2

ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY SANSKRIT SERIES No. 11 LECTURES ON PATANJALI’S MAHABHASYA VOL. II (AHNIKAS 4 to 6) By P. S. SUBRAHMANYA SASTRI, M, A., Ph. D. (Vidyāratna, Vidyānidhi, Vāṇī-trivēṇīprayāga) RETIRED PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT, ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY. WITH COURAGE AND I AND FAITH ANNAMALAINAGAR 1951 Printed at The Trichinopoly United Printers, Limited, Tiruchirapallı-500 Copies जयत्वण्णामलैविश्वविद्यास्थानमिदं सदा । जयतात्सांस्कृती विद्या सदा सर्वैस्समादृता ॥ मुत्तैया जयतु श्रीमान् राजा सर्बिरुदाङ्कितः । श्रेष्ठिराष्ट्रस्य राजासौ विद्यास्थानप्रपोषकः ॥ PREFACE This volume consists of ahnikas commencing with the fourth and ending with the sixth, on the first pada of the first adhyāya of the Aṣṭādhyāyī of Ācārya Pāņini. The points of general interest gathered from this volume are found in the Preface of Vol. I. I express my heartfelt thanks to the Syndicate of the Annamalai University and the Vice-Chancellor Dr. S. G. Manavalaramanujam M.A., Ph.D. (London) for having kindly permitted this publication. My thanks are also due to Sastraratnākara K. A. Sivaramakrishna Sastriar, Senior Vyakarana Lecturer in the Annamalai University, for having given me useful suggestions on going through the manuscripts. May Lord Naṭarāja and Lord Pasupatīŝa enable me to complete the work undertaken! 12, NORTH MADAVILAGAM TIRUVAIYARU 1-11-1951. P. S. Subrahmanya Sastri CONTENTS IV ÄHNIKA Sutra

