakṣám
in sight. Instances given by the
grammarians are: adhihari
upon Hari, uparājam
with the king,
upanadam
or upanadi
near the river, pratyagni
toward the fire,
pratiniśam
every night, nirmakṣikam
with freedom from flies.
c. A large and important class is made up of words having a relative
adverb, especially yathā
, as prior member. Thus, for example,
yathāvaśám
as one chooses (váśa
will), yathākṛtám
as done
[before], according to usage, yathānāmá
by name, yathābhāgám
according to several portion, yathān̄gám
and yathāparú
limb by
limb, yatrakā́mam
whither one will, yāvanmātrám
in some measure,
yāvajjīvám
as long as one lives, yāvatsábandhu
according to the
number of relations.
d. These compounds are not common in the old language; RV. has with
yathā
only four of them, AV. only ten; and no such compound is used
adjectively except yācchreṣṭha
RV., yāvacchreṣṭhá
AV. as good as
possible. śB. has yathākārín, yathācārín, yáthākāma, yáthākratu
as
adjectives (followed in each case by a correlative táthā
). The
adjective use in the later language also is quite rare as compared with
the adverbial.
e. Other cases than the accusative occasionally occur: thus,
instrumental, as
yathāsaṁkhyena, yathāśaktyā, yathepsayā, yathāpratiguṇāis
; and
ablative, as yathāucityāt
.
f. A class of adverbs of frequent occurrence is made with sa
: e. g.
sakopam
angrily, sādaram
respectfully, sasmitam
with a
smile, saviśeṣam
especially.
g. Other adverbial compounds of equivalent character occur earlier, and
are common later: for example, ṛtekarmám
without work, nānārathám
on different chariots, ubhayadyús
two days in succession,
citrapadakramam
with wonderful progress, pradānapūrvam
with
accompaniment of a gift; etc.
Anomalous Compounds.
1314. As in every language, compounds are now and then met with which are of anomalous character, as exhibiting combinations of elements not usually put together, or not after such a method, or for such a purpose. Some of these, especially of those occurring in the old language, may well be noticed here.
a. Compounds having a particle as final member: as, apratí
having no
equal, tuvipratí
mightily opposing, átathā
refusing, vitatha
false, yathātathá
as it really is, súsaha
prosperity in
companionship, aniha
and anamutra
having no here and no yonder,
etc.
b. Agglomerations of two or more elements out of phrases: thus,
ahampūrvá
eager to be first, ahamuttará
contest for preeminence,
mamasatyá
contest for possession, itihāsá
legend (iti hā ”sa
thus, indeed, it was), naghamārá
and naghāriṣá
not, surely,
dying or coming to harm, kuvítsa
some unknown person,
tadídartha
having just that as aim, kūcidarthín
having errands in
every direction, kācitkará
doing all sorts of things, kuhacidvíd
wherever found, akutaścidbhaya
out of all danger, yadbhaviṣya
What-is-to-be, etc.
c. Agglomerations in which the prior member retains a syntactic form:
as, anyonya
and paraspara
one another, avaraspara
inverted.
d. Aggregations with the natural order inverted: e. g. pitāmahá
and
tatāmahá
grandfather, putrahata
with his sons slain, jānvākná
and -jānvakta
with bended knee, dantajāta
provided with teeth,
somāpahṛtá
deprived of soma, pan̄ktírādhas
having groups of
gifts, gojara
old bull, agrajihvá, agranāsikā
, etc. tip of the
tongue, of the nose, etc. Compare also 1291 c.
e. Aggregations of particles were pointed out above (1111 a); also
(1122 e) cases in which ná
and mā́
are used in composition.
f. In late Sanskrit (perhaps after the false analogy of combinations
like tad anu
, viewed as tadanu
, with tad as stem instead of neuter
accusative), a preposition is sometimes compounded as final member with
the noun governed by it: e. g. vṛkṣādhas
or vṛkṣādhastāt
under the
tree, dantāntaḥ
between the teeth, bhavanopari
on top of the
house, satyavinā
without truth.
Stem-finals altered in Composition.
1315. Transfers to an a
-form of declension from other less common
finals, which are not rare in independent use, are especially common in
the final members of compounds. Thus:
a. A stem in an often drops its final consonant (compare 429 a, 437):
examples are
akṣa, adhva, arva, astha, aha, takṣa, brahma, mūrdha, rāja, loma, vṛṣa, śva, saktha, sāma
.
b. An i
or ī
is changed to a
: examples are
an̄gula, an̄jala, aśra, kukṣa, khāra, nada, nābha, bhūma, rātra, sakha
.
c. An a
is added after a final consonant, and sometimes after an
u
-vowel or a diphthong (compare 399): examples are ṛca, tvaca
;
uda, pada, śarada
; apa
; dhura, pura
; ahna, aśmana, ūdhna, rājña
;
anasa, ayasa, āyuṣa, urasa, enasa, tamasa, manasa, yajuṣa, rajasa, rahasa, varcasa, vedasa, śreyasa, sarasa
;
bhruva, diva, gava, gāva, nāva
.
d. More sporadic and anomalous cases are such as: apanna-da
(-dant
), pañca-ṣa
(-ṣaṣ
), ajāika-pa
(-pad
), śata-bhiṣā
(-bhiṣāj
), vipaś-ci
(-cit
), yathā-pura
(-puras
).
Loose Construction with Compounds.
1316. In the looseness of unlimited and fortuitous combination, especially in the later language, it is by no means rare that a word in composition has an independent word in the sentence depending upon or qualifying it alone, rather than the compound of which it forms a part.
a. Examples are: rāyáskāmo viśvāpsnyasya
(RV.) desirous of
all-enjoyable wealth; aṇhór urucákriḥ
(RV.) causing relief from
distress; mahādhané árbhe
(RV.) in great contest and in small;
svāhāṁ śrāiṣṭhyakāmaḥ
(AśS.) desiring superiority over his fellows;
brāhmaṇāñ chrutaśīlavṛttasampannān ekena vā
(AGS.) Brahmans endowed
with learning, character, and behavior, or with one [of the three];
cittapramāthinī bālā devānām api
(MBh.) a girl disturbing the minds
even of the gods; vasiṣṭhavacanād ṛṣyaśṛn̄gasya co ’bhayoḥ
(R.) at
the words of both Vasishtha and Rishyaśringa,
sītādravyāpaharaṇe śastrāṇām āuṣadhasya ca
(M.) in case of stealing
ploughing implements or weapons or medicament; jyotiṣām madhyacārī
(H.) moving in the midst of the stars; dārupātraṁ ca mṛnmayam
(M.)
a wooden and an earthen vessel; syandane dattadṛṣṭiḥ
(ś.) with eye
fixed on the chariot; tasminn ullambitamṛtaḥ
(KSS.) dead and hanging
upon it.