1. न धातुलोप आर्धधातुके (1) Is the word dhātu necessary? (2) Is the word ārdhadhātuka necessary? (3) Is ārdhadhātuka, the viŝēṣuna of lōpa or guṇavrddhī taken here from the previous sūtra or both? (4) Is the enumeration of the parts of a dhātu where elision is taken into consideration here necessary or no? (5) Is this sūtra necessary or no? 2 कूङिति च (1) Tannimittë should be read as adjunct to guṇavṛddhī (2) Adēŝas of lakara which are nit are not entitled to sthānivadbhāva
2. दीधीवेवीटाम्
3. हलोनन्तराः संयोगः : Page 118 1830 an (1) Is the compound anantaraḥ made up of na and antaram or na and antarā (2) Is the word saha to be added at the end of the sūtra ? (3) If there are more than two contiguous consonants, is the samyōgasaṁjñā worthy of being applied to the whole or to every two of them? 3034 34-49 viii Sutra (4) Is the word antaraḥ in the sūtra to replaced by the word svarān. antarhitaḥ
4. मुखनासिकावचनोऽनुनासिकः (1) Derivation of mukhanāsikāvacanaḥ (2) The need or otherwise of the word mukha : : (3) Itarētarāśrayatā of saṁjñā and saṁjñin..
5. तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् (1) Four-fold splitting of tulyasyapra- yatnam (2) The need or otherwise of the addition of the word tasya in the sūtra (3) Declaring r and
6. नाज्झलौ
7. ईदूदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम् to be like sounds FIFTH AHNIKA (1) The use of taparakaraṇa in īt, ūt and ēt (2) Different ways of interpreting īd-ūd- ēd-dvivacanam
8. अदसो मात्
9. शे
10. निपात एकाजनाङ् (1) The need of the word nipāta (2) The meaning of ēkāc (3) The need of ēka in ēkāc 1 E } (4) The need of anāñ Page 49 55 : : 55-71 7177 7890 90-100 100-101 101-107 :
11. ओत्
12. उञ ऊँ Sutra
13. ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे ix (1) Harm if artha is absent in the sūtra (2) Harm if the vedic locative singular is considered to be got by pūrvasavarna and not by the elision of the case-suffix. (3) The word artha may be a jñāpaka to the absence of tadantavidhi with reference to pragṛhya (4) Does vāpyaśva get pragṛhyasaṁjñā ? 15. दाधा घ्वदाप् (1) The need or otherwise of reading prakṛtayaḥ in the sūtra Page 107-110 110-112 112-113 118-133 (2) The need of pratiṣedha of words of the same form from taking the designation ghu (3) The need or otherwise of pratiṣēdha of din with reference to itva (4) Whether dāp in adap includes dãip or not
14. ’ आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् (1) The need for substituting vyapadēsivad for adyantavad or otherwise (2) No need for this sūtra (3) Merits accrued from the sūtra
15. तरप्तमपौ घः
16. agquagefa agen (1) To add or not to add sankhyā after dati … :: 9:0 ь 133-143 144-146 147-159X Sutra (2 - 4) Is there need to add adhyan dha ardha purvapadapūraṇapratyayānta and adhika (i) Pratyākhyāna of the sūtra Page
17. ष्णान्ता पट्
18. डति च
19. क्तक्तवतू निष्ठा SIXTH AHNIKA : : :.. 160-164 164-165 165-169
20. सर्वादीनि सर्वनामानि (1) What compound is sarvādīni ? (2) Distinction between nipātana and pratiṣēdha (3) The need or otherwise of pratiṣedha of the words sarva etc. which serve as samjñā or which are upasarjana (4-5) Purpose of ubha and bhavat in sarvādi list.
21. विभाषा दिक्समासे बहुव्रीहौ
22. न बहुव्रीहौ
23. तृतीयासमासे
24. विभाषा जसि
25. स्वमज्ञातिधनाख्यायाम्
26. अन्तरं बहियोंगोपसंव्यानयोः
27. स्वरादिनिपातमव्ययम्
28. तद्धितश्चासर्वविभक्तिः " 170-189 : 189-193 : 193-198 198-199 199-201 202 202-204 204-205 205-213 xi : : Sutra
29. gràgra: (1) Whether mantu is visēṣaṇa to krt which takes antagrahana later on or krdanta (2) Need for the mention of the paribhāṣā Sannipātalakṣaṇā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya etc.
30. अव्ययीभावश्च 33-34. शि सर्वनामस्थानम्, सुडनपुंसकस्य
32. धातुग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What for is the mention of dhatu (in the sutra)? इह मा भूत् - लूञ् - लविता, लवितुम्; पूञ् - पविता, पवितुम् । (It is mentioned) so that the sutra may not operate in the formations lavitā and lavitum derived from the root luñ and in pavitā and pavitum derived from the root pūñ.1 lakṣaṇā. Here dhātu should be taken to mean dhātvaṁŝa by
33. Suppose dhātu is not mentioned in the sutra. Since in the formations lūñ+tyc and lūñ+ tumun, the anubhandha ñ is dropped, u cannot take guna. Consequently we can have the formations lūtā and lūtum; but the forms current in the world are lavita and lavitum. Same will be the case with respect to pavitā and pavitum. 2 ८३ LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYÀ
34. आर्धधातुक इति किमर्थम् ? What for is the word ardhadhātuka ? त्रिधा वद्धो वृषभो रोरवीति ’ Otherwise this sūtra will operate and affect the formation of rōravīti where u of the root ru cannot take guna since it is followed by the sārvadhātuka ti.
35. किं पुनरिदम् आर्धधातुकग्रहणं लोपविशेषणम् - आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते धातुलोपे सति ये गुणवृद्धी प्राप्नुतः ते न भवत इति, आहोस्वित् गुणवृद्धिविशेषणम् आर्धधातुकग्रहणम् - धातुलोपे सति आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते ये गुणवृद्धी प्राप्नुतः ते न भवत इति । Is ardhadhātuka to be taken as the adjunct of lōpa so that the sūtra may mean that the guna and the vṛddhi which are due on the elision of a part of a dhātu on account of the presence of an ārdhadhātuka pratyaya after it do not make their appearance? Or is ārdhadhātuka to be taken as the adjunct of gunavṛddhi so that the sūtra may mean that the guna and the vrddhi which are due on account of the presence of ardhadhātuka after it do not make their appearance, if a portion of dhātu is dropped? 2 किं चातः ? What difference will it make ? यदि लोपविशेषणम्, उपेद्धः - प्रेद्धः अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is the adjunct of lōpa, this sūtra will operate in the formations upēddha and prēddha and affect them, (i e.) the final
36. Röravīti is the third person singular, present, of the root ru in gantuks.. By the sūtra Dhātārākācā hatādēkh…. (3-1-22), the pratyaya yan is used; gunā yanlukoh (7-4-82) sanctions the guna of the abhyāsa ; yani Sci ca (2-4-74) sanctions the löpa of yan.
37. Kāiyata says that there are three alternatives here :–ārdhadhātukagrahaṇam lōpaviśēṣaṇam, guṇavṛddhiviśēṣaṇam vā, bahuvrīhipakṣē tu ubhayaviśēṣaṇam vā iti pakṣatrayasambhavāt praśnaḥ. FOURTH AHNIKA — NA DHĀTULŌPA ARDHADHĀTUKĒ 3 a of upz or pra and the initial i of the root indh cannot take the ēkādēŝa ē. (For n of indh has been dropped on account of the presence of the ārdhadhātuka pratyaya kta after it.)1 अथ गुणवृद्धिविशेषणम्, क्रोपयति इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is the adjunct of guna and vṛddhi, this sūtra will operate in the formation of knōpryati also and affect it (i.e.) ū of knũy cannot take guna since of the final y is dropped before the āgama puk. 2 qÃdsfè aureg | Let it be as you please. अस्तु लोपविशेषणम् । Let it (ärdhadhatuke) be the adjunct of lōpē. कथम् उपद्धेः प्रेद्ध इति ? How is it possible to arrive at the forms upēddhaḥ and prēddhaḥ? बहिरङ्गो गुणः, अन्तरङ्गः प्रतिषेधः, असिद्धं बहिरङ्गमन्तरङ्गे । Since bahirangakārya is considered non-existent when antarangaŝāstra is to operate and since guna is bahiranga and pratiṣēdha is antarañga, the ēkādēŝa guņa in place of a and i is not affected.3 adá, aruf argueda i If so, no purpose is served by the mention of dhātu. इह कस्मान्न भवति ; - लूं, लविता लवितुम्; पूल्, पविता पवितुम् ।
38. N of indh is dropped by the sūtra aniditām hala upadhāyāḥ kniti (6–4–24) anda+i becomes ẽ by ad guṇaḥ (6–1–87.)
39. The root knũy takes nic after it by the sūtra hētumati ca (3–1–26) and the agama puk after it by the sūtra arti-hrī-vli-rī knūyi-kṣmāyyātām puǹ ṇāu (7-3-36). y is dropped by the sūtra lõpō vyōrvali (6–1–66) and u takes gund by the sutra pugantalaghupadhasya ca (7–3–86).
40. According to this, iddha is first formed and then the upasargas upa and pra are added to it. If the upasargas are first added to the root indh before it takes kta pratyaya, the guna that has come cannot be nullified. 4 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA How is it not then that the sūtra (na dhatulōpa ārdhadhatuke) operates here and affects the formations lavitā, lavitum, pavitā and pavitum ? आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते लोपे प्रतिषेधः, न चैष आर्धधातुकनिमित्तो लोपः । There is prohibition (of guna and vṛddhi) only when the elision (of a part of the root) is due to the presence of ārdhudhātuka pratyaya and the elision of ñ in lūñ and pūñ is not due to it. अथवा पुनरस्तु गुणवृद्धिविशेषणम् । Or let it be the adjunct of guņa and vṛddhi. ननु चोक्तं क्नोपयति इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । Has it not been said that, in that case, the prohibition will affect the form knōpayati ? नैष दोषः, निपातनात् सिद्धम् । This objection cannot stand; its form is definitely decided from its mention by the Sutrakāra. किं निपातनम् ? Where is it mentioned ? đề gồm: giai In the sūtra cēlē knōpēḥ (3, 4, 33). Note: 1.-By taking recourse to the paribhāṣa asiddham bahirangam antarange’ and the validity of nipātana, Mahābāṣyakāra decides that the sūtra may be read ’na lōpa ārdhadhātukē.” Note: 2.-He then begins to explain the views of the Vārttikakāra as below. FOURTH ÄHNIKA-NA DHÄTULÖPA ÄRDHADHĀTUKË
41. परिगणनं कर्तव्यम् - यङ्ग्यक्क्यवलोपे प्रतिषेधः । 100 5 Enumeration is necessary-The prohibition operates when there is elision of the pratyayas yan, yak, kya and va within the verbal stems). 1 यययवलोपे प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः - यङ् । बेभिदिता, मरीसृजः ३ ; यकू’ कुषुभिता’, मगधकः ; क्य’ समिधिता, ’ हृषदकः : वलोपे जीरदानुः 1 1 6 8 It needs mention that prohibition takes places when there is elision of yan, yak, kya and va. The examples where there is the lõpa of yan are bēbhiditā and marīmrja ḥ; those where there is the lōpa of yak are kuşubhită and magadhakaḥ; those where there is the lōpa of kya are samidhita and drṣadakaḥ and that where there is the lōpa of va is jīradānuḥ. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why? नुम्लोपस्रिव्यनुबन्धलोपेऽप्रतिषेधार्थम्
42. Better to have the reading yanlōpē, yaglõpe and kyalōpē in place of yan yak and kya in the text.
43. Bhid is the root, it takes yań after it by the sutra dhātōrēkācō halādēḥ kriyāsamabhihārē yan (3-1-22): it is doubled by the sūtra san yañōḥ (6–1–9) ; bēbhidya takes trc by nvultrcău (3, 1, 133) and ya is dropped by yasya halah (6–4–49).
44. Mrj is the root. After taking yan and after reduplication it takes nvul by 3-1-133 and ya is dropped by the sūtra yañō ci ca (2-4-74).
45. Kuşubha is the root; it takes yak by kandvādibhyō yak (3, 1, 27) and tực by nvultrcău, ya is dropped by yasya halaḥ (6, 4, 49)
46. Magadha is the root; it takes yak by 3-1-27 and nvul by (3, 1, 133). ya is dropped by yasya halaḥ. 6-7. f and take kyac by supa ātmanaḥ kyac; the former takes trc and the latter ñvul and ya is dropped by kyasya vibhāṣā (6–4–50).
47. Jiva is the root; it takes radānu after it; va is dropped by lōpô vyör vali (6, 1, 66). LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHÂṢYA So that the prohibition (of guna and vṛddhi) (ordained by the sūtra dhātu lõpa ārdhadhātukē) may not take place when there is the elision of n, in the root srivu and when there is the elision of anubandha. नुम्लोपे स्त्रिव्यनुबन्धलोपे च प्रतिषेधो मा भूत् इति । So that the prohibition may be avoided at the elision of n, with reference to the root srivu and at the elision of anubandha. ३ नुम्लोपे - अभाजि 1, रागः ‘, उपबर्हणम् । The examples where prohibition is ineffective at the elision of n are abhāji, ▾āgaḥ and upabarhanam. स्त्रिवेः - आत्रेमाणम् ’ The example where the prohibition is ineffective is the form āsrēmāṇam derived from the root sriv. अनुबन्धलोपे - लूम्, लविता, लवितुम् । The examples where the prohibition is ineffective at the elision of anubandha are lavita and lavitum derived from the root lūñ. यदि परिगणनं क्रियते, स्यदः, प्रश्रथः, हिमश्रथः इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति ।
48. The root is bhaji: it becomes bhunj by the sutra iditō num dhātōh. (7, 1, 58). In the aorist passive third person singular, it takes cli by the sutra cli luni (3, 1, 43), which is replaced by cin by the sutra ciņ bhāvakarmaṇāḥ (3, 1, 66); the termination ta is dropped by cinō luk (6, 4, 104); n is optionally dropped hy bhanjēśca ciņi (6, 4, 33); a takes the vyddhi by ata upadhāyāḥ (7, 2, 116.)
49. The root is rañj; it takes għan after it by the sūtra akartari ca kārakē saṁjñāyām (3, 3, 19); n is dropped by the sutra ghani ca bhāvakaraṇayōḥ (6, 4, 27); a takes its vrddhi by ata upadhāyāḥ (7, 2, 116).
50. Brmh is the root: upa is the upasarga: it takes lyuț after it by the sūtra lyuț ca (3, 3, 115) and n is dropped by the värttika bṛṁhēracyaniți and ↑ takes guna by pugantalaghūpadhasya ca (7, 3, 86). 4. Srivu is the dhātu where u is anubandha; it has taken manin pratyaya after it; v is dropped by lopo vyōr vali (6, 1. 66). FOURTH ÅHNIKA – NA DHATULŌPA ARDHADHĀTUKĒ 7 If the enumeration is done, (vrddhi) will replace a of the roots in syadaḥ, praśrathaḥ and himasrathaḥ (since n of syand and ŝranth has been dropped like n in bhanj and rañj of the words abhāji and rāgaḥ) वक्ष्यत्येतत् निपातनात्स्यदादिषु इति । No, it will not be, since he is going to mention that the forms syada etc. are known to be the correct ones from his nipātana or usage elsewhere. तत्तर्हि परिगणनं कर्तव्यम् । Then it is settled that enumeration should be done. न कर्तव्यम् । No, enumeration need not be done. gròìù nula wafa? How will not then the sūtra na dhātulōpa ārdhadhātukē operate when there is the elision of n (as in bhañj and rañj ) इक्प्रकरणान्नुम्लोपे वृद्धिः Since the sūtra deals with the prohibition of guṇa and vṛddhi for ik (taken here from the previous sūtra), vṛddhi takes place when there is the elision of n. इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्धयोः प्रतिषेधः । न चैषा इग्लक्षणा वृद्धिः । Prohibition is intended in the sutra only to such guna and vṛddhi as are ordained for ik. This vṛddhi (in bhañj and rañj) is not concerned with ik. यदि इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्धयोः प्रतिषेधः, स्यदः, प्रथथः हिमश्रथः इत्यत्र न प्राप्नोति, इह च प्राप्नोति अवोदः - एधः ’ ओद्मः ’ इति । 1 2 3
51. Undi is the root; ava is the upasarga; the root takes ghañ after it; n is dropped; when we have ava+ud+a, the pūrvapakṣin says that u, being ik may not take guna by the sūtra pugantalaghūpadhasya ca. 2. Indhi is the root; it takes ghañ after it. As in the previous case i will not take guna by the sūtra pugantalaghūpadhasya ca.
52. Undi is the root and it takes āuṇādika pratyaya man after it.8 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA If the prohibition is intended only to those guna and vṛddhi concerned with ik, prohibition will not take place in syadaḥ, praśrathaḥ and himaŝrathaḥ, but it will take place in avodaḥ, ēdhaḥ and odmah. निपातनात् स्यदादिषु Presence or absence of prohibition is decided by the mention of those words in sūtras (syadō javē (6, 4, 28); avōdaidhaudmaprasrathahimasrathāḥ (6, 4, 29). निपातनात् स्यदादिषु प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति, न च भविष्यति । Presence or absence of pratiṣedha in syadaḥ etc. is decided by nipatana. यदि इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्ध्योः प्रतिषेधः, स्त्रिव्यनुबन्धलोपे कथम् ? If this sūtra refers to the prohibition of guna and vṛddhi with reference to ik, how does it not operate with reference to the root sriv and the roots after dropping the anubhandha. (i.e. the guṇa in āsrēmāṇam and lavitā, lavitum, pavitā, pavitum etc. will be prohibited by this sūtra) ? प्रत्ययाश्रयत्वात् अन्यत्र सिद्धम् The forms in other cases are not affected, since the lopa mentioned in the sutra refers to that which depends upon the (ārdhṇdhātuka) pratyaya that follows it. आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते लोपे प्रतिषेधः, न चैष आर्धधातुकनिमित्तो लोपः । Prohibition is enjoined when the elision depends upon the ārdhadātuka pratyaya. The lōpa (in sriv, lūñ, pūñ) is not due to the ārdhadhātuka pratyaya. 1 यदि आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते लोपे प्रतिषेधः, जीरदानुः ’ अत्र न प्राप्नोति ।
53. The lopa of v in āsrēmāṇam is due to val after it
54. Jiv is taken as the root and radānu, the pratyaya and v is dropped by the sútra lõpõ vyōr vali. FOURTH AHNIKA NA DHATULOPA ARDHADHĀTUKË If the prohibition depends upon the elision due to ārdhadhātuka pratyaya, it cannot apply in the form jīradānuḥ. रकिः ज्यः सम्प्रसारणम् Ya of jya takes samprasarana before the pratyaya rak. 1 नैतजीवे रूपम्, रकि एतज्ज्यः सम्प्रसारणं भवति । । This is not derived from the root jīv by the addition of radānu; but jya takes samprasāraṇa before rak. यावता चेदानीं रकि, जीवेरपि सिद्धं भवति । If jīra is derived from jya+ra, it may as well be derived from jīv+ra. कथम् उपबर्हणम् ? How is it possible to get the form upabarhanam (from the the root brhi, since n has been dropped on account of the ārdhadhātuka pratyaya after it)? बृहिः प्रकृत्यन्तरम् The root brh (in upabarhana) is different from brhi . कथं विज्ञायते बृहिः प्रकृत्यन्तरमिति ? How is it known that the root brh (in upabarhaņa) is different from bṛhi? अचीति हि लोप उच्यते, अनजादावपि दृश्यते - निबृह्यते । अनिटीति चोच्यते, इडादावपि दृश्यते - निबर्हिता, निबर्हितुम् इति । अजादावपि न दृश्यते, - बृंहयति, बृंहकः ।
55. Tiradānuh is taken to be the compound of jira and dānu, where jira is formed from jya+rak and dūnu from dā+nu.
56. Kaiyața shows the dhūtupāṭha where bṛha and byhi are read to mean to increase. 10 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA The elision of n in brhi is said to take place when it is followed by a pratyaya beginning with a vowel (in the vārttika brmher aci aniți); but it is seen when it is followed by a non-vowel. Ex. nibṛhyatē. It is said that it takes place when it is followed by aniț; but it is seen when it is followed by it. Ex. nibarhitā, nibarhitum. Elision is not seen even when it is followedby a vowel. Ex. brmhayati. तस्मान्नार्थः परिगणनेन । Hence it is not necessary to have the enumeration. 1 यदि परिगणनं न क्रियते, भेद्यते । छेद्यते ’ अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If the enumeration is not done, the prohibition of guna will take place in bhedyatē and chedyaté also (since nic has been dropped in bhidi and chidi.) नैष दोषः । धातुलोप इति नैवं विज्ञायते, धातोर्लोपः धातुलोपः, धातुलोपे इति । कथं तर्हि ? धातोर्लोपः यस्मिंस्तत् धातुलोपम्, धातुलोपे इति । This objection cannot stand; for the expression dhātulāpē is not taken as the seventh case of the tatpurusa compound dhātulōpa. What then? It is taken as the seventh case of the bahuvrihi compound dhatulopa. (Here in bhedyate and chēdyatē, the reason for the loss of nic which forms a part of dhātu is the presence of yak after it and the guna is due to the presence of nic.) तस्मादिग्लक्षणा वृद्धिः । Hence vrddhi in this sūtra has reference to that of ik.
57. Bhidir is the root; it takes nic after it by hetumali ca (3, 1, 26); further after it, it takes yak by the sutra sārvadhātukē yak (3, 1, 67); it then takes the tin te; on account of the influence of nic, i of bhid takes guna by the sutra pugantalaghüpadhasya ca (7, 3, 86); the nic is then dropped by the sutra nēr aniți (6, 4, 51)
58. Chidir is the root and the formation of chedyatē is similar to bhédyatë. FOURTH ÂHNIKA - NA DHĂTULŌPA ÄRDHADHÄTUKĒ 11 यदि तर्हि इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्ध्योः प्रतिषेधः, पापचकः पापठकः मगधकः दृषदकः अत्र न प्राप्नोति । 3 If the pratiṣedha in the sutra has reference only to ik, the sūtra will not operate in the formation of the words papacakaḥ, papathakaḥ, maghadhakaḥ and drṣadakaḥ. (i.e.) vṛddhi will take place through the sutra ata upadhāyāḥ (7, 2, 116) and consequently the forms should be pāpācakaḥ, pāpāṭhakaḥ, magadhakaḥ and dṛṣādukaḥ). agiqer enfazana (Vrddhi through the sutra ata upadhāyāḥ will not take place) since the a elided through the sūtra a’ō lōpaḥ takes sthānivadbhāva. अल्लोपे कृते तस्य स्थानिवद्भावात् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Guna and vṛddhi do not take place since lopādēŝa takes sthànivadbhāva (i-e.) at is considered to be existent though it has been elided (and consequently the a of pac etc. cannot be considered upadhā.) Note: Vārttikakāra has decided that pariganana is not necessary under the following conditions :-
59. The sūtra should be taken to mean ārdhadhātukanimittē dhātvaṁśālīpē sati, ārdhadhātukanimitte iglakṣanē gupavṛddhĩ na bhavataḥ.
60. Dupacas (pac) is the root; it takos yan after it by the sūtra dhātōr ēkācō halādēḥ kriyāsamabhihārē yan (3, 1, 22), it gets doubled by sanyanōḥ (6, 1. 9); the a of the abhyasa takes dirgha by the sutra dirghōskitaḥ (7, 4, 83); pāpacya takes aka by the sutra nvultṛcău (3, 1, 133); yan is dropped by the sutra yasya halaḥ (6, 4, 69) and atō lōpaḥ,
61. Patha (path) is the root; the derivation of papaṭhakaḥ is the same as that of papacakaḥ.
62. Magadha takes yak and vul and yu is dropped by yasya halaḥ (6, 4, 49.)
63. Drṣadakah is from drṣad which takes kyac and nvul after it and ya is dropped by kyasya vibhāṣā (6. 4, 50). 12 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHẰBHĀṢYA
64. The correctness of the forms syada etc. is decided from nipātana.
65. The word jiradānuḥ is not a simple word formed from the root jiv and the suffix radānu; but it is a compound word made up of two words jīra and dānu, where jīra is formed in either of the two following ways-jya+rak or jīv+rak.
66. The word upabarhanam is not derived from the root brhi, but is derived from the root brha.
67. The upadhavṛddhi is avoided by taking recourse to the sthänivadbhāva of a elided by the sūtra atō lõpuḥ.
68. अनारम्भो वा Or the non-reading (of this sūtra). अनारम्भो वा पुनरस्य योगस्य न्याय्यः । Or the reading of this sūtra is not necessary. कथं बेभिदिता, मरीमृजकः, कुषुभिता, समिधिता इति ? lf so, how is it possible to arrive at the forms bēbhiditā, marīmṛjakaḥ, kuşubhita and samidhitā? (i.e.) how are guṇa and upadhāvṛddhi avoided ?) अत्रापि अकारलोपे कृते स्थानिवद्भावाद् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Here too guna and vṛddhi can be avoided by taking recourse to the sthānivadbhāva of the lōpādēśa of at. यत्र तर्हि स्थानिवद्भावो नास्ति तदर्थमयं योगो वक्तव्यः । This sūtra is necessary for such cases as do not admit sthänivadbhāva. bhāva ? क्व च स्थानिवद्भावो नास्ति । What are the cases which do not admit sthānivad- FOURTH ÁHNIKA — NA DHĀTULŪPA ĀRDHADHĀTUKĒ 13 यत्र हलचोरादेशः - लोलुवः ‘, पोपुवः ‘, मरीमृजः, सरीसृप । इति । Where both the consonant and the vowel are together replaced by another, as in lōluvaḥ, popuvaḥ, marīmrjaḥ and sarīsṛpaḥ. अत्रापि अकारलोपे कृते तस्य स्थानिवद्भावात् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Even here let the akāra be elided; if the lēpādēŝa takes sthānivadbhāva, there is no opportunity for guna and vṛddhi. Note: Instead of taking that both the consonant and the vowel in ya are dropped on the strength of the sūtra yañōci ca (2, 4, 74), let a be dropped on the strength of atō lōpaḥ (6, 4, 48) and then y may be dropped on the strength of yanōci ca. Though yanōci ca deals with the elision of ya, it may also deal with that of y, since the latter may be considered to be the former though there is slight change. Cf. akadēśavikṛtam ananyavad bhavati. लुकि कृते न प्राप्नोति । If luk is first done by the sutra yañōci ca, there is no room for sthānivadbhāva. इदमिह सम्प्रधार्यम्, लुक् क्रियताम् अल्लोपो वा इति । This is to be decided whether luk is first to be done or allōpa.
69. Lūñ is the root; it takes yan after it by the sutra dhātōr ēkācō halādēḥ kriyāsamabhihāre yaṁ (3, 1, 22); it is doubled by the sutra sanyañōḥ (6, 1, 9); the abhyāsa takes guna by gunō yanlukōḥ (7, 4, 82); it takes the pratyaya ac by the sutra nandigrahipacãdibhyō lyuninyacaḥ (3, 1, 134); yan is dropped by yañóci ca (2, 4, 74).
70. The formation of põpuvaḥ is exactly the same as lõluvaḥ. 3-4. The formation of marimrjaḥ and sarīerpaḥ is the same as that of lõluvaḥ, except in the point that the abhyāsa after taking ar by the sūtra urat takes the agama rik by the sútra rīg rdupadhasya (7, 4, 90). 14 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYÀ किमत्र कर्तव्यम् | Which deserves to be done? परत्वाद् अल्लोपः The lōpa of at should first be done since atō lõpaḥ (6, 4, 48) is read after yanōci ca (2, 4, 74) in the Aṣṭādhyāyī. नित्यो लुक्, कृतेऽप्यल्लोपे प्राप्नोति अकृतेऽपि प्राप्नोति । Luk is nitya, since it takes place both when al is elided and when it is not. Note: From the paribhāṣa para-nitya-antaranga - apavādānām uttarōtiaram balīyaḥ, yanōci ca will operate previous to alā līpaḥ and in that case there is no opportunity for sthānivadbhāva. लुगप्यनित्यः । Luk too is anitya. कथम् ? How? अन्यस्य कृते लोपे प्राप्नोति, अन्यस्याकृते; शब्दान्तरस्य प्राप्नुवन् विधिziaren vafa | It operates on one form when at is elided and on another when at is not elided; the vidhi which operates in one śabda on certain conditions and in another sabda on a different condition is anitya. अनवकाशस्तर्हि लुक् । Then luk has no room to operate. सावकाशो लुक् । Luk has room to operate. FOURTH AHNIKA - NA DHÁTULÖPA ĀRDHADHÂTUKĒ 15 कोऽवकाशः ? Where is the room to operate? अवशिष्टः What remains (i.e.) y of ya. अथापि कथं चिदनवकाशो लुक् स्याद् एवमपि न दोषः । Still if it is said that somehow luk will have no room to operate, it is no harm, (i.e.) Since it is only secondary (gāuṇa) to call y as yan, the sūtra yañōsci ca will have no room to operate; hence it has to be taken as an aparāda to ato lōpaḥ, In that case the argument allōpasya sthānivativāt cannot stand. 1 अल्लोपे योगविभागः करिष्यते। अतो लोपः (6, 4, 48 ), ततो यस्य च लोपो भवति, अत इत्येव । किमर्थमिदम् लुकं वक्ष्यति, तद्बाधनार्थम् । ततो हलः ( 6, 4, 50 ) हल उत्तरस्य यस्य च लोपो भवति । 3 With reference to the elision of at, the sūtra (yasya halah ) will be split into into First the sūtra atō lõpaḥ is read; then yasya alone is read, which means the at of ya is dropped. What for is this? One may take luk by the sutra, (yanōci ca) as an apavādu and this is intended to prevent it. Then halaḥı is read as a separate sutra, which means the y following a consonant is dropped. इह तर्हि परत्वाद्योगविभागाद्वा लोपो लुकं बाधेत वृषभो यदीदम् - नोनुयतेनौनाव ’ । कृष्णो नॉनाव
71. Here atah is taken from the previous sūtra.
72. अपवादश्च प्रायशः पश्चाद्भाचीत्यभिप्रेत्य भविष्यनिर्देशः (प्रदीपोद्योतने)
73. तद्बाधनार्थम् समुदायलुग्बाधनार्थम् (ibid)
74. Nu (nu) is the root; nōnāva is the form in the third person singular perfect of the root nu in yañluk. It reduplicates, the abhyasa takes guna and yan is dropped and u takes vyddhi and ādēśa āv on account of the verbal termination which is a nit. 16 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYA If so, the lōpa will set at naught the luk in the word nōnāva derived from nōnuyati in the vedic line kṛṣṇō nōnāva vrşabhā yadidam. समानाश्रयो लुग्लोपेन बाध्यते | same. Luk is set at naught by lōpa if both depend upon the कश्च समानाश्रयः ? What is it which is considered sāmānāśraya ? यः प्रत्ययाश्रयः It is that which depends upon pratyaya. अन च प्रागेव प्रत्ययोत्पत्तेर्लुग्भवति । Here luk takes place before the pratyaya is affixed. कथं स्यदः, प्रश्रथः, हिमश्रथः, जीरदानुः, निकुचित इति । How is then the formation of the words syada??, prasrathaḥ, himasrathaḥ, jiradunuḥ and nikucitaḥ ? उक्तं शेषे It has been said with reference to the rest. किमुक्तम् ? What is it that has been said? निपातनात् स्यदादिषु । Syadaḥ, praśrathaḥ and himaśrathaḥ have their forms decided through nipātana. प्रत्ययाश्रयत्वाद् अन्यत्र सिद्धं रकि ज्यः सम्प्रसारणम् । Jīradānuḥ has its form decided by taking jīra as a separate word formed from jya with the pratyaya rak, when ya takes samprasāraṇa. FOURTH AHNIKA — NA DHĀTULÕPA ĀRDHADHĀTUKĒ निकुचितेऽप्युक्तम् । It has been said even with reference to nikucita. किम् ? What? afaqasyû fàfacfàíàð afguairer i 17 The vidhi which is responsible for a certain form cannot stand responsible to destroy it. (i.e.) the pratyaya kta is responsible to change the form of kuñc to kuc and the same cannot change it to kōc. From the two topics dealt with by Vārttikakāra, it seems that, if the sutra is had, he has shown the method of interpreting it and that, if the sūtra is not wanted, he suggests that the sûtra yasya halaḥ should be split into two. Under the sūtra yasya halaḥ (6, 4, 49) Varttikakāra discusses whether varņa or sañghāta (i.e.) y or ya is meant in yasya and prefers varṇagrahana; but neither he nor Bhāṣyakāra has mentioned about yōgavibhāga. Besides under the sutra dhinvikṛṇvyōra ca (3, 1, 80); Mahābhāṣyakāra says àrdhadhātukanimittē lõpē sa pratiṣēdhaḥ, na căiṣa ārdhadhātukanimittõ lõpaḥ; api ca pratyākhāyatē khalvapi sa yōgaḥ. From this and from vā in anārambhō vā we are led to infer that both Vārttikākāra and Mahābhāṣyakara are inclined to have both the views. But Haradatta in his Padamañjarī1 does not favour the yōgavibhāga in yasya halaḥ and hence is against pratyākhyānapakṣa. Bhattōjidīkṣita in his Śabdakāustubha refutes Haradatta school. The first three topics dealt with by Mahābhāṣyakāra are not quite necessary in the opinion of Kaiyața, since he seems to hold the view that the pratyākhyānapakṣa alone is favoured
75. अवश्यं समुदायस्य लुगेषितव्यः । एवं च लोलुव इत्यादावपि गुणवृद्धी स्यातामिति सूत्रमपि कर्तव्यम् |18 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA Annambhatta, while pada- by Mahābhāṣyakāra; consequently explaining Kāiyaṭa’s statement gives the avatārikā prayōjanacintā Vṛttikār asya ucitā, na Bhāṣyakṛtaḥ.’ But since Mahābhāṣyakāra seems to hold both the views, it may not be wrong if we consider that the first three topics serve as a sort of introduction to the fourth topic. कङिति च ( 1-1-5) There are two topics dealt with here:
78. Ru is the root It takes yun by the sutra dhātōr ēkācō halādēḥ kriyasamabhihārē yan (3, 1, 22); it is doubled by sanyañõḥ (6, 1, 9); abhyāsa takes guna by guṇō yānlukōḥ (7, 4, 82); it takes the termination li; consequently ti is preceded by i by the sūtra yānō vā (7, 3, 94); the u of the root takes guna since it is followed by tip. yan is dropped by yañosci ca (2, 4, 74), if the seventh case-suffix is taken as parasaptami, the guna will not take place since it is followed by yan. FOURTH AHNIKA – KNITI CA 21 Similarly the roots dru and sru take cań for cli after them in lun. Hence in a-dru-dru-a-t, a-sru-sru-a-t, even though u of the root is prevented from taking guna by the presence of nit after it by this sutra, how can it prevent if it takes guņa by the sūtra pugantalaghūpadhasya ca? शचङन्तस्यान्तरङ्गलक्षणत्वात् The difficulty does not arise, since sutra which is antaranga first operates in the anga which ends in sa and can. अन्तरङ्गलक्षणत्वादत्र इयङवङोः कृतयोरनुपधात्वाद् गुणो न भविष्यति । Guna has no room here since i and u (of the roots mentioned above) take iyan and uvań by the sutra aci śnudhātu-bhruvām yvōr-iyañ-uvanāu (6, 4,77) which is antaranga and consequently they are not penultimate. एवं क्रियते चेदं तन्निमित्तग्रहणम् न च कश्चिद दोषो भवति । Tannimittagrahana is done in this way and hence there will be no difficulty. इमानि च भूयः तन्निमित्तग्रहणस्य प्रयोजनानि - हतः, हथः, उपोयते, औयत, लौयमानिः, नेनिक्ते इति । Again these are the additional benefits of lannimittagrāhana-hatak, hathaly, upāyate, āuyata, lāuyamānil, pāuyamāniḥ, nēniktē. नैतानि सन्ति प्रयोजनानि These do not come as benefits (of tannimittagrahaṇa.) इह तावत् हतो हथः ’ इति, प्रसक्तस्थानाभेनिर्वृत्तस्य प्रतिषेधेन निवृत्तिः शक्या कर्तुम् अत्र च धातूपदेशावस्थायामेव अकारः ।
79. Hana (han) is the root; it takes the third person dual, and second person dual, termination present after it; n is dropped by the sūtra anudāttõpadēśa-vanatitanōtyādīnām anunāsikalõpō jhali kniti. (6, 4, 37) 22 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA Firstly here in hataḥ and hathaḥ, nothing which has a chance to come and which has not come is prohibited; there is a in the original root.1 इह च उपोयते, औयत, लौयमानिः, पौयमानि : इति, बहिरङ्गे गुणवृद्धी, अन्तरङ्गः प्रतिषेधः, असिद्धं बहिरङ्गमन्तरङ्गे । Here too in upōyatē, āuyata, läuyamāniḥ, pāuyamāniḥ, guņa and vṛddhi are bahiranga and prohibition is antaranga and when antaranga sutra ‘operates after the bahiranga sūtra, the effect of the latter is considered non-existent and if both simultaneously operate, the former is stronger than the latter. Note: Upōyatē :-upa+vē+ya+tē—upa+u+ya+te. Here since ya is kit, au will not, in the opinion of the purvapakṣin, take guna if the saptamī in kniti ca is parasaptami and can take guṇa if nimittagrahana is done since the guna does not depend upon yak. Siddhāntin thinks that, since the guna takes place after the full form of the verb is accomplished between the preposition and the verb, this guna may be considered asiddha, when the form of the verb is taken into consideration. Auyata: ā+vē+ya+ta=a+u+ya+ta-auyata. Here also the vṛddhi between the augment ã and the initial of the verb in its final stage may be considered asiddha with reference to the formation of the verb.
80. The idea of the purvapakṣin is this:-After n is dropped in the root han before tah and thaḥ, a may take guna by the sūtra pugantalaghūpadhasya and this sūtra kniti ca prohibits it. The answer of the siddhantin is that a already exists in the root.
81. Vēñ (vē) is the root. In passive present third person singular, we have vē+yak+të; v takes samprasarana by the sutra grahijyāvayivyadhivastivṛścati prcchati bhṛjjatīnām niti ca (6, 1 16); u+ē become u by samprasāraṇācca (6, 1, 108); upa+u become upō by ad gunah (6. 1. 87). FOURTH ÄHNIKA - KNITI CA Lāuyamāniḥ: Lüyamānasya apatyam. The 23 takes vrddhi by the sutra taddhitëṣvacām ādēḥ (7, 2, 117). Pāuyamāniḥ-Pūyamānasya apatyam. Rest is like Lauyamāniḥ. ‘नेनिक्ते’ इति, परेण रूपेण व्यवहितत्वान्न भविष्यति । The guna in the abhyāsa in nēniktē cannot be prohibited by this sūtra even without nimittagrahana since it is separated from the pratyaya ślu (which is considered to do the duties of a nit) by the root nij. उपधार्थेन तावन्नार्थः । धातोरिति वर्तते, धातुं ङित्परत्वेन विशेषयि- RITA: | Firstly tannimittagrahana need not be done for the penultimate to be operated by the sutra. The word dhātu is taken here from the word dhātulāpē in the previous sūtra; it s changed to dhātāḥ; kṇitparatva is taken as the viŝēṣaṇa of dhātōḥ (so that the sūtra may mean guna and vṛddhi will not take place in any part of a root if it is followed by kit or nit) यदि धातुर्विशेष्यते, विकरणस्य न प्राप्नोति, चिनुतः, सुनुतः, लुनीतः इति । If dhātu is taken as the visēşya of knitparatva, the prohibition cannot take place to the vikaranu (conjugational sign) in the forms cinutaḥ, sunutaḥ, lunītaḥ and punītaḥ. नैष दोषः, विहितविशेषणं धातुग्रहणम् - धातोर्यो विहित इति । This defect does not arise by taking dhātu to be the vihitavišēṣaṇa so that the sutra may mean that guna and vrddhi may not take place to any part which is enjoined to a dhātu. धातोरेव तर्हि न प्राप्नोति । If so, the niṣedha will not apply to the root (but only to the vikarana etc.) नैवं विज्ञायते - धातोर्विहितस्य क्ङिति इति । 24 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA It is not meant that the niṣēdha due to kit and nit to that which is enjoined to the root. कथं तर्हि ? How then ? धातोर्विहिते ङिति इति । To the root, vikarana etc. when kit enjoined to the root follows. Two points may be said against this argument:— -The anuvṛlti of dhātu from the previous sūtra is not happy. To take it as the vihitaviśēṣaṇan may not strike at first sight. अथवा कार्यकाल संज्ञापरिभाषं यत्र कार्य तत्र द्रष्टव्यम् । पुगन्तलघूपधस्य गुणो भवति इति उपस्थितमिदं भवति ङिति न । Or, since saṁjñā and paribhāṣā go to the scene of action. Where guna and vṛddhi have a chance to come, there comes the sūtra kiiiti na. Here, there is the chance of guna through the sûtru pugantalghūpadhasya and there kniti na makes its appearance. This cannot be the answer for one who thinks that this cannot stand in yathōddēŝapaksa and there is no deciding factor in favour of kāryakālapakṣa alone. अथवा यदेतस्मिन्योगे डिड्रहणं क्रियते तदनवकाशम् तस्यानवकाशत्वाद् गुणवृद्धी न भविष्यतः । Or, the mention of kit or nit in this sūtra has no opportunity to be made use of. Hence the guna and vṛddhi (which are otherwise capable of taking place) do not come when kit and iit follow. अथवा आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति, भवत्युपधालक्षणस्य गुणस्य प्रतिषेध इति, यदयं सिगृधिघृषिक्षिपेः क्नुः ( 3, 2, 140), इको झल ( 1, 2, 9), हलन्ताश्च ( 1, 2, 10 ) इति क्नुसनौ कितौ करोति । FOURTH ÄHNIKA — KNITI CA 25 Or the procedure adopted by the Acārya Panini suggest that there is prohibition of guna of the penultimate, since the pratyaya nu which comes after trus, grdh, dhṛṣ and kṣip is read as kit in the sūtra trasi-grdhi-dhrṣi-kṣipēḥ knuḥ (3, 2, 140) and the san which is jhaladi and which comes after iganta or after a consonont near ik is mentioned as kit in the sūtras ikō jhal (1, 2, 9) and halantācca (1, 2, 10). कथं कृत्वा ज्ञापकम् ? How is it that they are jñāpakas? कित्करण एतत्प्रयोजनम् गुणः कथं न स्यादिति । यदि चात्र गुणप्रतिषेधो न स्यात् कित्करणमनर्थकं स्यात् । पश्यति त्वाचार्यो भवत्युपधालक्षणस्यापि गुणस्य प्रतिषेध इति, ततः क्नुसनौ कितौ करोति । This is the benefit of reading them as kit that, under no circumstances, does guna set in. If there is no prohibition of guņa, kitkarana will be of no avail. The Acārya sees that kniti ca may refer to the guña-pratiṣēdha of the penultimate also and hence reads nu and san as kit. From the above we see that Vārttikakāra has expressed the necessity of tannimittagrahaṇa and Mahābhāṣyakāra feels it unnecessary and achieves its purpose through jñāpakas. रोरवीत्यर्थेनापि नार्थः । Tannimittagrahana is not necessary even for the form rōravīti. zfeld ziyouà, ata giềả qunn: | The sūtra deals with kit and nit; but neither of the two do we see here. प्रत्ययलक्षणेन प्राप्नोति । कथम् = कथमपि
83. The word ligu takes the taddhitapratyaya phak by the sutra naḍādıbhyaḥ phak (4, 1, 99); ph of phak is replaced by ayan by the sūtra āyan-ēy-in-îyiyaḥ phaḍhakhachagḥām pratyayādīnām (7, 1, 2); i of ligu takes vṛddhi since it is followed by phak by the sūtra kiti ca (7, 2, 118) and u takes guna by the sutra ōrguṇaḥ (6, 4, 116), The question here is why the guṇa by õrguṇaḥ is not prevented by this sūtra.
84. Kamu (kam) is the root; it takes in by the sūtra kamēr nin (3, 1, 30); it then takes the tan të; a takes vṛddhi by the sūtrā ata upadhāyāḥ (7, 2, 116); i takes guṇa by sārvadhātukärdhadhātukayōḥ (7, 3, 84); the question here is why the vyddhi of a is not prevented by this sūtra.28 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHÂṢYA तद्धितकाम्योरिकप्रकरणात् The pratiṣëdha has not crept in the word followed by taddhita and in the form of the root kam, since this sūtra operates only in such cases where guna and vṛddhi are enjoyed to ik by mentioning it as ik. इग्लक्षणयोर्गुणवृद्धयोः प्रतिषेधः, न चैते इग्लक्षणे । Pratiṣedha is to the guna and the vṛddhi enjoined through the mention of ik. These two cases are not so. Note: In Laigavāyana, örgunaḥ enjoins guna to ō; though u is ik, the sutra does not enjoin guna to ik. The a in kam which has taken vrddhi is not ik. लकारस्य ङित्त्वादादेशेषु स्थानिवद्भावप्रसङ्गः There is the possibility of sthanivadbhāva in the ādēsa of lakāras which are nit. लकारस्य ङित्वादादेशेषु स्थानिवद्भावः प्राप्नोति, अचिनवम् असुनवम्, अकरवम् ’ । 1 Sthānivadbhāva may arise in the ādēŝas of lakara which is nit as in the forms acinavam, asunavam and akaravam. Note: Since am is the ādēśa of mip by the sutra tas-thastha-mipām tāṁ-tam-ta-amaḥ (3, 4, 101) in lan, um may be considered a nit and consequently u of nu after the roots ci and su and u after kr will not take guna by the sutra sārvadḥātukārdhadhātukayōḥ on account of this sūtra kniti ca. लकारस्य ङित्वादादेशेषु स्थानिवद्भावप्रसङ्ग इति चेद् यासुटो ङिद्वचनात् सिद्धम् ।
85. Acinavam, asunavam and akaravam are the forms of the first personi singular in lan (imperfect) of the roots ci, su and kr. FOURTH AHNIKA — KNITI CA 29 If it is said that there is the possibility of sthānivadbhāva in the ādēŝas of lakāras which are nit, it is decided through the mention of nit with reference to yāsuṭ. यदयं यासुटो ङिद्वचनं शास्ति तज्ज्ञापयत्याचार्यः न ङिदादेशा ङितो Hafta già | Since the Acārya mentions that the āgama yāsuṭ in lin is a nit (in the sūtra yāsuṭ parasmāipadēṣūdāttō nicca (3, 4, 103), he makes us infer that the ādēšas of lakāras which are hit should not be considered it through sthanivadbhāva. यद्येतज्ज्ञाप्यते, कथं नित्यं ङितः इतश्च इति । 1 If it is so inferred, how is Ācārya Pāṇini justified in using nitaḥ in the sūtra nityam hitaḥ1 (3, 4, 99) and allowing the anuvrtti of nitaḥ in itaśca 2 (3, 4, 100). ङितो यत् कार्य तद् भवति, ङिति यत् कार्य तन्न भवति इति । (The inference is this):-That which happens to hit may also happen (to ādēŝas); but that which happens to another since nit follows it, does not happen when the ādēŝas of nit follow it. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ? Is this to be stated so ? न हि If need not be stated. कथमनुध्यमानं गंस्यते ?
86. The sutra nityam nitaḥ means that the final & in the lakāras which are nit is dropped. For instance vas and mas, the first person dual and plural termination are changed to va and na.
87. The sutra itaśca means that the final i in the lakāras which are nit is dropped (i.e.) ti, si and mi are changed into t, s and m. 30 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA How is it so understood without its being stated ? यासुट एव ङिद्वचनात् । अपर्याप्तश्चैव हि यासुट् समुदायस्य ङित्वे, ङितं चैनं करोति । तस्यैतत् प्रयोजनम् ’ ङितो यत् कार्य तद्यथा स्यात्, ङिति यत् कार्य तन्मा भूत् इति । From the mention that yāsuṭ is nit; yāsuṭ is not capable of making the whole as nit; Pāṇini has read this as nit. The benefit that accrues from this is that what happens to it may also happen to ādēŝa and that what happens to another on account of nit following it (like samprasāraṇa) may not happen to the same when the adeśa follows it. किमर्थमिदमुच्यते ? दीधीवेवीटाम् (1-1-6) Why is this sūtra read ? गुणवृद्धी मा भूतामिति - आदीध्यानम् ‘, आदीध्यकः ‘, आवेव्यनम् 3, आवेव्यकः । So that guna and vṛddhi may not take place in ādīdhyanam ādīdhyakaḥ, āvēvyanam and āvēvyakaḥ. अयं योगः शक्योऽकर्तुम् This sūtra may not have been read. कथम् ? Why ? दीधीवेव्योश्छन्दोविषयत्वाद्, दृष्टानुविधित्वाच्च छन्दसः, छन्दसि अदी- धेत् अदीधयुः इति च गुणदर्शनाद्, अप्रतिषेधः
88. दीधी is the root; it takes lyut and takes Yan by ēranēkācossamyog - pūrvasya (6, 4, 82).
89. It takes nvul. 3-4. वेवी is the root and the rest is the same as above. FOURTH ÄHNIKA — DIDHIVËVITÄM 31 Since the roots dīdhi and vēvi are found only in Vedas, and since only the forms found in the Vedas have to be explained and guna is found in the forms adidhēt and adīdhayuḥ, the pratiṣedha is of no avail. दीधीवेव्यौ छन्दोविषयौ; दृष्टानुविधिश्च छन्दसि भवति ; दीधिवेन्योश्छन्दोविषयत्वात् दृष्टानुविधित्वाच्च छन्दसः’, अदीधेत् अदीधयुः इति च गुणस्य दर्शनात् अप्रतिषेधः ; अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः, अप्रतिषेधः । प्रजापतिर्वै यत्किञ्चन मनसा दीघेत् । होत्राय॑ कृ॒तः कृ॒पय॒न्नदा॑धेत् । अदधयुर्दाशराज्ञे वृतास॑ः । The roots dīdhī and vēvī are used only in Vedas; only the forms found in the Vedas have to be explained"; since dīdhī and vēvī are concerned only with the Vedas, since the forms alone which are found in the Vedas have to be explained and guṇa is seen in the forms adīdhēt and adīdhayuḥ found in the following quotations :- Prajāpatir-vāi yat-kiñcana manasā dādhet. Hōtrāya vṛtaḥ krpayan-n-adīdhēt. Adīdhayur-dāśarājñē vṛtāsaḥ. the pratiṣēdha serves no purpose. भवेदिदं युक्तमुदाहरणम् - अदीघेत् इति । The example adīdhēt is deservedly a fitting one. इदं त्वयुक्तम् - अदीधयुः इति । अयं जुसि गुणः प्रतिषेधविषय आरभ्यते, स यथैव ’ ञिति च’ इत्येनं प्रतिषेधं बाधते, एवमेनमपि बाधेत । 3
91. Kāiyața says that ādīdhyanam, ādīdhyakaḥ, āvēvyanam and āvēvyakaḥ are not found in the vedas.
92. क्ङिति न इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाघते एवमिममपि is another reading. 32 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHAṢYA But the example adīdhayuḥ is not a fitting one; for the sūtra jusi ca (7, 3, 83) which enjoins guṇa against the pratiṣēdha and which is taken to set at naught the effect of the sūtra kniti ca may as well set at naught the effect of this sutra. नैप दोषः, जुसि गुणः प्रतिषेधविषय आरभ्यमाणस्तुल्यजातीयं प्रतिषेधं वाघते । This contraargument cannot stand, since the guna by the sūtra jusi ca, started as a pratiṣëdha can set at naught the pratiṣedha of the same nature. कश्च तुल्यजातीयः प्रतिषेधः ! Which is the pratiṣedha of the same nature ? यः प्रत्ययाश्रयः That which is concerned with pratyaya. प्रकृत्याश्रयश्चायम् This is concerned with prakṛti or stem. अथवा येन नाप्राप्ते तस्य बाधनं भवति । न चाप्राप्ते ङिति न इत्येतस्मिन् प्रतिषेधे जुसि गुण आरभ्यते । अस्मिन् पुनः प्राप्ते चाप्राप्ते च । Or, if a vidhi through a sūtra is introduced where another sūtra is invariably to operate, it becomes its apavāda or bādhaka. Unless guṇapratiṣēdha is settled through the sūtra kniti ca, guna cannot be its pratiṣēdha through the sūtra jusi Here it is said to be the pratișēdha both when there is a chance for guṇapratiṣēdha and when there is no chance. ca. यदि तर्हि अयं योगो नारभ्यते, कथं दीध्यत्’ इति । If this sūtra is not read, how can the form didhyat be explained?
93. लेट् तिप् (Kāiyata); दीध्यदिति वेव्यदिति is another reading. FOURTH ÄHNIKA - DIDHĪVĒVĪTĀM दीध्यदिति च श्यन्व्यत्ययेन 1 33 The root dīdhi may be said to have taken syan instead (of the luke of sap ). दीध्यदिति च श्यन् भविष्यति व्यत्ययेन । The fourth conjugational suffix is used instead of the second conjugational suffix after the root dīdhī. इटश्चापि ग्रहणं शक्यमकर्तुम् It is possible not to mention iț also in the sūtra. कथम् अकणिषम् अरणिषम्, कणिता श्वः, रणिता श्वः इति ? How can then the following forms be explained :— akanisam, aranisam, kanitā (third person singular, first future) and ranitā (third person singular, first future ) ? Note: The roots kan and ran take it before sic in aorist and the termination tā of the first future by the sūtra ārdhadhātukasyēḍ valādēḥ (7, 2, 35). आर्धधातुकस्यवलादेः इत्यत्न इट् इडेव यथा स्यात् यदन्यत् प्राप्नोति तन्मा भूदिति । When it is possible to take it by anuvṛtti (from the sūtra nīd vaśi krti (7, 2, 8), Acārya Pāmini has read it in this sūtra. The motive underlying it is that it should stand as it under any circumstances and should never change into another. किं चान्यत् प्राप्नोति ? What can come instead ? गुणः Guna.
94. शन् व्यत्ययेन is another reading.
95. दीध्यदिति वेव्यदिति is another reading 5 34 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA यदि नियमः क्रियते पिपठिषतेरप्रत्ययः पिपठी, दीर्घत्वं न प्राप्नोति । If it is said that it remains it under any circumstances, the form pipaṭhīḥ derived from pipathiṣa followed by kvip cannot be achieved since i of it is lengthened here by the sūtra rvōr upudhāyāḥ dīrgha ikaḥ (8, 2, 76). नैष दोषः, आङ्गं यत्कार्य तन्नियम्यते, न चैतदाङ्गम् । This objection may not stand since the niyama is with reference to angakārya and this-pipathīḥ is not of that kind. अथवा असिद्धं दीर्घत्वं, तस्यासिद्धत्वान्नियमो न भविष्यति । Or, the vowel-lengthening is asiddha (since the sūtra enjoining it is in the second pāda of the eighth chapter) and hence there is no need for niyama also. Vārttikakāra considers that the mention of dīdhi and vēvī in the sūtra is unneccessary and Mahābhāṣyakāra considers that the whole sūtra is unnecessary. gðisatau: áàm: (1, 1, 7) There are four topics dealt with in this sūtra :— (1) Is the compound anantarāḥ made up of na and antaram or na and antară? (2) Is the word saha to be added at the end of the sutra? (3) If there are more than two contiguous consonants, is the samyōgasamjñā worthy of being applied to the whole or to every two of them? (4) Is the word unturāḥ in the sūtra to be replaced by the word svarānantarhitāḥ ? Of these the first is raised by Mahābhāṣyakāra and the rest by Värttikakāra. As regards the second, Mahābhāṣyakāra differs from the view of the Varttikakāra.
96. Pipathisa+kvip; the final « is dropped by ato lōpaḥ and ș is changed to r by sasajaṣō ruh and the penultimate is lengthened by the sutra ruōr upadhāyā dirgha ikaḥ (8, 2, 76). FOURTH ÄHNIKA · HALÖNANTARĀḤ SAMYŌGAḤ 35
97. अनन्तरा इति कथमिदं विज्ञायते, अविद्यमानमन्तरं येषाम् इति आहोस्वित् अविद्यमाना अन्तरा येषाम् इति ? Is the compound anantarāḥ to be split as avidyamūnum antaram yēṣām or avidyumānā anturā yēṣām ? Note. किं चातः ? Antaram means intervening space; here it should be taken in the sense of varṇaśūnyaḥ kāluḥ (i.e.) intercepted time without the presence of a letter. Antarā is an avyaya meaning in the middle. In that case avidyamānā antarā yēṣām tells us that anantarāḥ is a vyadhikaraṇabahuvrīhi, where avidyamānāḥ means avidyamānāḥ varṇāḥ and antară means madhye. If, on the other hand, antarā is taken to mean, by lakṣaṇā letter or letters in the middle, it may be taken as a samānādhikaraṇabahuvrīhi 1. What if (it is taken in one way or the other) ? 2 यदि विज्ञायते अविद्यमानमन्तरं येषाम् इति, अवग्रहे संयोगसंज्ञा न màfà, erg gfa aqsg cfa’ विद्यते ह्यत्रान्तरम् । अथ विज्ञायते अविद्यमाना अन्तरा येषाम् इति न दोषो भवति । ; If it is interpreted in the manner avidyamānam antaram yēśām, conjunct consonants which are pronounced with an interval of time between as ps in ap§su cannot get the samyōgasaṁjñā; for there is antara between them. If, on the other hand, it is interpreted in the manner avidyamānā antarā yēṣām, this defect cannot arise. यथा न दोषस्तथास्तु |
98. This is well explained in Annambhatta’s Pradipõddyōtana.
99. In the padapāṭha of the Vedas it is so read. In the second apsv, p and s are intervened by the time needed to pronounce half a műtră, 36 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHÂBHÄŞYA Let it be taken in the manner which is free from any defect. अथवा पुनरस्तु अविद्यमानमन्तरं येषाम् इति । Or, let the interpretation avidyamānam antaram yēṣām, stand. ननु चोक्तम् अवग्रहे संयोगसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति अप्सु इति अप्सु इति विद्यते ह्यत्रान्तरम् इति ? ; Has it not been said that (in that case) conjunct consonants which are pronounced with an interval of time between as ps in ap§su cannot get the samyōgasaṁjñā, since there is antara between them? नैव दोषो न प्रयोजनम् There is no harm if it does not get the designation of samyōga, nor any advantage if it gets the designation.
100. संयोगसंज्ञायां सहवचनं यथान्यत In the sutra dealing with saṁyōgasaṁjñā, the word saha should be added as is found elsewhere. संयोगसंज्ञायां सहग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् - हलोऽनन्तराः संयोगः सह इति वक्तव्यम् । किं प्रयोजनम् ? सहभूतानां संयोगसंज्ञा यथा स्यात् एकैकस्य मा भूत् इति । यथान्यत्र - तद्यथा अन्यत्रापि यत्रेच्छति सहभूतानां कार्य करोति तत्र सहग्रहणम् । तद्यथा सह सुपा, उभे अभ्यस्तं सह, इति । In the sūtra dealing with samyōgasaṁjñā, the word saha should be read thus halosanantaraḥ samyōgaḥ saha. Why? So that the whole may get the designation samyōga collectively and not individually. As is found elsewhere-wherever he wants kārya collectively, he reads the word saha. viz. saha supā, ubhē abyastam saha. किं च स्यात् यद्येकैकस्य संयोगसंज्ञा स्यात् ? FOURTH ÄHNIKA — HALŌNANTARĀḤ SAMYÖGAH 37 What may happen if they get the designation of samyoga individually ? 1 1 इह निर्यायात् । निर्वायात्, वान्यस्य संयोगादेः इत्येत्वं प्रसज्येत । इह च संहृषीष्ट । इति, ऋतश्च संयोगादेः इति इट् प्रसज्येत । इह संहियत इति, गुणोर्तिसंयोगाद्योः इति गुणः प्रसज्येत । इह च दृषत्करोति समित्करोति इति संयोगान्तस्य इति लोपः प्रसज्येत । इह च शक्ता वस्ता इति स्कोः संयोगाद्योरन्ते च ’ इति लोपः प्रसज्येत । इह च निर्यातः निर्वातः संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः इति निष्ठानत्वं प्रसज्येत । Here in niryāyāt, nirvāyāt, the a after the first y in the former and after v in the latter can optionally change to ē by the sūtra vānyasya sanivyāgādīk (6, 4, 68 ). Here in sahrsista an iṭ (āgama) may come after hr (since it is taken as а savvyāga) by the sūtra rtaśca sarvyogādeh (7, 2, 43 ). Here in samhriyate, the ? after h (which is taken as a saniyoga) may take guna by the sūtra gunōrtisamyāgādyoh (7, 4, 29). Here in the words drṣatkarīti and samitkarīti, t at the end of drṣat and samit will be dropped by the sutra saṁyōgāntasya lõpaḥ (8, 2, 23). Here in the words śaktā and vastā, k and s which are at the end of a pada or which are followed by a jhal are liable to be dropped by the sūtra skōḥ samyōgādyōrantē ca (8, 2, 29 ) ( if they are considered sainyoga). Here in the words niryātaḥ and nirvātaḥ, t after a which follows y and v (which are considered as samyōga is liable to be changed to n. नैष दोषः । This defect will not stand. यत्तावदुच्यते ’ इह तावत् निर्यायात् निर्वायात् वान्यस्य संयोगादेः इति एत्वं प्रसज्येत इति ; नैवं विज्ञायते ‘संयाग आदिर्यस्य सोऽयं संयोगादिः, संयोगादेः’ इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोग आदी यस्य सोऽयं संयागादिः संयोगादेः इति । एवं तावत् सर्वमाङ्गं परिहृतम् ।
101. Third person singular potential of the root ya with the prepositions nir. 2. Third person singular, potential of the root vā with the preposition nir. 3. Third person singular, benedictive of the root hy with the preposition sam. 4. Third person singular, passive, present of hy with sam.38 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀṢYA In the statement made first that a in niryāyāt and nirvāyāt is liable to be replaced by ē, samyōgādēḥ is not taken as the sixth case of samyōgādi which is split as saṁyōgaḥ ādiḥ yasya sak. How then? It is considered as the sixth case of symyōgādi which is split as samṁyōgāu ādī yasya saḥ. Through this process, all the changes which are related to anga are avoided. यदप्युच्यते ‘इह च दृषत्करोति समित्करोति संयोगान्तस्य इति लोपः प्रसज्येत इति, नैवं विज्ञायते संयोगः अन्तः यस्य तद् इदं संयोगान्तं, संयोगान्तस्य इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोगौ अन्तौ यस्य तद् इदं संयोगान्तं, संयोगान्तस्य इति । In the statement that in dṛṣatkarīti and samitkarōti is liable to be dropped since it is saṁyōgānta, saṁyōgānlasya in the sūtra saṁyōgāntasya löpaḥ is not taken to be the sixth case of saṁyōgānta which is split as samyōgaḥ antaḥ yasya tal. How then? It is considered as the sixth case of samyōgānta which is split as saṁyōgāntāu yasya tat. यदप्युच्यते ’ इह च शक्ता बस्ता इति स्कोः संयागाद्योः इति लोपः प्रसज्येत इति नैवं विज्ञायते संयोगो, आदी संयोगादी, संयोगाद्योः इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोगयोः आदी संयोगादी, संयोगाद्योः इति । In the statement that k and s in saktā and vastā are liable to be dropped by the sutra skōḥ saṁyōgādyōḥ.., saṁyōgādyōh is not taken as the sixth case of samyōgādī which is split as saṁyōgāu ādī. How then? It is taken as the sixth case of saṁyōgādī which is split as samyōgayōḥ ādī. यदप्युच्यते ’ इह च निर्यातः निर्वातः इति संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः इति निष्ठानत्वं प्रसज्येत इति नैवं विज्ञायते संयोग आदिर्यस्य, सोऽयं, संयोगादिः, संयोगादेः इति । कथं तर्हि ? संयोगौ आदी यस्य सोऽयं संयोगादिः संयोगादेः इति । In the statement that t in niryātaḥ and nirvātaḥ will be changed to n (since y is considered samyōga on the strength of the sutra samyōgādērātō dhātōryaṇvataḥ) samyōgādēḥ is not taken as the sixth case of saṁyōgādi which is split as saṁyōgaḥ ādiḥ FOURTH ÁHNIKA - HALÖNANTARĀḤ SAMYŌGAḤ 39 yasya saḥ, but is taken as the sixth case of samyōgādi which is split as samyōgāu ādī yasyn saḥ. कथं कृत्वा एकैकस्य संयोगसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति : What leads to the interpretation that each gets the designation saṁyōga? प्रत्येकं वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिर्दृष्टा इति तद्यथा वृद्धिगुणसंज्ञे प्रत्येकं भवतः It is seen that the predicate of the sentence relates individually to the subject. For instance the designation guna and urddhi is applied individually. Note: Kāiyaṭa says that the question katham kṛtvā ēkāikasya samyōgasamiñā prāpnōti arises from the idea that the derivation of the word samyōga is saṁyujyantē asmin varṇāḥ and hence it is an anvartasaṁjñā (designation in consonance with the derivation of the word) and consequently it cannot be applied individually. Nagesabhaṭṭa prefers mahāsamjñā to anvarthasaṁjñā and mentions that the former was the opinion of the ancients. ननु चायमप्यस्ति दृष्टान्तः समुदाये वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिरिति । तद्यथा गर्गाः शतं दण्ड्यन्ताम्, अर्थिनश्च राजानो हिरण्येन भवन्ति ; न च प्रत्येकं दण्डयन्ति । Oh, there is, on the other hand, this illustration also that the predicate of a sentence relates collectively to the subject. For instance, if it is said that the descendants of Garga may be fined hundred coins, the government is satisfied with the full amount and is not concerned with getting the amount individually. सत्येतस्मिन् दृष्टान्ते, यदि तत्र प्रत्येकम् इत्युच्यते, इहापि सहग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । अथ तत्रान्तरेण प्रत्येकमिति वचनं प्रत्येकं गुणवृद्धिसंशे भवतः, इहापि नार्थः सहग्रहणेन । 40 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA As there exists this example, the word saha is necessary in this sūtra also if the word pratyēkam is mentioned there(i. e.) in the sutras vṛddhirādāic and aden guṇaḥ. If it is possible to construe in those sutras that the designations guna and vṛddhi can be individually applied without the mention of the word pratyēkam, the mention of the word saha in this sūtra also is not necessary. Note: Varttikakāra considers that the word saha is necessary in this sūtra and Mahābhāṣyakāra considers it unnecessary. The reason for his doing so is this :-There are instances where the predicate relates to the subject individually as in Devadatta - Yajñadatta - Visnumitra bhojyantam and where the predicate relates to the subject collectively as in Gargāḥ satam dandyantām. In the former sentence the word pratyēkam is not found, nor is the word saha found in the latter. Since the Sutrakāra has followed the practice current in the world in not using the word pratyēkam in the sutra vriddhirādāic and adēńgunaḥ, he has not mentioned the word saha in this sūtra halōnantarāḥ sainyogaḥ.
102. अथ यत्र बहूनामानन्तर्य, किं तत्र द्वयोर्द्वयोः संयोगसंज्ञा भवति, आहास्थिदविशेषेण When there are more than two contiguous consonants, does every two get the designation samyōga or the whole alone? कश्चात्र विशेषः ? What difference does it make ? समुदाये संयागादिलोपो मस्जेः If the whole gets the designation, the form from the root masj cannot take the elision of the first letter of saṁyāga. FOURTH AHNIKA HALONANTARAH SAMYOGAH समुदाये संयोगादिलोपो मस्जेर्न सिद्धयति - मङ्का, मङक्तुम् । । 41 If the whole gets the designation, the elision of s of masj which is samyōgādi in the forms manktā1 and manktum 2 cannot take place. इह च निग्र्लेयात् निलयात् निम्लैयात् निम्लयात् इति ‘वान्यस्य संयोगादेः’ इत्येत्वं न प्राप्नोति ; इह च संस्वरिषीष्ट इति ‘ऋतश्च संयोगादेः ’ इति इट् न प्राप्नोति ; इह च संस्वर्यते इति ‘गुणोर्तिसंयोगाद्योः’ इति गुणो न प्राप्नोति ; इह च गोमान् करोति यवमान् करोति इति ’ संयोगान्तस्य लोपः इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति ; इह च निलनिः निम्लनः इति ‘संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः’ इति, निष्ठानत्वं न प्राप्नोति । Besides here in nirgleyāt nirglāyāt, nirmlēyāt, nirmlāyāt, the a of the roots glā and mla cannot optionally take ē as its ādēśa by the sūtra Vānyasya saṁyōgādēḥ, since the roots which begin in gl and ml are not saṁyōgādi and rgl and rml alone are samyōga; here in samsvariṣīṣṭa3, the siyuț after the root svṛ cannot take the optional iḍāgama by the sutra Rtasca saṁyōgādēḥ since it is not samyōgādi but msvr alone is samyōga; here in samsvaryatē, the final ṛ of the root sur cannot take guna by the sūtra Guṇortisamyōgādyōḥ since msv is samoga and not sv; herein gömänkarōti yavamänkarōti, t after n cannot be dropped by the sutra Saṁyōgāntasya löpaḥ since k is the samyōgānta and not t; here in nirglānak, nirmlanal, nisthānatvam is not possible by the sutra Sumyōgādērātō dhātōryanvataḥ since the roots glā and mlã are not saṁyōgādi, rgl and rml alone standing as sannyoga. 1, 2. Masj + tre and masj + trum take numāgama by the sītra masjinaśīrjhali (7, 1, GO). If the whole nsj is taken as saniyoga, the s cannot be dropped by the sutra Skōḥ samyōgādyōrantē ca (8, 2, 29), since it is not samvyāgādi. sør is the root ; āśirlin, siyut, sut tithōh, satrastutve, idgundu..
104. संयोगसंज्ञा is another reading. FOURTH AHNIKA — HALÖNANTARAḤ SAMYŌGAḤ 43 both the cases or is it necessary to expand it by adding something? गतमित्याह It may be said that this sutra satisfies both. कथम् ? How? यदा तावद बहूनां संयोगसंज्ञा, तदैवं विग्रहः करिष्यते - अविद्यमानमन्तरमेषाम् इति । यदा द्वयोर्द्वयोः संयोगसंज्ञा, तदैवं विग्रहः करिष्यते - अविद्यमाना अन्तरा एषाम् इति । When more than two take the designation samyōga, the word anantarāḥ is split avidyamānam antaram ēṣām; when every two get the designation samyōga, it is split avidyamānā antarā ēṣām. Note: If both the cases are satisfied by this sūtra, how can the plural-suffix in halal in the sūtra be justified? Kaiyaṭa answers this question by saying hala iti jātāu jātāu bahuvacananirdēśāt. Nāgēśabhaṭṭu says vastutō halāu ca halasca ityēkasēṣaḥ. He bases bis view on the following lines of Mahābhāṣya under the sutra Svaritāt saṁhitāyām (anudāttānām (1, 2, 39) :—ēkaśēṣanirdēśōyam – anudāttasya ca anudattayōśca anudāttānām ca anudāṭṭānām. The word anantarāḥı also should be taken as the ēkasēṣa thus anantarău ca anantarāśca anantarāḥ. zarrerarer anferq farerà ana ar 1 Is there anything between the two or not ? एवमपि बहूनामेव प्राप्नोति । (If you say that there is nothing between the two), the same holds good for more than two. 44 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA यान् हि भवान् अत्र वष्ट्या प्रतिनिर्दिशति, एतेषामन्येन व्यवाये न भवितव्यम् । If there is anything between every two of the group which you refer to by the sixth case, it cannot get the designation saṁyōga. seg aft aggiù dur? If so, let the designation go to more than two, ननु चोक्तं समुदाये संयागादिलोपो मस्जेः ? Has it not been said that, in that case, the form from the root masj cannot take the elision of the first letter of the samyōga? नैष दोषः ; वक्ष्यत्येतत् ’ अन्त्यात्पूर्वी मस्जेर्मिद नुषङ्गसंयोगादिलोपार्थम् ’ इति । This defect is removed since Vārttikakāra is going to mention (under the sutra Midacontyāt paraḥ 1, 1, 47) that mit (i.e.) num-āgama comes just before the final letter of masj for the sake of the elision of nakāra and sakāra when the latter has to be elided as saṁyögādi. '
105. Tumasjo (mas)) is the root; in musj+ire and musj+tum, numāgama is enjoined by the sūtra Masjinasõrjhali (7, 1, 60). Here on the strength of the vārtika mentioned under Miducöntyāt paraḥ, n is placed before j; hence we have masnj+tre and masnj+tum. Now s which is samyōgādi is dropped by the sutra Skōḥ samyōgādyōrantë ca (8, 2, 29); then j is changed to g by the sutra Coḥ kuḥ (8, 2, 30); which is again changed to k by Khari ca (8, 4, 55) and n is changed to anusvāra by Naścāpadāntasya jhali (8, 3, 24) and then ǹ by Anusvarasya yayi parasavarṇaḥ (8, 4, 58) hence we get the forms manktā and mańktum. Anuşanga means nakāra. In masj+ta, n before j by Maṣjinaśõrjhali; ta is replaced by na by the sūtra Ōditaśca (8, 2, 45) and the samyōgādi s is dropped by the sutra Aniditām hala upadhāyāḥ kniti (6, 4, 24), j is replaced by g and we get the form magna. FOURTH ÄHNIKA — HALÖNANTARĀḤ SAṀYŌGAḤ 45 अथवा अविशेषेण संयोगसंज्ञा विज्ञास्यते द्वयोरपि बहूनामपि ; तत्र द्वयोर्या संयोगंसंज्ञां तदाश्रयो लोपो भविष्यति । Or it is taken without any discrimination that two consonants or more get the designation samyōga. Where two get it, the elision depending upon the two will operate यदप्युच्यते ’ इह च निग्र्लेयात् निलयात् निम्लैयात् निम्लीयात् इति वान्यस्य संयागादेः इत्येत्वं न प्राप्नोति’ इति, अङ्गेन संयोगादि विशेषयिष्यामः अङ्गस्य संयोगादेः इति एवं तावत्सर्वमाङ्गं परिहृतम् । ; We shall restrict the denotation of samyōgādi by taking anga as its adjunct in the place where it was said that a of the root glā and mla cannot be replaced by optionally by the sutra Vānyasya saṁnyōgādēḥ; thus shall we solve all cases which pertain to aṁgādhikāra. यदप्युच्यते ’ इह च गोमान् करोति यवमान्करोति इति संयोगान्तस्य लोपः इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति’ इति, पदेन संयोगान्तं विशेषयिष्यामः पदस्य संयोगान्तस्य इति । We shall restrict the denotation of samyōgānta by taking pada as its adjunct in the place where it was said that t in gōmānkarōti and yavamānkarōti cannot be dropped on the strength of the sūtra Saṁyōgāntasya lōpaḥ. यदप्युच्यते ’ इह च निग्लीनः इति संयोगादेरातो धातोर्यण्वतः इति निष्ठानत्वं न प्राप्नोति इति, धातुना संयोगादिं विशेषयिष्यामः धातोः संयोगादेः इति । We shall restrict the denotation of samgögādi by taking dhātu as its adjunct in the place where it was said that niṣṭhānatvam may not take place in nirglāna and nirmlāna by the sutra Samyōgādērātō dhātōryanataḥ. Note: It is not known why the Vārttıkakāra has not read the Värttika Antyāt pūrvō masjērmid anuṣanga saṁnyögādilōpārtham here, so that it may answer his pūrvapakṣavārttika ▪ samudāyē samyōgādilõpō masjeḥ.’ As regards this third topic, there is no difference of opinion between Vārttikakāra and Mahābhāṣyakāra. 46 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHÄṢYA स्वरानन्तर्हितवचनम् IV 4 The word anantarā in the sūtra should be qualified by the word svarāiḥ. स्वरैरनन्तर्हिता हलः संयोगसंज्ञा भवन्ति इति वक्तव्यम् । It should be said that the consonants which are not intercepted by sonants take the designation saṁyōga. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why? व्यवहितानां मा भूत्, पचति पनसम् । So that the designation may not reach those that are intercepted as s and m in the word panasam which are intercepted by the sonant a. ननु चानन्तरा इत्युच्यते, तेन व्यवहितानां न भविष्यति । Oh! the word anantarā is mentioned in the sūtra; through it the designation will not reach those that are intercepted. दृष्टमानन्तर्यं व्यवहितेऽपि Anantarya is mentioned even with reference to objects which are intercepted (by others.) ६ व्यवहितेऽपि अनन्तरशब्दो दृश्यते तद्यथा - अनन्तराविमौ ग्रामौ इत्युच्यते तयोश्चैवान्तरा नद्यश्च पर्वताश्च भवन्ति । The word anantara is used even with reference to objects which are intercepted. For instance the expression anantarāu imāu grāmāu (these two villages are adjoining ones) is generally used even though there are rivers and mountains dividing them. यदि तर्हि व्यवहितेऽप्यनन्तरशब्दो भवति, आनन्तर्यवचनमिदानीं किमर्थ स्यात् ? FOURTH ÄHNIKA -HALŌNANTARAḤ SAṀYŌGAḤ 47 If then the word anantara is used even with reference to intercepted objects, what is the purpose served by the word anantarāh in the sūtra ? आनन्तर्यवचनं किमर्थमिति चेदेकप्रतिषेधार्थम् The mention of anantara is to avoid the designation to be applied to one. एकस्य हलः संयोगसंज्ञा मा भूद् इति । So that the designation samyōga may not go to one consonant. किं च स्याद् यद्येकस्य हलः संयोगसंज्ञा स्यात् ? What will happen if one consonant gets the designation samyoga ? इयेष उवोष, ‘इजादेश्व गुरुमतोऽनृच्छः ’ इति आम् प्रसज्येत । The s in iyēṣa and uvōṣa will get the samyōgasaṁjñā and consequently the preceding i will be considered guru by the sūtra Samyōgē guru and consequently the affix am will happen in lit by the sūtra Ijadāśca gurumatosnrcchah ( 3, 1, 35 ). The result is the forms iyeṣa and uvõsa cannot be obtained.) न वातजातीयव्यवायात् Not necessary since the interception is by unlike ones. न वैष दोषः । किं कारणम् ? अतज्जातीयस्य व्यवायात् । अतज्जातीयकं हि लोके व्यवधायकं भवति । This difficulty does not arise. Why? The interception is only by the unlike; for the unlike alone stands between the like ones in the world. कथं पुनर्ज्ञायते अतजातीयकं लोके व्यवधायकं भवति इति ? How is it known that the unlike alone divides the like ?48 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA एवं हि कञ्चित् कश्चित् पृच्छति ‘अनन्तरे एते ब्राह्मणकुले ? इति । स आह ‘नानन्तरे, वृषल कुलमनयोरन्तरा ’ इति । Some one asks another thus: ‘Are these two brahman houses adjoining (i e.) do they not have any antara? He replies, ’ No, they are not anantare (adjoining ) ; a house of a śūdra is between them.’ किं पुनः कारणं कचिदतज्जातीयकं व्यवधायकं भवति कचिन्न ? Why is it that the unlike sometimes intercedes and sometimes not ? सर्वत्रैव तज्जातीयकं व्यवधायकं भवति । The unlike always intercedes. कथम् अनन्तराविमौ ग्रामी इति ? How is it then such a usage as these two villages are adjoining ? ; ग्रामशब्दोऽयं बर्थः । अस्त्येव शालासमुदाये वर्तते तद्यथा ग्रामो दग्ध इति । अस्ति वाटपरिक्षेपे वर्तते तद्यथा ग्रामं प्रविष्ट इति । अस्ति मनुष्येषु वर्तते; तद्यथा ग्रामो गतः, ग्राम आगत इति । अस्ति सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थfuse वर्तते ; तद्यथा ग्रामो लब्ध इति । तद्यः सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थण्डिलके वर्तते तमभिसमीक्ष्य एतत् प्रयुज्यते अनन्तराविमौ ग्रामौ इति । The word grāma has many denotations. It denotes group of houses, as in ‘grāma is burnt.’ It denotes garden etc. serving as the outer limit or boundary, as in he has entered grāma.’ It denotes the inhabitants, as in “grāma has left and grāma has returned.’ It denotes everything mentioned above along with the forest ridge etc. (including a river) which serve as the boundary, as in ‘grāma has been captured.’ Hence the word grāmẫu in the expression anantarāu imāu grāmāu denotes what is mentioned last. FOURTH AHNIKA — MUKHANĀSIKĀVACANŌNUNĀSIKAḤ 49 Note: The use of the word asti in sentences like astyēva śālāsamudāyē vartatē deserves notice. Some may consider it as an expletive. But it seems to me that it is used in the sense of ‘it’ in the same way as asmi is used in the sense of I’, where there is vivakṣā only to the pratyayārtha and not to the prakṛtyartha. ones. सर्वत्रैव अतज्जातीयकं व्यवधायकं भवति । In all cases it is the unlike alone that intercedes the like Note: Some scholars hold that the word grama has different connotations and hence they are separate words; while others think that it denotes differently on different occasions and hence the word is only one. मुखनासिकावचनोऽनुनासिकः ( 1, 1, 8) There are three topics here, of which two are sponsored by the Mahābhāṣyakāra and the last by the Vārttikakāra. They are (1) the derivation of the word geftgaza; (2) the need or otherwise of the word मुख in मुखनासिकावचनः and (3) the itarētarāśrayatā of saṁjñā and saṁjñin. किमिदं मुखनासिकावचन इति ? I What is this mukhanāsikāvacana? (i.e.) what is meant by it? मुखं च नासिका च मुखनासिकं, मुखनासिकं वचनम् अस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । The word mukhanāsikāvacanaḥ is a bahuvrīhi compound of the words mukhanāsikam and vacanam, where mukhanāsikam is a dvandva compound of mukham and nāsikā. 7 50 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHÂŞYA Note: Mukham here means mouth and vacanam means the place of articulation of sounds. यद्येवं, मुखनासिकवचन इति प्राप्नोति । If so, the compound word should be mukhanāsikavacanaḥ. Note: Since mukha and nāsikā are the limbs of animals, they componnd together as mukhanāsikam. निपातनाद्दीर्घत्वं भविष्यति । The lengthening may take place by nipatana. Note: Since Mahābhāṣyakāra Mahābhāṣyakāra has taken the view bōdhakānyēva nipātanāni under the sūtra Sārvādīni sarvanāmāni (1, 1, 27), mukhanāsikāvacanam, if it is taken as a nipātana, should suggest that mukhanāsikavacanam is incorrect. Hence the next alternative is suggested. अथवा मुखनासिकम् आवचनमस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । Or it is taken as the compound of mukhanāsikam and avacanam. अथ किमिदम् आवचनम् इति । Now what is this racunam? (i..) what does avacanam mean? ईषद्वचनमावचनम् किञ्चित्सुखवचनं किञ्चिन्नासिकावचनम् । Avacanam means partial vacant; partially mukhavacana and partially nāsikāvacanu. Note: Since the element à which gives the sense of being partial has to qualify mukha and nāsikā, the formation of the compound with mukhanāsikam and avacaam is not easy. Hence the next alternative is suggested. FOURTH AHNIKA MUKHANĀSIKÁVACANŌNUNĀSIKAḤ 51 मुखद्वितीया वा नासिका वचनमस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । Mukhanāsikāvacanaḥ is formed from mukhanāsika and vacunam where mukhanāsikā is split into mukhadvitīyā nāsikā (Here dvitiyaḥ means sahāyaḥ). Note: Mukhadvitīyā nāsikā should mean the nose near the mouth, since vacanam is taken to mean the place of articulation. The expression-nose near the mouth does not give a clear idea. Hence the next alternative is suggested. मुखोपसंहिता वा नासिका वचनमस्य सोऽयं मुखनासिकावचनः । Mukhanāsikāvacanaḥ is formed of mukhanāsikā and vacanam where mukhanāsikā is split into mukhōpasamhitā nāsikā. Note:
106. Here the word means that which has the portion bordered by mouth and nose as the place of articulation (i. e.) the portion near the uvula. Note: 2. Bhaṭṭōji Dīkṣit, Nāgēŝabhaṭṭa and others prefer to take vacana mean uccāraṇa and hence according to them the word mukhanāsikāvacanaḥ means that which is pronounced through the nose along with the mouth. To give prominence to nose, mukhanāsikā is split mukhasahitā nāsikā. अथ मुखग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? II Now what is the need for the mention of the word mukha (in the sūtra)? नासिकावचनोऽनुनासिकः इति इयत्युच्यमाने यमानुखाराणामेव प्रसज्येत ; सुखग्रहणे पुनः क्रियमाणे न दोषो भवति । 52 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA If the sūtra is read thus nāsīkāvacanōśnunāsikaḥ without the word mukha, the designation will reach only yamas and anusvāra (and not it, in, ?, n and m ) ; if, on the other hand, the word mukha is mentioned, there will be no defect. अथ नासिकाग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What is then the need for the mention of the word nāsikā (in the sūtra)? मुखवचनोऽनुनासिकः इति इयत्युच्यमाने कचटतपानामेव प्रसज्येत ; नासिकाग्रहणे पुनः क्रियमाणे न दोषो भवति । ; If the sutra is read thus-mukhavacanōsnunāsikaḥ omitting the word nāsikā, the designation will be liable to reach k, c, t, t, p etc. and not anusvāra and yama ; but, on the other hand, if the word nāsikā is mentioned, there will be no defect. Note: K, c, t, t and p are upalakṣanas to the other sounds of their respective varga and to semivowels and fricatives. मुखग्रहणं शक्यमकर्तुम् । It is possible to manage without the word mukha in the sútra. केनेदानीमुभयवचनानां भविष्यति ? How will the sounds whose place of articulation is both get the designation anunāsika ? प्रासादवासिन्यायेन । तद्यथा, केचित् प्रासादवासिनः केचिद् भूमिवासिनः केचिद् उभयवासिनः । तत्र ये प्रासादवासिनो गृह्यन्ते ते प्रासादवासिग्रहणेन ; ये भूमिवासिनो गृह्यन्ते ते भूमिवासिग्रहणेन; ये तु उभयवासिनो गृह्णन्ते एव ते प्रासादवासिग्रहणेन भूमिवासिग्रहणेन च । एवमिहापि, केचिन्मुखवचनाः केचिन्नासिकावचनाः केचिदुभयवचनाः । तत्र ये मुखवचना गृह्यन्ते ते मुख- FOURTH ÃHNIKA MUKHANĀSIKĀVACANÖNUNĀSIKAḤ 53 ग्रहणेन ; ये नासिकावचना गृह्यन्ते ते नासिकाग्रहणेन ; ये उभयवचना गृह्यन्ते एव ते मुखग्रहणेन नासिकाग्रहणेन च । Through the prāsādavāsinyāya. It is thus :-Some are residents of upper storey, some are of the down-floor and some are of both. Of them, the residents of the upper storey come into operation if the word upper-storey-resident is mentioned; those of the down-floor come into operation if the word downfloor-resident is mentioned; those who reside in both come into operation both when the word upper-storey-resident is mentioned and when the word down-floor-resident is mentioned. Similary here also there are certain sounds which have mouth for their place of articulation, there are some which have nose for their place of articulation and there are others which have both of them for their place of articulation. Of them the mouth-sounds come into operation when the word mukha is mentioned, the nasal sounds come into operation when the word nāsika is mentioned and those that are both come into operation when either the word mukha or nāsikā is mentioned. भवेदुभयवचनानां सिद्धम् ; यमानुखाराणामपि प्राप्नोति । It is accomplished with reference to those sounds which have both the mouth and the nose as the place of articulation; the same may happen to yamas and anusvāra. नैव दोषो न प्रयोजनम् । But there is neither advantage nor disadvantage in it. III इतरेतराश्रयं तु But it is open to interdependence. का इतरेतराश्रयता ? How is it, the state of interdependence? 54 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHÄṢYA सतोऽनुनासिकस्य संज्ञया भवितव्यम्; संज्ञया च नाम अनुनासिको भाव्यते; तदितरेतराश्रयं भवति । Designation is given to that (anunāsiku) which already exists and it is made to exist as such through the designation. Hence (the flaw of ) interdependence arises. इतरेतराश्रयाणि कार्याणि न प्रकल्पन्ते । Objects which are accessible to the flaw of interdependence are not achieved. अनुनासिकसंज्ञायामितरेतराश्रये उक्तम् It has been answered about itarēturāśrayatā which is mentioned here with reference to anunāsikasaṁjñā. किमुक्तंम् : What has been answered? सिद्धं तु नित्यशब्दत्वात् इति । The object is accomplished since words are perpetual. नित्याः शब्दाः ; नित्येषु शब्देषु सतोऽनुनासिकस्य संज्ञा क्रियते ; न संशया अनुनासिको भाव्यते । Words exist perpetually; designation is given to the anunāsikas among the sounds which already exist; anunāsika is not made to exist through the designation. यदि तर्हि नित्याः शब्दाः, किमर्थ शास्त्रम् ? If then words perpetually exist, what is the purpose served by the Science of Grammar? किमर्थ शास्त्रमिति चेत् निवर्तकत्वात् सिद्धम् । If it is asked what for the Science of Grammar is, it is useful, being restrictive in nature. FOURTH AHNIKA — TULYĀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 55 निवर्तकं शास्त्रम् । कथम् ? आङस्मायविशेषेणोपदिष्टोऽननुनासिकः; तस्य सर्वत्र अननुनासिकवुद्धिः प्रसक्ताः तत्रानेन निवृत्तिः क्रियते ’ छन्दस्यचि परत आङोऽननुनासिकस्य प्रसङ्गेऽनुनासिकः साधुर्भवति’ इति । Śāstra is restrictive in nature. How? The aù is said to be non-nasal; when it is considered that it is so everywhere, the sūtra Añōsnunāsikaśchandasi (6, 1, 126) restricts its application and says that an in Vedas is nasal if it is followed by a vowel. तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् (1-1-9) There are three topics dealt with here. They are (1) the four-fold splitting of the compound word tulyäsyaprayatnam ; (2) the need or otherwise of the addition of the word tasya in the sutra and (3) the necessity of declaring that * and 7 are like sounds.
108. It is better if we have cu at the oud as in the previous sentence. 60 Note: LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA This suggests that Varttikakāra does not agree with the former opinion regarding the place of articulation of a. एवमपि व्यपदेशो न प्रकल्पते ’ आस्ये येषां तुल्यो देशः’ इति । Even then the expression asyē yēṣām tulyō deśaḥ cannot convey any meaning. Note: Since the whole asya is the place of articulation of a, the expression asyē dēśaḥ which means ūsyē asyam is meaningless. व्यपदेशिवद्भावेन व्यपदेशो भविष्यति । Though the asya and dēśa are identically the same, they are considered to be different in the mind of the speaker and the expression āsyē dēśaḥ is used (like rāhōḥ śiraḥ.) सिध्यति ; सूत्रं तर्हि भिद्यते । Yes, the desired object is completely achieved; but the sūtra (Tulyösyaprayatnam savarṇam) is recast into Asyē tulyadēŝaprayatnam savarṇam. यथान्यासमेवास्तु | Let the sutra remain as it is. ननु चोक्तम् सवर्णसंज्ञायां भिन्नदेशेष्वतिप्रसङ्गः ; प्रयत्नसामान्यात् इति । Oh, it was said that the designation savarna is liable to reach the letters having different places of articulation on account of their having the same mode of articulation.

• नैष दोषः, न हि लौकिकमास्यम् । This defect cannot stand; for asya does not mean mouth. किं तर्हि ? What then? FOURTH AHNIKA — TULYASYAPRAYATNAM SAVARNAM 61 तद्धितान्तमास्यम् - आस्ये भवम् आस्यम्; शरीरावयवाद्यत् । It is a word having taddhita suffix at the end. It means that which exists in the mouth; its formation is based on the sūtra Ŝarīrāvayavācca (4, 3, 55) which enjoins the pratyaya yat. किं पुनरास्ये भवम् ? What is it that exists in the mouth ? स्थानं करणं च । The place of articulation and the mode of articulation (ūbhyantaraprayutna). एवमपि प्रयत्नोऽविशेषितो भवति । Even then the word prayatna is not restricted in its application (i. e.) it may denote bahyaprayatna also. Note : If the word ȧsyam refers to both sthāna and karana, the word prayatna is unnecessary. प्रयत्नश्च विशेषितः । Prayatna too is restricted in its application. कथम् ? How ? न हि प्रयतनं प्रयत्नः | For it does not mean prayatan 1. किं तर्हि ? What then ? प्रारम्भो यत्नस्य, प्रयत्नः । 62 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA Prayatnu is derived thus :-prārambhō yatna sya• Note: The expression prārambhō yatnasya means the commencement of the effort. Kaiyața says that the four prayatnas sprsta, iṣatsprṣṭa, vivṛta and samvrta are at the commencement, and the air then returns from the head and reaches the neck so that the bāhyaprayatnas come later. But since the exhaling air is converted into speech sounds and since it passes thro’ the neck before it comes to the mouth, it is not easy to understand what Käiyața means. Vāsudēvadīkṣit, the author of the Bālumanōramā, a commentary on Bhattōji Dīkṣit’s Siddhantakāumudī, explains prayatna as prakṛṣṭō yatnaḥ, perhaps feeling the above difficulty. यदि प्रारम्भो यत्नस्य प्रयत्नः, एवमपि अवर्णस्य एङोश्च सवर्णसंज्ञा mâifa 1 Even if prayatna is derived as prārambhō yatnasya, there is the chance for the letter a to become like with ē and ō (since the former part of them are a). प्रश्लिष्टावर्णावेतौ । These two a’s in è and ō are so mixed (with i and u like dust and water that they cannot be separated.) अवर्णस्य तर्हि ऐचोश्च सवर्णसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति । If so, the letter a becomes savarna with ai and äu (since their former part is a and it is distinctly heard separated from the latter part i and u.) विवृततरावर्णावेतौ । These two akāras are more open than akāra. एतयोरेव तर्हि मिथः सवर्णसंज्ञा प्रामोति । Then these two-ai and ău become like with each other. FOURTH AHNIKA TULYASYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 63 नैतौ तुल्यस्थानौ | These two do not have the same place of articulation. उदात्तादीनां तर्हि सवर्णसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति । If so, the udātta a etc. cannot be treated as like with anudātta a, svarita a (since it is determined only within the mouth whether a is udātta, anudātta and svarita and consequently their abhyanlaraprayatna is different.) अभेदका उदात्तादयः । Udātta etc. are not the discriminating elements to decide the sāvarņya. Note : Since udatta, anudatta and svarita are not taken as the discriminating elements to decide the sāvarṇya, they are considered as bāhyaprayatnas. अथवा किं न एतेन प्रारम्भो यत्नस्य प्रयत्नः इति । Or what do we gain by taking this way that prayatna is to be split as prārambhō yatnasya? 挚 प्रयतनमेव प्रयत्नः; तदेव च तद्धितान्तमास्यम् । यत्समानं तदाश्रयिष्यामः । Prayatna is the same as prayatanam; āsya is the same word with the taddhita suffix at the end. We shall take that which is common as the deciding factor. किं सति भेदे ? 1 Are we to do it even when there is dissimilarity? सति इत्याह । They say, • Yes, when there is dissimilarity ‘. सत्येव हि भेदे सवर्णसंज्ञया भवितव्यम् ।

1. Some editions read किं सति । भेदे सतीत्याह । 64 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA For, one can be savarna to another only when there is dissimilarity between them, कुत एतत् ? How is it ? भेदाधिष्ठाना हि सवर्णसंज्ञा । यदि हि यत्र सर्व समानं तत्र स्यात् सवर्णसंज्ञावचनमनर्थकं स्यात् । The designation savarna has the dissimilarity for its basis. If one is identically the same as another, the sūtra enjoining likeness is unnecessary. यदि तर्हि सति भेदे किश्चित् समानमिति कृत्वा सवर्णसंज्ञा भविष्यति, शकारच्छकारयोः षकारठकारयोः सकारथकारयोः सवर्णसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति ; एतेषां हि सर्वमन्यत्समानं करणवर्जम् । If the designation savarna is applied to two letters which have some similarity even though they are dissimilar in certain other respects, each of the pairs ŝ and ch, ș and th and s and th will become similar; for they are similar in all respects other than in abhyantaraprayatna (i. e.) the former of each pair is a fricative and the latter is an explosive. एवं तर्हि प्रयतनमेव प्रयत्नः; तदेव हि तद्धितान्तमास्यम् ; न त्वयं द्वन्द्वः आस्यं च प्रयत्नश्च आस्यप्रयत्नम् इति । If so, prayatna is the same as prayatana; āsyum is the same word with the taddhita suffix at the end; but it is not dvandva thus :—āsyam ca prayatnaś ca ãsyaprayatnam. किं तर्हि ? What then ? त्रिपदोऽयं बहुवीहिः तुल्य आस्ये प्रयत्न एषाम् इति । It is a bahuvrīhi compound consisting of three members thus : - tulyah āsyā prayatnah isām (i.e.) those who have the FOURTH AHNIKA M TULYĀSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 65 same mode of articulation in their common place of articulation are like. Note 1: Here the word asya does not mean mouth but the different parts like palate, lips etc. of the mouth. Hence it is taddhitanta. Note 2: Generally the word in the seventh case deserves to become the first member of the compound. अथवा पूर्वस्तत्पुरुषः ततो बहुव्रीहिः - तुल्यः आस्ये तुल्यास्यः, तुल्यास्यः प्रयत्नः एषाम् इति । Or the first two words form a titpuruşa compound thus: tulyaḥ āsyē tulyāsyaḥ; it with the third word becomes a bahuvrīhi compound thus: tulyasyaḥ prayatnaḥ ēṣām. अथवा परस्तत्पुरुषः ततो बहुव्रीहिः तुल्य आस्यप्रयत्न एषाम् इति । आस्ये प्रयत्नः आस्यप्रयत्तः, Or the last two form a tatpuruşa thus: āsyē prayatnaḥ āsyaprayatnaḥ; it then forms a bahuvrīhi compound with the first thus :-tulyaḥ asyaprayatnaḥ ēṣām. तस्य II Mention of tasya. तस्य इति तु वक्तव्यम् The word tasya should be mentioned in the sūtra. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ? यो यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नः स तस्य सवर्णसंज्ञो यथा स्यात् अन्यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्तः अन्यस्य सवर्णसंशो मा भूत् । 9 66 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA That which has the same place of articulation and the same mode of articulation as another should become like to it and not one which has the same place of articulation and the same mode of articulation as another may become like to a third which has a different place of articulation and a different mode of articulation but the same as the fourth. तस्यावचनं वचनप्रामाण्यात् Non-mention of the word tasya, on account of the prāmānya of the word (savarna . ) तस्येति न वक्तव्यम् । अन्यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नोऽन्यस्य सवर्णसंज्ञः कस्मान्न भवति ? वचनप्रामाण्यात् सवर्णसंज्ञावचनसामर्थ्यात् । यदि हि अन्यस्य तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नोऽन्यस्य सवर्णसंज्ञः स्यात् सवर्णसंज्ञावचनमनर्थकं स्यात् । The word tasya need not be mentioned. How is it that one which is tulyāsyaprayatna to a third but different from it does not become savarna ? From the validity of the word (i. e.) from the capacity of the designation savarņa. If one becomes savarna to another which has a different āsyaprayatna, but has the same asyaprayatna as a third, the mention of the designation savarna is of no use. सम्बन्धिशब्दैर्वा तुल्यम् Or similarity with words of relationship. सम्बन्धिशब्दैर्वा पुनस्तुल्यमेतत् । तद्यथा सम्बन्धिशब्दाः मातरि वर्तितव्यम्, पितरि शुश्रूषितव्यम् इति । न चोच्यते, स्वस्यां मातरि स्वस्मिन् पितरि इति । सम्बन्धाश्चैतद् गम्यते, या यस्य माता, यश्च यस्य पिता, इति । एवमिहापि तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् इत्यत्न शम्बन्धिशब्दौ एतौ तत्र सम्बन्धादेतद् गन्तव्यम् - यत्प्रति यत्तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं तत्प्रति तत् सवर्णसंज्ञ भवति इति । Or this is similar to words of relationship. This may be explained thus: the injunctions treat the mother thus’, serve the father’ are expressions containing words of relationship. Here the word oum is not made to qualify father or FOURTH ÄHNIKA — TULYÄSYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 67 mother. From the word of relationship it is to be understood own mother and own father. So also here in the sūtra Tulyäsyaprayatnam savarṇam, the two words are related to each other and through this relation it is understood that the letter which has the same sthāna and prayatna as another, is like to it. zwarcedeì: zedîafa: III Injunction of săvarṇya to r and l. ऋकारऌकारयोः सवर्णसंज्ञा विधेया, होतृ लकारः होतृकार इति । It should be enjoined that r and are like so that hōtr+lkāraḥ may combine and become hōtrkāraḥ. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why? अकः सवर्णे दीर्घः इति दीर्घत्वं यथा स्यात् । So that r and may be replaced by ṛ by the sūtra Akaḥ savarņē dīrghaḥ. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम् । वक्ष्यत्त्येतत् सवर्णदीर्घत्वे ‘ऋति ऋ वा वचनम् ‘, लति ल वा वचनम् ’ इति । This (r+!=7) is not the benefit (accrued by ṛkāralkārayōḥ savarṇavidhiḥ) but it is the benefit accrued by the vārttikas Rti ṛ vā vacanam, Lti l vā vacanam which the Vārttikakāra is going to mention under the sūtra Akaḥ savarņē dirghaḥ. तत् सवर्णे यथा स्यात्, इह मा भूत् बध्युकारः मध्वकारः इति ।68 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYA (The varttika Rkāralkārayōḥ savarṇavidhiḥ must be mentioned) so that the two vārtikas Rti ṛ vā vacanam and Lti l vă vacanam may operate only when the previous vowel is r and is followed by a like vowel and not otherwise, so that they may not operate in the sandhi of dadhi + Ikāraḥ and madhu+lkāraḥ, where the previous vowel is an ak other than r1. संदेतत् सवर्णदीर्घत्वे ‘ऋति’ इति एतद् ’ ऋतः’ इति वक्ष्यामि । ततः ‘लति ’ ; लकारे परत लकारो वा भवति ; ऋत इत्येव । I shall replace rti in the vārttika Rtir vā vacanam under the sūtra Akaḥ savarņē dīrghaḥ by the word rtaḥ and read the vārttika Ltil vă vacanam after it, where ṛtaḥ is taken from the previous vārttika. Note: The word savarņē should be taken in the first vārttika from the sūtra Akaḥ savarņē dīrghaḥ. तन वक्तव्यं भवति । It need not be said (i.e.) neither the two värttikas nor the emendation need be said. अवश्यं तद्वक्तव्यम् । It must be said. ‘ऊकालोज्झस्वदीर्घप्लुतसंज्ञो भवति’ इत्युच्यते, न च ऋकार लकारो वा अजस्ति । The sutra Ūkālōjjhrasvadīrghaplutasamjño bhavati tells us that the ac which has one, two or three matrās is called
2. Otherwise there will be chance for akah to be taken here from the sutra Akah savare dinghai. FOURTH AHNIKA — TULYASYAPRAYATNAM SAVARŅAM 69 hrasva (short), dīrgha ( long) and pluta. Neither r nor I is an ac (i.e.) neither of them comes within the pratyāhāra ac, since they are not read in the Pratyāhārasūtrus. Note : Ther and I noted here are not the sonant r and I which are of vivṛtaprayatna, but they are made up of r+glide and 1+ glide and hence they are of Āşatsprsta-prayatna. ऋकारस्य लकारस्य वा अच्त्वं वक्ष्यामि । I shall make rand l included under ac. ? तच्चावश्यं वक्तव्यम्, प्लुतो यथा स्यात् - होतृ - ऋकारः ; होतृकारः ; होतृ३कार इति; होतृ - लकारः - होल्लुकारः होल ३कारः इति । It should be necessarily done so that both of them may be used as pluta thus hōṭṛzkāraḥ and hōtlṣkāraḥ which are the compounds of hotṛ and ṛkāraḥ and hōtr and lkāraḥ. किं पुनरत्र ज्यायः ? Which is better of the two, reading of one värttika Rkāralvarṇayoḥ savarṇavidhiḥ or reading the two vārtikas under Akaḥ savarņē dīrghaḥ and making the necessary changes? सवर्णसंज्ञावचनमेव ज्यायः । Enjoining their savarṇya is certainly better. दीर्घत्वं चैव हि सिद्धं भवति अपि च ऋकारग्रहणेन ऌकारग्रहणं सन्निहितं भवति ऋत्यकः, खट्टऋष्यः मालऋष्यः इदमपि सिद्धं भवति खट् लकारः, मालऌकारः ; वा सुप्यापिशले, उपर्कारयति उपार्कारयति, इदमपि सिद्धं भवति उपल्कारीयति उपाल्कारीयति । 70 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHABHÂṢYA to For it is achieved that y takes the place of r+l; besides wherever r is mentioned, I also may follow. For instance khaṭva-lkāraḥ and māla-lkāraḥ may be formed similar khatva-rṣyaḥ and māla-rṣyah on the strength of the sūtra Rtyakaḥ and upaikārīyati and upālkārīyatı similar to uparkārīyati and upārkārīyali on the strength of the sutra Vā supyāpisalēḥ. यदि तर्हि ऋकारग्रहणेन लकारग्रहणं सन्निहितं भवति, उरण् रपरः -लकारस्यापि रपरत्वं प्राप्नोति । If it is said that mention of r may take along with it then 7 will be replaced by ar in the same way as r which is replaced by ar on the strength of the sūtra Uraḥ raparaḥ. लकारस्य लपरत्वं वक्ष्यामि । I shall state that I will be replaced by al. तच्चावश्यं वक्तव्यम् असत्यां सवर्णसंज्ञायां विध्यर्थम् । तदेव सत्यां रेफबाधनार्थं भविष्यति । It must be stated; for the sake of injuction in the absence of savarnasaṁjñā and for the sake of prohibiting r in its presence. इह तर्हि ‘रत्राभ्यां नो णः समानपदे’ इति ऋकारग्रहणं चोदितं मातृणां पितॄणामित्येतदर्थम् । तदिहापि प्राप्नोति ’ क्लृप्यमानं पश्य ’ इति । Just as there is natva in the words mātṛṇām and pitṛṇām of n following on the strength of the värttika Rvarṇānnasya natvam vācyam under the sutra Raṣābhyam nōṇaḥ samānapadě, so also there is a chance for n in klpyamānam in the sentence klpyamānam paśya to be changed to n. FOURTH ÄHNIKA NAJJHALÂU 71 अथ असत्यामपि सवर्णसंज्ञायामिह कस्मान्न भवति प्रक्लप्यमानं पश्य इति । How is natva avoided in praklpyamānam pasya when 7 is not considered with r on the strength of the sūtra Krtyacah (8, 4, 29 ) ? चुडतुलशर्व्यवायेन इति वक्ष्यामि । अपर आह - त्रिभिश्च मध्यमैर्वगैर्लशसैश्च व्यवाये नेति वक्ष्यामि इति । I shall state that natva is prohibited if there is interception by cavarga, tavarga, tavarga, land sar. Another says that there is prohibition of natva at the interception of the three middle vargas 1, s and s. वर्णैकदेशाश्च वर्णग्रहणेन गृह्यन्ते इति योऽसौ लकारे लकारस्तदाश्रयः प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति । Prohibition takes place on the basis of l which is taken to exist in 7 on the maxim that a part of a letter is taken cognisance as a letter. यद्येवं, नार्थो रषाभ्यां णत्वे ऋकारग्रहणेन । वर्णैकदेशाश्च वर्णग्रहणेन गृह्यन्त इति योऽसौ ऋकारे रेफः तदाश्रयं णत्वं भविष्यति । If so, the vāritika, Raṣābhyām atvē rkāragrahanam is not necessary under the sutra, Raṣābhyām nō ṇaḥ samānapadē, since r is considered to exist in and sincea part of a letter is taken cognisance as a letter. नाज्झलौ (1, 1, 10) अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे शकारप्रतिषेधो ऽज्झल्त्वात् । If there is prohibition (of sāvarnya) between ac and hal, there is chance for the prohibition (of sävarnya) between § and έ as it is both ac and hal. 72 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे शकारस्य शकारेण सवर्णसंज्ञायाः प्रतिषेधः प्राप्नोति । किं कारणम् ? अज्झल्त्वात्; अञ्चैव हि शकारो हल् च । कथं तावदच्त्वम् इकारः सवर्णग्रहणेन शकारमपि गृह्णाति इत्येवमचत्वम् । हल्षु चोपदेशाद्वल्ल्वम् । 2 If there is prohibition (of savarnya) between ac and hal, there is chance for the prohibition of sāvarnya between s and s. Why ? Since it is both ac and hal ; s is both ac and hal. What, first, makes it ac ? It is ac since i takes & also as savarna by the savarṇagrāhakasūtra Anudit savarṇasya cā pratyayaḥ. It is hal because it is included in the pratyāhāra hal. Note : Since i and s both have the palate as the place of articulation and vivrtatva as the abhyantaraprayatna, ś is considered savarna to i. Since i is included in the pratyāhāra ac, ś also is considered ac. तव को दोषः ? What harm is there ? तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषः If so, there is harm with reference to savarņalāpa. ; तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषो भवति - परश्शतानि कार्याणि झरो झरि सवर्णे इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति । If so, there is harm with reference to the elision of like letters. The elision by the sūtra Jharō jhari does not take place in the word paraśśatāni of the expression parassŝatāni kāryāni. Note : Paras + satāni = parassatāni. It becomes puraśśśatāni by the sutra Anaci ca. If the sutra Jharō jhari does not operate, there is no likelihood for one s to be dropped. सिद्धमनच्त्वात् FOURTH AHNIKA NAJJHALAU 73 The desired object is achieved on account of its being non-vowel (anac.) सिद्धमेतत् । कथम् ? अनच्त्वात् । The desired object (the lōpa of sakāra by the sutra Jharō jhari savarņē) is achieved. How? Since (ŝakāra) is not an ac. कथमनचत्वम् ? How is it that it is not an ac? स्पृष्टं करणं स्पर्शानाम् ईषत्स्पृष्टमन्तस्थानाम् ; विवृतमूष्मणाम् ईषत् इति अनुवर्तते ; स्वराणां च विवृतम् ; ईषत् इति निवृत्तम् । Complete contact of the vocal organs is the abhyantaraprayatna of sparsas (explosives); light contact of the vocal organs is that of antasthas (semivowels); light openness is that of ūṣmās (fricatives): the word isat is taken here from the previous sentence; complete openness is that of svaras (sonants): the word īṣat is not taken here. .. Note: The three sentences sprṣṭam prayatanam sparśānām’, īṣatsprṣṭam antasthānām, vivrtam ūṣmaṇām svarāṇāñ ca are quotations from the Saunakaprātiśākhya. From the last sentence it is clear that openness was taken as the prayatna of both the fricatives and the sonants. Paninisikṣā too says, Svarāṇām ūṣmaṇāñ cäiva vivṛtań karaṇam smṛtam | The earlier grammarians did not recognise any difference Hence in the ābhyantaraprayatna of fricatives and sonants Acarya Panini has read this sūtra Najjhalau. Vārttikakāra, on the other hand, has noticed the difference in the abhyantaraprayatna between fricatives and sonants, that the former are lightly open sounds and the latter are 10 74 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA completely open sounds. Hence he has sought a device to interpret the last sentence of the Pratiśākhya in a different way. According to this interpretation, the sūtra Nājjhalāu is not necessary, since the sonant i and the fricative έ do not have tulyaprayatna, वाक्यापरिसमाप्तेर्वा Or on account of the non-completion of the vākya. वाक्यापरिसमाप्तेर्वा पुनः सिद्धमेतत् । Or this is achieved through the incompletion of the vākya. किमिदं वाक्यापरिसमाप्तेरिति । What is meant by this expression vākyāparisamāptēḥ ? वर्णानामुपदेशस्तावत्; उपदेशोत्तरकाला इत्संज्ञा ; इत्संज्ञोत्तरकालः आदिरन्त्येन सहेता’ इति प्रत्याहारः; प्रत्याहारोत्तरकाला सवर्णसंज्ञा ; सवर्णसंशोत्तरकालम् अणुदित्सवर्णस्य चाप्रत्ययः इति सवर्णग्रहणम् । एतेन सर्वेण समुदितेन वाक्येनान्यत्र सवर्णानां ग्रहणं भवति । न चात्र इकारः शकारं गृहाति । First the fourteen sutras where letters are mentioned; then the designation it; then the formation of pratyāhāra through the operation of the sūtra Ādir-antyēna sahētā; then the designation of savarna; then the decision whether any two letters are savarna. Hence whether any two letters are savarṇa or no is decided after the above whole process is complete. Therefore i cannot take s as savarna in the sūtra Naijhalau on the strength of the sutra Aṇudit savarṇasya cāpratyayah. Note: Hence s cannot be considered as an ac. Consequently the desired object of the lōpa by the sūtra Jharō jhari savarņē is achieved. The sutra Nājjhnlāu, therefore, is not necessary. यथैव तहकारः शकारं न गृहाति एवमीकारमपि न गृहीयात् । FOURTH AHNIKA — NĀĴJHALĀU 75 Just as i cannot take s as savarna, so also it may not take ĩ as savarņa. तत्र को दोषः ? What is the harm then? कुमारी + ईहते = कुमारीहते, अकः सवर्णे इति दीर्घत्वं न प्राप्नोति । The dirghasandhi in kumārīhate by the combination of kumārī and thatē does not take place on the strength of the sutra Akaḥ savarņē dīrghuḥ. नैष दोषः ; यदेतद् अकः सवर्णे दीर्घ इत्यत्र प्रत्याहारग्रहणं, तत्र इकारः ईकारं गृह्णाति, शकारं न गृह्णाति । This defect does not arise; for the mention of pratyāhāra in the sūtra Akaḥ savarņē dīrghuḥ is capable of enabling i take ī by savarna and not ś. अपर आह अज्झलो ः प्रतिषेधे शकारप्रतिषेधोऽज्झल्त्वात् - अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे शकारस्य शकारेण सवर्णसंज्ञायाः प्रतिषेधः प्राप्नोति ; किं कारणम् अज्झल्त्वात् अञ्चैव हि शकारः हल् च । कथं तावदच्त्वम् ? इकारः सवर्णग्रहणेन शकारमपि गृह्णाति इत्येवमच्त्वं, हल्षु उपदेशात् हल्ल्वम् तत्र को दोषः ? तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषः - तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषो भवति - परश्शतानि कार्याणि - झरो झरि सवर्णे इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति । सिद्धमनचत्वात् - सिद्धमेतत् ; कथम् ? अनच्त्वात् । Another says, Ajjhalõḥ anaclvūt ’’ 1 कथमनच्त्वम्? How is it not an ac? वाक्यापरिसमाप्तेर्वा । Or by vākya-aparisamāpti.
3. The meaning of this is found at the commencement of this sūtra. 76 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHÂBHÂṢYA उक्ता वाक्यापरिसमाप्तिः । Vākya-aparisamāpti has been explained. अस्मिन्पक्षे वा इत्येतदसमर्थितं भवति । The word va does not seem to be appropriately explained in this interpretation. एतच्च समर्थितम् । It is also appropriately explained. कथम् ? How ? अस्तु वा शकारस्य शकारेण सवर्णसंज्ञा, मा वा भूत् । Let s be savarņa to ś or let it not. ननु चोक्तं, परश्शतानि कार्याणि, झरो झरि सवर्णे इति लोपो न प्राप्नोति इति । Has it not been said that the elision by the sutra Jharo jhari savarņē does not take place in the word paraśŝatuni of the expression parassatāni kāryāṇi? मा भूल्लोपः । Let there be no elision. ननु च भेदो भवति सति लोपे द्विशकारकम्, असति लोपे त्रिशकारकम् । Oh, difference will exist (in the forms ) ; there will be two Sakāras if there is elision and three sakāras if there is no elision. नास्ति भेदः

• असत्यपि लोपे द्विशकारकमेव । There is no difference; even when there is no elision, there are only two sakāras. कथम् ? How ? FOURTH AHNIKA - NĀJJHALAU विभाषा द्विर्वचनम् । Reduplication (by the sūtra Anaci ca) is only optional. एवमपि भेदः 77 असति लोपे कदाचित् द्विशकारकं कदाचित् त्रिशकारकम् सति लोपे द्विशकारकमेव । Even then there is difference there may be two sakāras or three sakāras in the absence of the elision and in the presence of the elision there will be only two sakāras. स एष कथं भेदो न ? When will not this difference exist? स्याद्यदि नित्यो लोपः स्यात्, विभाषा तु स लोपः । It will exist when the elision is primary, but, on the other hand, it is optional. यथाभेदस्तथास्तु | Let it be taken in such a way as will not give room to any difference. FOURTH AHNIKA ENDS.FIFTH AHNIKA ईदूदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम् (1, 1, 11) There are two topics dealt with here: (1) What is the use of taparakarana in īt, ūt and it ? ( 2 ) Possibility of interpreting id-ud-ēd-dvivacanam in four ways and the choice of the correct one. I किमर्थम् ईदादीनां तपराणां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा उच्यते ? Why is the designation pragrhya enjoined to i, ū and ē followed by the anubandha t? तपरस्तत्कालस्य इति तत्कालानां सवर्णानां ग्रहणं यथा स्यात् । So that their savarnas having the same mätrȧ may get the designation on the strength of the sutra Taparas tatkālasya (1, 1, 70) केषाम् ? To which varnas ? उदात्तानुदात्तखरितानाम् । To udātta, anudātta and svaritu. अस्ति प्रयोजनमेतत् ? Is this the prayojana ? किं तहींति ? What then? FIFTH ÄHNIKA — IDŪDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGṚHYAM 79 प्लुतानां तु प्रगृह्यत्वाप्रसङ्गोऽतत्कालत्वात् ’ 1 Possibility of apragṛhyatva to plutas on account of their having different mātrās. प्लुतानां तु प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति । The designation pragṛhya does not reach plutas. किं कारणम् ? Why? अतत्कालत्वात् ; न हि प्लुतास्तत्काला : । On account of their not having the same mātrā; for plutas do not have the same mātrā as ī, ū and ẽ. असिद्धः प्लुतः । तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काल एव भवन्ति । Pluta is non-existent. Since it is non-existent, they will have the same mātrās as î, ū and ē. Note: The pragṛhyasaṁjñā is enjoined here in the first pāda of the first adhyaya and the sutras dealing with the kārya of pluta are found in the second pāda of the eighth adhyāya. On the strength of the sūtra Pūrvaträsiddham (8, 2, 1), the operation of any sūtra in the last three pādas of the eighth chapter is non-existent if any sūtra found in Sapadasaptādhyāyī begins to operate. faz: ga: ecefag | In the sandhi of sonauts pluta is not non-existent. कथं ज्ञायते सिद्धः प्लुतः खरसन्धिषु इति ?

1. This vārttika is not found in certain editions, It deserves the notice of scholars that this vārttika does not have a corresponding siddhāntavārttika, 80 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHÄṢYA How is it known that pluta is not non-existent in svarasandhis? यदयं प्लुतः प्रकृत्या इति प्लुतस्य प्रकृतिभावं शास्ति । Since he (Sūtrakāra) enjoins in the sūtra Plutapragṛhyā aci nityam (6, 1, 125) prakṛtibhāva (no change) to pluta. कथं कृत्वा ज्ञापकम् ? How does it become a jñāpaka ? सतो हि कार्यिणः कार्येण भवितव्यम् ? Operation needs the object to be operated upon. किमेतस्य ज्ञापने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the benefit of this jñāpana (i. e.) that pluta is siddha in svarasandhis ? अप्लुतादप्लुत इत्येतन्न वक्तव्यं भवति । The sūtra Atō-rōr-aplutād aplutē (6, 1, 113) need not be said. किमतो यत्सिद्धः लुतः स्वरसन्धिषु ? संज्ञाविधावसिद्धः, तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काला एव भवन्ति । What is gained by it if it is siddha in svurasandhis? It is not considered siddha in saṁjñāvidhi and since it is asiddha, they will have the same mātrās as ī, ū and ē. संज्ञाविधौ च सिद्धः | It is siddha in saṁjñāvidhi also. कथम् ? How ? ‘कार्यकालं संज्ञापरिभाषम्, यत्र कार्य तत्रोपस्थितं द्रष्टव्यम्, प्रगृह्यः प्रकृत्या इति उपस्थितमिदं भवति ईदूदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम् इति । From the paribhāṣā Kāryakālam samjñāparibhāṣam’, the saṁjñā is to be considered existent where there is karya for FIFTH AHNIKA – IDÚDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 81 the same. When the sutra Plutapragrhyā aci nityam comes into operation, the sūtra Id-ud-ēd dvivacanum prugṛhyam is considered to exist there. किं पुनः प्लुतस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञावचने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the benefit that accrues from ascribing the designation pragrhya to pluta? प्रगृह्याश्रयः प्रकृतिभावो यथा स्यात् । So that it may get no change in sandhi, it having received the designation pragrhya. मा भूदेवम्ः प्लुतः प्रकृत्या इत्येवं भविष्यति । It need not be in this manner; pluta gets no change in sandhi from the sūtra Plutapragṛhyā aci nityam directly without getting the designation pragṛhya. नैवं शक्यम्, उपस्थिते हि दोषः स्यात् – ‘अप्लुतवदुपस्थिते’ इति । This is not possible since there will be difficulty if the pluta is followed by the word iti not used in the Vedas, when the sūtra Aplutavad upasthitē operates. अत्र पठिष्यति आचार्यः वद्वचनं प्लुतकार्यप्रतिषेधार्थम्, प्लुतप्रतिषेधे हि प्रगृह्यप्लुतप्रतिषेधप्रसङ्गोऽन्येन विहितत्वात् इति । तस्मात् प्लुतस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञैषितव्या, प्रगृह्याश्रयः प्रकृतिभावो यथा स्यात् । The Acārya (Vārttikakāra) is going to read with reference to this (under the sūtra Aplutavad upasthite ( 6, 1, 119 ) the vārttikas Vadvacanam plutakāryapratiṣēdhārtham and Plutapratiṣedhe hi pragrhyaplutapratiṣēdhaprasangōSnyēna vihitatvāt. Hence it is desirable that pluta gets the designation pragṛhya so that the no-change-sandhi based on pragṛhyabhāva may take place. 11 82 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHÂBHÄṢYA Note: Mahabhāṣyakāra mentions under the sūtra Aplutavad upasthitë that vat in aplutavat suggests that there is no prohibition of its having three mātrās but there is the prohibition of its getting pragṛhyasaṁjñā and otherwise the prakrtibhāva in agnī ≥ iti, based on pragrhyasaṁjñā may not take place. यदि पुनः दीर्घाणामतपराणां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञोच्येत, एवमप्येकार एव एकः सवर्णान् गृहीयात् ईकारोकारौ न गृह्णीयाताम् | ་ If, the long 7, й and ē are read in the sutra without taparakarana and the designation pragrhya is enjoined to them, it will apply only to the varieties of ēkāra and not to the savarņas (i. e. the short i and u and the pluta i and u) of i and й. किं कारणम् ? Why? अनण्त्वात् Since ī and ū are not included in the pratyāhāra an formed from a in the sūtru Aiun to ņṇ in the sūtru Lan (they not being read there.) Note: The taparakarana with reference to and ū is intended only for the ease of pronunciation (mukhasukhārtha). यदि पुनर्हस्वानामतपराणां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा उच्यते | Suppose pragṛhyasaṁjñā is enjoined to the short i and u without taparakaranu. नैवं शक्यं । इहापि प्रसज्येत, अकुर्वहि + अत्र अकुर्वत्र | Even then the desired object is not achieved; for the pragṛhyasaṁjñā may have a chance to operate when the words akurvahi and atra come together and prevent the FIFTH ÁHNIKA — ÎDŪDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGṚHYAM 83 yaṇbhāva of the final i of akurvahi and hence the form akurvahyatra cannot be achieved. Note: Though there are only two letters i and u about which there is discussion, the plural form hrasvānām is used. Strictly speaking it is incorrect, since e is not considered short. But it has to be explained by chatrinyaya. तस्माद्दीर्घाणामेव तपराणां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा वक्तव्या; दीर्घाणां चोच्यमाना ganai a màfa | Therefore the long ĩ and ✩ should be read with taparukaraṇa (for the sake of ease of pronunciation and for not referring to their suvarņus); for that which is enjoined to the long ones should not refer to pluta ones. एवं तर्हि किं न एतेन यत्नेन यत् ‘सिद्धः प्लुतः स्वरसन्धिषु’ इति । असिद्धः प्लुतः, तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काला एव भवन्ति । If so, why should we bother about siddhaḥ plutaḥ svarasandhiṣu. Pluta is asiddha and hence they will have the same mātrās as ī, ū and ē. कथं यत्तद् ज्ञापकमुक्तं ’ प्लुतप्रगृह्या अचि’ इति । What then about the jñāpaku suggested by the sūtru Pluta pragṛhyā uci nityum. प्लुतभावी प्रकृत्या’ इत्येवमेतद्विज्ञायते । It is interpreted thus: that which will become pluta takes no-change-sandhi. कथं यत्तत्प्रयोजनम् ? What about the prayōjana mentioned with reference to it? क्रियते तन्न्यास एच अप्लुतादप्लुते इति । The expression aplutād aplute is read in the sūtra Atō rōr aplutad aplute (6, 1, 113) 84 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYA qanfq afak ayanë aq gazu a màíà ‘amsaya̸enTJनासिकः’ इति । If so, the pragṛhyakārya enjoined in the siddhakāṇḍa (Sapādasaptādhyāyī of Aṣṭadhyāyi) may not hold good for pluta. Hence the pluta (in agnī iti) will be considered as apragṛhya and hence the sutra Anōspragrhysyānunāsikaḥ will operate (there so that i in agnia will become nasal). एवं तर्हि किं न एतेत यत्तेन कार्यकालं संज्ञापरिभाषम् इति । यथोद्देशमेव संज्ञापरिभाषम् । अत्र चासावसिद्धः, तस्यासिद्धत्वात् तत्काला एव भवन्ति । If so, why should we stick to the paribhāṣā Kāryakālam saṁjñāparibhāṣam. We shall take recourse to the paribhāṣā Yathōddēŝam saṁjñāparibhāṣam. It is asiddha here (with reference to saṁjñā) and since it is asiddha, they will have the same mātrās as ī, ū and ē. Note: Since there is no vārttika in answer to the vārttika • Plutānām tu pragṛhyatvāprasangō tatkūlatvād in the editions in which it is found, and the same vārttika is not found in other editions, it is to be investigated which edition is correct. II कथं पुनरिदं विज्ञायते ‘ईदादयो यद् द्विवचनम्’ इति आहोस्विद् ‘ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनम् ’ इति । Is this (the expression id-ud-ed dvivacanam) to be interpreted as īdādayō yad dvivacanam (that which is dual and id, úd or id) or īdādyantam yad dvivacanam (that which is dual and ends in īd, úd or ēd )? Note: Nāgēśabhaṭṭa says that the word anta means avayava. कश्चात्र विशेषः ? What is the difference between them? FIFTH AHNIKA -h IDÛDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 85 ईदादयो द्विवचनं प्रगृह्या इति चेदन्त्यस्य विधिः If those which are dual and id, úd or ēd are taken to be pragṛhyas, injunction is necessary for those that end in them. ईदादयो द्विवचनं प्रगृह्या इति चेद् अन्त्यस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा विधेया, पचेते इति, पचेथे इति । If pragrhyasaṁjñā is enjoined to those which are dual and id, ūd or ēd by this sūtra, the same has to be enjoined in a separate sūtra to those which are dual and which have them as its part (avayava) as in the words pacētē and pacēthē. Note: Since ité and ithe alone are dual and not te and the, there is room for the above objection. वचनाद्भविष्यति । The saṁjñā shall operate on account of its being a part of vacana. Note : Vacana is taken to mean vacunāikadēŝa by likṣaṇā. अस्ति वचने प्रयोजनम् । There is use for the mention of vacuna. किम् ? What ? खट्टे इति, माले इति । The words khaṭvē and mālē get the suṁjñā. अस्तु तर्हि ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनम् इति । If so, let it be īdādyantum yad dvivacanam. ईदाद्यन्तमिति चेदेकस्य विधिः If it is interpreted as idūdyantam yad dvivacanum, injunction is necessary where the dual is of one letter. ईदाद्यन्तं द्विवचनम् इति चेदेकस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा विधेया खट्टे इति माले इति । 86 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHẲṢYA If it is interpreted as īdādyantam yud dvivacanam, pragṛhyasaṁjñā has to be enjoined when the dvivacana consists of one letter as in the words khatvē and mālē. न वाद्यन्तवच्चात् Not necessary, since the same may be taken as the adi and the same as the anta. न वैष दोषः । किं कारणम् ? आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् कार्य भवति इत्येवमेकस्यापि भविष्यति । This defect cannot stand. Why? Since action is taken on one considering it both as adi and antu, the saṁjñā reaches one letter also. अथवा एवं वक्ष्यामि ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनान्तम् इति । Or shall I interpret it thus: īdādyantum yad dvivaca- nāntam. Note : Kāiyața says thus: dvivacana is taken in the sense of dvivacanāntam by the paribhāṣā Pratyayagrahaņē yasmāt sa vihitaḥ tadādēḥ tadantasya grahanam and since it is taken as the viśēsya of idūdēd, the latter is taken to mean idūdēdanta by the sūtra Yēna vidhis tadantasya. ईदाद्यन्तं द्विवचनान्तमिति चेल्लकि प्रतिषेधः If it is interpreted as idādyantam dvivacanãnlam, prohibition where luk is found is necessary. ईदाद्यन्तं द्विवचनान्तम् इति चल्लुकि प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । कुमार्योः अगारं कुमार्यगारं, वध्वोः अगारं वध्वगारम् । एतद्धि ईदाद्यन्तं च श्रूयते द्विवचनान्तं च भवति प्रत्ययलक्षणेन । If it is interpreted īdādyantam dvivacanāntam, prohibition is to be mentioned where there is luk. For instance when the pairs kumaryōḥ agāram and vadhvoḥ agāram are compounded, FIFTH AHNIKA w IDŪDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGṚHYAM 87 they become kumāryagāram and vadhvagāram. Since the former members of compounds respectively end in ĩ and ū and are also considered dvivacanānta though the pratyaya denoting it has luk by the sutra Pratyayalõpe pratyayalakṣaṇam (1, 1, 62), ĩ and й may be considered pragṛhya and consequently there will be no sandhi between kumārī and agāram and vadhū and agāram. सप्तम्यामर्थग्रहणं ज्ञापकं प्रत्ययलक्षणप्रतिषेधस्य Mention of the word artha in saptamyarthe suggests the prohibition of pratyayalakṣana. यदयम् ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे इति अर्थग्रहणं करोति, तद् ज्ञापयत्याचार्यो न प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां प्रत्ययलक्षणं भवति इति । Since Acarya Pāṇini mentions the word artha in the sūtra Idūtāu ca saptamyarthē (1, 1, 19), he makes us infer that the sūtra Pratyayalōpē pratyayalakṣaṇam does not operate with reference to pragṛhyasamjñā. तत्तर्हि शापकार्थमर्थग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । If so, the word artha in that sutra must needs be mentioned for the sake of jñāpaka. Note: The necessity, for the above sentence is this: Mahabhāṣyakāra concludes the discussion under the sūtra Idūtāu ca saptamyarthe by saying that the word artha there is unnecessary. Varttikakara, on the other hand, takes the sutra mentioned by Ācārya Pāṇini as it is and tells us that the word artha there, is a jñāpaka for not adopting pratyayalakṣaṇa with reference to pragṛhyasamjñā. न कर्तव्यम् । ईदादिभिर्द्विवचनं विशेषयिष्यामः, ईदादिविशिष्टेन च द्विवचनेन तदन्तविधिर्भविष्यति, ईदाद्यन्तं यद् द्विवचनं तदन्तम् ईदाद्यन्तम् इति ।88 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHÄŞYA (The word artha) need not be mentioned. We first take īdādi to be the viśēṣaṇa to dvivacana and then tadantavidhi is applied to dvivacana qualified by idādi so that īdūdēd dvivacanam may be interpreted idādyantam yad dvivacanam, tadantam. Note: Kaiyața says that īdādyantam means īdādyantāntam since īdādi should mean idādyanta. 1 एवमपि अशुक्ले वस्त्रे शुक्ले समपद्येतां शुक्ल्यास्ताम् वस्त्रे इत्यत्र प्राप्नोति । अत्र हि ईदादि च द्विवचनं, तदन्तं च भवति प्रत्ययलक्षणेन । Even then, when the word śuklī which means the two cloths which were not white, but which were subsequently made white combines with the verb āstām, there is chance for prakṛtibhāva, since śuklī here may get pragṛhyasaṁjñā; for īdādi qualifies dvivacana through tadantavidhi and the īdādidvivacana is taken in the sense of īdādidvivacanānta by the sutra Pratyayalōpē pratyayalakṣaṇam. अनाप्यकृते शीभावे लुग्भविष्यति । Even here before is made to replace au by the sutra Napumsakacca (7, 1, 19), sup is dropped by the sutra Supo dhātuprātipadikayōḥ (2, 4, 71.) इदमिह संप्रधार्य लुक् क्रियतां शीभाव इति । This is here to be decided whether luk is to be given precedence or ŝībhāva. किमत्र कर्तव्यम् ? What may be done here?
2. शुक्लशब्दात् द्विवचनम् औ, तस्य नपुंसकाच्च इति शीभावः, ततः विप्रत्ययः; शी शब्दस्य सुप इति लुक्, अस्य च्वौ इति ईत्वम् तद्धितान्तत्वात् सुप् तस्य अव्ययात् इति लुक् (प्रदीपे) ; FIFTH AHNIKA — IDÜDĒDDVIVACANAM PRAGRHYAM 89 परत्वाच्छीभावः । Šībhāva must be given precedence, since the sūtra enjoining it is read after the sūtra enjoining luk. नित्यो लुक् ; कृतेऽपि शीभावे प्राप्नोति, अकृतेऽपि प्राप्नोति । Luk is nitya, since it operates whether sībhāva operates before it or after it. Note: The paribhāsā Paranityāntaraṁgāpavādānām uttarōtta- ram baliyah is to be taken into account here. अनित्यो लुक् ; अन्यस्य कृते शीभावे प्राप्नोति, अन्यस्य अकृते ; शब्दान्तरस्य च प्राप्नुवन्विधिरनित्यो भवति । Luk is not nitya, since in one case it operates when śībhāva has come and in another case where there is no šībhāva and since it is admitted that an injunction which operates both in the presence and in the absence of something else is considered anitya with reference to it. शीभावोऽपि अनित्यः, न हि कृते लुकि प्राप्नोति । Śībhāva, too, is not nitya, since it has no room after luk makes its appearance. उभयोरनित्ययोः परत्वाच्छीभावः । When two rules which are anitya have to operate, the rule regarding sibhāva operates first since it is para. शीभावे कृते लुक | After sībhāva is accomplished, there is luk. अथापि कथंचित्रित्यो लुक् स्याद् एवमपि दोषः । वक्ष्यत्येतत् ’ पदसंज्ञायामन्तग्रहणमन्यत्र संज्ञाविधौ प्रत्ययग्रहणे तदन्तविधिप्रतिषेधार्थम्’ इति । इदं चापि प्रत्ययग्रहणम्; अयं चापि संज्ञाविधिः । अवश्यं खल्वस्मिन्नपि पक्षे आद्यन्तवद्भाव एषितव्यः । 12 90 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA Even if with great difficulty we prove that luk is nitya, there is this defect :Varttikakāra is going to say (under the sutra Suptinantam padam) that the word anta here suggests that there is no tadantavidhi in pratyayagrahana except in saṁiñāvidhi. Here is pratyayagrahana and here is saṁjñāvidhi too. Even here the ādyantavadbhāva has to be resorted to. तस्मादस्तु स एव मध्यमः पक्षः | Hence let the middle alternative (i.e.) the second be resorted to. Note: There are four alternatives in the second topic of this sūtra, of which the first three belong to the Vārttikakāra and the last to the Mahabhāṣyakāra. The last has sprung on the assumption of the latter that the mention of the word artha is not necessary in the sutra Id-ūdāu ca saptamyarthe. From the procedure of the vārttikas. it seems that the Varttikakāra prefers the third alternative. But Mahābhāṣyakāra has definitely stated that the middle alternative should be preferred. The middle is interpreted by Kaiyaṭa to refer to the second. Since both the second and the third deserve to be called madhyama, Nāgēśabhaṭṭa says that the third and the fourth may be taken as one since there is tadantavidhi in the pratyayāṁśa in both. But, since the Vārttikakāra has stated only three alternatives and the fourth is only an offshoot on the third based on the assumption of the Mahabhasyakāra that the mention of artha in the sutra Iduduu ca saptamyarthe is not necessary, the second alone deserves to be called the madhyama. अदसो मात् ( 1, 1, 12) मात्प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां तस्यासिद्धत्वादद्यावेकादेश प्रतिषेधः If the designation pragrhya is enjoined to ī and u after m in adas, prohibition of the ādēśas ay, āv and ēkādēśa is needed since 7 and й are asiddha. FIFTH ÁHNIKA — ADASŎ MĀT 91 मात् प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां तस्य ईत्वस्य ऊत्वस्य च afazzara auièrentदेशाः प्राप्नुवन्ति तेषां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः - अमी ’ अमी’ अत्र, अमी आसते, अमू’ अत्र, अमू आसाते | If the designation pragrhya is enjoined to ī and after m in adas, pratiṣēdhu of ayādēśa, āvādēśa and ēkādēŝa has to be enjoined since ī, ū and m are asiddha in the following: umī + atra; amī + àsatē; amū + atra; amā + āsātē. Note 1: Since the sūtrus Eta id bahuvacanē (8, 2, 81) and Adasõssērdādudō maḥ (8, 2, 80) are in asiddhakanda, their kārya in the words amī and amū is asiddha (i.e.) m, ī and u are asiddha when they combine with other words where the sutras found in the siddhakända have to operate. Hence when they begin to operate, the forms here should be considered to be adē + atra, adē + āsatē, adau + atra and adau + āsātē. In the first Enaḥ padāntād ati will operate and bring about ēkādēśa; in the second Ecōyavāyāvuḥ will operate and bring about ayādēŝu, in place of 7; and in the third and the fourth the same sūtra will bring about āvādēš 1 in place of au. These have to be avoided. Note 2: Since ītv‹‹ and utva are within the word adus and ayādēśa, āvādēśa and ēkādēŝu depend upon two words, the former is anturanga and the latter is bahiranga. On the strength of the paribhāsā Asiddham bahirangam anturangē, ayādēśa etc. are asiddha before ītva, útv‹ etc. and hence the sūtra Purvatrāsiddham does not operate here. This is
3. अदस् + जस्; अदस् + शी by the sūtra जसः शी (7, 1, 17); अद + ई · by त्यदादीनामः ( 7, 2,102) ; अदे by आद्गुणः ( 6, 1, 87 ) ; अदी by एत ईद्बहुवचने (8, 2, 81), अमी by अदसोsसेर्दा दो मः ( 8, 2, 80 )
4. अदस्+औ; अद+ औ by त्यदादीनामः (7. 2, 102) ; अझै by वृद्धिरेचि ( 6, 1, 88 ) ; अमू by अदसोsसेर्दा दो मः ( 8, 2, 80 ) • 92 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHÂŞYA true; but the paribhāṣā Asiddham bahirngm antarange is nullified by nājānanturyi. Nāgčśabhaṭṭa says that the same object is achieved by the statement in the bhāṣya under Kharuvusānayōr visarjanīyaḥ (8, 3, 15) that bahirangaparibhāṣi does not operate when the antarangaśāstra is in Tripädi. ननु च प्रगृह्यसंज्ञावचन सामर्थ्यादयादयो न भविष्यन्ति ? Can it not be said that the mention of pragrhyasamjñā prevents ayādēś‹ etc. ? वचनार्थो हि सिद्धे For the mention (of pragṛhyasamjñā) is made use of in places which are not usiddh'1. नेदं वचनाल्लभ्यम् । अस्ति ह्यन्यदेतस्य वचने प्रयोजनम् । किम् ? यत् सिद्धे प्रगृह्यसंज्ञाकार्य’ तदर्थमेतत् स्यात् - अणोऽप्रगृह्यस्यानुनासिकः इति । This cannot be achieved by the mention (of pragrhyasuṁjñā.) For there is another prayojana for the same. What is it? It is intended where the sutra Anöspragṛhyasyanunāsikaḥ, (8, 4, 57) operates, since itva and úlva are siddha before it. नैकं प्रयोजनं योगारम्भं प्रयोजयति । यद्येतावत् प्रयोजनं स्यात् तत्रैवायं ब्रूयात्, अणोऽप्रगृह्यस्यानुनासिकः, अदसो न इति । A sūtra is not read with reference to only one prayõjanu. Had the Sutrakāra meant that this sutra operates only with reference to the sūtra Anöspragṛhyasyānunāsikaḥ, he would have read this sutra after it thus ‘Adasõ na.” विप्रतिषेधाद्वा Or by conflict.
5. प्रगृह्यकार्यम् is another reading. FIFTH AHNIKA ADASŌ MĀT

93 अथवा प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा क्रियताम् अयादयो वा इति, प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा भविष्यति प्रतिषेधेन इति । । 1 Or there is conflict between prugṛhyasamjñā and ayādēśa etc. ; let the former operate. नैष युक्तो विप्रतिषेधः ; विप्रतिषेधे परम् इत्युच्यते, पूर्वा च प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा, परे अयादयः । This solution based on vipratiṣedha is not appropriate; for, it is said that, if there is conflict between two rules, the following rule predominates and here the rule enjoining the pragṛhyasaṁjñā precedes those enjoining ayādēśa and ēkādēśa. परा प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा करिष्यते । The rule enjoining the pragṛhyasamjñā is taken later. सूत्रविपर्यासः कृतो भवति । The order of sutras is then changed. एवं तर्हि परैव प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा If so, the sutra enjoining prugṛhyasamjñā operates later. कथम् ? How ? कार्यकालं हि संज्ञापरिभाषम् ; यत्र कार्य तत्रोपस्थितं द्रष्टव्यम् । प्रगृह्यः प्रकृत्या इति : उपस्थितमिदं भवति अदसो मात् इति । Let us take recourse to the paribhāṣā Kāryakālam saṁjñāparibhāṣam. When the sutra Plutapragṛhya aci nityam begins to operate, the sūtra Adasō māt makes its appearance on the scene. एवमप्ययुक्तो विप्रतिषेधः Even then the vipratișēdhu is not appropriate.

1. इति is not found in some editions. 94 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀSYA कथम् ? How ? द्विकार्ययोगो हि विप्रतिषेधः । न चात्रैको द्विकार्ययुक्तः । एचामयादयः, ईदूतोः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा । For there is cipratișēdha only when two rules operato on the same target. Here there is not one and the same thing which is operated upon by two rules. Ayūdēša etc. are enjoined to ēc and pragṛhyasaṁjñākāryu to īt and ût. Note : Pragrhyasaṁjña here refers, by lakṣaṇā, to its kārya. नावश्यं द्विकार्ययोग एव विप्रतिषेधः । Vipratiṣēdha need not operate only when two conflicting rules have the same target. किं तर्हि ? What then should they have? असम्भवोऽपि Neutralizing effect too. स चास्त्यत्वासम्भवः That neutralizing effect, then, exists here. कोऽसावत्रासम्भवः ? What is the neutralizing effect here? प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा अभिनिर्वर्तमाना अयादीन् बाधते, अयादयः अभिनिर्वर्तमानाः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञाया निमित्तं विघ्नन्तीत्येषोऽसम्भवः । सत्यसम्भवे युक्तो विप्रतिषेधः । Accomplishment of pragrhyasamjña prevents the formation of ayādēśa etc. and ayādīsa etc, being accomplished, kill the nimitta of pragrhyasamjñā. This is asambhava. “When there is asambhava, it is but proper to have vipratiṣëdha. FIFTH AHNIKA ·ADASŌ MĀT 95 एवमप्ययुक्तो विप्रतिषेधः । सतोर्हि विप्रतिषेधो भवति । न चात्रेत्वोवे स्तः, नापि मकारः ; उभयमप्यसिद्धम् । Even then it is not proper to resort to vipratiṣēdha; for vipratiṣidha operates only when. two conflicting forces exist. Here neither ītva nor utva exists; nor makāra; both are asiddhu. आश्रयासिद्धत्वं च यथा रोरुत्वे Siddhatva is admitted as of ru when it is to be replaced by u, since it is the asraya or ādhāra. आश्रयात्सिद्धत्वं भविष्यति । तद्यथा रुरुत्वे आश्रयात् सिद्धो भवति । Siddhatvx of (īt, ut) is admitted since they stand as the asraya of pragṛhyasamjñā. For example the rutva by the sūtra Sasajuṣõ ruḥ (8, 2, 66) is considered siddha, since it becomes the śraya of utva enjoined by the sūtra Atō rōraplutād aplutē (6, 1, 113) (i. e) even though the latter sutra is in Sapādasaptādhyāyī and the former is in Tripādī and consequently the karya of the former should be considered nonexistent when the latter operates, still it is not considered so on account of the karya of the former being the uśraya of the kārya of the latter. fà ya: arcô z: cà aura facì wafa, a gađầa : fa:, aââìzancysaà ? Why is it that ru is considered siddha when utva has to be achieved as its asraya and not that, whenever ru is siddha, utva goes there? नैवं शक्यम् । It is not possible to consider so. enfarà yà enggunafufz: If utva is asiddha, the sūtru Ād guṇaḥ cannot operate. 96* LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA असिद्धे त्वे आद्गुणस्याप्रसिद्धिः स्यात् - वृक्षोऽत्र, प्लक्षोऽत्र । Utva being asiddha, non-operation of the sūtra Ād guṇaḥ will set in, so that the forms vrkṣōstra and plakṣõstra cannot be explained. तस्मात् तत्र आश्रयात् सिद्धत्वमेषितव्यम् । तत्र यथाश्रयात् सिद्धत्वं भवति, एवमिहाप्याश्रयात् सिद्धत्वं भविष्यति । Therefore, it is necessary to admit there siddhatva on account of its bing āśraya. As is done there, so also siddhatva may be admitted here also on the basis of its being aśraya. वचनसामर्थ्याद्वा Or on the strength of this sūtru. अथवा प्रगृह्यसंज्ञावचनसामर्थ्यादयादयो न भविष्यन्ति । Or on the strength of the mention of this sūtra enjoining pragrhyasaṁjñā, ayādēśa and others have no room to make their appearance. Note 1: Guruprasadaśăstri thinks there would have been two vārttikas Vacunasāmarthyād vā and Yōgavibhāgād vā one above and one below and would have been omitted by the scribe on the strength of Nāgēśa’s statements. They are not found in some editions. Note 2: The opinion here is based on yathāddesapaksa. योगविभागाद्वा Or by splitting the sutra into two. अथवा योगविभागः करिष्यते । अदसः - अदसः ईदादयः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा भवन्ति । ततो मात् माच्च परे ईदादयः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा भवन्ति इति, अदस इत्येव । M Or the sutra is split into two: Adasaḥ and Mut, where Adasah means that the it, ūt etc. of adus get the pragrhyasaṁjñā and Māt means that the it, ut etc. after m in adas get the pragrhyasamjna. FIFTH AHNIKA — ADASŌ MĀT किमर्थो योगविभागः ? What for is the sūtra-split ?

एको यत्तत्सिद्धे प्रगृह्यकार्य तदर्थः, अपरो यदसिद्धे | 97 One is intended for pragṛhyakārya to the siddha and the other to the asiddha. 1 2 इहापि तर्हि प्राप्नोति अमुया । अमुयोः ’ इति । It will then reach even here—amuyā, amuyōḥ. किं च स्याद्यदि प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा स्यात् ? What will happen if they get pragṛhyasaṁjñā ? प्रगृह्याश्रयः प्रकृतिभावः प्रसज्येत । No-change-sandhi based upon pragṛhyasamjñā will have a chance to set in there. नैष दोषः ; पदान्तप्रकरणे प्रकृतिभावः, न चैष पदान्तः । This defect cannot arise, since the prakṛtibhāva here is concerned with padānta and it is not .padānta (in amuyā and amuyōḥ.) एवमपि ‘अमुकेऽत्र’ अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । Even then prakṛtibhāva will set in here too-amukēstra (i. e.) the sūtra Eñaḥ padāntād ati will not operate. द्विवचनमिति वर्तते । The word dvivacanam is there (i. e.) the word dvivacanam which is found in the previous sūtra is taken here along with idudet.

1. अदस् + आ अद + आ by त्यदादीनामः ; अद + आ + आ by अजाद्यतष्टाप् ; अदे + आ by आङि चापः ; अदय् + आ by एचोयवायावः ; अमुय् + आ by अदसो सेर्दादु दो मः ( 8, 2, 80 ) ; अमुया.

1. Nāgāśabhatta says here प्रत्यक्षानुमानिकन्यायापेक्षया रूपग्रहणानुगतार्थवत्परिभाषा प्रबला | 102 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA ēkāc, (3) the need of ēku in ēkāc and (4) the need of the word anān in the sūtra. faqa già fàn&q ? I What is the need for the word nipata ? Note: According to Kaiyața this question arises thus: The word nipata here should eliminate pratyaya; but since one-vowelled nipata alone has meaning, since pratyaya cannot be used independently, since it has no meaning, since it has its existence only through the creation of grammarians and since they are not unanimous in its form, pratyaya will have no room here and hence there is no need for elimination. Nāgëśabhaṭṭa, on the other hand, states that it is clear from the bhāṣya under the sutra Ōt that nipāta here refers to even those which have no meaning and hence the question arises since anan may suggest nipata. The answer is that it is not sufficient and the mention of nipata enables this sūtra to operate even when there is anuvada of pratyayas. चकारात्र, जहारात्र | If the word nipāta is not mentioned in the sutra, pratyaya also will come within the range of the sutra and consequently the a at the end of cakāra and jahara which is onevowelled and which is not an will get the designation of pragṛhyasaṁjñā and consequently there will be no dirghasandhi between cakāra and atra and between jahāra and atra. एकाजिति किमर्थम् ? II What for is the word ēkāc? प्रेदं ब्रह्म, प्रेदं क्षत्रम् । FIFTH AHNIKA · NIPĀTA ĒKĀJANĀŃ 103 So that pra in pra idam brahma and pra idam kṣatram may not take pragrhyasamjñā एकाजित्यप्युच्यमानेऽवापि प्राप्नोति । एषोऽपि हि एकाच । Even at the mention of ēkāc, it (pragṛhyasaṁjñā) makes its appearance even here; for this too is ēkā. Note: The answer was given taking ēkāc as a karmadharaya compound and the objection is raised taking it as a bahuvrīhi compound. एकाजिति नायं बहुव्रीहिः, एकोऽज् यस्मिन् सोऽयमेकाज् एकाजिति । This word ēkāc is not bahuvrīhi so that it may be expanded as ēkaḥ ac yasmin saḥ. fhaft? What then? तत्पुरुषोऽयं समानाधिकरणः एकः अच् एकाच एकाजिति । It is the tatpuruşa where both the members stand in apposition and it is expanded as ēkaḥ ac. III यदि तत्पुरुषोऽयं समानाधिकरणः, नार्थ एकग्रहणेन । If it is a samānādhikaraṇa-tatpurușa, there is no need for ēka in ēkāc. इह कस्मान्न भवति, प्रेदं ब्रह्म प्रेदं क्षत्रम् ? How will not then this sūtra operate in the sandhi between pra and idam in prēdam brahma and prēdam kṣatram ? Note: If the word ac alone is read in the sutra, it may be taken in the sense ajanta so that pra becomes ajanta and hence has a chance to get the designation pragṛhya and consequently there will be no guṇasandhi between pra and idam. 104 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA अजेव यो निपात इत्येवं विज्ञायते । It is interpreted thus:-the nipata which consists of a vowel alone. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ? Is this to be said? न हि । Not necessary. कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते ? How will it be so understood unless it is explained in that manner ? अज्ग्रहणसामर्थ्यात् । यदि हि अच्च अन्यच्च तत्र स्यात् अज्ग्रहणमनर्थकं स्यात् । On account of the capacity of the word ac. If a vowel and one other than a vowel happen to be there, the mention of the word ac will become useless. अस्ति हि अन्यद् अज्ग्रहणस्य प्रयोजनम् । (No) ; for there is another prayojana for the mention of ac. किम् ? What ? अजन्तस्य यथा स्यात्, हलन्तस्य मा भूत् । So that the designation may reach that which ends in a vowel and not that which ends in a consonant. नैव दोषो न प्रयोजनम् | There is neither merit nor demerit (in it). Note : Hence ac is not taken in the sense of ajanta. एवमपि कुत एतत् द्वयोः परिभाषयोः सावकाशयोः समवस्थितयोः आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन्’ इति ‘येन विधिस्तदन्तस्य’ इति च इयमिह परिभाषा FIFTH ÄHNIKA NIPATA ĒKĀJANĀŃ 105 भविष्यति ‘आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन्’ इति, इयं च न भविष्यति ‘येन विधिस्तदन्तस्थ’ इति । Even then, how is it that, of the two paribhāṣās Ādyantavad ēkasmin, Yena vidhis tadantasya which have application elsewhere, it is taken that Adyantavad ēkasmin is to be applied here and not Yēna vidhis tadantasya? आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति, इयमिह परिभाषा भवति आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन्, इयं च न भवति येन विधिस्तदन्तस्य इति यदयम् अनाङ् इति प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । The procedure of Acarya suggests that the paribhāṣā Adyantavad ēkasmin applies here and not the paribhāṣā Yēna vidhis tadantasya, since he prohibits an by the expression anāñ- Note 1: Though Yena vidhis tadantasya is a saṁjñāsūtra and Adyantavad ēkasmin is an atidēŝasūtra, still both are called paribhāṣās. The reason for it, Käiyaṭa says, is that all the three have the common characteristic of pārārthya (the quality of being for others). Note 2: If nīpāta is viŝēṣaṇa and ac is viśēṣya, there is no room for Yēna vidhis tadantasya to operate; if ac is viśēṣaṇa and nipāta is visēṣya, there is no room for Adyantavad ēkasmin to operate. Since anāṁ suggests that the sūtra should be taken in the an-bhinna-nipata-bhūta-ac pragrhyasamjno sense bhavati, Adyantavad ēkasmin operates. एवं तर्हि सिद्धे सति यद् अज्ग्रहणे क्रियमाणे एकग्रहणं करोति, तद् ज्ञापयत्याचार्यः ’ अन्यत्र वर्णग्रहणे जातिग्रहणं भवति’ इति । Therefore since Acārya Pāṇini reads ēka though the desired object is achieved without it, he makes us infer that genus is referred to except with reference to letters. किमेतस्य शापने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the use of this jñāpana ? 14 106 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA ’ दम्भेर्हल्ग्रहणस्य जातिवाचकत्वात् सिद्धम्’ इति यदुक्तं, तदुपपन्नं भवति । 1 The statement Dumbher halgrahanasya jātivācakatvāt siddham under the sutra Halantācca (1, 2, 10) is justified. अनाङिति किमर्थम् ? What is the purpose gained by the mention of the word anān ? आ उदकान्तात् - ओदकान्तात् So that pragrhyasaṁjñā may not come to the nipāla ā which is not a nit as ā in ā udakāntāt which becomes, in sandhi, ōdakantāt. इह कस्मान्न भवति आ एवं नु मन्यसे, ’ ’ आ एवं किल तत्’ इति ? Why does not vṛddhisandhi take place between a and ēvam in the sentences a ēvam nu manyasē and ā ēvam kila tat? सानुबन्धकस्येदमाकारस्य ग्रहणम् । अननुबन्धकश्चात्राकारः । Here the a with the anubandha (n) is mentioned. in ä udakântāt, ā without the anubandha is mentioned. क पुनरयं सानुबन्धकः, क्व निरनुबन्धकः ? Here
2. The root dambh takes san after it by the sūtra Dhālōḥ karmaṇaḥ samānakartṛkād icchāyām vā (3, 1, 7); san is optionally proceded by i by the sūtra Šanīvanlardhabhrasja dambhuśrisvryūrṇubharañapisanām (7, 2, 49). When it does not take iḍāgama, the abhyasa is dropped by the sutra Atra lõpō abhy āsasya (7, 4, 58). Then we have dambh + sa ‘+ ti ; now i or i follows d by the sutra Dambha icca (7, 4, 56). Thus we have dimbh + sa + ti. Here m has to be dropped by the sūtra Aniditām hala upadhāyāḥ kniti (6, 4, 24); for this the san has to be declared kit; it has to be declared so by the sülra Halantācca (1, 2, 10) which means that the san which is jhaladi and which follows the consonant near ik is kit. In dimbh sati, m is near i and san is preceded by bh which is not near i. Hence hal in this sūtra refers to all consonants following i (i.e.) to haljāti. FIFTH AHNIKA – ŌT 107 Where is it with anubandha and where is it without anubandha ? ईषदर्थे क्रियायोगे मर्यादाभिविधौ च यः । एतमातं ङितं विद्याद् वाक्यस्मरणयोरङित् ॥ One should understand that it is it if it is used in tho sense of lightly, along with a verb and in the senses of inner limit and outer limit and it is not nit if it is used to suggest a contrary meaning to a sentence or to bring to memory the idea contained in the sentence.

1. Of the two-the primary denotation, and the secondary denotation, of a word, the former is taken for the purposes of action’ is the meaning of the paribhāṣā. FIFTH AHNIKA - UÑA Ũ

111 This is uñ; it is mentioned as ēkādēśa along with another. आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति, न उज् एकादेशः उञ्ग्रहणेन गृह्यते इति, यदयम् ओत् इत्योदन्तस्य निपातस्य प्रगृह्यसंज्ञां शास्ति । The procedure of Acarya Panini suggests that, since he enjoins pragrhyasamjñā to ōdanta by the sutra Ōt, the uñ which is ēkādēśa with another is not taken into account as uñ here. नैतदस्ति ज्ञापकम् ; उक्तमेतत् प्रतिषिद्धार्थोऽयमारम्भः इति । दोषः खल्वपि स्याद्यद्युत्रेकादेश उष्ग्रहणेन गृह्येत - जानु उ अस्य रुजति, जानू अस्य रुजति, जान्वस्य रुजति मय उञो वो वा इति वत्वं न स्यात् । This does not serve as jñāpaka, since it has been said that the sutra is intended to sanction what has not been sanctioned. Harm also will be done if operation takes place on un which is mentioned as ēkādēŝa with another, since v cannot optionally replace u by the sutra Maya uño võ và in jānu u asya rujuti so that the form janvasya rujati cannot be achieved, on account of its first becoming jānū asya rujati. एवं तर्हि एकनिपाता इमे । If so, they are single nipātas. अथवा द्वावुकाराविमौ ; द्वाबुकाराविमौ ; एकोऽननुवन्धकः, अपरः सानुबन्धकः । तद्योऽननुबन्धकस्तस्यैष एकादेशः । Or there are two kinds of ukūra; one of them is without anubandha and the other is with anubandha. Here the ēkādēša is with that which has no anubandha after it. उञ इति योगविभागः The sūtra is split into two sūtras, of which Uñaḥ is one. Note: It is better if this vārttika reads thus uña iti ŭ iti yogavibhāgah. 112 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA उञः, शाकल्यस्याचार्यस्य मतेन प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा भवति - उ इति, विति । ऊँ; उञ ऊँ इत्ययमादेशो भवति शाकल्यस्याचार्यस्य मतेन दीर्घौऽनुनासिकः प्रगृह्यसंज्ञकश्च – ऊं इति । ततः, The sūtra Uñaḥ means that un gets the pragṛhyasaṁjñā in the opinion of Acarya Sakalya. Hence we get the form u iti ; the other form is viti. Then the sūtra û is read. It means that uñ gets the ādēŝa ū which is long which is anunāsika and which has pragṛhyasaṁjñā in the opinion of Acārya Sākalya thusåiti. किमर्थो योगविभागः ? Of what use is sūtra-split ? ॐ वा शाकल्यस्य So that (the ādēŝa) u may become optional in the opinion of Salealya- शाकल्यस्याचार्यस्य मतेन ‘ऊँ’ विभाषा यथा स्यात् - ऊँ इति, उ इति । अन्येषामाचार्याणां मतेन ’ विति ’ 1 यँ So that the sūtra ú may enjoin й optionally in the opinion of the ācārya, Śakalya, from which the forms й iti and u iti are achieved. From the opinion of other ācāryas the form viti is achieved. ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे (1, 1, 18) There are four topics that are discussed under this sutra: (1) What is the harm if the word artha is absent in the sūtra ? (2) What is the harm if the vedic locative singular is considered to be got by pūrvasavarṇa and not by the elision of the casesuffix ? ( 3 ) The word artha may be a jñāpaka to the absence of tadantavidhi with reference, to pragṛhya. (4) It suggests FIFTH ÄHNIKA —ĪDŪTĀU CA SAPTAMYARTHÊ 113 that the former word of compounds like vāpyaśva does not get the designation pragṛhya. ईदूतौ सप्तमीत्येव It is enough if the sutra is read Idūtāu saptami. ईदूतौ सप्तमी इत्येव सिद्धं नार्थीर्थग्रहणेन । The desired object is accomplished if the sūtra is read Idūtāu saptami and hence there is no use of mentioning the word artha (in the sūtra). लुप्तेऽर्थग्रहणाद्भवेत् The samjñā may be applied even when there is the elision (of case-suffix) if the word artha is mentioned. लुप्तायां सप्तम्यां प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति । क्व ? सोमो गौरी अधिश्रितः ( R. V. 7, 103, 2) । इष्यते चात्रापि स्यादिति । तच्चान्तरेण यत्नं न सिध्यति इत्येवमर्थम् अर्थग्रहणम् । If the seventh case-suffix is dropped, there is no chance for pragṛhyasaṁjñā. Where? In the word gāurī found in the Vedic sentence Sõmō gāurī adhiśritaḥ. It is desired to have the samjñā thereto. It cannot be achieved without special effort and hence the word artha is mentioned (in the sūtra). नात्र सप्तमी लुप्यते । The seventh case-suffix is not elided here. किं तर्हि ? What then? qåaaoifsa wafa | There is pūrvasavarṇu here (i.e.) the locative suffix has taken pūrvasāvarnya by the sutra Supām sulukpurvasavarṇācchēyāḍāḍyāyājālaḥ (7, 1, 39). 15 114 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYA पूर्वस्य चेत्सवर्णोऽसावाडाभावः प्रसज्यते If pūrvasavarṇa is preferred (to luk), ābhāva and ḍāmbhāva may have to be preferred. यदि पूर्वसवर्णः आडाम्भावश्च प्राप्नोति । If pūrvasavarna is preferred (to luk), there is chance for ābhāva and ḍāmbhāva to make their appearance (since they are para to pūrvasavarna in the sūtra Supām sulukc… (7, 1, 39). एवं तर्हि आहायम् ईदूतौ सप्तमीति | If so, he says that it in gaurī and it in tanu are seventh case-suffixes (since they were with the seventh case-suffix which has been dropped). न चास्ति सप्तमी ईदूतौ । It and ut are never seventh case-suffixes. तत्र वचनाद्भविष्यति । The same happens by so mentioning it. वचनाद्यत्र दीर्घत्वम् । It will happen where the long vowel is enjoined by a vidhi. नेदं वचनाल्लभ्यम् । अस्ति ह्यन्यदेतस्य वचने प्रयोजनम् । किम् ? यत्र सप्तम्या दीर्घत्वमुच्यते - हर्ति न शुष्कं सरसी शर्यानम् इति । For there is What? Where the This cannot be got by the mention of it. another prayōjana for the mention. lengthening of the final vowel of the seventh case is as in sarasĩ of the Vedic sentence Dṛtim na śuṣkam sarasī ŝayānam by the vārttika Iyāḍiyājīkārāṇām upasańkhyānam. सति प्रयोजने इह न प्राप्नोति सोमों गौरी अधि श्रितः । Since there is prayojana ( elsewhere ), it cannot be applied to gāuri in sāmī gāurī adhiśritah… FIFTH AHNIKA — ĪDŪTĀU CA SAPTAMYARTHÊ तत्रापि सरसी यदि Even then if the word sarasī exists. 115 तत्रापि सिद्धम् । कथम् ? यदि सरसीशब्दस्य प्रवृत्तिरस्ति । अस्ति च लोके सरसीशब्दस्य प्रवृत्तिः । कथम् ? दक्षिणापथे हि महान्ति सरांसि सरस्य इत्युच्यते । It can be got by vacana even there. How? If the word sarasī is current in the nominative singular. Yes, the word sarasī is current in the world. How can it be so said? For big lakes are called by the name sarasyaḥ in Deccan. Note: The currency of the word lōkē in Deccan suggests that the word sarasi quoted from the Vēda stands on the same footing as gāurī. ज्ञापकं स्यात्तदन्तत्वे It serves as jñāpaka that there is no tadantagrahanam. एवं तर्हि ज्ञापयत्याचार्यो न प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां प्रत्ययलक्षणं भवति इति । If so, Acārya Pānini suggests that the paribhāṣā Pratyayagrahane tadantā grāhyāḥ does not prevail with reference to pragṛhyasaṁjñā. Note: Since the desired object is said to be achieved merely by the mention īd-ūdāu cu saptami, the word artha is unnecessary and hence is taken as jñāpaku. किमेतस्य ज्ञापने प्रयोजनम् ? What is the use of this jñāpana? कुमायरगारं कुमार्यगारम्, वध्वोरगारं वध्वगारम् प्रत्ययलक्षणेन प्रगृह्य’संज्ञा न भवति | The designation pragṛhya through pratyayalakṣaṇa will not reach the words kumārī and vadhữ in the compounds 116 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYA kumāryagāram, vadhvagāram whose vigrahavākyas are kumāryōḥ agāram and vadhvõḥ agāram. Note: Since it has already been decided that there is no pratyayalakṣaṇa in samjñāvidhi, and pragrhya is a samjñā, such a jñāpaka as this is unnecessary. Hence is the following statement मा वा पूर्वपदस्य भूत् Let it not be applied to the former member. अथवा पूर्वपदस्य मा भूत् इत्येवमर्थम् अर्थग्रहणम्, वाप्यामश्वः वाप्यश्वः, नद्यामातिः नद्यातिः । Or the mention of artha in the sutra is for the purpose of telling that the pragṛhyasaṁjñā may not reach the former member of the nityasamāsas vāpyaśvaḥ and nadyātiḥ whose vigrahavākyas are vāpyām aŝvaḥ and nadyām ātiḥ. Note: Since the expressions vāpyām aśvaḥ and nadyam utiḥ do not help us in determining the meaning of the words vāpyaśvaḥ and nadyatiḥ and they are saṁjñāvācakas, vāpyaśvaḥ and nadyātiḥ are said as nityasamāsas. अथ क्रियमाणेऽप्यर्थग्रहणे कस्मादेवात्र न भवति ? How is it that pragrhyasaṁjña does not roach here even when the word artha is read? Note: This akṣēpa arises from the notion that saplamyartha exists in the former members of vūpyaśva and nadyāti. seceruf qft: zfa | Since the vṛtti that operates here is jahatsvarthā (i.e.) the individual members of compounds cast off their meaning and the compound alone is taken to have the meaning and hence there is no saptamyartha in the former member. FIFTH AHNIKA IDUTAU CA SAPTAMYARTHE 117 अथ अजहत्स्वार्थायां वृत्तौ दोष एव । The difficulty is sure to arise if the vriti is taken to be ajahatsvārthā. अजहत्स्वार्थायां च न दोषः । There is no harm even if the vrtti is taken to be ajahatsvārtḥā. समुदायार्थोऽभिधीयते । For each member of a compound has for its meaning that of the whole compound mixed with its own meaning. Note 1: Kaiyața says that the meaning of the individual components of a compound is so merged with that of the whole compound like dust and water that they cannot be differentiated. Note 2: Those noted above as värttika are the parts of the following Ślōkavārttika: ईदूतौ सप्तमीत्येव लुप्तेऽर्थग्रहणाद्भवेत् । qàrea àreavisenensttma: gevaà || वचनाद्यत्र दीर्घत्वं तत्रापि सरसी यदि । शापकं स्यात्तदन्तत्वे मा वा पूर्वपदस्य भूत् ॥ This Ślōkavärttikakāra seems to be different from the Värttikakāra Kātyāyana from the ślōkavārttika at the end of the Pratyāhārāhnika. Note 3: According to Ślōkavārttikakāra, the word artha in the sūtra is intended to prevent the pragṛhyasaṁjñā from operating on the former member of the compound words vapyaśva and nadyāti. Mahābhāṣyakāra differs from him saying that the component members of a compound do not convey any meaning or convey their meaning merged in118 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHÂBHĀṢYA the meaning of the whole compound. Hence this sūtra is intended only to prevent the pragṛhyasamjñā from operating on uncompounded words like găurī in the Vedic sentence. If the sūtra is read without the word’ artha, the desired object is achieved from vacanasamarthya; if it is read with the word artha, it is achieved without taking recourse to vacanasāmarthya. Since Katyayana has not mentioned anything under this sūtra, he seems to favour arthagrahana. 1 दाधा घ्वदाप् (1, 1, 16) There are four topics dealt with here: (1) the need or otherwise of reading the word prakṛtayaḥ in the sūtra ; (2) the need of pratiṣēdha of words of the same form from taking the designation ghu; (3) the need or otherwise of pratiṣēdha of din with reference to itva; and (4) whether dāp in adap includes daip or not. घुसंज्ञायां प्रकृतिग्रहणं शिदर्थम् I

1. The roots dudāñ (3rd conj.), dāņ (1st conj.), dō (4th conj.) ond den (1st conj.) are included under dã of the sutra and the roots dudhañ (3rdl conj.) and dhēt (1st conj.) The roots dap (2nd conj.) and daip (1st conj.) are not included under dā. Of the four included under da, the first two naturally end in a and the last two (do and de) assume the form a before all terminations other than sit by the sūtra ād-ēca upadēśē§siti (6, 1, 45). Similarly of the two included under dha, the former naturally ends in a and the latter (dhet) which ends in è assumes the form a before all terminations other than sit by the same sutra. Hence the roots that come for discussion are do and de which assume the form of da and dhe which assumes the form dha. The root dai comes for discussion whether it is included in dặp or no. FIFTH ÄHNIKA — DĀDHÃ GHVADĀP 119 (The need for) the mention of the word prakṛti in the sūtra enjoining the designation ghu for the sake of ŝit. घुसंज्ञायां प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् वक्तव्यम् । दाधाप्रकृतयो घुसंज्ञा भवन्तीति Mention of the word prakrti is needed in the sūtra enjoining ghusamjñā; it needs be said that dādhāprakrtayaḥ gets the ghusamjña. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What is the benefit ? आत्वभूतानामियं संज्ञा क्रियते सा आत्वभूतानामेव स्यात् अनात्वभूतानां न स्यात् | The samjña is enjoined to those that end in a; hence it will hold good only to those that end in a and not to those that do not end in ā. ननु च भूयिष्ठानि घुसंशाकार्याणि आर्द्धधातुके ? तत्र च एत आत्वभूता इयन्ते । Is it not that most of the operations based on ghusaṁjñā are with reference to ardhadhātuka ? These (that do not radically end in ā) end in a there. शिदर्थम् - शिदर्थं प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् - शिति आत्वं प्रतिषिध्यते तदर्थम् - प्रणिदयते, प्रणिद्यति, प्रणिधयति इति । For the sake of terminations which have s for the anubandha. The mention of prakṛti is needed for the sake of ŝit. The atva is prohibited before the termination which is sit 1 and it is for its sake (that the mention is to be made). Ex.pranidayate, pranidyati pranidhayati. 1, आदेच उपदेशेऽशिति ( 8, 1, 45 ) 120 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAŞYA Note: Pranidayate is the third person singular present of de with the prepositions pra and ni. The è of dē takes ayādēśa before the first conjugational suffix sap and n of ni is changed to ṇ by the sūtra Nēr-gadanada-pata-ghu-mā-syati … cinōti-dēgdhiṣu (8, 4, 17). In pra-ni-dē-a-tē, n becomes n only if de has the ghusamjña. Pranidyati is the third person singular of the root do with the prepositions pra and ni• Since do belongs to the fourth conjugation, the formation of the word is thus: pra-ni-dō-ya-ti where ya is syan. The n of ni can change to ņ only when do has the ghusaṁjñā. The ō of dō is dropped by the sutra Ōtaḥ śyani (7, 3, 71) and n is changed to n by the sutra Nēr gada…. (8, 4, 17). Pranidhayati is the third person singular of the root dhe with the prepositions pra and ni. Since dhe belongs to the first conjugation, the formation of the word is thus: pra-ni-dhë-a-ti where a is sap. Here ē takes ayādēŝa and n changes to n by the same sûtra. Hence the roots do and dhe have to take ghusaṁnjñā for the sake of natva as the root dě. भारद्वाजीयाः पठन्ति घुसंज्ञायां प्रकृतिग्रहणं शिद्विकृतार्थम् The school of Bharadvaja read that the prakrtigrahana is needed in the ghusaṁjñāvidhāyakasūtra for the sake of sit and vikrta. घुसंज्ञायां प्रकृतिग्रहणं क्रियते Mention of prakṛti is made in the sutra which enjoins ghusaṁjñā. किं प्रयोजनम् ! FIFTH AHNIKA — DĀDHÃ GHVADĀP 121 What is the benefit? शिदर्थ विकृतार्थ च For the sake of ŝit and vikrta. शित्युदाहृतम् Examples where sit occurs have been given. विकृतार्थ खल्वपि, प्रणिदाता ‘, प्रणिधाता ’ For the sake of forms where roots change their forms, as in pranidātā, pranidhātā. किं पुनः कारणं न सिध्यति ? How will not the forms be achieved (if vikṛta is not mentioned)? लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्यैव इति प्रतिपदं ये आत्वभूतास्तेषामेव स्यात्, लक्षणेन ये आत्वभूतास्तेषां न स्यात् । Through the operation of the paribhāṣā Lakṣaṇapratipadōktayōḥ pratipadōktasyāiva, only such roots as are read to end in ã are taken into account and not such roots that end in a through laksanā. अथ क्रियमाणेऽपि प्रकृतिग्रहणे कथमिदं विज्ञायते आहोस्विद् दाधां प्रकृतय इति ? दाधाः प्रकृतय इति Even if there is prakrtigrahana, how is dādhāprakṛtayaḥ split? Is it taken as a karmadhāraya compound so that it may be split as dādhāḥ prakṛtayaḥ or as a tatpurușa compound so that it may be split as dādhām prakṛtayaḥ ? किं चातः ? What if it is taken this way or the other?
2. Here the root is do or de.
3. Here the root is dhe. 16 122 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA यदि विज्ञायते ’ दाधाः प्रकृतयः’ इति, स एव दोषः - आत्वभूतानामेव स्याद् अनात्वभूतानां न स्यात् । अथ विज्ञायते ‘दाघां प्रकृतयः’ इति अनात्वभूतानामेव स्याद् आत्वभूतानां न स्यात् । If it is taken as a karmadhāraya compound, the same difficulty will arise (i.e.) those that end in a will get the saṁjñā and those that do not in a will not get it. If, on the other hand, it is taken as a tatpurus compound, those that do not end in a will get the saṁjñā and those that end in it will not get it. एवं तर्हि नैवं विज्ञायते, दाधाः प्रकृतय इति नापि दाधां प्रकृतय इति । If so, it is not interpreted either as dādhāḥ prakṛtayaḥ or as dādhām prakrtyaḥ. कथं तर्हि ? How then ? दाधा घुसंज्ञा भवन्ति, प्रकृतयश्चैषाम् इति । Dādhāḥ take ghusaṁjñā and their prakṛtis too. तत्तर्हि प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् sutra. In that case it is necessary to mention prakṛti in the न कर्तव्यम् । इदं प्रकृतमर्थग्रहणमनुवर्तते । It need not be read. The word artha which is ready at hand is taken here. क प्रकृतम् ? Where is it ready? ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे इति । ततो वक्ष्यामि दाधा घ्वदाप्, अर्थ इति । There is the sūtru Id-ūtāu ca saptamyarthē. Then shall I read the sūtra Dādhā ghvadāp followed by the word arthe. FIFTH ÅHNIKA — DĀDHĀ GHVADĀP

123 नैवं शक्यम्; ददातिना समानार्थान् रातिरासतिदासतिमंहतिप्रीणातिप्रभृतीन् आहुः । एतेषामपि घुसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति । तस्मान्नैवं शक्यम् । न चेदेवं, प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यमेव । This is not possible; they will include all roots which have the meaning ’ to give ’ like rā, rās, das, mah, pri 1 etc. These too will get the ghusamjñā. Hence it is not possible. If so, mention should be made of prakrti. न कर्तव्यम् । शिदर्थेन तावन्नार्थः प्रकृतिग्रहणेन । अवश्यं तत्र माथे प्रकृतिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम्, प्रणिमयते प्रण्यमयते इत्येवमर्थम् ; तत्पुरस्तात् अपऋक्ष्यते ’ घुप्रकृतौ माप्रकृतौ च इति । 2 This need not be mentioned. Prakrtigrahina is not necessary for the sake of sit. The word prakṛti has to be read there (in the sūtra Nēr gada-nada-pata-pada-ghu-māsyati … (8 4, 17 ) for the sake of mā so that ņatva may occur in pra-ni-mē-a-te and pra-ni-a-mē-a-ta (with reference to the root men of the first conjugation). It is taken with reference to ghu also (which immediately precedes mā in the sūtra), so that ghu and mã may mean ghuprakṛti and māprakṛti. यदि प्रकृतिग्रहणं क्रियते, प्रनिमिनोति, प्रनिमीनाति अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If the word prakṛti is read there, natva will take place in the words praniminēti (third person singular present of miñ of the 5th conjucation) and pra-ni-mī-nā-ti (third person singular present of miñ of the ninth conjucation), (since the roots miñ and mīñ are the prakṛti of mā on account of their taking the form mā on the strength of the sūtra Mīnāti-minōtidānām lyapi ca ( 6, 1,50 ) अथ अक्रियमाणेऽपि प्रकृतिग्रहणे इह कस्मान्न भवति, प्रनिमाता, प्रनिमातुं, प्रनिमातव्यम् इति ?

1. In the sentence pitybhyah prināti, pri means to give.
2. अपकृष्यते is another reading. 124 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHÄṢYA Even if the word prakrti is not read, what prevents natva from making its appearance in pra-ni-mātā, pra-nimātum, pra-ni-mātavyam? आकारान्तस्य ङितो ग्रहणं विज्ञास्यते । It is interpreted that it refers to that which ends in ā and is nit. यथैव तर्हि अक्रियमाणे प्रकृतिग्रहणे आकारान्तस्य ङितो ग्रहणं विज्ञायते, एवं क्रियमाणेऽपि प्रकृतिग्रहणे आकारान्तस्य ङितो ग्रहणं विज्ञास्यते । Just as even when the word prakṛti is not read it is interpreted that it refers to that which ends in a and is nit, so also even when the word prakrti is read, it is interpreted that it refers to that which ends in ã and is nit. Note: Katyayana wants the prakṛtigrahana in the sūtra, whole Mahābhāṣyakāra does not want it. But the latter wants it after maã in the sūtra Ner-gadanada-pata-pada-ghu-mā… (8, 4, 17). But it is mentioned in the bhāṣya under that sutra. विकृतार्थेन चापि नार्थः । दोष एवैतस्याः परिभाषाया लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोकस्यैव इति, गामादाग्रहणेष्वविशेषः इति । The word vikṛta need not be; for the paribhāṣā Lakṣaṇapratipadōktayōḥ pratipadōktasyāiva does not hold good with reference to gā, mā and đã. Note 1: The fact that pitva in adap refers to dùip also, suggests that ghusaṁjñā refers to dã in general whether it is pratipada or lākṣaṇika. Note 2: Mahābhāṣyakāra does not agree with the Bhāradvājīyas about prakrtigrahana in the sutra and the reasons adduced by them. FIFTH AHNIKA - DĀDHĀ GHVADAP समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः II J 125 Pratisedha of samānaśabdas (from taking the samjñā). समानशब्दानां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः प्रनिदारयति प्रनिधारयति ; दाधा घुसंज्ञा भवन्तीति घुसंज्ञा प्राप्नोति । Pratiṣēdha of words which assume the same form has to be done. The roots dril ( sixth conjugation ), dhri (first conjugation) assume the form pranidārayati and pranidhārayati in the causal third person singular present when they are preceded by the prepositions pra and ni. Since dṛ and dhṛ become dã and dhā after taking vṛddhi and before the sūtra Uran raparaḥ operates, they take ghusaṁjñā from this sūtra. Note: If they take ghusamjñā, the n of the upasarga ni will be changed to n. समानशब्दाप्रतिषेधोऽर्थवद्ग्रहणांत् No need of pratiṣedha of samānasahdas, on account of taking forms having meaning. समानशब्दानामप्रतिषेधः । अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः अप्रतिषेधः । घुसंज्ञा कस्मान्न भवति ? अर्थवद्ग्रहणात् अर्थवतोदधोर्ग्रहणं, न चैतावर्थवन्तौ । I There is no need. of pratiṣedha of forms which are similar. Apratiṣedha means pratisedha which has no benefit. How is it that ghusaṁjñā does not reach here? On account of taking forms having meaning. Dā and dha referred to in the sutra have reference to those which have meaning; dā and dha which are part of dar and dhär have no meaning. अनुपसर्गाद्वा On account of (pra and ni) not becoming upasargas (with reference to them ). अथवा यत्क्रियायुक्ताः प्रादयः तं प्रति गत्युपसर्गसंशे भवतः । न चैतौ दाधौ प्रति क्रियायोगः । 126 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA Or pra etc. take gatisamjñā and upasargasaṁjñā only with reference to those roots with whose meanings they are connected. These two dã and dhã are not roots having meaning. यद्येवम् इहापि तर्हि न प्राप्नोति - प्रणिदापयति, प्रणिधापयति ; अत्रापि नेतौ दाधावर्थवन्तौ नाप्येतौ दाधौ प्रति क्रियायोगः ।

If so, ghusaṁjñā will not reach here too (with reference to dāp and dhāp) in praṇidāpayati and praṇidhāpayati (so that ṇalva may not take place); for these two dã and dhā here have no meaning, nor are they connected with any action. Note: Since the causal meaning is to be taken to account, it is only dãp and dhãp that have meaning and that are connected with action. न वाऽर्थवतो ह्यागमस्तद्गुणीभूतस्तद्ग्रहणेन गृह्यते यथान्यत्र No; for the agama is enjoined to that which has meaning and is subordinate to it and hence the whole is considered not to vary from the original in the same way as it is seen in other places. न वैष दोषः No, this objection does not arise. किं कारणम् ? Why ? अर्थवत आगमस्तद्गुणीभूतोऽर्थवग्रहणेन गृह्यते । The agama is enjoined to that which has meaning and is subordinate to it; (the whole) is taken not to vary from the original. यथान्यत्र - तद्यथा - अन्यत्राप्यर्थवत आगमोऽर्थवग्रहणेन गृह्यते । As elsewhere. For instance agama is enjoined in other places to that which has meaning and the whole is considered to have the meaning of the original. FIFTH AHNIKA DĀDHĀ GHVADAP 127 कान्यत्र ? Where elsewhere ? लविता, चिकीर्षिता इति । Lavita, cikīrsitā. Note : The iḍagama is enjoined to the pratyaya trc and itā has the same meaning as tṛc. युक्तं पुनर्यन्नित्येषु नाम शब्देष्वागमशासनं स्यात् ’ Is it proper to enjoin ãgamas to śabdas which are nitya? न; नित्येषु नाम शब्देषु कूटस्थैरविचालिभिर्वर्णैर्भवितव्यमनपायोपजनविकारिभिः । आगमश्च नाम अपूर्वः शब्दोपजनः | No; śabdas which are nitya should be made up of letters ever existing, undying and not allowing elision, augmentation and substitution. Agama is that which is newly introduced. बाढं युक्तम् । शब्दान्तरैरिह भवितव्यम् ; तत्र शब्दान्तरे शब्दान्तरस्य प्रतिपत्तिर्युक्ता । Yes, it is quite correct. They should be taken here as different sabdas; but it is but proper one word gives the same sense as another. आदेशास्तर्हि भविष्यन्ति अनागमकानां सागमकाः । In that case words with agama replace those without āgama. तत्कथम् ? How is it ? सर्वे सर्वपदादेशा दाक्षीपुत्रस्य पाणिनेः । एकदेशविकारे हि नित्यत्वं नोपपद्यते ॥ In the opinion of Pāṇini, the son of Dākṣi, all are the ādēŝas of the rest; for the nityatva will be marred even if there is slight change (of the word).128 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA çîs:alàqa: erzaìítea III With reference to the sutra Sthaghvor icca (1, 2, 17) praliṣedha of dīń is needed. दीङः प्रतिषेधः स्थाध्वारित्वे वक्तव्यः उपादास्तास्य स्वर : शिक्षकस्य इति । मीनातिमिनोत्यात्त्वे कृते, स्थाध्वोरिश्च इति इत्त्वं प्राप्नोति । There is need to mention that the root din (of the fourth conjugation) does not come within the operation of the sutra Sthaghvor icca. Hence alone we can have the form upādāsta which is found in the expression upādāsta asya svaraḥ ŝikṣakasya (the tone of this pupil has gone down). For the formation of that word is thus: thus: The root is dī, a the augment, upa is the preposition, s is the sic of aorist and ta is the third person singular termination; dī in upa a-dī-s-ta is changed to dã by the sutra Mīnāti-minēti-dīnām lyapi ca (6, 1, 50). Now assuming that dā gets the ghusaṁjñā, the a has a chance of changing to i by the sūtra Sthāghvōr icca (1, 2, 17). कुतः पुनरयं दोषो जायते किं प्रकृतिग्रहणाद् आहोस्विद् रूपग्रहणात् ? Wherefrom does this difficulty arise? Is it by taking the prakṛti to be ghu or the actual form got to be so ? रूपग्रहणादित्याह ; इह खलु प्रकृतिग्रहणाद्दोषो जायते ‘सनि मीमाघुरभलभः … ’ इति । उपदिदीषते, He says that it is by taking the actual form. If the prakṛti is taken into consideration, there will be difficulty in the formation of the word upa-di-di-s-a-te since the sūtra Sani mī-mā-ghu-rabha-labha-ŝaka-pata-padām aca is (by which the form should be upaditsatē). नैष दोषः । दाप्रकृतिः इत्युच्यते ; न चेयं दाप्रकृतिः ; आकारान्तानामे जन्ताः प्रकृतयः, एजन्तानामपीकारान्ताः, न च प्रकृतेः प्रकृतिः प्रकृतिग्रहणेन गृह्यते । FIFTH AHNIKA DĀDHĀ GHVADĀP 129 The difficulty does not arise if prakṛtigrahana is taken recourse to. For it is mentioned that daprakṛti takes ghusaṁjñā. This (dīň) is not the prakṛti of dā; those that end in a have their prakrta in those that end in ec1 and those that end in ēc have their prakrti in those that end in 7. That which is one’s prakrti’s prakṛti is not taken as its prakṛti. ā ēc Note: From this it is seen that there is difficulty if rupa- grahaņa is taken into consideration. स तर्हि प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । In that case the pratiṣēdha has to be mentioned. न वक्तव्यः । It need not be mentioned. घुसंज्ञा कस्मान्न भवति ? How does not dā (of dīn) get ghusaṁjñā? सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य’ इत्येवं न भविष्यति । Ghusaṁjñā does not reach it on the application of the paribhāṣā Sannipātalakṣaṇā vidhiḥ animittam tad-vighātasya. Note: The application of the paribhāṣā may be explained thus: Dī in upa-a-di-s-ta changes to ā. This atva which comes in ejviṣaya is dependent upon the akitva of the sic. If this takes ghusaṁjñā and changes to i on the strength of the sūtra Sthaghvor icca, sic has to become kit. Hence the ākāra which came to existence depending upon kitva will not be responsible to enable the root take ghusaṁjñā which will change the kit into akit.

1. Bhaṭṭōji Dikṣit’s vṛtti under the sutra Mīnāti minōti dīnām lyapi ca may be noted, 17 130 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA दाप्रतिषेधे न दैप्यनेजन्तत्वात् IV The pratiṣēdha adāp does not refer to the root dāip also, since it is not ējanta. दाप्रतिषेधे दैपि प्रतिषेधो न प्राप्नोति - अवदातं मुखम् । Prohibition of dap does not include that of the root dāip also. Hence the form avadātam in the expression avadātam mukham has no authority for its formation. ननु चात्वे कृते भविष्यति । Oh! it comes into existence when ai is changed to ā. तद्धि आत्वं न प्राप्नोति । But the change of ai to a cannot take place. किं कारणम् ? Why ? अनेजन्तत्वात् Since the root does not end in ec Note : Since the root in upadēśa is read as dāip, it is pakārānta and not ējanta. सिद्धमनुबन्धस्यानेकान्तत्वात् The object is accomplished since the anubandha is not a determining factor. सिद्धम् एतत् This (the desired object) is accomplished. कथम् ? How FIFTH AHNIKA DÃDHÃ GHVADĀP 131 अनुबन्धस्यानेकान्तत्वात्; अनेकान्ता अनुबन्धाः । On account of the non-determining nature of anubandha. Anubandhas are not determining factors. Note : Though the root is read as dāip and hence pakārānta, yet it may be taken to end in ai which is ēc, since the anubandha is dropped when words are formed from roots. पित्प्रतिषेधाद्वा Or by reading apit in place of adap in the sūtra. अथ वा ‘दाधा घ्वपित्’ इति वक्ष्यामि । तच्चावश्यं वक्तव्यम्; अदाप् इति छुच्यमाने इहापि प्रसज्येत प्रणिदापयति । Or shall I read the sūtra thus: Dādhā ghapit. It is necessary to do the change. Otherwise, if adap is read, the pratiṣēdha of ghusaṁnjñā may operate in the formation of the word praṇidāpayati (and hence there will be no chance for natva.) शक्यं तावदनेन अदाबिति ब्रुवता बान्तस्य प्रतिषेधो विज्ञातुम् । Since adābiti is read, it may be split as adāb iti (in place of adāp iti) and hence it may be taken that the pratiṣedha is only to dab and not to dāp. Note: In that case đãp and dãip would have to be read as dab and dãib in the sutras and hence this argument has been made as a passing one and cannot permanently stand. सूत्रं तर्हि भिद्यते । यथान्यासमेवास्तु | The sūtra, then, changes in form. Let it be as it is. नतु चोक्तं दाप्यतिषेधे न दैपि इति ? Has it not been said that the pratiṣedha with reference to dāp cannot refer to dāip ? 132 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA परिहृतमेतत्, सिद्धमनुबन्धस्यानेकान्तत्वात् इति । The difficulty has been solved by saying that the object is accomplished on account of the non-determining nature of anubandhas. अथ एकान्तेषु दोष एव । Then the difficulty is sure to arise, if they are considered to have the determining nature. एकान्तेष्वपि न दोषः । आत्त्वे कृते भविष्यति । There is no difficulty even if they have the determining nature. The pratiṣēdha comes into existence changed to ā. ननु चोक्तं तद्धि आत्वं न प्राप्नोति ? existence when ai is Has it not been said that ãi cannot be changed to ā ? किं कारणम् ? Why ? अनेजन्तत्वात् । Since the root does not end in ēc. पकारलोपे कृते भविष्यति । It ends in ec after p is dropped. न ह्ययं तदा दाब्भवति । In that case it does not become a dāp. भूतपूर्वगत्या भविष्यति । It becomes a dap since it was a dãp. पंतच्चात्र युक्तं - यत्सर्वेष्वेव सानुबन्धकग्रहणेषु भूतपूर्वगतिर्विज्ञायते । अनैमित्तिको ह्यनुबन्धलोपस्तावत्येव भवति । This will be appropriate here to adopt bhutapūrvagati in all forms with anubandha and the elision of lōpa is of a nondetermining nature. FIFTH AHNIKA ADYANTAVADĒKASMIN 133 अथ वा आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति, नानुबन्धकृतमने जन्तत्वम् इति यदयमुदीचां माझे व्यतीहारे इति मेङः सानुबन्धकस्य आत्त्वभूतस्य ग्रहणं करोति । Or the usage of Acārya Panini suggests that anējantatvam cannot be determined by anubandha since he reads māñaḥ to denote mēñaḥ in the sutra Udīcām māñō vyatîhārē (3, 4, 19) अथ वा दाबेवायं न दैबस्ति । Or there is no separate root as daib; it is only dab. कथम् अवदायति’ How to get the form avadayati ? श्यविकरणो भविष्यति । Note: It may be taken to belong to the fourth conjugation. Vārttikakāra thinks that the sūtra Dādhā ghvadāp should be changed into Dadhaghvapit. Mahābhāṣyakāra differs from him and solves the difficulty raised if the sutra is kept intact in three ways, But of them the third is not so important as the first and the second. आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् (1, 1, 20) There are three topics dealt with here: (1) The need for substituting vyapadesivad for adyantavad or otherwise. (2) There is no need for this sūtra and (3) The merits accrued by the presence of this sūtra. किमर्थमिदमुच्यते ? Why is this said? सत्यन्यस्मिन्नाद्यन्तवद्भावादेकस्मिन्नाद्यन्तवद्वचनम् Since an object is ādi or anta relative to another, the need for the mention of adyantavad with reference to a single unit. 134 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHABHAṢYÀ सत्यन्यस्मिन् यस्मात् पूर्वं नास्ति परमस्ति स आदिरुच्यते ; सत्यन्यस्मिन् यस्मात्परं नास्ति पूर्वमस्ति सोऽन्त इत्युच्यते ; सत्यन्यस्मिन् आद्यन्तवद्भावात् एतस्मात् कारणादेकस्मिन् आद्यन्तापदिष्टानि कार्याणि न सिध्यन्ति इष्यन्ते च स्युरिति । तान्यन्तरेण यत्नं न सिध्यन्तीति एकस्मिन्नाद्यन्तवचनम् : एवमर्थमिदमुच्यते । That which has nothing preceding it and has one following it, is called ādi relative to that which follows; that which has nothing following it and has one preceding it, is called anta relative to that which precedes. Since the fact of being ādi and anta of a unit is only with reference to another, the kārya relating to adi or anta enjoined by the sutras cannot take place when there is only one unit; but such karyas are wished for (in the sāstra ). This cannot be achieved except through the effort of enjoining that a single unit may be considered both as adi and as antu. This is said only to achieve this purpose. अस्ति प्रयोजनमेतत् ? Is this the benefit ? किं तहीति ? What then ? I तत्र व्यपदेशिवद्वचनम् In that case adyantavad may be replaced by vyapadesivad. तत्र व्यपदेशिवद्भावो वक्तव्यः ; व्यपदेशिवदेकस्मिन् कार्ये भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । In that case, mention should be made there of vyapadesivadbhāva. It should be said that operations should be made on a single unit by taking recourse to vyapadēśivadbhāva. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What benefit will thence be? FIFTH ĀHNIKA – ADYANTAVADER ASMIN एकाचो द्वे प्रथमार्थम् For the operation of the sūtra Ēkācō dvě prathamasya. 135 वक्ष्यति एकाचो द्वे प्रथमस्येति बहुव्रीहिनिर्देश इति । तस्मिन् क्रियमाणे इहैव स्यात् पपाच पपाठ; इयाय आर इत्यत्र न स्यात् । व्यपदेशिवदेकस्मिन् कार्य भवति इत्यत्रापि सिद्धं भवति । He (Vārttikakāra) is going to say under the sūtra Ēkācō dvē prathamasya (6, 1, 1), the vārttika Ekācō dvē prathamasya ̄iti bahuvrīhinirdēśaḥ (by which it is clear that the word ekac is a bahuvrihi compound and not a karmadhāraya compound). According to it the pa of the roots pac and path will be reduplicated; but reduplication cannot take place with reference to the roots i (to go ) and ? (to go. ) The object is achieved thereto by adopting the principle that what happens to the primary ēkāc, happens even when there is only one vowel.1 Note: The same idea is expressed in the vārttika Ekavarņēṣu ca vyapadesivadvacanãt under (6, 1, 1) षत्वे चादेशसम्प्रत्ययार्थम् For the sake of operation of the sūtra Ādēśapratyayōḥ with reference to satva. वक्ष्यति ’ आदेशप्रत्ययोरित्यवयवषष्ठयेषा इति । एतस्मिन् क्रियमाणे इहैव स्यात् करिष्यति हरिष्यति इह न स्यात् इन्द्रो मा वक्षत् स देवान्यक्षत् इति । व्यपदेशिवदेकस्मिन् कार्ये भवति इत्यत्रापि सिद्धं भवति । He is going to say that the sixth case in the word ādēsapratyayōḥ is avayavaşaṣṭhi. According to it, satva will take place only in kariṣyati and hariṣyati (since s is a part of the pratyaya sya) and not in the words vakṣat and yakṣat in the Vedic expressions Indrā mā vakṣat and Sa dīvān yakṣat (since s is the pratyaya itself and not a part of the pratyaya). The
2. Of मुख्य एकाव्यपदेशः येषामस्ति ते व्यपदेशिनः पचादयः ; ते यथा द्विर्वचनं प्रतिपद्यन्ते तथैकवर्णा अपि (Pradipa under 6, 1, 1). 136 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA object will be achieved here too by taking recourse to the principle that the operation takes place even to one in the same way as it takes place to vyapadēŝin. स तर्हि व्यपदेशिवद्भावो वक्तव्यः । Then the vyapadesivadbhāva should be mentioned (in the sutra). न वक्तव्यः । It need not be mentioned. अवचनाल्लोकविज्ञानात्सिद्धम् The object is achieved from worldly experience without any mention of vyapadēśivadbhāva here. अन्तरेणैव वचनं लोकविज्ञानात्सिद्धमेतत् । This is accomplished from the experience of the world without its being mentioned here. तद्यथा लोके शालासमुदायो ग्राम इत्युच्यते भवति चैतदेकस्मिन्नपि एकशालो ग्रामः’ इति । For instance in the world a village is that which is a collection of houses and even when there is only one house it is said that the village consists of one house. Note: Certain editions read ēkaśālā for ēkaśālaḥ. In that case the meaning is this a group of houses is generally called a village and even when there is only one, it is also called village. विषम उपन्यासः । ग्रामशब्दोऽयं बह्वर्थः - अस्त्येव शालासमुदाये वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्रामो दग्ध इति ; अस्ति वाटपरिक्षेपे वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्रामं प्रविष्ट इति ; अस्ति च मनुष्येषु वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्रामो गतः, ग्राम आगत इति, अस्ति सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थण्डिलके वर्तते, तद्यथा ग्रामो लब्ध इति । तद्यः सारण्यके ससीमके सस्थण्डिलके वर्तते, तमभिसमीक्ष्यैतत्प्रयुज्यते एकशालो ग्राम इति । FIFTH AHNIKA ADYANTAVADĒKASMIN 137 The word grama has many Unsound is the argument. connotations: it connotes a group of houses, as in ‘grāma is burnt’; it connotes a garden which forms the boundary, as in ‘he has entered the grāma’; it connotes the inhabitants, as in ‘grāma is gone’, ‘grama is come’; it connotes the space including forests, boundary limits, altars etc., as in grāma is got’. The usage ēkaśālā grāmaḥ is based upon the last connotation (i.e.) the space including forests, boundary limits, altars etc. यथा तर्हि वर्णसमुदायः पदं, पदसमुदाय ऋक्, ऋक्समुदायः सूक्तम् इत्युच्यते भवति चैतदेकस्मिन्नपि एकवर्ण पदं, एकपदा ऋक्, एक सूक्तम् इति । If so, just as we have that a word is made up of a group of sounds, a rk is made up of a group of words and a sūkta is made up of verses, so also we have the expressions that the word is made up of one sound, a rk is made up of one word and a sūkta is made up of a ṛk. अत्राप्यर्थेन युक्तो व्यपदेशः, पदं नामार्थः, ऋङ् नामार्थः, सूक्तं नामार्थः इति । Even here the usage is connecting one object with another, pada has one connotation, rk has one connotation and sūkta has one connotation. यथा तर्हि, बहुषु पुत्रेषु एतदुपपन्नं भवति, अयं मे ज्येष्ठः, अयं मे मध्यमः, अयं मे कनीयान् इति भवति चैतत् एकस्मिन्नपि, अयमेव ज्येष्ठः, अयमेव मध्यमः, अयमेव कर्नायान् इति । If then just as the usage that, among three sons, this is my eldest, this is my middle, and this is my youngest is appropriate, so also the usage that, when there is only one son, this is my eldest, this is my middle and this is my youngest is appropriate. Note: Since the minimum number that is necessary to be denoted by plural suffix is three, bahuşu putrēṣu 18138 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA is translated here among three sons’. This is well explained in the kapiñjaladhikarana of Pūrvamīmāṁsā. तथा असूतायाम् असोष्यमाणायां च भवति प्रथमगर्भेण हता | Similarly it is said that the lady is said that the lady is dead at the first garbha, though she has not given birth to any child previously nor is she going to give birth to any child in future. Note: Kāiyața says that the usage of the first garbha here is in imitation of a similar usage with reference to a lady who has given birth to many children. तथा अनेत्य अनाजिगमिषुराह, इदं मे प्रथममागमनम् इति । Similarly he who has not gone here previously and who is not going to come here in future says this is my first arrival’. Note: Varttikakāra, having raised the question whether the word vyapadesivad may replace adyantavad in the sūtra, has decided that it is not necessary, since it can be understood from the worldly experience. Mahābhāṣyakāra agrees with him. आद्यन्तवद्भावश्च शक्योऽवक्तुम् II The expression adyantavad may be removed from the sūtra (i.e.) the whole sutra may be omitted. ? Why? अपूर्वानुत्तरलक्षणत्वादाद्यन्तयोः सिद्धमेकस्मिन् It is achieved in one, since ādi is that which has nothing to precede it and anta is that which has nothing to follow it. अपूर्वलक्षण आदिः, अनुत्तरलक्षणोऽन्तः; एतश्चैकस्मिन्नपि सम्भवति । अपूर्वानुत्तरलक्षणत्वात् एतस्मात् कारणात् एकस्मिन्नपि आद्यन्तापदिष्टानि कार्याणि भविष्यन्ति इति नार्थ आद्यन्तवद्भावेन । FIFTH ÄHNIKA ADYANTAVADĒKASMIN 139 Adi is that which has nothing to precede it; anta is that which has nothing to follow it. Because of the nature of having nothing to precede it and having nothing to follow it, for this reason, the kāryas enjoined to adi and anta may happen in one and consequently no purpose is served by the expression adyantavad (in the sutra). गोनर्दीयस्त्वाह - सत्यमेतत् सति त्वन्यास्मन्निति । Gōnardīya says that the argument adduced for the necessity of the sūtra Sati tvanyasmin adyantavadbhāvād ēkasminnādyantavacanam stands true. Note: The appellation Gōnardiya refers, in the opinion of Kaiyața and Nagēsabhaṭṭa, to Mahabhāṣyakāra and in the opinion of Haridikṣita, it refers to a Vārttikakāra. According to the former two, this sentence tells us that Mahābhāṣyakāra wants the sūtra against the opinion of Vārttikakāra. But in the opinion of Haridîkṣita, another Värttikakāra who went by the name of Gōnardīya did not agree with the opinion of Vārttikakāra and Mahābhāṣyakāra. III कानि पुनरस्य योगस्य प्रयोजनानि ? What are the benefits accrued by this sūtra ? आदिवच्चे प्रयोजनं प्रत्ययन्निदाद्युदात्तत्वे The benefit of considering it to be the adi is found in single-lettered pratyayas, ñit and nit taking the udātta enjoined to the ãdi. प्रत्ययस्य आदिरुदात्तो भवति इति, इहैव स्यात् कर्तव्यं । तैत्तिरीयः ‘,
3. तव्यत्तव्यानीयर : ( 3, 1, 96 )
4. तित्तिरिवरतन्तुखण्डिकोखाच्छण (4, 3, 102 ) 140 1 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA औपगवः । कापटवः इत्यत्र न स्यात् । ’ नित्यादिर्नित्यम्’ इति, इहैव स्यात् अहिचुम्बकायनिः १ आग्निवेश्यः ३, गार्ग्यः ’ कृतिः ’ इत्यत्र न स्यात् । 2 4 (In the absence of this sūtra) from the injunction that the ādi of pratyaya becomes udātta, the ta of tavya in kartavyam and ī of īya in täittirīya may become udātta and not the a enjoined after upagu and kapaṭu in apatyärtha. Since it is said in the sūtra Nnityādir nityam ( 6, 1, 197 ) that the ādi of ñidanta and nidanta is udātta, a which is the adi of ahicumbaka and the a which is the modified form of the ādi of agnivēŝa become udatta and gā of gārgya and kr of krti which are single syllables cannot become udātta. चलादेरार्द्धधातुकस्येट् The iḍāgama to the ārddhadhātuka commencing with a val. बलादेरार्द्धधातुकस्येट् प्रयोजनम् । आर्द्धधातुकस्येडू वलादेः इति, इहैव स्यात् करिष्यति हरिष्यति, जोषिषत् मन्दिषत् इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is iḍāgama to the ārddhadhātuka commencing with a val (irrespective of its being ēkāc or no). (In the absence of the sūtra), iḍāgama will come to the s of sya in kariṣyali and hariṣyati, but not to the s after the roots juş and mand, by the sūtra, Arddhadhātukasyēḍ valādēḥ, यस्मिन्विधिस्तदादित्वे Operation of an injunction on the basis of the initial member.
5. तस्यापत्यम् (4, 1, 92).
6. वाकिनादीनां (फिञ् ) कुक्च ( 4, 1, 158).
7. वृद्धेत्कोसलाजादाञ्यङ् (4, 1, 171 ).
8. गर्गादिभ्यो यञ् (4, 1, 105 )
9. स्त्रियां क्तिन् (3, 3, 94) FIFTH AHNIKA ÁDYANTAVADÉKASMIN 141 यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादित्वे प्रयोजनम् | वक्ष्यति यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादावल्ग्रहणे इति । तस्मिन् क्रियमाणे ‘अचि नुधातुभ्रुवां वोरियङुवङौ ’ इहैव स्यात् far: श्रियौ भ्रुवौ इत्यत्र न स्यात् । भ्रुवः, The benefit is to apply the injunction with reference to the initial irrespective of its being one letter or more than one. He is going to say the paribhāṣā Yasmin vidhis tādādāu algrahanē. According to it the iyan-ādēŝa and uvan-ādēŝa will take place to ĩ and ủ of śrī and bhrú before as so that the forms śriyaḥ and bhruvaḥ may be obtained and not before au so that the forms śriyāu and bhruvāu on the strength of the sūtra Aci snudḥātubhruvām yvōr-iyan-uvañāu (6, 4, 77) may not be secured in the absence of this sūtra. अजाद्यादत्वे With reference to the aḍāgama before roots commencing with a vowel. अजाद्यात्वे प्रयोजनम् । आडजादीनाम् इहैव स्यात् ऐहिष्ट ऐक्षिष्ट, ऐष्ट अध्यैष्ट इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is in the āḍāgama before a root commencing with a vowel (irrespective of its being a single vowel or a vowel followed by a consonant). The aḍāgama will set in before the roots ih and iks so that the forms aihiṣṭa and aikṣiṣṭa may be obtained and not before the roots i ori with adhi so that the forms aiṣṭa and adhyāiṣṭa may be obtained on the strength of the sutra Āḍajādīnām (6, 4, 102), in the absence of this sūtra. अथान्तवत्वे कानि प्रयोजनानि ? What, then, are the benefits accrued from antuvattva ? अन्तवद् द्विवचनान्तप्रगृह्यत्वे With reference to pragrhyasaṁjñā based on the dual number with certain endings. 12 142 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA अन्तवद्विवचनान्तप्रगृह्यत्वे प्रयोजनम् । ईदूदेद्विवचनं प्रगृह्यम्, इहैव स्यात् पचेते इति पचेथे इति, खट्टे इति माले इति इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is in the pragṛhyasaṁjñā which is based on the dual with certain endings (irrespective of their being one letter or more than one.) The samjña will reach pacēlē and pacēthe on account of the dual suffix being made of two letters and not khațvē and mālē on account of the dual suffix consisting of only one letter on the strength of the sūtra Id-ūd-ēd dvivacanam pragṛhyam, in the absence of this sūtra. मिदचोन्त्यात्परः Mit following the last vowel. मिदचोन्त्यात्परः प्रयोजनम् । ‘नपुंसकस्य झलचः ‘, इहैव स्यात् कुण्डानि वनानि तानि यानि इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is the coming of mit after the last vowel (irrespective of the base consisting of one vowel or more). The numāgama before i, the nom-acc. plural ending in neuter, will appear only after a of kunda and vana so that the forms kuṇḍāni and vanāni may be obtained and not after ta and ya (the modified forms of tad and yad by the sutra Tyadādīnām aḥ (7, 2, 102) on the strength of the sutra Napumsakasya jhalacaḥ (7, 1, 72), in the absence of this sūtra. अचोन्यादि टि The samjñā ti which is given to the portion commencing with the last vowel. अचोन्त्यादि टि प्रयोजनम् । ‘टित आत्मनेपदानां ढेरे, इहैव स्यात् कुवते कुर्वाथे, कुरुते कुर्वे इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is deciding the ţi (whether the vowel in it is preceded by another or no). Etva will appear in kurvātē and kurvāthē and not in kurutē and kurve on the strength of the sūtra Ţita ātmanēpadānām tērē (3, 4, 79) in the absence of this sutra. 1 FIFTH ÄHNIKA— ĀDYANTAVADĒKASMIN अलोन्त्यस्य 143 (The ādēŝa which is șaṣṭhīnirdiṣṭa) to the last al. अलोन्त्यस्य प्रयोजनम् । ’ अतो दीर्घो यञि ‘, ’ सुपि च ’ इहैव स्यात् पटाभ्यां घटाभ्याम् इति, आभ्याम् इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is the operation to the last al (whether it is preceded by another or no). The a of the adantāñga of paṭa and ghața will be lengthened before bhyam and not a (the modified form of idam by the sūtras Tyadādīnām aḥ and Hali lōpaḥ) on the strength of the sutra Supi ca where all the words found in the sūtra Atō dīrghō yañi have anuvṛtti, in the absence of this sūtra. येन विधिस्तदन्तत्वे With reference to the viŝēṣaṇa becoming the saṁjñā of tadanta. येन विधिस्तदन्तत्वे प्रयोजनम् । ‘अचो यत्’ इहैव स्यात् चेयं जेयम्, एवं अध्येयम् इत्यत्र न स्यात् । The benefit is the viseṣaṇa becoming the samjñā of tadanta (irrespective of its consisting of one letter or more than one). The pratyaya yat will come after the roots ci and ji and not after the root i and i with adhi on the strength of the sūtra Acō yat, in the absence of this sūtra. आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन् कार्यं भवति इत्यत्रापि सिद्धं भवति । In all these instances the object is achieved by considering one unit to be both the initial, and the final, element. Note: It remains to be considered whether the Varttikakāra Kalyāyana who has definitely proved that this sūtra in unnecessary, would have given the above vārttikas relating to the prayōjana of the sutra. It is possible that they were given by another Vārttikakāra Gōnardīya. More about Gōnardīya may be learnt from the introduction in Vol. i. 144 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀṢYA तरप्तमपौ घः ( 1, 1,21) घसंज्ञायां नदीतरे प्रतिषेधः Prohibition of ghasaṁjñā with reference to nadītara. घसंज्ञायां नदीतरे प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः, नद्यास्तरः नदीतरः । Mention must be made that nadītara in the sense of the boat used to cross a river does not take ghasaṁjñā, घसंज्ञायां नदीतरेऽप्रतिषेधः No need for pratișēdha of ghasaṁjñā with reference to nadītara. घसंज्ञायां नदीतरेऽप्रतिषेधः ; अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः अप्रतिषेधः । There is no need for pratișēdha of ghasaṁjñā with reference to nadītara; apratișëdha means pratiṣēdhābhāvaḥ. Note: Kaiyața explains apratisedha by the statement pratiṣēdhakriyā nañā niṣidhyatē and Nāgēśabhaṭṭa further explains it thus: Asandēha ilivat pratiṣēdhyasya abhāva ityarthakō nañsamāsaḥ. घसंज्ञा कस्मान्न भवति ? Why does not għasaṁjñā reach it ? तरग्रहणं द्यौपदेशिकम् The word tarap refers to what is found in upadēŝa. औपदेशिकस्य तरपो ग्रहणं न चैष उपदेशे तरप्शब्दः | Mention is made of tarap found in upadēŝa; this tarap (in nadītara) is not found in upadēśa. Note 1: The root tr takes the pratyaya ap after it by the sūtra Ṛdōr-ap (3, 3 57) and then 7 takes guna and tara is formed; it is called tarap here because FIFTH AHNIKA TARAPTAMAPAU GHAH 145 the pratyaya ap is pit. This is expressed by Kaiyața thus :-sarvatra ca anubandhāḥ smaryamāņā ēva kāryam prati hetutvam labhante iti ghasamjñāprāptiḥ. Note 2: The word aupadeŝika is derived by Kaiyața in two ways:- upadeśaḥ prayōjanam (prayōjakaḥ) asya and upadēsē bhavam. Nāgēśabhaṭṭa seems to prefer the latter from the style of Mahābhāṣya. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ? Is this necessary to be mentioned ? न हि । No, it need not be mentioned. कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते ? How can it be understood unless it is mentioned ? इह हि व्याकरणे सर्वेष्वेव सानुबन्धग्रहणेषु रूपमाश्रीयते, यत्त्रास्यैतद्रूपमिति । रूपनिर्ग्रहश्च शब्दस्य नान्तरेण लौकिकं प्रयोगम् । तस्मिंश्च लौकिके प्रयोगे सानुबन्धकानां प्रयोगो नास्तीति कृत्वा द्वितीयः प्रयोग उपास्यते । Here, in Vyakarana, the form is taken into account in all words with anubandha and the saṁjñā is given where that form is found. The form cannot be determined except through usage in the world. Since no word is found with anubandha in the laukikaprayoga, the second prayoga is taken into consideration. कोऽसौ ? What is it? उपदेशो नाम । It is evidently upadēśa. न चैष उपदेशे तरप्शब्दः । This (tara in nadītara) is not tarap in upadēŝa, 19 146 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHÂṢYA अथ वा अस्तु अस्य घसंज्ञा ; को दोषः ? • Or let it get ghasamjñā; what is the harm ? Note: The introduction of this topic here is on adopting the nyāya Tuşyatu durjanaḥ iti. घादिषु नद्या ह्रस्वो भवति इति हखत्वं प्रसज्येतं । The ī and й of those that get nadīsaṁjñā will get a chance of being shortened, if they are followed by gha [by the sūtra Nadyah sesasyānyatarasyām (6, 3, 41 ) ]. समानाधिकरणेषु घादिषु इत्येवं तत् । It (shortening) takes place only when it is followed by gha etc. which is samānādhikaraṇa (i. e.) which refers to the same visāsya. 1 यदा तर्हि सैव नदी, स एव तरः, तदा प्राप्नोति । If nadītara is split as nadī ca asău tarasca, then the shortening may take place. Note: Tara, here, is taken in the sense of the object which is crossed over. स्त्रीलिङ्गेषु घादिषु इत्येवं तत् । It is interpreted thus: followed by ghudi which is feminine in gender. अवश्यं चैतदेवं विज्ञेयम् । समानाधिकरणेषु घादिषु इत्युच्यमाने रह प्रसज्येत - महिषी रूपमिव, ब्राह्मणी रूपमिव । It must be interpreted so: If it is said that it takes place when it is followed by gha etc. which are samānādhikaraṇa, it will operate in mahiṣī rūpam iva, brāhmaṇī rūpam iva also.
10. Of सामानाधिकरण्यं च एकविशेष्यकबोधजनकत्वम् (उद्योत . ) FIFTH AHNİKA BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYA 147 बहुगणवतुडति सङ्ख्या (1, 1, 22 ) There are five topics dealt with here:-(1) the need or otherwise of adding the word sankhyā after dati in the sūtra (2), (3) and ( 4 ) the need or otherwise of adding the words adhyardha, ardhapurvapadapūranapratyayanta and adhika in the sūtra and ( 5 ) the pratyākhyāna of the sūtra. I सङ्ख्यासंज्ञायां सङ्ख्याग्रहणं सङ्ख्यासम्प्रत्ययार्थम् Reading of the word sankhya in the sutra enjoining sankhyāsaṁjñā so that it may get the designation. सङ्ख्यासंज्ञायां सङ्ख्याग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । बहुगणवतुडतयः संङ्ख्यासंज्ञा भवन्ति, सङ्ख्या च सङ्ख्यासंज्ञा भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । किं प्रयोजनम् ? सङ्ख्यासंप्रत्ययार्थम् - एकादिकायाः सङ्ख्यायाः सङ्ख्न्याप्रदेशेषु सङ्घयेत्येष संप्रत्ययो यथा स्यात् । The word sankhyā has to be read in sankhyā-saṁjñā-sūtra. Bahu, gana, vatu and dati get the designation sankhyā and sankhyā too should be said to get sankhyāsaṁjñā. Why should it be? For the sake of getting the designation to sankhyā so that one should get the idea that the numbers ēka etc. may get the designation sankhyā in rules relating to sankhyā. ननु चैकादिका सङ्ख्या लोके सङ्ख्येति प्रतीता ; तेनास्याः सङ्ख्याप्रदेशेषु सङ्ख्या संप्रत्ययो भविष्यति । Oh! it is well known from the world that the numbers ēka etc. go by the name of sankhyā; hence it may get the designation sankhyā in rules relating to sańkhyā. एवमपि कर्तव्यम् Still it has to be read. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ?148 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHÂBHĀṢYA इतरथा ह्यसंप्रत्ययो ऽकृत्रिमत्वाद्यथा लोके For otherwise there will be nonrecognition on account of their being aktrima as is in the world. अक्रियमाणे हि सङ्ख्याग्रहणे एकादिकायाः सङ्ख्यायाः सङ्ख्येत्येष संप्रत्ययो न स्यात् । For if the word sankhyā is not read in the sūtra, it is not possible to recognise the numbers ēka etc. to get the designation sankhyā. किं कारणम् ? Why ? अकृत्रिमत्वात् । Since they are not kṛtrima (i.e.) since they are not adopted as technical terms (in grammar). बह्रादीनां कृत्रिमा संज्ञा । (On the other hand) the samjña of bahu etc. is krtrima. कृत्रिमा कृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्यसंप्रत्ययो भवति । Of the two kṛtrima and akṛtrimu, it is said that rules operate on krtrima.. यथा लोके । तद्यथा लोके, गोपालकमानय कटजकमानय इति यस्यैपा संज्ञा भवति, स आनीयते, न यो गाः पालयति, यो वा कटे जातः । As is in the world; just as when one says Bring gōpālaka, bring katajaka’, one who bears that name is brought in and not one who is tending cows or who is born on a straw-mat. Note 1: People in the world do not seek after the derivative meaning of a word, but they are satisfied with its meaning by rūḍhi and proceed further to operate upon it. Note 2: The words gōpalaku and kaṭajaka denote particular classes of people irrespective of their derivative meaning. FIFTH ÄHNIKA BAHUGANAVATUDATI SANKHYĀ 149 यदि तर्हि कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्य सम्प्रत्ययो भवति, नदीपौर्णमास्याग्रहायणीभ्यः इत्यनापि प्रसज्येत । If, then, rules operate on kṛtrima among kṛtrima and akertrimu, the sutra Nadi paurņamāsī-āgrahāyaṇībhyaḥ ( 5, 4, 110 ) will operate on krtrima nadi which is described in the sūtra Yūstryākhyāu nadi (1, 4, 3 ) and not on the word nadi (which means a river). पौर्णमास्याग्रहायणीग्रहणसामर्थ्यान्न भविष्यति । It does not happen since the word nudi is read along with the words pūrṇamāsī and āgrahāyaṇī, तद्विशेषेभ्यस्तर्हि प्राप्नोति । It may then refer to the individual rivers (like Ganga etc). एवं तर्हि आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति ‘न तद्विशेषेभ्यो भवति’ इति, यदयं विपाट्छब्दं शरत्प्रभृतिषु पठति । Since Acārya Pāṇini reads the word vipāś under saratprabhṛti under the sutra Avyayibhāvē Saratprabhṛtibhyaḥ ( 5, 4, 107), his procedure suggests that nadī in (5, 4, 110) does not refer to individual rivers. इह तर्हि प्राप्नोति नदीभिश्व इति । If so, the same will happen to nada in the sūtra Nadībhiśca (2,1, 20) (i.e.) nadī may not refer to individual rivers here. बहुवचननिर्देशान भविष्यति । No, it does not happen as it is mentioned in plural number. स्वरूपविधिस्तर्हि प्राप्नोति । If so, the sūtra Svam rūpam sabdasya… (1, 1, 68 ) will operate. बहुवचननिर्देशादेव न भविष्यति । 150 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHÄŞYA It will not operate on account of the same mention in plural number. एवं न चेदमकृतं भवति, कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्य संप्रत्ययः इति । न च कश्विदोषो भवति | From the foregoing discussion it is evident that the nyāya Kṛtrimākṛtrimayōḥ kririmē kāryasampralyayaḥ is not nullified. There is no harm done by adopting it. उत्तरार्थं च For the sake of the following sūtra too. उत्तरार्थे च सङ्ख्न्याग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् ष्णान्ता षद्- षकारनकारान्तायाः सङ्ख्यायाः षट्संज्ञा यथा स्यात्, इह मा भूत् पामानः, विपुषः इति । The word sankhyā should be read for the sake of the following sutra Snantā ṣaḥ, so that the designation sa may reach the words ending in s and n which are sankhyāvācins and not the words like pāman and vipruș. Note: Kāiyața says that sankhyā in this sūtra refers to form and the same in the next sutra refers to its meaning. But the word ca in this vārttika suggests that the word sankhyā mentioned here is not that found in the sutra, but that to be added after ḍati in the opinion of the Vārttikakāra. इहार्थेन तावन्नार्थः सत्याग्रहणेन । Even here no purpose is served by adding the word sankhya. ननु चोक्तम् इतरथा ह्यसंप्रत्ययो ऽकृत्रिमत्वाद्यथा लोके । Is it not said that there will, otherwise, be non-recognition on account of their being akrtrima as is in the world? नैष दोषः । अर्थात्प्रकरणाद्वा लोके कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्य संप्रत्ययो भवति । अर्थो वास्यैवसंज्ञकेन भवति, प्रकृतं वा तत्र भवति, ‘इदमेवसंज्ञकेन FIFTH AHNIKA — BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYĀ

कर्तव्यम्’ इति । आतश्च अर्थात्प्रकरणाद्वा

151 अङ्ग हि भवान् ग्राम्यं पांशुलपादमप्रकरणशमागतं ब्रवीतु ‘गोपालकमानय, कटजकमानय’ इति, उभयगतिस्तस्य भवति ; साधीयो वा यष्टिहस्तं गमिष्यति । No, this defect will not arise ; for, of the two meanings krtrima and akıtrima, the krtrima is chosen in the world from the denoting capacity of the word or from the context, the denoting capacity deciding that the meaning referred to should be this or the context deciding that the operation should be done by this. The meaning decided by the denoting capacity or the context (is to be admitted) for the following reason also; my dear boy, you may ask a rustic having feet full of dust and not knowing the context, to fetch gopalaka or kaṭajaka and he will interpret the words in both the ways or rather he will take them to refer to one who has a stick in his hand (to watch cattle). यथैव तर्हि अर्थात्प्रकरणाद्वा लोके कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः कृत्रिमे कार्य संप्रत्ययो भवति, एवमिहापि प्राप्नोति । जानाति ह्यसौ बह्रादीनामियं संज्ञा कृता इति । As the operation takes place in the world on the kṛtrima among kṛtrima and akṛtrima decided by the denoting capacity or the context, so also it is done here. He knows that here the samjñā is with reference to bahu etc. (since they are pralerta here ). Note : Nugeŝabhatta says that buddhisannidhi is the pra- karana here. न यथा लोके तथा व्याकरणे, उभयगतिः पुनरिह भवति । It is not seen in grammar as is seen in the world, since words have to be interpreted in both ways here. अन्यत्रापि, नावश्यमिहैव । तद्यथा - ‘कर्तुरीप्सिततमं कर्म’ इति कृत्रिमा कर्मसंज्ञा । कर्मप्रदेशेषु चोभयगतिर्भवति कर्मणि द्वितीया’ इति कृत्रिमस्य ग्रहणं, ’ कर्तरि कर्मव्यतिहारे’ इत्यत्र अकृत्रिमस्य । तथा ‘साधकतमं करणम्’ इति कृत्रिमा करणसंज्ञा । करणप्रदेशेषु चोभयगतिर्भवति - ‘कर्तृकरणयोस्तृतीया’ इति कृत्रिमस्य ग्रहणं, ‘शब्दवैरहलहा भ्रकण्वमेघेभ्यः करणे’ इत्यत्र 152 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA अकृत्रिमस्य । तथा ‘आधारोऽधिकरणम्’ इति कृत्रिमा अधिकरणसंज्ञा | अधिकरणप्रदेशेषु चोभयगतिर्भवति - ‘सप्तम्यधिकरणे च’ इति कृत्रिमस्य ग्रहणं, ‘विप्रतिषिद्धं चानधिकरणवाचि’ इत्यत्रा कृत्रिमस्य । It is seen not only here, but also elsewhere: The sutra Kartur īpsitatamam karma (1, 4, 49) enjoins rtrima-karmasamjñā. In places where the word karma is used, it has to be interpreted in both ways. It refers to krtrima-harma in the sutra Karmaṇi dvitīyā (2, 3, 2) and to action-the akrtrimakarma in the sūtra Kartari karmavyatīḥārē (1, 3, 14). Similarly the sūtra Sādhakatamam karaṇam (1, 4, 42) enjoins the kṛtrima-karaṇa-saṁjñā. In places where the word karana is used, it has to be interpreted in both ways. It refers to Irtrima-karaṇa in the sūtra Kartṛkaranayōs trtīyā (2, 3, 18) and the act of doing, the akṛtrimakarana in the sūtra Śabdavaira-kalaha-abhra-kanva-mēghebhyaḥ karanē (3, 1, 17). Similarly the sūtra Ādhārō adhikaraṇam (1, 4, 45) enjoins the krtrima-adhikaraṇa-saṁjñā. In places where the word adhikarana is used, it has to be interpreted in both ways. It refers to kṛtrima-adhikarana in the sūtra Saptamyadhikaraņē c↓ (2, 3, 36) and to dravya, the akṛtrima-adhikarana in the sutra Vipratiṣiddham cānadhikaraṇavāci (2, 4, 13). अथ वा नेदं संज्ञाकरणम्, तद्वदतिदेशोऽयम् agulagatta zfa | बहुगणवतुडतयः Or, this sūtra is not a saṁjñā-sūtra but atidēša-sūtra denoting similarity and it means that bahu, grṇa, vatu and dati are like sařikhya. Note: Kaiyața says that since the word sankhya is not as short as the saṁjñās ți, ghu etc. and is used in the meaning current in the world, the sūtra is mentioned as an atidēša-sūtra. स तर्हि वतिनिर्देशः कर्तव्यः If so, the term vati should be read in the sūtra (as in Ādyantavad ēkasmin). FIFTH AHNIKA - BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SANKHYĀ 153 न कर्तव्यः । It need not be read. न ह्यन्तरेण वतिमतिदेशो गम्यते । Atidēśa is not suggested without vati. अन्तरेणापि वतिमतिदेशो गम्यते । तद्यथा ब्रह्मदत्त इत्याह । तेन मन्यामहे ब्रह्मदत्तवदयं भवतीति । एष ब्रह्मदत्तः अब्रह्मदत्तं For instance Atideśa is suggested even without vati. one says ‘This is Brahmadatta’ even though he is not Brahmadatta. From this we interpret that he is like Brahma- datta. एवमिहापि असङ्ख्यां सङ्ख्येत्याह, सङ्ख्यावद् इति गम्यते । So also he calls asankhyā by the name of sankhyā and hence it is suggested that they are like sankhyā. Note: An objection may be raised that, since the word bahu is a sankhyā, the atidēśa cannot apply to it. Nāgesabhaṭṭa answers this by saying that it does not denote any actual number and hence is not a a sankhyā. अथ वा आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति ; भवत्यकादिकायाः सङ्ख्यायाः सङ्ख्याप्रदेशेषु सङ्ख्यासंप्रत्यय इति यदयं ‘सङ्ख्याया अतिशदन्तायाः कन्’ इति तिशदन्तायाः प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । Or the procedure of Acārya Pāṇini suggests that in sūtras dealing with sankhyā, the numbers ēka etc. are included since he prohibits the taddhita suffix to kan to numbers ending in it and śat in the sūtra Sankchyāyā atiśadantāyāk kan (5, 1, 22). कथं कृत्वा ज्ञापकम् ? How does it become a jñāpaka ? न हि कृत्रिमा त्यन्ता शदन्ता वा सङ्ख्या अस्ति । Since there is no krtrima-sankhya which ends in tử or sat. 20 154 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA ननु चेयमस्ति इति ? Oh! there is dati (in it). यत्तर्हि शदन्तायाः प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । If so, since he prohibits Sadanta. यच्चापि व्यन्तायाः प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । Since he prohibits tyanta also. ननु चोक्तं इत्यर्थमेतत्स्यात् इति । Oh! it has been said that it is concerned with dati. अर्थवग्रहणे नानर्थकस्य इत्यर्थवतः तिशब्दस्य ग्रहणं न च डतेस्तिशब्दो ऽर्थवान् । From the paribhāṣā Arthavadgrahanë na anarthakasya, only the ti which has meaning is taken into account in this sūtra; the ti of dati has no meaning. अथ वा महतीयं संज्ञा क्रियते । Or this is a great saṁjñā. संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः Samjñā is certainly that than which nothing is more brief. कुत एतत् ? How is it so ? लघ्वर्थ हि संज्ञाकरणम् For saṁjñākarana is for brevity. तत्र, महत्याः संज्ञायाः करण एतत्प्रयोजनम्, अन्वर्थसंज्ञा यथा विज्ञायेत, संख्यायते अनया संख्येति । एकादिकया चापि संख्यायते । When that is the case, this is the benefit of making a great saṁjñā that it should be taken to be anvartka (acting FIFTH AHNIKA BAHUGANAVATUDATI SANKHYĀ 155 up to the derivative meaning) and the derivation of sankhyā is saṁkhyāyatē anayā (that by which objects are counted). The numbers one etc. too are used for counting. उत्तरार्थेन चापि नार्थः संख्याग्रहणेन । इदं प्रकृतमुत्तरत्र अनुवर्तिष्यते । There is no need to add the word sankhya even for the sake of the following sutra. This (the word which is found in the sūtra) is taken there. इदं वै संज्ञार्थम् ; उत्तरत्र च संज्ञिविशेषणार्थः । न चान्यार्थ प्रकृतमन्यार्थ भवति । न खल्वप्यन्यत् प्रकृतमनुवर्तनादन्यद्भवति । न हि गोधा सर्पन्ती सर्पणादहिर्भवति । This is for the sake of saṁjñā; but in the following sutra it is to serve as an adjunct to the saṁjñin. That which has one purpose here cannot have another purpose there. It is not right to say that which is one thing here becomes a different thing when it goes elsewhere. A lizard moving cannot become a serpent simply because it has gone to another place. यत्तावदुच्यते ’ न चान्यार्थ प्रकृतमन्यार्थ भवति’ इति; अन्यार्थमपि प्रकृतमन्यार्थं भवति तद्यथा शाल्यर्थे कुल्याः प्रणीयन्ते, ताभ्यश्च पानीयं पीयते, उपस्पृश्यते च शालयश्च भाव्यन्ते । As regards the statement that which has one purpose here cannot have another purpose there’, (it may be said that) which has one purpose here is found to have another purpose also elsewhere. For instance channels are cut for the sake of paddy; they are used for drinking water and for purification; and the paddy also is got. यदप्युच्यते ‘न खल्वप्यन्यत् प्रकृतमनुवर्तनादन्यद् भवति न हि गोधा सर्पन्ती सर्पणादहिर्भवति’ इति भवेद् द्रव्येषु एतदेवं स्यात्; शब्दस्तु खलु येन येन विशेषेणाभिसंबध्यते तस्य तस्य विशेषको भवति । As regards the statement ’that which is one thing here does not become a different thing when it goes elsewhere and that a lizard moving cannot become a serpent simply because 156 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHÄṢYA it has gone to another place, it may be with reference to objects; but the same sabda becomes adjunct in different ways with reference to different kinds of visēṣyas. अथ वा सापेक्षोऽयं ष्णान्तेऽपि निर्देशः क्रियते ; न चान्यत् किञ्चिदपेक्ष्यमस्ति ; तेन सङ्ख्यामेवापेक्षिष्यामहे । Or the expression ṣṇāntāḥ read in the sūtra is in need of something else to make its meaning clear. Nothing other than sankhyā is needed. Hence we take it there. Note: kan. Though Varttikakāra has stated that the word sankhyā is to be added after dati in the sutra so that the numbers ēka etc. may become the target to this sūtra and so that it may be taken by anuvṛtli in the following sūtra, Mahābhāṣyakāra feels that it is not necessary and achieves the object in many ways. Scholars will have to determine which, among the ways suggested, is the best. II अध्यर्द्धग्रहणं च समासकन्विध्यर्थम् Reading of adhyardha for vidhis relating to samusa and अध्यर्धग्रहणं च कर्तव्यम् । The word adhyardha too should be read. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What for? समासकन्विध्यर्थम् - समासविध्यर्थं कन्विध्यर्थं च समासविध्यर्थं तावत् अध्यर्धशूर्पम्, कन्विध्यर्थम् अध्यर्धकम् । For the sake of the sūtra (taddhitārthōttarapadasamähārē ca (2, 1, 51) dealing with samāsa and the sutra (sankhyāyā atiŝadantāyāḥ kan) to operate (here)-for the sake of samasavidhi and for the sake of kanvidhi. Firstly for the sake of FIFTH ĀHNIKA M BAHUGANAVATUDATI SANKHYÄ 157 samāsavidhi so that the samāsa adhyardhaśūrpam may be got and then for the sake of kanvidhi SO that the form adhyardhakam may be got. लुकि चाग्रहणम् । Not reading it with reference to luk. लुकि चाध्यर्धग्रहणं न कर्तव्यं भवति - अध्यर्द्धपूर्वद्विगोर्लुगसंज्ञायाम् इति, द्विगोरित्येव सिद्धम् । sutra The word adhyardha need not be read in the Adhyarddhapūrvaddvigōr lugasaṁijñāyām (5, 1, 28), since the purpose is served by dvigōḥ. अर्धपूर्वपदश्च पूरणप्रत्ययान्तः III Need for reading ardhapurvapadasca puranapratyayantaḥ. अर्धपूर्वपदश्च पूरणप्रत्ययान्तः संख्यासंज्ञो भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । It should be stated, that which has ardha as the initial member and which ends in pūraṇapratyaya takes sankhyāsamjnia. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ? समास कन्विध्यर्थमेव, समासविध्यर्थं कन्विध्यर्थं च समासविध्यर्थम् तावत् - अर्धपञ्चमशूर्पम्, कन्विध्यर्थम् - अर्धपञ्चमकम् । For the sake of samāsavidhi and for the sake of kanvidhi ; firstly for the sake of samāsavidhi so that the samāsa ardhapañcamaśūrpam may be got and thenfor the sake of kanvidhi so that the form ardhapañcamakam may be got. IV अधिकग्रहणं चालुकि समासोत्तरपदवृद्ध अर्थम् Need for reading the word adhika when there is no uk for the sake of samāsavidhi and uttarapadavṛddhi.158 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHABHAŞYA अधिकग्रहणं चालुकि कर्तव्यम् The word adhika should be read in the sūtra in the absence of luk. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ? समासोत्तरपदवृद्ध्यर्थम् - समासविध्यर्थम् उत्तरपदवृद्ध्यर्थं च । समासविध्यर्थं तावत् - अधिकषाष्टिकः, अधिकसाप्ततिकः ; उत्तरपदवृद्ध्यर्थम् - अधिकषाष्टिकः, अधिक साप्ततिकः । अलुकि इति किमर्थम् ? अधिकषाष्टिकः अधिक साप्ततिकः । For the sake of samāsavidhi and for the sake of uttarapadavṛddhi (by the sutra Sankhyāyāḥ saṁvatsarasańkhyasya ca (7, 3, 15); firstly for the sake of samāsavidhi so that the samāsu adhikaṣāṣṭikaḥ and adhikasāptatikaḥ may be formed and then for the sake of uttarapadavṛddhi so that the same words adhikaṣāṣṭikaḥ and adhikasāptatikaḥ may be formed with urddhi in the uttarapada. What for is the expression aluki in the vārttika ? So that the words adhikaṣāṣṭikaḥ and adhikasāptatikaḥ may be formed. बहुव्रीहौ चाग्रहणम् No mention in bahuvrīhi. बहुव्रीहौ चाधिकशब्दस्य ग्रहणं न कर्तव्यं भवति, ‘सङ्ख्याया अव्ययासन्नादूराधिकसङ्ख्याः सङ्ख्येये’ इति सङ्ख्या इत्येव सिद्धम् । The word adhika need not be read in the sūtra Sankhyāyā avyayāsannādūrādhikasankhyāḥ sankhyeye dealing with bahuvrīhi, since it is accomplished from the mention of sankhyā. V बहादीनामग्रहणम् No need for the mention of bahu etc. (in the sūtra ). बह्नादीनां ग्रहणं शक्यमकर्तुम् । FIFTH ÄHNIKA — BAHUGAŅAVATUDATI SAŃKHYẢ 159 It is possible not to read bahu etc. केनेदानीं सङख्याप्रदेशेषु सङख्यासम्प्रत्ययो भविष्यति ? How then is it possible to know that these get the designation sankhyā so that they may be operated on by the sūtras dealing with sarkhyās ? ज्ञापकात् सिद्धम् It is accomplished through jñāpaku. ज्ञापकात् सिद्धमेतत् । This is an accomplished fact through jñāpaka. किं ज्ञापकम् ? What serves as jñāpaka? ક यदयं ‘वतोरिड्वा ’ इति संख्याया विहितस्य कनो वत्वन्तात् इटं शास्ति । Because he (Ācārya Pāṇini) enjoins after vatvanta optionally the iḍaguma to kan enjoined to sankhyās by the sūtra Sañkhyāyā atiśadantāyāḥ kan (5, 1, 22). वतोरेव तज्ज्ञापकं स्यात् । It may serve as jñāpaka only to vatu. नेत्याह ; योगापेक्षं ज्ञापकम् । No, he says; jñāpaka is based on a number of sūtras :— [Bahupūgagaṇasanghasaa tithuk (5, 2, 52), vatōrithuk (5, 2, 53) and saṭkatikatipayacaturām thuk (5, 2, 51)]. Note: Vārttikakāra, having dealt with the four topics at the beginning to sharpen the thinking capacity of the readers has finally mentioned that there is no need for this sutra, since its purpose can be achieved through jñāpakas. Mahabhaṣyakara agrees with him on this point. 160 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHÄŞYA ष्णान्ता षट् ( 1, 1, 23 ) षट्संज्ञायामुपदेशवचनम् Need for the word upadesa in the sutra dealing with satsamjna. षट्संज्ञायामुपदेशग्रहणं कर्तव्यम्; उपदेशे पकारनकारान्ता संख्या बढ़संज्ञा भवति इति वक्तव्यम् । The word upadesa should be read in the saṣlamjñāvidhāyakasūtra; it should be said that those that end in ș or n at the upadēśa stage take ṣaṭsaṁjñā. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ? शताद्यष्टनोर्नुम्नुडर्थम् To prevent sata etc. from taking the satsaṁjñā after they take num and to enable asṭun to take nut before am. ; शतानि सहस्राणि तुमि कृते ’ ष्णान्ता षद्’ इति षट्संज्ञा प्राप्नोति; उपदेशग्रहणान्न भवति । अष्टानामित्यत्र आत्वे कृते षट्संज्ञा न प्राप्नोति ; उपदेशग्रहणाद्भवति । (Śata and sahasra take num before i, the neuter nominative plural suffix by the sutra Napuisakasya jhalacaḥ (7, 2, 72 ) and with the penultimate being lengthened take the forms sutāni and sahasrāṇi). As soon as num comes, they become nakārānta and hence have an opportunity to get the ṣaṭsamjñā. (The result will be the case-suffix i will have an opportunity to be dropped by the sūtra Sadbhyo Trule (7, 1, 22 ). By reading the word upadēśa, it is avoided. (Aṣṭan becomes astā by the sūtra Astana a vibhaktāu (7, 2, 84 ) before the

1. Here upadēśa stands for uddēśa elsewhere Of. प्रकृतिप्रत्ययविभागेन प्रतिपादनरूपं यद् गुणैः प्रापणं तद् उपदेशपदेनात्र गृह्यते । (Uddyota.) FIFTH AHNIKA ṢŅĀNTĀ ṢAT 161 genetive case-suffix am, which takes nuḍāgama by the sūtra Şaṭcaturbhyasca (7, 1, 55) As soon as aştan becomes aṣṭā, it has an opportunity to lose its saṭsamjñā and (consequently ām will have no opportunity to take nuḍāgama). By reading the word upadēŝa, it is avoided. उक्तं वा It has been said. किमुक्तम् ? What has been said? इह तावत् शतानि सहस्राणि इति ‘सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य ’ इति । Firstly as regards the objection raised with reference to śatāni and sahasrāṇi, it has already been said that sannipātalakṣaṇā vidhiḥ animittam tadvighātasya. (Ŝata and sahasra become nakārānta on account of i and hence nakārāntattva will not bring out the loss of i.) अष्टनोपयुक्तम् It has been said even with reference to aṣṭan. किमुक्तम् ? What has been said? अष्टनो दीर्घग्रहणं षट्संशशापकमाकारान्तस्य नुडर्थम् इति । The word dirghāt in the sūtra Aṣṭanā dīrghāt (6, 1, 172) suggests that the ākārānta of aṣṭan takes the satsamjñā and consequently the genetive case suffix am takes nut. Note 1: The sūtra Aṣṭanā dīrghāt means the case-suffixes from ŝas after a of aṣṭan become udatta. The word dīrghāt is intended to prevent the seventh casesuffix su from becoming udātta. If the ākārānta 21 162 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA of așṭan does not take satsaṁjñā, dīrghāt is unnessary since the necessary accent in the seventh case may appear on the strength of the sūtra Jhalya.pottamam ( 6, 1, 180 ). Hence dīrghāt suggests that the ākāränta of aṣṭan also takes saṭsuṁjñā. Note 2 : Astanō dīrghagrahanam sathumjna.jnapakam ākārāntasya nuḍartham is a vārttika under the sūtra Aṣṭanā dīrghāt. Hence if ullam vā is a vārttika, it has to be taken that the past is used for the future. But in Chowkhamba edition it is only a bhāsyavākya. अथवा आकारोऽप्यत्र निर्दिश्यते सङ्ख्या षट्संज्ञा भवति इति । षकारान्ता नकारान्ता आकारान्ता च Or (it may be taken that) a also is mentioned here, so that the sutra means those numbers which end in s, n and ā take şatsanjna. Note: Sri Guruprasādaśāstrī thinks that the värtlika, Ākāranirdēśād vā might have been omitted by the scribe. But the method of treatment seems to suggest that this is the opinion of Mahābhāṣyakāra. इहापि तर्हि प्राप्नोति सधमादो द्युम्न एकास्ताः, एका इति । If so, the samjñā will reach the word ēkā found in the sentence sadhamādōdyumna ēkāstāḥ. नैष दोषः । एकशब्दोऽयं वह्नर्थः । अस्त्येव संख्यापरः, तद्यथा, एको द्वौ बहव इति । अस्त्यसहायवाची, तद्यथा, एकाग्नयः, एकहलनि, एकाकिभिः क्षुद्रकैर्जितम् इति - असहायैरित्यर्थः । अस्त्यन्यार्थे वर्तते, तद्यथा प्रजामेका रक्षत्यूर्जमेका इति - अन्येत्यर्थः । सधमादो द्युम्न एकास्ताः अन्या इत्यर्थः ; तद्योऽन्यार्थे वर्तते तस्यैष प्रयोगः । No, this objection does not arise. This word ēka has many meanings. It is a numeral in ēkaḥ, dvāu, bahavaḥ etc. It means one without a companion in ēkāgnayaḥ, ēkahalāni, ēkākibhiḥ kṣudrakāir jitam, ēkākibhiḥ meaning asahāyāiḥ. It FIFTH AHNIKA — ṢŅĀNTĂ ȘAT 163 means another in prajām ēkā rakṣati ūrjam ēkā, ēkā meaning anyā. Ēkāḥ in sadham ādō dyumna ēkāstāḥ means anyāḥ. Hence this is a prayōga where the word ēka is used in the sense of anya. इह तर्हि प्राप्नोति ‘द्वाभ्यामिष्टये विंशत्या च’ इति । If so ṣaṭsaṁjñã will reach dvā in the sentence, dvābhyām iṣṭayē viṁśatyā ca. Note: In that case a in bhyam will become udatta by the sutra şaṭcaturbhyō halādiḥ (6, 1, 179.) एवं तर्हि सप्तमे योगविभागः करिष्यते । अष्टाभ्य औशु; ततः षड्भ्यः, षड्भ्यश्च यदुक्तमष्टाभ्योऽपि तद्भवति ; ततो लुक्, लुक् च भवति षद्भ्य इति । If so, the sutra (Sadbhyō luk which follows Aṣṭābhya āuś) in the seventh chapter is split into two. Sadbhyaḥ is read as a separate sūtra after Aṣṭābhya āuś and it means whatever is said to ṣat happens to aṣṭan. After it Luk is read as a separate sūtra and it means luk happens to jas and sas following şaṭ. Note: The yōgavibhāga suggested here is not done in the seventh chapter under the sutra Şaḍbhyō luk. रायः अथ वा उपरिष्टाद्योगविभागः करिष्यते अष्टन आ विभक्तौ, ततो रायश्च विभक्तावाकारादेशो भवति, हलि इत्युभयोः शेषः । Or the sutra Rayō hali which is read after Astana ā vibhaktāu will be split into two later on thus: Rayaḥ which means rãi takes ākārādēŝa before case suffixes and then Hali which means that the atva of aṣṭan and rãi takes place only before the case suffix commencing with a consonant. Note: This yōgavibhāga too is not done in the seventh chapter. gàá fàurà fenen: efa a fervafa, fengnì Benga: xfa a प्राप्नोति । 164 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYA If so, the forms priyāṣṭāu and priyāṣṭāḥ cannot be achieved and priyāṣṭānāu and priyāṣṭānaḥ alone will take their place. Note: The ātva which comes before the case-suffixes beginning with a consonant cannot come before au and jas and Aṣṭābhya āuś will apply only when aṣṭan occupies a primary position and not when it occupies a subordinate position as in the compound priyaṣṭan. यथालक्षणमप्रयुक्ते । As regards a form which is not known to be definitely current and which is not prohibited by any súlra, it should conform to the existing rules of grammar. Or rules of grammar are not concerned with the words which were not and are not current in the world. Note: In the former interpretation aprayukta has to be taken to mean visiṣṭaprayōgābhāvaval and in the latter yathālakṣaṇam has to be taken as yathāalakṣaṇam, where alakṣaṇam means lakṣaṇābhāvaḥ, From what has been said above, it may be clear that, of all the devices suggested by Mahabhāṣyakāra not to add upadēśa in the sūtra, that mentioned under uktam vā seems to be best. डति च (1, 1, 24 ) इदं इतिग्रहणं द्विः क्रियते सङख्यासंज्ञायां पदसंज्ञायां च । एकं शक्यमकर्तुम् । This word dati is mentioned twice, one with reference to sankhyāsaṁjñā and another with reference to ṣaḥsaṁjñā. It is possible to dispense with either of the two. कथम् ? How ? यदि तावत्संख्यासंज्ञायां क्रियते षट्संज्ञायां न करिष्यते । it FIFTH AHNIKA KTAKTAVATÚ NISTHA 165 If it is first read in the sutra dealing with suñkhyāsaṁjñā, may not be read here with reference to satsaṁjñā. कथम् ? How is the desired object achieved? ष्णान्ता षट्’ इत्यत्र इति इत्यनुवर्तिष्यते । The word dti is taken to the sutra Saṇāntă șaṭ. Note: Nagēŝabhuṭṭa tells us that, in that case, the sūtra should be read as ṣṇāntā ca ṣaṭ and ca should be made to suggest that there is anuvrtti to dati alone. अथ षट्संज्ञायां क्रियते संख्यासंज्ञायां न करिष्यते । Or if it is read-here (i.e) in the sūtra enjoining ṣaṭsaṁjñā, it may not be read in the sūtra enjoining sankhyāsaṁjñā. कथम् ? How is the desired object to the achieved? ’ इति च’ इत्यत्र संख्यासंज्ञाप्यनुवर्तिष्यते । The word saṁkhyāsaṁjñā too is taken over along with satsamjna. Note: The difficulty here is how to know that there is anuvṛtti for sańkhyāsaṁjñā, except that it is also a numeral. क्तक्तवतू निष्ठा (1, 1, 25 ) निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः Prohibition of similar words with reference to niṣṭhā- sanjna. निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दानां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः, लोतः, गर्तः इति । 166 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA It is to be mentioned that ta in words like lōtaḥ (goat) and gartaḥ (pit) which is similar in form to kta is to be prohibited from taking the designation niṣṭhā. निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दाप्रतिषेधः Non-prohibition of similar words with reference to niṣṭhā- saṁjñā. निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दानामप्रतिषेधः, अनर्थकः प्रतिषेधः अप्रतिषेधः । Pratiṣēdha of samānaśabdas with reference to niṣṭhāsaṁjñā is not necessary. Apràtiṣēdha means prohibition which serves no purpose. निष्ठासंज्ञा कस्मान्न भवति ? Why will not niṣṭhāsuṁjñā reach them ? अनुबन्धोऽन्यत्वकरः Anubandhu is the distinguishing mark. अनुबन्धः क्रियते, सोऽन्यत्वं करिष्यति । Anubandha is attached to it and it distinguishes it from another. अनुबन्धोऽन्यत्वकर इति चेन्न लोपात् Anubandha cannot be the distinguishing mark on account of elision. अनुबन्धोऽन्यत्वकर इति चेत्, तन्न । If it is said that anubandha serves as the distinguishing mark, it cannot be. किं कारणम् ? Why P लोपात्; लुप्यतेऽत्र अनुबन्धः ; लुप्ते चानुबन्धे नान्यत्वं भवति । तद्यथाकतरद्देवदत्तस्य गृहम् ? अदो यत्त्रासौ काक इति । उत्पतिते काके नष्टं तद्गृहं भवति । एवमिहापि लुप्तेऽनुबन्धे नष्टः प्रत्ययो भवति । FIFTH AHNIKA KTAKTAVATŪ NIŞTHA 167 On account of elision; anubandha is elided here; after the anubandha is elided, the word is not distinguished from another. This is illustrated thus:-Which is Devadatta’s house? It is this where the crow is. After the crow is flown, it is not possible to distinguish his house from another. So also the words cannot be distinguished from others after the anubandha is elided. यद्यपि लभ्यते, जानाति त्वसौ ‘सानुबन्धकस्य संज्ञा कृता’ इति । तद्यथा इतरत्रापि, कतरद्देवदत्तस्य गृहम् ? अदो यत्रासौ काकः इति, उत्पतिते काके यद्यपि नष्टं तद्गृहं भवति अन्ततस्तमुद्देशं जानाति इति ।

Though the anubandha is elided, he knows that the samjñā was given which had anubandha. This too is true elsewhere. When one answers, that it is this where the crow is, to the question, which is Devadatta’s house, he finally with some effort recognises the house even though the crow has flown and the house has no distinguishing mark. सिद्धविपर्यासश्च यथान्यत्र Certainty of doubt as elsewhere. सिद्धश्च विपर्यासः । यद्यपि जानाति सन्देहस्तु तस्य भवति, अयं स तशब्दो लोतः गर्तः इति, अयं स तशव्दो लूनः गीर्णः इति । तद्यथा इतरत्रापि, कतरदेवदत्तस्य गृहम् ? अदो यत्रासी काकः इति ; उत्पतिते काके यद्यपि तमुद्देशं जानाति, सन्देहस्तु तस्य भवति, इदं तद्गृहं इदं तद्गृहम् इति । Doubt is certain. Even though he is able to understand it, doubt arises in his mind whether the ta in lotaḥ and gartaḥ is that kta or the na and ṇa in lūnaḥ and girṇaḥ is that hta. This is true elsewhere also:-When one answers, that it is this where the crow is, to the question, which is Devadatta’s house, doubt arises in his mind whether this is his house or or another is his house, even though he finally decides it correctly. कारककालविशेषात् सिद्धं यथान्यत्र168 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA The object is achieved through the particular kāraka and the particular kala ( denoted by it ), as elsewhere. कारककालविशेषावुपादेयौ । भूते यस्तशब्दः कर्तरि कर्मणि भावे च इति । तद्यथा - इतरत्रापि य एप मनुष्यः प्रेक्षापूर्वकारी भवति सोऽध्रुवेण निमित्तेन ध्रुवं निमित्तमुपादत्ते, वेदिकां पुण्डरीकं वा । Both a particular kāraka and a particular kāla must be denoted by it. The ta denotes past-tense and one of the three kārakas kartr, icarman or bhāva. It is illustrated elsewhere too thus. He who is a man of foresight sees a permanent distinguishing mark-a raised platform or a lotus-like structure through the impermanent one. एवमपि ‘प्राकी’ इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । Even admitting what is said above, the doubt will arise in the form prākīrṣṭu. लुङि सिजादिदर्शनात् (No), on account of the presence of sic etc. in luñ. लुङि सिजादिदर्शनान्न भविष्यति | The doubt does not arise since sic etc is seen in the aorist. यत्र तर्हि सिजादयो न दृश्यन्ते ’ प्रामित्त ’ इति ? What about the cases where sijādis are not seen? दृश्यन्तेऽत्रापि सिजादयः Sijādis are seen even here. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ? Is this to be said? न हि It need not be said. FIFTH AHNIKA KTAKTAVATU NIṢTHĀ कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते ? How is it to be understood if it is not said? 169 यथैवायमनुपदिष्टान् कारककालविशेषानवगच्छति, एवमेतदप्यवगन्तुमर्हति यत्र सिजादयो न इति । As he understands the particular kāla and the particular kāraka though they are not mentioned, so also he understands here even without sic. 22 "””" FIFTH AHNIKA ENDS SIXTH AHNIKA सर्वादीनि सर्वनामानि (1, 1, 26) There are five topics dealt with here : — (1) What com - pound is sarvādīni ? (2) Distinction between nipātana and pratiṣedha through the absence of nutva in sarvanāmāni. (3) The need or otherwise of pratișēdha of the words sarva etc. which serve as samjña or which are upusarjana, (4) and ( 5 ) The purpose served by including the words ubha and bhavat in the sarvādi list. सर्वादीनीति कोऽयं समासः ? I What compound is this-sarvādīni ? बहुव्रीहिरित्याह He says that it is bahuvrīhi. कोऽस्य विग्रहः ? What is its vigraha ? सर्वशब्द आदिर्येषां तानि इमानि इति । Sarvaḥ ādiḥ yēṣām tāni imāni. Note: The word tani will do and the word imani is unnecessary. It therefore suggests that sarvūdīni is tadguṇasaṁvijñānabahuvrīhi. Tadguṇasaṁvijñānam means that which clearly tells us that the viŝēṣaṇas also take part in the action denoted by the predicate of the visesya.’ 1

1. Of तद्गुणसंविज्ञानम् - तस्य अन्यपदार्थस्य, गुणाः = उपलक्षणानि तेषामपि कार्ये संविज्ञानम् (Pradipa); उपलक्षणानि = प्रकारतया अन्वयनि (Uddyota), SIXTH ÄHNIKA SARVĀDĪNI SARVANĀMĀNI 171 यद्येवं सर्वशब्दस्य सर्वनामसंज्ञा न प्राप्नोति । If so, the word sarva cannot get the designation sarvanāma. किं कारणम् ? Why? अन्यपदार्थत्वात् बहुव्रीहेः Since the denotation of a bahuvrihi is one other than those of the constituent elements. बहुव्रीहिरयमन्यपदार्थे वर्तते, तेन यदन्यत्सर्वशब्दात् । तस्य सर्वनामसंज्ञा प्राप्रोति । तद्यथा, चित्रगुरानीयताम् इत्युक्ते यस्य ता गावो भवन्ति स आनीयते, न गावः । This-bahuvrīhi compound denotes anyapadārtha and hence all the words other than the word sarva gets the sarvanāmasaṁjñā. For instance if one says ‘Let citragu be brought here’, the person who has cows of variegated colours is brought and not the cows of that type. नैष दोषः भवति हि बहुव्रीहौ तद्गुणसंविज्ञानमपि । तद्यथा, चित्रवाससमानय, लोहितोष्णीषा ऋत्विजः प्रचरन्ति इति तद्गुण आनीयते, तद्गुणाश्च प्रचरन्ति । This objection cannot stand, for there is also tadguṇasaṁvijñāna in bahuvrīhi. For instance if it is said, ‘Bring him dressed in fine clothes’, Rtviks with red turban move on’, the man in that dress is brought and the ṛtviks with red turban are moving. II इह सर्वनामानि इति ‘पूर्वपदात्संज्ञायामगः’ इति णत्वं प्राप्नोति, तस्य प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । On the authority of the sutra Purvapadāt saṁjñāyām agaḥ (8, 4, 3), there should be ṇatva in the word sarvanāmāni ; 172 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA but there is no ṇatva and hence pratiṣedha to that rule has to be mentioned. सर्वनामसंज्ञायां निपातनाण्णत्वाभावः Absence of natva in sarvanāmasaṁjñā on account of nipātana. सर्वनामसंज्ञायां निपातनाण्णत्वं न भविष्यति । Natva does not take place in the designation sarvanāma, since it is so read by Acārya. किमेतन्निपातनं नाम ? What is meant by nipatana? (i. e.) what purpose does nipātana serve? अथ कः प्रतिषेधो नाम ? What, then, is meant by pratisedha ? अविशेषेण किञ्चिदुक्त्वा विशेषेण न इत्युच्यते, तत्र व्यक्तमाचार्यस्याभिप्रायां गम्यते इदं न भवति इति । A general rule having been made, it is said that it does not take place in particular cases. In such cases it is learnt that the view of the Acarya is that the general rule does not apply there. निपातनमप्येवंजातीयकमेव । अविशेषेण णत्वमुक्त्वा विशेषेण निपातनं क्रियते, तत्र व्यक्तमाचार्यस्याभिप्रायो गम्यते इदं न भवति इति । Nipātana too is of the same nature. The general rule about natva having been made, one without natva is read. There it is learnt that the view of the Acarya is that the general rule does not apply here. ननु च निपातनाञ्चाणत्वं स्यात्, यथाप्राप्तं च णत्वम् । SIXTH AHNIKA · SARVADINI SARVANĀMĀNI 173 Oh, there may not be natva in the place where there is nipātana and it cannot prevent the general rule with which ṇatva takes place. Note: From this he means that the word where Аcārya has not made use of natva need not be taken to be incorrect, but any other man who wishes to use the word may make use of natva following the general rule. fànècará fàaT: ? Are there other rules similar to this ? भवन्ति । There are. इह इको यणचि इति वचनाश्च यण् स्यात्, यथाप्राप्तश्च इक् श्रूयेत 1 Here with reference the sutra Ikō yan aci, yan may take the place of ik by the sutra or ik may stand by itself without undergoing change. नैष दोषः । अस्त्यत्र विशेषः ; षष्ठ्या अत्र निर्देशः क्रियते, षष्ठी च पुनः स्थानिनं निवर्तयति । This argument cannot stand; for there is a peculiarity here; the relationship is mentioned through the sixth case suffix and it makes the sthanin disappear. इह तर्हि, कर्तरि शप, दिवादिभ्यः श्यन् इति वचनाश्च श्यन् स्यात्, यथाप्राप्तश्च शप् श्रूयेत । Here then with reference to the sutras Kartari sap (3, 1, 68) and Divādibhyaḥ śyan (3, 1, 69), divādi takes syan on account of the sūtra Divādibhyaḥ śyan and also śap which may come from the sūtra Kartari ŝap. Note: The difference between this and the previous case is that saṣṭhi is found there to make the sthänin disappear and it is not found here. 174 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA नैष दोषः; शवादेशाः श्यन्नादयः करिष्यन्ते । This difficulty does not arise; syan etc. are taken as the ādēśas of sap. तत्तर्हि शपो ग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । If so, the word sapah is to be read. न कर्तव्यम् : प्रकृतमनुवर्तते । No, it need not be read; the word sap which is near at hand is taken over here. क प्रकृतम् ? Which is near at hand? कर्तरि शप इति । Sap in the (previous) sutra Kartari sap. तद्वै प्रथमानिर्दिष्टं षष्ठीनिर्दिष्टेन चेहार्थः । It is in the first case and we have here to do with the sixth case. दिवादिभ्यः इत्येषा पञ्चमी शबिति प्रथमायाः षष्ठीं प्रकल्पयिष्यति तस्मादित्युत्तरस्येति । The fifth case in the word divadibhyaḥ enables sap in the first case to be changed to the sixth case on the strength of the paribhāṣā Tasmād ityuttarasya. प्रत्ययविधिरयं न प्रत्ययविधौ पञ्चम्यः प्रकल्पिका भवन्ति । This is a rule dealing with pratyayas and here the fifth case cannot enable the first case to be changed to the sixth case. नायं प्रत्ययविधिः ; विहितः प्रत्ययः ; प्रकृतश्चानुवर्तते । SIXTH AHNIKA — SARVĀDĪNI SARVANĀMĀNI 175 This is not a pratyayavidhi; the pratyaya has been enjoined (by the previous sūtra); the word near at hand is taken over here. इह तर्हि अव्यय सर्वनाम्नामकच प्राक् टेः इति वचनाच्च अकच् स्यात्, यथाप्राप्तश्च कः श्रूयेत | Here then the pratyaya akac makes its appearance by the sūtra Avyayasarvanāmnām akac prāk ṭēḥ (5, 3, 71) and also ka may appear by the sūtra Prāgivāt kah (5, 3, 70). नैष दोषः ; नाप्राप्ते हि केऽकजारभ्यते, स बाधको भविष्यति । No, this difficulty does not arise; since akac is not enjoined in place where ka does appear, it becomes bādhaka to it. निपातनमप्येवंजातीयकमेव ; नाप्राप्ते णत्वे निपातनमारभ्यते, तद्वाधकं भविष्यति । Nipātana too is of the same nature; since nipātana is made where natva has a definite chance to appear, it becomes its bādhaka. यदि तर्हि निपातनान्यप्येवंजातीयकानि भवन्ति, समस्तते दोषो भवति । इह अन्ये वैयाकरणाः विभाषामलोपमारभन्ते ‘समो हिततयोर्वा’ इति - सततं सन्ततं सहितं संहितम् इति । इह पुनर्भवान् निपातनाच्च लोपमिच्छति ‘अपरस्पराः क्रियासातत्ये इति, यथाप्राप्तं चालोपं सन्ततम् इति । एतन्न सिध्यति । If then nipātanas are of this nature, there will be difficulty with reference to (the preposition) sam when followed by tata. Other grammarians have read the sutra Samo hitatatayōr vā, by which there is optional absence of lõpa of m of sam before tata satatam, santulam, sahitam, sanhitam. sahitam, samhitam. But, on the other hand, you wish to have the lopa of m by the nipatana sātatya in the sūtra Aparasparāh kriyāsātatyë ( 6, 1, 144). The non-elision in santatam may not be accomplished. कर्तव्योऽत्र यत्तः । Attempt should be made in this respect, 176 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA Note: Kaiyața says that the forms santata and satata should be achieved on the strength of the verse लुम्पेदवश्यमः कृत्ये तुम् काममनसोरपि । समो वा हितततयोर्मांसस्य पचि युङ्घङोः ॥ arantara is निपातनानि भवन्ति । Since nipatanas are evidently badhakas. Note: The discussion on the above two topics is Mahã- bhāsyakāra’s own. III संज्ञोपसर्जन प्रतिषेधः Prohibition of sarvādi which are saṁjñā or upasarjana. संशोपसर्जनीभूतानां सर्वादीनां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । सर्वो नाम कश्चित्, तस्मै सर्वाय देहि ; अतिसर्वाय देहि । Prohibition has to be made that the words found in the list of sarvādi do not take sarvanāmasaṁjñā if they happen to be names of persons or things or if they happen to occupy a secondary position as a member of certain compound words. Sarva is the name of a man; tasmāi Sarvāya dēhi; atisarvāya dehi. Note 1: The cvi in samjñopusarjunībhūtānām suggests that originally they were not saṁjñās and the upasarjanatva also is only ārōpita.1
2. Cf. गणपठितेभ्यः संज्ञोपसर्जनानां भेदात् संज्ञाया अप्राप्तौ प्रतिषेधानर्थक्यमिति शङ्काव्युदासाय भाष्ये च्चिरूपात्त इति भावः । तत्तत्पदत्वारोपवत् तदर्थे उपसर्जनत्वमपि आरोपितमिति च्वेरुपपत्तिरिति तात्पर्यम् (Uddyota.) SIXTH AHNIKA - SARVĀDĪNI SARVANĀMĀNI 177 Note 2: If Sarva is the name of a person, the fourth-case singular form is Sarvāya and not Sarvasmãi ; similarly the fourth-case singular form of atisarva (one who excelled all) is atisarvāya and not atisarvasmāi. स कथं कर्तव्यः ? How is it to be done? पाठात्पर्युदासः, पठितानां संज्ञाकरणम् The list excludes others and giving of samjñã to those that are in the list. पाठादेव पर्युदासः कर्तव्यः । शुद्धानां पठितानां संज्ञा कर्तव्या । सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंज्ञानि भवन्ति, संज्ञेोपसर्जनीभूतानि न सर्वादीनि । Exclusion has to be done to those that are not read in the list. Samjñā is to be given to those that are clearly read in the list. The words commencing with sarva take the sarvanāmasaṁjñā and not those which are names of objects or which are upasarjana in their nature. किमविशेषेण ? Does this hold good only when sarvanāmakārya is enjoined to all sarvādis ? नेत्याह ; विशेषेण च । No, says he; it holds good even when sarvanāmakārya is enjoined to some of them. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What for should it be taken so? सर्वाद्यानन्तर्य कार्यार्थम् sarva. For the sake of kārya enjoined to those that are after 23178 इति । LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA सर्वादीनामानन्तर्येण यदुच्यते कार्य तदपि संज्ञेोपसर्जनीभूतानां मा भूत् So that the karya enjoined to those that are read after sarva in the list may not apply to them if they are saṁjñā or upasarjana. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Where does this apply? प्रयोजनं डतरादीनामभावे The application is where datarādis take adḍbhāva. उतरादीनामद्भावे प्रयोजनम् ; अतिक्रान्तमिदं ब्राह्मणकुलं कतरत् अतिकतरं ब्राह्मणकुलम् | The application is where the sutra Ada ḍatarādibhyaḥ pañcabhyah (7, 1,, 25 ) operates so that katara etc. become katarat. If the same is upasarjana as in ati-kataram in the sentence ati-kataram brāhmaṇakulam where atikataram is split as atikrāntam katarat, the sūtra does not operate. त्यदादिविधौ च In tyadādividhi too. त्यदादिविधौ च प्रयोजनम् ; अतिका तोऽयं ब्राह्मणस्तं अतितद्ब्राह्मणः । The application is also where the sūtra Tyadādīnām aḥ (7, 2, 102 ) operates, so that atilcrāntak ayam brāhmanah tam becomes atitadbrāhmaṇaḥ and not atisaḥ brāhmaṇaḥ. संज्ञाप्रतिषेधस्तावन्न वक्तव्यः । उपरिष्टाद् योगविभागः करिष्यते - पूर्वपरावरदक्षिणोत्तरापराधराणि व्यवस्थायाम्, ततः असंज्ञायाम् इति । सर्वादीनीत्येवं यान्यनुक्रान्तानि असंज्ञायां तानि द्रष्टव्यानि । Firstly saṁjñāpratiṣēdha need not be mentioned; for in the gaṇasūtra Purvaparāvaradakṣināttarāparādharāni vyavasthāyām asaṁjñāyām is going to be split as a separate one so that it SIXTH ÄHNIKA SARVADINI SARVANĀMĀNI 179 may be interpreted that the words read in the list sarvādi refer only to those that are not saṁjñās. उपसर्जनप्रतिषेधश्च न कर्तव्यः । अनुपसर्जनात् इत्येष योगः प्रत्याख्यायते, तमेवम् अभिसंभन्त्स्यामः - अनुपसर्जन अ अत् इति ।

Upasarjanapratiṣēdha too need not be mentioned. The sūtra Anupasarjanāt (4, 1, 14) is going to be certified unnecessary. We shall explain that sūtra thus : Anupasarjana-a-at Note: The sūtra Anupasarjanāt is stated to be unnecessary by the Varttikakāra in the vārttika Anupasarjanagrahanam anarthakam prātipadikēna tadantavidhipratisādhāt. But Mahābhāsyakāra, under the sūtra, feels the necessity of the sutra, since otherwise the form kāumbhakārēya cannot be got. Here we have to take that he proceeds on the basis of the Vārttikakāra’s view. किमिदम् अ-अत् इति ? What is meant by a-at ? अकारात्कारौ शिष्यमाणौ अनुपसर्जनस्य द्रष्टव्यौ । The akāra and atkāra that are enjoined are with reference to those that are anupasarjana. Note: Anupasarjana is the sixth-case with the case-suffix dropped. Akāra is enjoined by Tyadādīnām aḥ and atkāra is enjoined by add datarādibhyaḥ. यद्येवम् अतियुष्मत् अत्यस्मत् इति न सिध्यति । If so, the forms atiyuṣmat and atyasmat cannot be got [since yuşmad and asmad being upasarjana here, the sūtra Pañcamyā at (7, 1, 31 ) cannot operate].

प्रष्टिनिर्देशोऽयम् - अनुपसर्जन अ अ अत् इति अकारान्तात् अकारात्कारौ शिष्यमाणौ अनुपसर्जनस्य द्रष्टव्यौ । 180 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢY A This sūtra should be split thus: anupasarjana-a-at so that it may mean that the a and at enjoined after a is with reference to anupasarjana. Note 1: Here the first a is in the fifth case with the case-suffix dropped. The next a and at may become ãt (samăharadvandva). Note 2: Mahābhāṣyakāra’s refuting Varttikakāra’s opinion of saṁjñāpasarjanapratiṣedha is defective, because he bases his argument on a different interpretation which he gives to the sutra Anupasarjanāt, though he wants it in its original sense to achieve the form kāumbhakārēya. अथवा अङ्गाधिकारे यदुच्यते, गृह्यमाणविभक्तेस्तद्भवति । Or that which is enjoined in the angādhikāra, operates to the suffix which fittingly follows the stem mentioned. यद्येवं परमपञ्च परमसप्त, षड्भ्यो लुक् इति लुक् न प्राप्नोति । If so, the case-suffixes jas and sas cannot drop after paramapañca and paramasapta by the sutra Şaḍbhyō luk. Note: The objector means that only pañcan and saptan come under saṁjñā and not paramapañcan and parama- saptan. नैष दोषः, षट्प्रधान एष समासः । This objection cannot stand, since the important member in the compounds is only ṣaț (i.e.) pañcan and saptan. इह तर्हि प्रियंसंक्थना ब्राह्मणेन, अनङ् न प्राप्नोति । If so, [ (i.e.) yad añgādhikārē ucyatē tad gṛhyamāṇavibhaktēḥ bhavati], anan cannot appear in sakthi in the bahuvrīhi compound priyasakthnā (brāhmaṇēna), since the word sakthi alone is read in the sūtra Asthi-dadhi-sakthi-akṣṇām anuṁ udattaḥ (7, 1, 75). } SIXTH ÄHNIKA — SARVĀDĪNI SARVANĀMĀNI सप्तमीनिर्दिष्टे यदुच्यते प्रकृतविभक्तौ तद्भवति । 181 That which is enjoined on account of something that follows may operate everywhere. Note: The anań takes place only when sakthi is followed by a case-suffix beginning with a vowel other than those of the first two cases. यद्येवं अतितत् अतितदौ अतितदः इति, अत्वं प्राप्नोति । If so, the atva which is enjoined by the sutra Tyadādīnām aḥ when tyadadi is followed by a case-suffix) will operate in the forms atitat, atitadāu and atitadah. तच्चापि वक्तव्यम् । Then it deserves mention that it does not operate there. 1 1 न वक्तव्यम् । इह तावत्, अड् डतरादिभ्यः पञ्चभ्यः इति पञ्चमी, अङ्गस्य इति षष्ठी, तत्राशक्यं भिन्नविभक्तित्वात् ’ डतरादिभ्य इति पञ्चम्या अङ्गं विशेषयितुम् । तत्र किमन्यत् शक्यं विशेषयितुमन्यदतो विहितात्प्रत्ययात्, उतरादिभ्यो यो विहित इति । इहेदानीम् अस्थिदधिसक्थ्यक्ष्णामनडुदात्तः इति, त्यदादीनामो भवति इति अस्थ्यादीनामित्येषा षष्ठी, अङ्गस्य इत्यपि, त्यदादीना - मिस्यपि षष्ठी, अङ्गस्य इत्यपि । तत्र कामचारः, गृह्यमाणेन वा विभक्ति विशेषयितुम् अङ्गेन वा ; यावता कामचारः, इह तावत् अस्थिदधिसक्थ्यक्ष्णामनडुदात्तः इति अङ्गेन विभक्ति विशेषयिष्यामः अस्थ्यादीनामिति ; इहेदानीं त्यदादीनामो भवति इति, गृह्यमाणेन विभक्ति विशेषयिष्यामः, अक्रेम अकारं, त्यदादीनां विभक्तौ ओ भवति अङ्गस्य इति । It need not be mentioned. Firstly here is the fifth-case in datarādibhyaḥ pañcabhyaḥ and there is the sixth-case in angasya and since they are of different cases, it is impossible to take ḍatarādibhyah as the adjunct of angosya. Hence which is possible to be qualified by datarãdibhyaḥ other than the

1. विविभक्तित्वात् is another reading. 182 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA suffix enjoined after it? But, on the other hand, with reference to the sūtras Asthi-dadhi-sakthyakṣṇām anaṁ udātṭaḥ and Tyadādīnām aḥ, there is the sixth-case both in asthyādīnām and angasya and both in tyadādīnām and aǹgasya. There we are at liberty to make asthyādi or tyadādi which are mentioned or the anga to qualify the case-suffix. Since there is kāmacāra, we shall, in the sūtra Asthi-dadhi-sakthyakṣṇām anań udātṭaḥ first, make anga qualify vibhakti and asthyadi qualify anan, so that the sūtra means, when the anga is followed by vibhakti, asthyādi takes anaṁ and we shall, in the sutra Tyadādīnām aḥ, make tyudadi qualify vibhakti and anga qualify akāra, so that the sutra, means that, when tyadadi is followed by vibhakti, añga takes akāra. यद्येवम् अतिसः, अत्वं न प्राप्नोति । If so, atva may not be found in atisaḥ. नैष दोषः, त्यदादिप्रधान एष समासः । No, there is no possibility for this defect, since tyadādi is the important member in the compound. Note: Considering the difficulty experienced under the argument angadhikārē yad ucyalē, grhyamanavibhaktēs tad bhavati, Mahābhāṣyakāra resorts to another line of argument. अथवा नेदं संज्ञाकरणं, पाठविशेषणमिदम्, सर्वेषां यानि नामानि तानि सर्वादीनि ; संज्ञोपसर्जने च विशेषेऽवतिष्ठेते । Or this sarvanāmāni is not a samjñā, but it is the adjunct to sarvādīni which is read (in the gaṇapāṭha) and hence the sutra means sarvādīni refers to those names which are applied to all and such as are saṁjñā or upasarjana refer only to particular objects. qùá Ámerá gend av fervata, aderer: À, anfa adane: सुट् इति । SIXTH ÄHNIKA - SARVADINI SARVANĀMĀNI

183 If so, the karya which is enjoined to those that have got sarvanāmasaṁjñā as smãi and suț enjoined in the sūtras Sarvanāmnaḥ smāi and āmi sarvanāmnaḥ suț may not take place. अन्वर्थग्रहणं तत्र विज्ञास्यते, सर्वेषां यन्नाम तत् सर्वनाम; सर्वनाम्न ङेः स्मै भवति, सवनाम्न उत्तरस्य आमः सुड् भवति । The word sarvanāman there is taken in the sense that which is the name of all so that it may be true to its sense and hence the two sutras are interpreted thus: Smui takes the place of ne which follows sarvanāman and am after sarvanāman takes the agama suț. यद्येवं, सकलं, कृत्स्नं, जगत् इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । एतेषां चापि शब्दानामेकैकस्य स स विषयः, तस्मिंस्तस्मिन् विषये यो यः शब्दो वर्तते, तस्य तस्य तस्मिंस्तस्मिन् वर्तमानस्य सर्वनामकार्यं प्राप्नोति । If so, they will operate even with reference to the words sakalam, krtsnam and jagat. Each of these sabdas has for its denotation all and hence when each is used, it may get the sarvanāmakārya. एवं तर्हि उभयमनेन क्रियते ; पाठश्चैव विशेष्यते, संज्ञा च । If so, both are attained by this - sarvanāmāni ; it qualifies sarvādīni and serves as saṁjñā too. कथं पुनरेकेन यत्नेनोभयं लभ्यम् ? How is it possible to achieve two ends with one means ? लभ्यमित्याह It can be achieved, he says. कथम् ? How ? एकशेषनिर्देशात् । एकशेषनिर्देशोऽयम्; सर्वादीनि च सर्वादीनि च सर्वादीनि सर्वनामानि च सर्वनामानि च सर्वनामानि ; सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंज्ञानि भवन्ति; सर्वेषां यानि च नामानि तानि सर्वादीनि । संशोपसर्जने च विशेषे अवतिष्ठते । 184 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA By taking them as ēkasēṣa. This sūtra contains words which are ēkaŝēṣasamāsas; sarvādīni is split as sarvādīni ca sarvādīni ca and sarvanāmāni as sarvanāmāni ca sarvanāmāni ca. (Hence the sūtra means) that sarvādi takes sarvanāmasaṁjñā and sarvādīni are those that serve as the name for all. Samjñā and upasarjana denote only individual objects. Note: Which determines that sarvādīni and sarvanāmāni are ēkasēṣas is not clear. Hence Mahubhāṣyakāra takes recourse to another line of argument. अथवा, महतीयं संज्ञा क्रियते ; संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः । Or a long samjñā is given here and samjña is always in a form than which nothing is shorter? कुत एतत् ? What is the source for saying so? लघ्वर्थ हि संज्ञाकरणम् For, giving samjñā is only for ease of sastrapravṛtti. तत्र महत्याः संज्ञायाः करणे एतत्प्रयोजनम्, अन्वर्थसंज्ञा यथा विज्ञायेत; सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंज्ञानि भवन्ति, सर्वेषां नामानीति चातः सर्वनामानि ; संज्ञोपसर्जने च विशेषेऽवतिष्ठेते । The benefit of giving a long samjñā there is that it should be taken to be anvartha; sarvādīni take the sarvanāmasamjñā and they are so called since they are used to denote all objects; saṁjñā and upasarjana refer only to individuals. Note: Varttikakāra’s view is that there is the necessity for the mention of saṁjñāpasarjanapratiṣēdha. Maha- bhāṣyakāra achieves that purpose by taking the saṁjñā sarvanāma to be anvartha. अथोभस्य सर्वनामत्वे कोऽर्थः ? IV What is the purpose served by allowing ubha take the saṁjñā sarvanāma ? SIXTH ÄHNIKA — SARVĀDĪNI SARVANĀMĀNI उभस्य सर्वनामत्वेऽकजर्थः Ubha’s taking sarvanāmasaṁjñā is for the sake of akac. उभस्य सर्वनामत्वेऽकजर्थः पाठः क्रियते, उभकौ । 185 The word ubha is included in the list with reference to the sarvanāmasaṁjñā for the sake of akac, so that the form ubhakāu is achieved. किमुच्यते अकजर्थ इति, न पुनरन्यान्यपि सर्वनामकार्याणि Why is it that akac alone is said and not other sarvanāmakāryas ? अन्याभावः द्विवचनटाब्विषयत्वात् Absence of others since it takes the dual suffix or ṭāp after it. अन्येषां सर्वनामकार्याणामभावः There is the absence of other sarvanāmakāryas. किं कारणम् ? Why ? द्विवचनटाब्विपयत्वात्; उभशब्दोऽयं द्विवचनटाब्विषयः ; अन्यानि च सर्वनामकार्याण्येकवचनबहुवचनेषूच्यन्ते । Since it takes only the dual suffix and ṭāp after it; this word uhha takes only the dual suffix and ṭūp after it. All the other sarvanāmakāryas have reference only to singular and plural.. Note: Since tābvişayah has to be taken in the sense of tāpsahitadvivacanaviṣayaḥ, Nagōjibhaṭṭa says tabgrahanam anuvādamātram nāpūrvam iti tȧtparyam. यदा पुनरयमुभशब्दो द्विवचनटाविषयः क इदानीमस्यान्यत्र भवति ? If this ubha is used only when it is followed by dual suffix or ṭāp, what form takes its place elsewhere? 24 186 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA उभयोऽन्यत्र Ubhaya elsewhere. उभयशब्दोऽस्यान्यत्र भवति उभये देवमनुष्याः, उभयो मणिः इति । The word ubhaya is used in its place elsewhere-viz. ubhayē dēvamanuṣyāḥ (both the classes of devas and manuṣyas), ubhayō maniḥ (mani of two kinds). किं च स्याद् यद्यत्र अकज् न स्यात् ? What happens if akac does not come here? कः प्रसज्येत । The suffix ka will have an opportunity to come. कश्चेदानीं काकचोर्विशेषः ? What, then, is the difference between ka and akac. Note: Kāiyața says that there is no difference either in the form of the word or in its accent. उभशब्दोऽयं द्विवचनटाब्विषय इत्युक्तम् । तत्राकचि सति अकचस्तन्मध्यपतितत्वात् शक्यते एतद्वक्तुं द्विवचनपरोऽयम् इति । के पुनः सति, नायं द्विवचनपरः स्यात्; तत्र द्विवचनपरता वक्तव्या । It is said that this word ubha is dvivacanaṭūbviṣaya. If it is made to take akac-pratyaya, ubha may be considered to have dvivacana follow it, since akac is an infix. If, on the other hand, it is made to take ka-pratyaya, it cannot be considered that the dvivacana follows it; it has, then, to be mentioned that it should be deemed to have dvivacana follow it. Note: When ubha takes akac, it is inserted before the final syllable, by the sutra Avyaya-sarvanāmnām akac prāk tēḥ (5, 3, 71) thus: ubh+aka and hence ak may be considered to be between the parts of the word ubha. SIXTH AHNIKA SARVĀDĪNI SARVANĀMĀNI 187 यथैव तर्हि के सति नायं द्विवचनपरः, एवमाप्यपि सति नायं द्विवचनपरः स्यात् ; तत्रापि द्विवचनपरता वक्तव्या । Just as this does not have dvivacana after it, if it is taken to have ka-pratyaya after it, so also it cannot have dvivacana after it, if it is followed by ṭāp; it has to be mentioned, there too, that it should be deemed to have dvivacana after it. 1 अवचनादाऽपि तत्परविज्ञानम् ;’ अन्तरेणापि वचनमापि द्विवचनपरोऽयं भविष्यति । It is understood to have dvivacana follow it even without mention, when it is followed by ṭāp; even without any statement it eventually has dvivacana after it. किं वक्तव्यमेतत् ? Is it to be stated? 4 Note: All the existing editions seem to have the reading kim vaktavyam ētat. The same reading alone seems to have been found by Nagōjibhaṭṭa. न हि । He was not satisfied with it and has hence stated bhramamulakō vā praśnaḥ. But it seems to me that na was left out by the scribe. It need not. कथमनुच्यमानं गंस्यते ? How can it be so understood if it is not mentioned ? एकादेशे कृते द्विवचनपरोऽयमन्तादिवद्भावेन । After the final a of ubha and a are replaced by a, it is considered to have dvivacana follow it by antādivadbhāva.

1. This is considered to be a vārttiką by some.190 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA He is going to mention the prohibitive sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and it is not possible to know from it where there is vibhāṣā and where pratiṣēdha. If the word dik is read here, the difficulty is solved and it is understood that there is vibhāṣā if one member of the compound is a word denoting direction and that there is pratiṣedha in other cases. अथ समासग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? II What for is, then, the mention of the word samāsa - ? समास एव यो बहुव्रीहिः तत्र यथा स्याद्, बहुव्रीहिवद्भावेन यो वहुव्रीहिः तत्र मा भूत् इति - दक्षिणदक्षिणस्यै देहि इति । So that the vibhāṣā takes place only where there is actual bahuvrīhi-samāsa and not where one is considered like a bahuvrīhi as in the word dakṣina-dakṣiṇasyäi1 in dakṣiṇadakṣiņasyāi dēhi. अथ वहुव्रीहिग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? III What for is then the mention of bahuvrîhi ? द्वन्द्वे मा भूत् - दक्षिणोत्तरपूर्वाणाम् इति । So that the sarvanāmasaṁjñā may not operate in dvandva compound viz. dakṣiṇīttarapūrvāṇām. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम्, द्वन्द्वे च इति प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति । No, this is not the benefit, since the pratisēdha results from the sutra Dvandvě ca. नाप्राते प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते; सा यथैव न बहुव्रीहौ इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधते, एवं द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतमपि बाधेत ।
2. This form is based on the sūtra ābādhā ca ( 8, 1, 10 ) whose ortti is pīḍāyām dyōtyāyām dvē staḥ, bahuvrīhivacca. SIXTH ÄHNIKA VIBHĀṢĀ DIKSAMĀSĒ BAHUVRĨHÂU

191 There is mention of this vibhāṣā when pratiṣedha has a definite chance to operate. Just as it affects the pratiṣedha enjoined by the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu, so also it affects the pratiṣedha enjoined by the sutra Dvandvē ca. न बाधते । No, it does not affect it. किं कारणम् ? Why ? 1 येन नाप्राप्ते तस्य वाधनं भवति । न चाप्राप्ते न बहुव्रीहौ इत्येदस्मिन् प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते ; द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतस्मिन् पुनः प्राप्ते चाप्राप्ते च । This vibhāṣā It affects that which invariably operates is read when Na bahuvrīhāu operates completely; but, on the other hand, Dvandvě ca does not operate completely. Note: The sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu has for its range of operation the entire bahuvrihi compound; but Dvandvě ca does not have for its range of operation the entire dvandva compound, since there is vikalpa by the sūtra Vibhāṣā jasi. अथ वा पुरस्तादपवादा अनन्तरान्विधीन् बाधन्ते नोत्तरान् इत्येवमियं विभाषा ‘न बहुव्रीहौ’ इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधिष्यते, द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतं प्रतिषेध न बाधिष्यते । Or the preceding apavādas affect those which immediately succeed them and not those after them. Hence this vibhāṣā affects only the pratiṣëdha in the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and not in the sutra Dvandvē ca. अथ वा इदं तावदयं प्रष्टव्यः, इह कस्मान्न भवति अस्य उन्मुग्धस्य सोऽयं पूवोत्तर उन्मुग्धः तस्मै 1 या पूर्वा सा उत्तरा पूर्वोत्तराय देहि इति । Or he is to be questioned why the vibhāṣā does not operate in the form purvõttaraya in the expression purvõttarāya dēhi, where pūrvõttura means one who thinks uttarā as pūrvā on account of some derangement in brain and is split thus pūrvā uttarā yasya saḥ. 188 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA 1 अवचनादापि तत्परविज्ञानमिति चेत्केऽपि तुल्यम् । अवचनादापि तत्परविज्ञानमिति चेत केऽपि अन्तरेण वचनं द्विवचनपरो भविष्यति । If it is said that it is known to be followed by dvivacana even though ṭāp intercedes, it is the same when ka intercedes. If it is known that it is followed by dvivacana even when ṭāp intercedes, it evidently follows that it is followed by dvivacana even when ka intercedes. Note: On considering the statement in the Prauḍhamanōramā “Bhāṣye pratyākhyānam prauḍhivādamālram”, it seems that the statement avacanādāpi tatparavijñānam iti cēt kepi tulyum is Mahābhāṣyakāra’s own and not Vārttikakāra’s. It is not easy to understand how even those who consider the statement avacanād āpi tatparavijñānam as Mahābhāṣyakāra’s have taken this to be a vārttika. कथम् ? How? स्वार्थिकाः प्रत्ययाः प्रकृतितोऽविशिष्टा भवन्ति इति प्रकृतिग्रहणेन स्वार्थिका नामपि ग्रहणं भवति । On the basis of the dictum that the affixes used in svärtha have no sense other than that of the stem, they are taken as part of the stem. Note: From this it is clear that, according to Mahabhāṣya- kāra, ubha need not be read in sarvādi list. V अथ भवतः सर्वनामत्वे कानि प्रयोजनानि ? What are the benefits accrued by considering bhavat as sarvanāma?

1. This is considered to be a yārttika by many. SIXTH AHNIKA — VIBHĀṢĀ DIKSAMĀSĒ BAHUVRIHĀU

भवतोऽकच्छेषात्वानि Bhavat takes akac, remains as sēṣa and takes ātva. 189 भवतोऽकच्छेषात्वानि प्रयोजनानि । अकच्

भवकान्; शेषः स च भवांश्च भवन्तौ; आत्वम् भवादृक् इति । The merits from taking bhavat under savādi are akac. śēsa and ātvx. Akac-bhavakān;1 śēṣaḥ-sa ca bhavāṁśca, bhavantāu; 2 ātvam — bhavādyke. किं पुनरिदं परिगणनमाहो खिदुदाहरणमात्रम् ? Is this list exhaustive or capable of including others also ? उदाहरणमात्रमित्याह । तृतीयादयोऽपि हि इष्यन्ते, सर्वनाम्नस्तृतीया च - भवता हेतुना, भवतो हेतोः इति । Not an exhaustive list, says he. The third case also is allowed in addition to the sixth-case on the strength of the sūtra Sarvanāmnas tṛtīyā ca (2, 3, 27) so that we may have bhavatā hētunā and bhavatō hētōḥ (in the sense of on account of ५०८). विभाषा दिक्समासे बहुव्रीहौ (1, 1, 27 ) The need for the mention of dik, samāsa and bahuvrīhāu is dealt with here. I दिग्ग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What is the need for the mention of the word dik (here)? ‘न बहुव्रीहौ’ इति प्रतिषेधं वक्ष्यति, तत्र न ज्ञायते व विभाषा, क प्रतिषेधः इति । दिग्ग्रहणे पुनः क्रियमाणे न दोषो भवति दिगुपदिष्टे विभाषा अन्यत्र प्रतिषेधः । Cf. Avyaya-sarvanāmnām akac prāke teh (5, 3, 71) 2. Of. Tyadādīni sarväir nityam (1, 2, 72) 190 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA He is going to mention the prohibitive sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and it is not possible to know from it where there is vibhāṣā and where pratiṣēdha. If the word dik is read here, the difficulty is solved and it is understood that there is vibhāṣā if one member of the compound is a word denoting direction and that there is pratiṣēdha in other cases. अथ समासग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? II What for is, then, the mention of the word samāsa ? समास एव यो वहुव्रीहिः तत्र यथा स्याद्, बहुवीहिवद्भावेन यो वहुव्रीहिः तत्र मा भूत् इति दक्षिणदक्षिणस्यै देहि इति । So that the vibhāṣā takes place only where there is actual bahuvrīhi-samāsa and not where one is considered like a bahuvrīhi as in the word dakṣiņa-dakṣiṇasyāi1 in dakṣiņadakṣinasyai dehi. अथ वहुव्रीहिग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? III What for is then the mention of bahuvrîhi ? द्वन्द्वे मा भूत् - दक्षिणोत्तरपूर्वाणाम् इति । So that the sarvanāmasaṁjñā may not operate in dvandva compound viz. dakṣiņōttarapūrvāṇām. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम्, द्वन्द्वे च इति प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति । No, this is not the benefit, since the pratiṣēdha results from the sutra Dvandvě ca. नामासे प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते; सा यथैव न बहुब्रीहौ इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधते, एवं द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतमपि बाधेत ।

1. This form is based on the sūtra ābādhā ca (8, 1, 10) whose vortti is pīḍāyām dyōtyāyām dvē staḥ, bahuvrihivacca. SIXTH ÄHNIKA — VIBHĀṢĀ DIKSAMĀSĒ BAHUVRĪHĀU 191 There is mention of this vibhāṣā when pratiṣedha has a definite chance to operate. Just as it affects the pratiṣēdha enjoined by the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu, so also it affects the pratiṣēdha enjoined by the sūtra Dvandvē ca. न बाधते । No, it does not affect it. किं कारणम् ? Why ? येन नाप्राप्ते तस्य वाधनं भवति । न चाप्राप्ते न बहुव्रीहौ इत्येदस्मिन् प्रतिषेधे इयं विभाषा आरभ्यते ; द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतस्मिन् पुनः प्राप्ते चाप्राप्ते च । This vibhāṣā It affects that which invariably operates is read when Na bahuvrīhāu operates completely; but, on the other hand, Dvandvē ca does not operate completely. Note: The sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu has for its range of operation the entire bahuvrīhi compound; but Dvandvě ca does not have for its range of operation the entire dvandva compound, since there is vikalpa by the sūtra Vibhāṣā jasi. अथ वा पुरस्तादपवादा अनन्तरान्विधीन् बाधन्ते नोत्तरान् इत्येवमियं विभाषा ‘न बहुव्रीहौ’ इत्येतं प्रतिषेधं बाधिष्यते, द्वन्द्वे च इत्येतं प्रतिषेध न बाधिष्यते । Or the preceding apavādas affect those which immediately succeed them and not those after them. Hence this vibhāṣā affects only the pratiṣēdha in the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu and not in the sutra Dvandvě ca. 1 या पूर्वा सा उत्तरा पूर्वोत्तराय देहि इति । अथ वा इदं तावदयं प्रष्टव्यः, इह कस्मान्न भवति अस्य उन्मुग्धस्य सोऽयं पूवोत्तर उन्मुग्धः तस्मै Or he is to be questioned why the vibhāṣā does not operate in the form pūrvõttaraya in the expression purvõttarāya dēhi, where pūrvõttura means one who thinks uttarā as pūrvā on account of some derangement in brain and is split thus pūrvā uttarā yasya saḥ. 192 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्यैव इति । On account of the dictum that word mentioned has preference to word got from lakṣaṇı. Note: Only such compounds as are got from the sutra Diñnāmānyantarālē (2, 2, 26) are to be taken into account here. यद्येवं नार्थो बहुव्रीहिग्रहणेन । If so, no purpose is served by the word bahuvrīhāu. द्वन्द्वे कस्मान्न भवति ? How cannot the vibhāṣā operate in dvandva ? लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः प्रतिपदोक्तस्यैव इति । By the dictum that word mentioned has preference to word got from lakṣana. उत्तरार्थं तर्हि बहुव्रीहिग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् । Bahuvrīhau has, then, to be read for the succeeding sūtras. न कर्तव्यम् । क्रियते तत्रैव न बहुव्रीहौ इति । No, it need not be read. It is read in the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu. द्वितीय कर्तव्यम् बहुव्रीहिरेव यो बहुव्रीहिः तत्रैव यथा स्यात् बहुव्रीहिवद्भावेन यो बहुव्रीहिः तत्र मा भूत् - एकैकस्मै देहि । The word bahuvrīhãu has to be read for the second time so that the vibhāṣā may operate only in a compound which is an actual bahuvrīhi and not only which is like a bahuvrīki as ēkāikasmāi in ēkāikasmãi dēhi. SIXTH AHNIKA NA BAHUVRĪHÂU एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजन 193 समास इति वर्तते, तेन बहुव्रीहिं विशेष- यिष्यामः समासो यो बहुव्रीहिः इति । • Even this prayōjana cannot stand; there is the word samāsa in the sūtra and it is taken as an adjunct to bahuvrīhi so that we may arrive at the interpretation the actual bahuvrihi compound. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजनम् - अवयवभूतस्यापि बहुव्रीहेः प्रतिषेधो यथा स्यात्, इह मा भूत् वस्त्रमन्तरमेषां त इमे वस्त्रान्तराः वसनमन्तरमेषां त इमे वसनान्तराः, वस्त्रान्तराञ्च वसनान्तराश्च वस्त्रान्तरवसनान्तराः । If so, this may be considered as prayōjana that the pratiṣēdha may operate even where the parts of a compound are bahuvrīhi as vastrāntarvasanāntarāḥ where the bahuvrīhis vastrāntarāḥ and vasanāntarāḥ are parts of dvandva. किमुदाहरणम् ? न बहुव्रीहौ (1, 1,28) What is the example? प्रियविश्वाय | Priyaviśvāya. नैतदस्ति प्रयोजनम् । सर्वाद्यन्तस्य बहुव्रीहेः प्रतिषेधेन भवितव्यम् । वक्ष्यति चैतत् - बहुव्रीहौ सर्वनामसङ्ख्ययोरुपसङ्ख्यानम् इति । तत्र विश्वप्रियाय इति भवितव्यम् । No, this (prohibiting the sarvanāmasaṁjñā to viśva in priyavisva) is not the prayojana. Prohibition operates in bahuvrīhi whose final member is sarvādi. He is going to say that in the list of pūrvanipāta in bahuvrīhi, sarvanāma and sankhyā have to be added. Hence priyaviŝvāya should be viśvapriyāya. Note : 25 Bahavrīhau sarvanāmasankhyayōr upasankhyānam is a vārttika under the sutra Saptamī visēṣanë bahuvrīhāu (2, 2, 35.) 194 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA इदं तर्हि द्वन्याय व्यन्याय । If so, this serves as the example doyanyāya, tryanyāya. ननु चात्रापि सर्वनाम्न एव पूर्वनिपातेन भवितव्यम् ? Is it not that even here that it is the sarvanāma that deserves the pūrvanipāta ? नैष दोषः, वक्ष्यत्येतत् सङ्ख्यासर्वनाम्नोर्यो बहुव्रीहिः परत्वात्तत्र सङ्ख्यायाः पूर्वनिपातो भवति इति । This objection does not stand, since he is going to say that, if the bahuvrihi has for its members sarvanāma and sankhyā, the latter has the pūrvanipāta. · Note: Sankhyāsarvanāmnōr yō bahuvrīhiḥ paratvāt tatra sankhyāyāḥ pūrvanipātō bhavati is not an actual quotation, but is the condensed form of the statement of the Mahabhāṣyakāra under the sūtra Saptami visēṣaṇē bahuvrīḥāu. इदं चाप्युदाहरणम् - प्रियविश्वाय । 1 This too-priyaviśvāya—serves as an example. ननु चोक्तं विश्वप्रियाय इति भवितव्यम् इति ? Has it not been said that it should be viśvapriyāya? वक्ष्यत्येतत् ’ वा प्रियस्य’ इति । He is going to mention the värttika Vū priyasya (under the same sūtra.) न खल्वप्यवश्यं सर्वाद्यन्तस्यैव बहुव्रीहेः प्रतिषेधेन भवितव्यम् । It is not absolutely necessary that the prohibition of sarvanāmasaṁjñā should have reference only to the bahuvrṛhi having the final member the sarvādi, SIXTH ĀHNIKA. NA BAHUVRÎHÂU 195 किं तर्हि ? What then? असर्वाद्यन्तस्यापि भवितव्यम् । It should have reference to that which does not end in sarvādi. किं प्रयोजनम् ? Why ? अकज् मा भूदिति । So that akac may not set in. किं च स्याद्यद्यत्राकच्स्यात् ? What will happen, if there is akac here? को न स्यात् । The pratyaya ka cannot set in. कश्चेदानीं काकचोर्विशेषः ? What is, then, the difference between ka and akac ?

व्यञ्जनान्तेषु विशेषः अहकं पिता यस्य मकत्पितृकः, त्वकं पिता यस्य स्वकल्पितृक इति प्राप्नोति । मत्कपितृकः स्वत्कपितृक इति चेष्यते । If There is difference in the words ending in consonants. there is akac, ahakam pitā yasya compound into makalpitṛkaḥ and tvakam pitä yasya into tvakatpitṛkaḥ. But the desired forms are matkapitṛkaḥ and tvatkapitṛkaḥ with the pratyaya ka. कथं पुनरिच्छतापि भवता बहिरङ्गेण प्रतिषेधेन अन्तरङ्गो विधिः शक्रो बाधितुम् ? How is it possible for you, however much you may so desire, to allow the antaranga-vidhi to be set at naught by the bahiranga-pratigedha ?196 Note: LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHÄṢYA The saṁjñāvidhi, Sarvādīni sarvanāmāni which does not depend upon anything else is antaranga and bahuvrīhi-pratiṣēdha is bahiranga, since a compound is decided to be bahuvrīhi only in its relation to other words in a sentence. अन्तरङ्गानपि विधीन् बहिरङ्गो विधिर्बाधते गोमत्प्रिय इति यथा । Bahiranga-vidhi sets at naught even antaranga-vidhi, as in gōmatpriya. Note: The mention of the sutra Pratyayōttarapadayōḥ (7, 2, 97) after the sutra Tvamūvēkavacane suggests that the bahiranga luk sets at naught the antaranga ādēśavidhi and this is well brought out in the bhāṣya under Pratyayōttarapadayośca. क्रियते तत्र यत्नः प्रत्ययोत्तरपदयोश्च इति । Attempt has been made there for it to operate by the mention of the sūtra Pratyayōttarapadayōśca. ननु चेहापि क्रियते न बहुव्रीहौ इति । Oh, the same attempt is made here also by the mention of the sutra Na bahuvrîhāu. अस्त्यन्यदेतस्य वचने प्रयोजनम् । There is another purpose which is served by this sūtra. font? What? foreferater 1 So that the form priyaviśvāya can be achieved. उपसर्जन प्रतिषेधेनाप्येतत्सिद्धम् । This is achieved even by upasarjanapratiṣedha. SIXTH ÄHNIKA NA BAHUVRIHÂU 197 अयं खल्वपि बहुव्रीहिरस्त्येव प्राथमकल्पिको यस्मिन्नैकपद्यमैकस्वर्यमेकविभक्तिकत्वं च । अस्ति तादर्थ्यात्ताच्छन्द्यम्, बहुव्रीह्यर्थानि पदानि वहुव्रीहिः इति ; तद्यत् तादर्थ्यात्ताच्छन्द्यं तस्येदं ग्रहणम् । Evidently the primary bahuvrīhi is that which is considered a single word, which has a single udātta syllable and which is followed by only one case-suffix. The name is sometimes given to those that convey the same meaning, as the name bahuvrīhi to the words, which convey the sense of bahuvrīhi compound; and it is in that sense the word bahuvrīhi is used here. (Hence the word means here through lakṣaṇā the alaukikavākya used to split a bahuvrihi compound.) गोनर्दीयस्त्वाह अकस्वरौ तु कर्तव्यौ प्रत्यङ्गं मुक्तसंशयौ । त्वकल्पितृकः मकत्पितृकः इत्येव भवितव्यम् इति । Gōnardiya says that undoubtedly the svara and akac due to sarvanāman should be had. Hence in his opinion the forms should be tvakatpitṛkaḥ and makatpitrkaḥ. Note: In the opinion of Gōnardīya, the sūtra Na bahuvrīhāu is unnecessary. Whether the word Gōnardīya refers to Mahābhāṣyakāra or another Värttikakāra has been discussed in detail in the Preface in Vol. i In the opinion of the Värttikakāra Kätyāyana too, this sūtra is unnecessary since he mentioned the necessity of saṁjñāpasarjanapratiṣedha under the sūtra Sarvādīni sarvanāmāni. In the opinion of Mahābhāṣyakāra also, this is unnecessary since he admitted the same through mahāsaṁjñākaraṇa. Since the Sūtrakāra has mentioned this, he does not perhaps intend saṁjñōpasarjanapratiṣëdha. प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसङ्ख्यानम् Bhūtapūrva is to be added to the pratiṣēdha. 198 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAŞYA प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसङ्ख्यानं कर्तव्यम् । आढ्यो भूतपूर्वः आढ्य पूर्वः, आढ्यपूर्वाय देहि इति । Bhūta-pūrva is to be added to the pratiṣedha Na bahuvrīhāu so that the form ādhyapūrvāya (in ādhyapūrvāya dīhi) may be achieved where aḍhyaḥ and pūrvaḥ compound into āḍhyapūrvah. प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसङ्ख्यानानर्थक्यं पूर्वादीनां व्यवस्थायामिति वचनात् । No use of adding bhūtapūrva to pratișēdha since pūrvādi gets the samjña only where there is vyavasthä. प्रतिषेधे भूतपूर्वस्योपसङ्ख्यानम् अनर्थकम् | No purpose is served by adding bhūtapūrvē ca to Na bahuvrīhāu. किं कारणम् ? Why ? ; पूर्वादीनां व्यवस्थायामिति वचनात् पूर्वादीनां व्यवस्थायां सर्वनामसंशोच्यते । न चात्र व्यवस्था गम्यते । On account of the mention that pūrvādi gets the saṁjñā only where it means vyavasthā. The sarvanāmasaṁjñā is enjoined to pūrvādis only when they primarily mean a particular starting point. Here the limit is not understood in a primary sense. Note : Since pūrva in āḍhyapūrvaḥ is only a visēṣaṇa and hence upasarjana, the idea of pūrvatva is not the the primary element. तृतीयासमासे (11,29) समास इति वर्तमाने पुनः समासग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? When there is the anuvṛtti of the word samāsa (from the sūtra Vibhāṣā diksumāsē bahuvrīhäu), why should the same be read here ? SIXTH ÄHNIKA — VIBHĀṢĀ JASI 199 अयं तृतीयासमासोऽस्त्येव प्राथमकल्पिको यस्मिन्नैकपद्यमैकस्वर्यमेकविभक्तिकत्वं चेति । अस्ति च तादर्थ्यात्ताच्छन्द्यं तृतीयासमासार्थानि पदानि तृतीयासमास इति । तद्यत् तादर्थ्यात्ताच्छन्द्यं तस्येदं ग्रहणम् । Evidently the primary tṛtāyāsamāsa is that which is considered a single word, which has a single udatta syllable and which is followed by only one case-suffix. The name is also given to those that convey the same meaning as the name tṛtīyāsamāsa—to the words which convey the same sense and it is in that sense the word tṛtīyāsamāsa is used here. 1 अथ वा समास इति वर्तमाने पुनः समासग्रहणस्यैतत् प्रयोजनं, योगाङ्गं यथा विज्ञायेत । सति च योगाङ्गे योगविभागः करिष्यते तृतीया, तृतीयासमासे सर्वादीनि सर्वनामसंज्ञानि न भवन्ति, मासपूर्वाय देहि, संवत्सर. पूर्वीय देहि ; ततः असमासे, असमासे च तृतीयायाः सर्वादीनि सर्वनाम संज्ञानि न भवन्ति, मासेन पूर्वाय देहि, संवत्सरेण पूर्वाय देहि इति । Or, this is the prayōjana for mentioning the word samasa again when there is anuurtti for the same, that it becomes a yōga or a part of Aṣṭādhyāyî. When it becomes a part of yoga, the sūtra is split thus : trtiyā, which means that sarrādis do not get the sarvanāmasaṁjñā in tṛtīyāsamāsa so that we have the expressions māsapūrvāya dēhi, samvatsarapūrvāya dēhi and then asamāsē, which means that surrādis do not get the sarı anāmasaṁjñā in tṛtīyāsamāsa so that we may have the expressions māsēna pūrṇāya dēki and samvatsarēņa pūrvāya dēhi. विभाषा जसि (1, 1, 32 ) 2 जसः कार्य प्रति विभाषा । अकज्झि न भवति । Vibhāṣā is with reference to (i) the ādēśa of jas and not with reference to akac.

1. उपजायेत is another reading.
2. In some editions dvandvē ca iti pratiṣēdhat is found after bhavati. 200 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA पूर्वपरावरदक्षिणोत्तरापराधराणि व्यवस्थायामसंज्ञायाम् (1, 1, 34) अवरादीनां च पुनः सूत्रपाठे ग्रहणानर्थक्यं गणे पठितत्वात् Non-necessity for the list of avaradis in the sutra, they being read in the gaṇapāṭha. अवरादीनां च पुनः सूत्रपाठे ग्रहणमनर्थकम् । The reading of avarādis in the sūtra again is unnecessary. किं कारणम् ? Why ? गणे पठितत्वात् । गणे हि एतानि पठ्यन्ते । On account of their being read in gana. These are read in the gana. कथं पुनर्ज्ञायते स पूर्वः पाठः अयं पुनः पाठ इति ? How is it then understood that ganapatha is anterior and the patha here is repetition? तानि हि पूर्वादीनि इमान्यवरादीनि । They commence with the word (sarva) which precedes and these commence with the word purra,which is after sarva. इमान्यपि पूर्वादीनि । These too may be taken to be anterior. एवं तर्हि आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति, स पूर्वः पाठः अयं पुनः पाठः इति यदयं पूर्वादिभ्यो नवभ्यो वा इति नवग्रहणं करोति । नवैव हि पूर्वादीनि । If so, the procedure of Acārya suggests that it (gaṇapāṭha) is anterior and this (sūtrapatha) is later, since he mentions the word navabhyah in the sūtra Pūrvādibhyā navabhyā vā (7, 1, 16). and pūrvādi is only nine in number. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजनं, व्यवस्थायामसंज्ञायामिति वक्ष्यामि इति । PŪRVAPARĀVARADAKṢIŅOTTARĀPARĀDHARĀŅI ETC. 201 This, then, is the prayōjana that he will say that they are so when they mean vyavasthā and are usaṁjñā. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम्, एवं विशिष्टान्येवैतानि गणे पठ्यन्ते । These too are not the prayōjana since pūrvādi is read in the ganapāṭha along with vyavasthāyām asaṁjñāyām. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजनं द्वयादिपर्युदासेन पर्युदासो मा भूत् इति । This, then, may be the prayōjana that the paryudāsa mentioned by advyādibhyaḥ (in the sūtra Kiṁ sarvanāmabahubhyō advyādibhynḥ (5, 3, 2), if it is taken according to some that pūrva etc. was read in the gaṇapāṭha after tyad etc.) may not take place here. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् ; आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति नैषां द्वयादिपर्युदासेन पर्युदासो भवतीति यदयं पूर्वत्रासिद्धम् इति निपातनं करोति । वार्तिककारश्च पठति, जश्भावादिति चेदुत्तरत्राभावादपवादप्रसङ्ग इति । This too is not the prayōjana. The procedure of Acārya suggests that these are not affected by dvyādiparyudāsa, since the Sutrakāra makes use of the word purvatra in the sūtra Pūrɩatrāsiddham and Vārttikakāra makes use of the word uttaratra in the vārttika Jasbhāvād iti cēd uttaratra abhāvād apavādaprasangaḥ under the sūtra Dhō dhe lōpaḥ (8, 3, 13) Note: If purvādi were after tyadādi, the pratyaya tral cannot be added to the words pūrva and uttara by the sūtra Saptamyās tral (5, 3, 10) where there is the anuvṛtti to advyādibhyaḥ from the sūtra Kim-sarvanāmabahubhyō advyādibhyaḥ (5, 8, 2). But the terms pūrvatra and uttaratra are used by the Sūtrakāra and the Varttikakāra. Hence, according to them, pūrvādi does not come under dvyādi. इदं तर्हि प्रयोजनं जसि विभाषां वक्ष्यामि इति । This then is the prayojana that there is vibhāṣā to the sarvanāmasaṁjñā with reference to ī, the ādēśa of jas. 202 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA स्वमज्ञातिधनाख्यायाम् ( 1, 1, 35 ) आख्याग्रहणं किमर्थम् ? What for is the word ākhyā in the sūtra ? ज्ञातिधनपर्यायवाची यः स्वशब्दः तस्य यथा स्यात्, इह मा भूत्, स्खे पुत्राः, स्वाः पुत्राः, स्खे गावः, स्वा गावः । So that Vibhāṣā jasi may not operate with respect to the word sva, only when it means jñāti or dhana and not when it means one’s own as in sve putrāḥ, svāḥ putrāḥ, svē gāvaḥ and svā gāvah. अन्तरं बहिर्योगोपसंव्यानयोः (1, 1, 36 ) उपसंव्यानग्रहणानर्ध्वयं बहिर्योगेण कृतत्वात् Non-necessity of the mention of upasaṁvyāna, its purpose being served by bahiryōga. उपसंव्यानग्रहणमनर्थकम् | It is unnecessary to mention the word upasaṁvyāna. किं कारणम् ? Why ? बहियोंगेण कृतत्वात् । बहिर्योग इत्येव सिद्धम् । Since it is accomplished from the mention of bahiryöga. It is achieved merely from bahiryōga. Nots: Bahiryōga may mean the outer part or the inner part. In the former bahis means open space and in the latter, it means outerpart. Similarly upasaṁvyāna may mean utturīya by karaṇavyutpatti and antariya by karmavyutpatti. नवा शाटकयुगाद्यर्थम् No, it is for the sake of a pair of clothes, SİXTH ÁHNIKA—ANTARAM BAHIRYÖGŌPASAMVYANAYŌḤ 203 न वा अनर्थकम् । No, it is not unnecessary. किं कारणम् ? Why ? शाटकयुगाद्यर्थम् । शाटकयुगाद्यर्थं तहदं वक्तव्यम्, किम् अन्तरीयं किम् उत्तरीयमिति । यत्त्रैतन्न ज्ञायते For the sake of a pair of clothes. This has to be said for the sake of a pair of clothes, where it is not distinguished which is under-garment and which is upper-garment. अत्रापि य एष मनुष्यः प्रेक्षापूर्वकारी भवति निर्ज्ञातं तस्य भवति इदमन्तरीयम् इदमुत्तरीयम् इति । Even here if one is a man of comprehension, he is able to discern which is antarīya and which is uttarīya. अपुर Not in pur. अपुरीति वक्तव्यम्; इह मा भूत्, अन्तरायां पुरि वसति इति । Apuri is to be stated so that the sarvanāmasaṁjñā may not reach antara when it is an adjunct to a town. वाप्रकरणे तृतीयस्य डिल्सूपसङ्ख्यानम् The addition of words ending in tiya before suffixes which are nit in the vibhāṣāprakaraṇa. वाप्रकरणे तीयस्य ङित्सूपसङ्ख्यानं कर्तव्यम् - द्वितीयायै, द्वितीयस्यै, तृतीया, तृतीयस्यै । विभाषा द्वितीयतृतीयाभ्याम् इत्येतन्न वक्तव्यं भवति । The addition of words ending in tiya before nits has to be made in the vâprakaraṇa, so that we may have dvitîyāyāi, dvitiyasyai and tṛtiyāyāi and tṛtīyasai. In that case the sūtra Vibhāṣā dvitīyatṛtīyābhyām need not be read. किं पुनरत्र ज्यायः ? Which is better here? 204 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYÀ उपसङ्ख्यानमेवात्र ज्यायः । इदमपि सिद्धं भवति - द्वितीयाय, द्वितीयस्मै, तृतीयाय, तृतीयस्मै । Upasankhyāna is decidedly better here, since the forms dvitiyāya and driliyasmai and tṛtiyaya and tṛtiyasmai are also obtained. स्वरादिनिपातमव्ययम् ( 1, 1, 37) किमर्थं पृथग्ग्रहणं स्वरादीनां क्रियते न चादिष्वेव पय्येरन् ? Why should svarādis be read separately and cūdis separately and why should not the former be included in the latter? चादीनां वै असत्त्ववचनानां निपातसंज्ञा, स्वरादीनां पुनः सत्त्ववचनानामसत्त्ववचनानां च । Cadis get the nipātasaṁjñā only when they do not mean a dravya, while svaradis get the avyayasaṁñjā whether they denote a dravya or not. अथ किमर्थमुभे संज्ञे क्रियेते, न निपातसंज्ञैव स्यात् ? Why then are two saṁjñās given? Is it not sufficient that nipatasaṁjñā alone is given? नैवं शक्यम् । निपात एकाजनाङ् इति प्रगृह्यसंज्ञा उक्ता सा स्वरादीनामप्येकाचां प्रसज्येत, क इव क्केव । This is not possible. The one-syllabled nipāta other than an is said to get pragrhyasaṁjñā and it may reach the onesyllabled svarādi, so that kva +iva may not become kvēva. एवं तर्हि अव्ययसंशैवास्तु । If so, let them be given avyayasaṁjñā alone. तथ्याशक्यम् । वक्ष्यत्येतत् अव्यये नकुनिपातानामिति । तङ्गरीयसा न्यासेन परिगणनं कर्तव्यं स्यात् । तस्मात् पृथग्ग्रहणं कर्तव्यम् | उभे च संशे कर्तव्ये ॥ SIXTH ÁHNIKA — TADDHITAŚCĀSARVAVIBHAKTIḤ 205 He (Varttikakāra) is going to That too is not possible. say (under the sūtra Tatpurușē ….. (6, 2, 2) the vārttika Avyayē nankunipātānām has to be read longer. Hence they have to be read separately and the two saṁjñās have to be given. afgaardfeufen: (1, 1, 38) असर्वविभक्तावविभक्तिनिमित्तस्योपसङ्ख्यानम् Addition of avibhakti to asarvavibhakti. असर्वविभक्तौ अविभक्तिनिमित्तस्योपसङ्ख्यानं कर्तव्यम् - विना, नाना । Addition of avibhakti to be the nimitta to the avyayasaṁjñā along with asarvavibhakti, so that the samjñā may reach the words vinā, nānā has to be made. ich gar: aci a fèrata ? Why does not asarvavibhaktikatva apply to them (vinā, nānā)? Note: Since it is a general rule that the singular suffix may come after all, these two may be considered to have had the singular suffix alone before it was dropped and hence they may come under those who have asarvavibhaktitva. सर्वविभक्तिर्ह्यविशेषात् They are sarvavibhaktika, all case-suffixes having the chance to come after them. सर्वविभक्तिर्हि एष भवति । For this (vinā, nānā) come under sarvavibhaktika. किं कारणम् ? Why ? arfaððu fafgacana Since all case-suffixes are enjoined after them without discrimination.206 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHÁṢYA त्रलादीनां चोपसङ्ख्यानम् Addition of tral etc. too. त्रलादीनां चोपसङ्ख्यानं कर्तव्यम् - तत्र यत्र, ततः, यतः । Addition has to be made of those that end in tral etc. also, as tatra, yatra, tataḥ, yataḥ. ननु च विशेषेणैते विधीयन्ते, पञ्चम्यास्तसिल् सप्तम्यास्त्रल् इति । Is it not that they are enjoined only to denote the meaning of particular case-suffix, as tasil to denote the fifthcase and tral to denote the seventh case? वक्ष्यत्येतत् इतराभ्योऽपि दृश्यन्ते इति । He (Sūtrakāra) is going to say the sutra Ilarubhyōspi dr syante (5, 8, 14). यदि पुनः अविभक्तिश्शब्दो ऽव्ययसंज्ञो भवतीत्युच्यते । If it is said that the word which has no case-suffix after it gets the avyayasaṁjñā, अविभक्तावितरेतराश्रयत्वादप्रसिद्धिः If avibhakti is the lakṣaṇa of avyaya, there is no samjñāsiddhi on account of anyönyāśrayadōşa. अविभक्तावितरेतराश्रयत्वादप्रसिद्धिः संज्ञायाः । The non-accomplishment of the saṁjñā on account of anyōnyäśrayatā, if avibhaktikatva is taken to be the lakṣaṇa of avyaya. का इतरेतराश्रयता ? What is the nature of itaretarāśrayatā ? सति अविभतित्वे संशया भवितव्यं, संशया धाविभक्तित्वं भाव्यते, तदेतदितरेतराश्रयं भवति । SIXTH AHNIKA — TADDHITAŚCĀSARVAVIBHAKTIḤ 207 Samjñā comes if there is avibhaktitva and avibhaktitva comes if there is samjñā; and thus each depends upon the other for coming into existence. इतरेतराश्रयाणि च कार्याणि न प्रकल्पन्ते । The kāryas are not accomplished where there is interdependence अलिङ्गमसङ्घयमिति वा Or avyaya is that which shows no gender nor number. अथवा अलिङ्गमसङ्खन्धमव्ययसंज्ञं भवतीति वक्तव्यम् । Or it should be stated that what shows no gender nor number gets the avyayasaṁjñā. एवमपीतरेतराश्रयमेव भवति । Even then there is anyōnyāśrayatā. केतरेतराश्रयता ? What is the nature of anyōnyāśrayatā ? सति अलिङ्गासङ्ख्यत्वे संज्ञया भवितव्यम्, संज्ञया च अलिङ्गासङ्क्षयत्वं भाव्यते, तदेतद् इतरेतराश्रयं भवति । The word gets the samjñā if it does not show gender and number and it does not show gender and number only after it gets the samjñā This is the nature of itrētarāśr、yatā. इतरेतराश्रयाणि च कार्याणि न प्रकल्पन्ते । Kāryas where there is interdependence are not accomplished. नेदं वाचनिकम्, अलिङ्गता असङ्ख्यता च । This-alingatā and asankhyata-is not got through mention. 208 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA किं तर्हि ? How then? स्वाभाविकमेतत् । This is natural. तद्यथा समानमहमानानां चाधीयानानां च केचिदर्थैर्युज्यन्ते अपरे न ; तत्र किमस्माभिः कर्तुं शक्यम् ? स्वाभाविकमेतत् । As among those who make an attempt and who study, only some get the desired fruit and others do not get it. What can be done by us there? It is natural. तत्तर्हि वक्तव्यम् अलिङ्गमसङ्क्षयम् इति | Then it has to be mentioned that it is alinga and asankhya. न वक्तव्यम् | It need not be mentioned. सिद्धं तु पाठात् It is accomplished by reading. पाठाद्वा सिद्धमेतत् । Or this is accomplished by reading. कथं पाठः कर्तव्यः ? How should it be read ? तसिलादयः प्राक् पाशपः; शस्प्रभृतयः प्राक्समासान्तेभ्यः ; मान्तः; तसिवती ; कृत्वोऽर्थः ; नानाञाविति । Tasiladayaḥ prāk pāśapaḥ sasprabhṛtuyaḥ prāksamāsāntābhyah ; māntah; tasivati; krtoösrthah ; nānāñāu iti. अथवा पुनरस्तु अविभक्तिश्शब्दो ऽव्ययसंशो भवति इत्येव । J SIXTH ÄHNIKA - TADDHITAŚCĀSARVAVIBHAKTIḤ 209 Or let it remain as it is, that the word which has no casesuffix after it is avyaya. ननु चोक्तम् - अविभक्ता वितरेतराश्रयत्वाद् अप्रसिद्धिः इति ? Has it not been said that, if avibhaktitva is the prayōjaka of avyaya, there is anyōnyāśrayatā ? नैष दोषः । इदं तावदयं प्रष्टव्यः - यद्यपि तावद्वैयाकरणा विभक्तिलोपमारभमाणा अविभक्तिकान् शब्दान् प्रयुञ्जते, ये त्वेते वैयाकरणेभ्योऽन्ये मनुष्याः कथं तेऽविभक्तिकान् शब्दान् प्रयुञ्जत इति ? अभिज्ञाश्च, पुनलौकिका एकत्वादीनामर्थानाम् । अतश्च अभिज्ञाः - अन्येन हि वस्नेनैकं गां क्रीणन्ति, अन्येन द्वौ, अन्येन त्रीन् । अभिशाश्च न च प्रयुञ्जते । तदेतदेवं संदृश्यताम् - अर्थरूपमेवैतदेवञ्जातीयकं येनात्र विभक्तिर्न भवति इति । This defect cannot stand. He is to be put this question: Even though grammarians make use of words without casesuffixes with the knowledge that they should not have case’suffiixes after them, how do non-grammarians make use of them ? They, being conversant with the use of such words in the world understand the meaning whether it is one etc. In another way too they are knowers. They purchase a bull for one price, two bulls for another and three for another. They do know the meaning (i. e.) one object, two objects, three objeets etc., but do not express it. The same may be applied here that they are seen in the world-words without case-suffixes. तच्चाप्येतदेवमनुगम्यमानं दृश्यताम् । किञ्चिदव्ययं विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानं, किञ्चित् क्रियाप्रधानम् - उच्चैः नीचैः इति विभक्त्र्यर्थप्रधानं, हिरुक् पृथक् इति क्रियाप्रधानम् । तद्धितश्चापि कश्विद्विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानः कश्चित् क्रियाप्रधानः - तत्र यत्र इति विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानः, नाना विना इति क्रियाप्रधानः । न चैतयोरर्थयोर्लिङ्गसङ्ख्याभ्यां योगोऽस्ति । Let it be viewed in this light. Some avyayas denote prominently the meaning of case-suffixes and some, the meaning of action :-uccāiḥ and nīcāiḥ belong to the former class and hiruk and prthak belong to the latter. Even among those 27 210 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHÂŞYA that end in taddhitapratyaya, some denote prominently the meaning of case-suffixes and some, the meaning of action :— tatia and yatra belong to the former and nānā and vinā belong to the latter Besides, the two kinds of meaning mentioned above have no relationship with gender and number. अथाप्य सर्वविभक्तिरित्युच्यते, एवमपि न दोषः । Even if asarvavibhaktitva is taken as the lakṣan, there is no harm. कथम् ? How ? इदं चाप्यद्यत्वे अतिबहु क्रियते, एकस्मिन्नेकवचनं, द्वयोर्द्विवचनं, बहुषु बहुवचनम् इति । More than the necessary sūtras are read now thus: Ekasmin ēkavacanam, Dvayol dvivacanam, and Bahusu bahu- vacanam कथं तर्हि ? How then should they be read? एकवचनमुत्सर्गः करिष्यते । तस्य द्विबह्रोरर्थयोः द्विवचनबहुवचने बाधके भविष्यतः । Singular number is used as a general rule; if two or more objects have to be referred to, the dual and plural suffixes are used displacing the singular suffix. न चाप्येवं विग्रहः करिष्यते, न सर्वाः असर्वाः, असर्वा विभक्तयो यस्मात् इति । The vigraha too is not thus made: Na sarvāḥ asaṛvāḥ, asarvā vibhaktuyō asmāl iti. कथं तर्हि ? How then? SIXTH AHNIKA TADDHITAŚCĀSARVAVIBHAKTIḤ न सर्वा असर्वा, असर्वा विभक्तिः अस्मात् इति । Na sarvā usarvā, asarvā vibhkatiḥ asmāt iti. त्रिकं पुनर्विभक्तिसंज्ञम् । 211 All the three-singular, dual and plural go by the name of vibhakti. एवं गते कृत्यपि तुल्यमेतत् मान्तस्य कार्यं ग्रहणं न तत्र । ततः परे चाभिमता न कार्याः त्रयः कृदर्था ग्रहणेन योगाः || If so (i.e. if asarvavibhaktitvam is taken as the lukṣana of avyaya), this (asarvavibhaktitvam) is found even with reference to krt and hence the sūtra Krnmējantaḥ and the following two which deal only with kṛt need not be read. कृत्तद्धितानां ग्रहणं तु कार्यं सङ्ख्याविशेषं ह्यभिनिश्चिता ये । तेषां प्रतिषेधो भवतीति वक्तव्यम्; इह मा भूत् - एको, द्वौ बहवः इति । Mention of krts and taddhitas is necessary. Those whose sankhyā is definite may be outside their province, so that the words ēkaḥ, dvẫu and bahavaḥ may not take the avyayasanjna. तस्मात्स्वरादिग्रहणं च कार्यं कृत्तद्धितानां ग्रहणं च पाठे ॥ Hence it is necessary to read in the gaṇapāṭha svarādi, krt and taddhita which take the avyayasaṁjñā. पाठेनेयमव्ययसंज्ञा क्रियते, सेह न प्राप्नोति, परमोच्चैः, परमनीचैः इति । Since the name avyaya is given to those that are read in the gaṇapāṭha, it cannot reach the words paramōccāiḥ and paramanācāih. तदन्तविधिना भविष्यति । They get the saṁjñä if tadantavidhi is taken recourse to, 212 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA इहापि तर्हि प्राप्नोति - अत्युच्चैः अत्युच्चैसौ अत्युच्चैसः इति । It will then reach here also atyuccaiḥ, atyuccaisāu and atyuccaisah. ’ उपसर्जनस्य न ’ इति प्रतिषेधो भवति । It will be prohibited there by applying the rule what applies to one when it is pradhāna does not apply when it is apradhāna. स तर्हि प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः । That pratiṣēdha has to be mentioned. न वक्तव्यः । सर्वनामसंज्ञायां प्रकृतः प्रतिषेध इहानुवर्तिष्यते । No, it need not be mentioned. The pratışëdha that is said with reference to sarvanāmasaṁjña is taken to follow here. स वै तत्र प्रत्याख्यायते । It is set at naught there. यथा स तत्र प्रत्याख्यायते इहापि तथा शक्यः प्रत्याख्यातुम् । As it is set at naught there, so also can it be set at naught here. कथं च स तत्र प्रत्याख्यायते ? In what manner is it set at naught there? महतीयं संज्ञा क्रियते इति । That a long saṁjñā is given. इयमपि च महती संज्ञा क्रियते । संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः । कुत एतत् ? लघ्वर्थ हि संज्ञाकरणम् । तत्र महत्याः संज्ञायाः करणे एतत्प्रयोजनम अन्वर्था संज्ञा यथा विज्ञायेत - न व्येति इत्यव्ययमिति, SIXTH AHNIKA KRNMĖJANTAḤ 213 This samjñā too is made long and samjñā is always in a form than which nothing is shorter. What is the source for saying so? For, giving saṁjñā is only for ease of śāstrapravṛtti. The benefit of giving a long saṁjñā there is that it should be taken to be anvartha. Avyaya is so called since it does not undergo change (though it may convey many meanings). व पुनर्न व्येति ? Where does it not undergo change? स्त्रीपुंनपुंसकानि सत्त्वगुणाः एकत्वद्वित्वबहुत्वानि च । एतानर्थान् केचिद्वियन्ति केचिन्न वियन्ति । ये न वियन्ति तदव्ययम् । The characteristics of nouns are feminine, masculine and neuter genders and singular, dual and plural numbers. Some undergo change in their forms to denote them and some do not undergo change. Those who do not undergo change go by the name of avyaya. सदृशं त्रिषु लिङ्गेषु सर्वासु च विभक्तिषु । वचनेषु च सर्वेषु यन्न व्येति तदव्ययम् ॥ Avyaya is one which has the same form in all the three genders, in all the seven cases and in all the three numbers. Note: The word sattva is taken to denote noun since Prātiśākhyas mention sattvapradhānāni nāmāni and Nagōjibhaṭṭa says anēkākārakasaktiyōga ēva ca sattvam under the sūtra Svarādinipātam avyayam. कृन्मेजन्तः ( 1, 1, 39 ) There are two topics dealt with here. They are (1) whether mānta is the viŝēṣaṇa to kṛt which takes antagrahana later on or kṛdanta and (2) the need for the mention of the paribhāṣā Sannipätalakṣano vidhir animittam tadvighātasya, its merits and its defects. 214 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA I कथमिदं विज्ञायते, कुद्यो मान्त इति आहोस्वित् कृदन्तं यन्मान्तम् इति ? How is this to be interpreted, whether muntu is to be the visēṣaṇa of kṛt (which may take untagrahana later on) or krdanta? किं चातः ? What if whether it is taken one way or other? यदि विज्ञायते, कुद्यो मान्त इति कारयाञ्चकार हारयाञ्चकार इत्यत्र न प्राप्नोति । If it is taken that manta is the visēṣaṇa of krt, the saṁjñā cannot reach kārayām and härayām in kürayuñcakāra and hārayañcakāra. Note: The roots kr and hṛ take um after them in lit by the sutra Ijadisca gurumatosanṛcchaḥ (3, 1, 35) and the liț after am is dropped by the sutra Imaḥ (2, 4, 81). Kārayām and hārayām may be taken as krdania by tudantagrahana on account of the lit which is kṛt being dropped and cannot be taken as krt. अथ विज्ञायते कृदन्तं यन्मान्तमिति, प्रतामौ प्रतामः इत्यत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is taken that manta is the visēşana to krdanta, it will have ativyāpti in pratāmāu and pratāmaḥ. Note: The stem pratām is got from the root tam preceded by the preposition pra followed by the pratyaya kvip. According to the dictum Pratyayalōpē pratyayalakṣaṇam, pratām in pratāmāu and pratāmaḥ may be taken to be krdanta and they are mānta also. SIXTH AHNIKA - KṚNMĒJANTAḤ यथेच्छसि तथास्तु | Let it be as you please. 215 अस्तु तावत् कृद्यो मान्त इति । Let it first be that manta is the visēṣana of krt. कथं कारयाञ्चकार हारयाञ्चकार इति ? How are we to meet the difficulty with reference to kārayāñcakāra, hārayāñcakāra ? किं पुनरत्राव्ययसंज्ञया प्रार्थ्यते ? What is the object to be achieved through avyayasamjña here ? अव्ययात् इति लुग्यथा स्यात् इति । So that the luk enjoined by the sūtra Avyayād āpsupaḥı (2, 4, 82) may take place. मा भूदेवम्, आमः इत्येवं भविष्यति । It need not be so; it takes place by the sūtra Ẩmaḥ. न सिध्यति । लिग्रहणं तत्रानुवर्तते । sutra No, it cannot be; the word li is taken to the Amaḥ (from the previous sūtra Mantre ghasa-hvara-naśa-vrdahādvṛc-kṛ gami-janibhyō lēḥ (2, 4, 80) लिग्रहणं निवर्तिष्यते । Li is not taken here from the previous sūtra. यदि निवर्तते, प्रत्ययमात्रस्य लुक् प्राप्नोति । If there is no anuvṛtti, luk will happen only to the pratyayi. इष्यते च प्रत्ययमात्रस्य । आतश्चेष्यते; एवं ह्याह, ‘कंञ्चानुप्रयुज्यते लिदि’ इति । यदि च प्रत्ययमात्त्रस्य लुग् भवति तत एतदुपपन्नं भवति ।216 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀŞYA Luk is desired to all pratyayus. It is so desired for this reason also: He says that the root ky is read after it in liț; this is appropriate only when there is luk for the pratyaya. अथवा पुनरस्तु कृदन्तं यन्मान्तम् इति । Or let it be that manta is the visēṣann of kṛdunta. कथं प्रतामौ प्रताम इति ? How are we to avoid the ativyāpti in prutāmāu, pratāmaḥ ? आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति, न प्रत्ययलक्षणेन अव्ययसंज्ञा भवति इति यदयं प्रशान्शब्दं स्वरादिषु पठति । The procedure of Acārya suggests that the dictum Pratyayalōpē pratyayalakṣaṇam does not hold good with reference to avyayasaṁjñā, since he reads the word prasān in in the list svarādi. II कृन्मेजन्तश्चानिकारोकारप्रकृतिः Avoiding ec which has for its source i or u in Krnmējantaḥ कृन्मेजन्तश्चानिकारोकारप्रकृतिरिति वक्तव्यम्; इह मा भूत् आधये आधेः, चिकीर्षवे चिकीर्षोः इति । It has to be said that the ec mentioned in kṛnmējantaḥ should not have for its source i or u, so that avyayasaṁjñā may not have ativyāpti in the words udhayē, ādhēḥ, cikīrṣavē, cikīrsih. अनन्यप्रकृतिरिति वा

1. It means ļāyāḥ ādēśē ṭāyām ādēśē yat kāryam prāpnōti tatprati mubhāvõ nāsiddah. SIXTH AHNIKA - KRNMÊJANTAH 221 आत्वं कित्वस्य अनिमित्तम् The atva is animitta to kittva. क्क ? Where ? 1 उपादास्तास्य स्वर : शिक्षकस्य इति । आत्वे कृते स्थाघ्वोरिच्च इतीत्वं प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । In the word upādāsta in the sentence upādāsta asyu svarah siksakasya. After ätva is done [in the root din by the sūtra Mīnāti-minoti drriamn lyapi ca ( 6, 1, 50 ) ] ā is not changed to i by the sūtra Sthāghvōr icca ( 1, 2, 17 ) on account of the dictum Sannipatalakṣaṇā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् । उक्तमेतत् - दङिः प्रतिषेधः स्थास्वोरिवे इति । This too is not a prayōjuna, since it has been said (under Dadhaghvadāp (1, 1, 20) the värttika Dinaḥ pratisedhaḥ sthāghvõr itvē. तिसृचतसृत्वं ङीब्विधेः Tisrtva and calaşrtva are animitta to ǹīb vidhi. तिसृचतसृत्वं ङीविधेरनिमित्तम् Tisrtva and catasrtva are animitta to hīb-vidhi. क ? Where ? तिस्रस्तिष्ठन्ति चतस्त्रस्तिष्ठन्ति इति । तिसृचतसृभावे कृते ऋन्नेभ्यो ङीप् इति ङीप् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति ।
2. Upādāsta is the third person singular, aorist of the root din (4th conj.). After it gets ätva, it is said that it may be considered as ghu by the sūtra Dādhāghvadāp (1, 1, 20) and consequently a may be changed to i. 222 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA In the words tisrah and catasrah in the sentences tisras tisthanti and catasras tisṭhanti. After tri and catur are changed to lisṛ and catasṛ (by the sutra Tricaturōḥ striyām tisṛ catasṛ (7, 2, 99), they may get hip by the sūlra rnnēbhyō ǹīp (4, 1, 5) and the paribhāṣā Sannipālalakṣaṇā vidhir animittam tadvighātasya prevents it. एतदपि नास्ति प्रयोजनम् । आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति न तिसृचतसृभाव कृते ङीप् भवति इति यदयं ‘न तिसृचतसृ’ नामि दीर्घत्वस्य प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । Even this is not a prayōjana; for the procedure of Acārya suggests that tisṛ and catas do not take nip after them, since he prohibits the dirghatva before năm (6th case plural suffix) by the sutra Na tisṛcatasṛ. इमानि तर्हि प्रयोजनानि 1 These are, then, prayōjanas. ’ शतानि सहस्राणि Ŝatāni and sahasrāni. नुमि कृते ष्णान्ता षट् इति षट्संज्ञा प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । After num is inserted (between sata i and saharasa + i by the sutra Napumsakasya jhalacah), there is chance for ṣatsaṁjñā and it is prevented by the paribhāṣā Sannipatalakṣaṇā vidhir animittam tadvighūlasya. Note: The numāgama comes on account of the nom. acc. plural suffix i. If satan and sahasran get the ṣaṭsamjñā because they end in n, the case-suffix i should be dropped by the sutra Sadbhyo luk. Hence n which owes its existence to i does not cause the elision of the latter.
3. Some consider this as vārītika. शकटौ पद्धतौ SIXTH AHNIKA - KRNMÈJANTAH Śakaṭāu and paddhatāu. 223 अत्वे कृते अत इति टाप् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । When the final of sakați and paddhati is changed to a by the sūtra Acca ghekh (7, 3, 119 ), there is chance for tāp to set in by the sūtra Ajādyatas tāp (4, 1, 4 ) and the paribhāsā Sunnipātalaleşano vidhir animittam tadvighātasya prevents it. Note : The final is changed to a when it is followed by the case-suffix and hence it does not allow a to intercede between them. इयेष उवोष Iyēsa and wvāsa. गुणे कृते इजादेश्व गुरुमतोऽनृच्छः इत्याम् प्राप्नोति । सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिरनिमित्तं तद्विघातस्य इति न दोषो भवति । When i and u of the roots is and us take guna before the third person singular perfect termination a (by the sūtra Pugantalaghūpadhasya ca (7, 3, 86 ), there is a chance for ām to set in by the sūtra Ijādesca gurumatā anrcchah ( 3, 1, 36) and the paribhāṣā Sannipātalıkṣaṇī vidhir animittam tadvighātasya prevents it. Note: The guna of i and u depends upon the existence of the verbal termination and hence it cannot be responsible for its loss by allowing the root take ām after it. तस्य दोषः वर्णाश्रयः प्रत्ययो वर्णविचालस्य Its defect—the pratyaya depending upon a warṇa for its application is animitta to its displacement. तस्यैतस्य लक्षणस्य दोषः 224 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA The defect in this lakṣaṇa. वर्णाश्रयः प्रत्ययो वर्णविचालस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात् । The pratyaya which depends upon a letter for its application cannot be responsible for its displacement. न प्रत्ययः सन्निपातलक्षणः Since the word already exists and the classification of prakṛti and pratyayn was done later by grammarians, the pratyaya cannot be considered to be dependent upon another. अङ्गसंज्ञा तर्ह्यनिमित्तं स्यात् Angasamjñā, then, becomes animitta. Note: Nāgōjibhubṭṭa here says that sannipāta need not be the sambandha between nimitla and nimittin alone, but also it may be the sambandha between visēṣaṇa and viśēṣya. Hence the pratyaya which depends for its application upon the sambandhu between the prātipadika and adantatva may not be responsible to break that sambandha. snei gitaà: m1qqa The älva has to be animilta to pugvidhi in krāpayati. आत्वं पुग्विधेरनिमित्तं स्यात् The atva (by the sutra Krīn-jīnām ņūu 6, 1, 48) has to be animitta to pugvidhi (by the sutra Arti-hrî-vlī-rī-knüyîkṣmāyyātām pugṇāu 7, 3, 36.) En? Where ? क्रापयति इति In krāpayati. SIXTH AHNIKA - KṚNMĒJANTAḤ 225 Note: The root krīń takes vrddhi before nic and ai is changed to ā and pugāgama sets in so that the form krāpuyati is determined. The atva is due to the succeeding nic and the same should not be responsible to allow puk to intercede between them; but it intercedes. gvarzacarenaîqua Puk has to be animitta to hrasvatva in adīdapat. पुग्घ्रस्वत्वस्यानिमित्तं स्यात् Puk has to be animitta to hrasvatva. क ? Where? अदीदपत् इति In adīdapat. Note: Adidapat is the third person singular, lun of the nijanta of the root din; di is changed to đã by the sūtra Mīnāti-minōti-dīnām lyapi ca (6, 1, 50) and it takes pugāgama by the sūtra Arti-hrī-vlī-rī-knūyīkṣmāyyātām puñṇāu (7, 3, 36). The a of dā is shortened to a by the sutra Nau-cani-upadhāyāhrasvaḥ (7, 4, 3). Here puk which owes its existence to the previous a is responsible for its shortening. त्यदाद्यकारष्टाब्विधेः The a of tyadādi has to be animitta to ṭābvidhi. त्यदाद्यकारः टाग्विधेरनिमित्तं स्यात् । The akāra of tyadādi has to be animitta to ṭābvidhi, 29226 क्व १ LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA Where ? या सा इति In yā, sā etc. Note: Yad and tad become ya and sa before case-suffix by the sūtra Tyadādīnām aḥ (7, 2, 102); ṭāp sets in on account of a by the sūtra Ajādyataṣṭāp (4, 1, 4) and hence a allows tāp to intercede between it and the case-suffix. इविधिराकारलोपस्य Iḍvidhi has to be animitta to ākāralõpa. इविधिराकारलोपस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात् Idvidhi has to be animitta to ākāralōpa. ET? Where? ययिवान् तस्थिवान् इति In yayivān, taṣthivān. Note: The roots yã and sthā after reduplication take iḍāgama by the sutra Vasvēkājādghasām (7, 2, 67) and this i is responsible for the loss of a as is seen in the sūtra Ātō lõpa iți ca (6, 4, 64.) मतुब्विभक्त्युदात्तत्वं पूर्वनिघातस्य The udattatva of matup and vibhakti has to be animitta to the anudattatva of the previous syllable. मतुब्विभक्त्युदात्तत्वं पूर्वनिघातस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात् The udattatva of matup and vibhakti has to be animitta to the anuḍāttatva of the previous syllable, SIXTH AHNIKA — KṚNMĒJANTAḤ 227 क्व ? Where? अग्निमान् वायुमान्; परमवाचा परमवाचे इति In the words agnimān, vāyumān; paramavācā, paramavācē. Note: The final syllable of agni and vāyu is udātta. When they get the pratyaya matup after them by the sūtra Tadasyastyasminniti matup (5, 2, 94), matup becomes udatta by the sutra Hrasvanuḍbhyām matup (6, 1, 176) and consequently the final syllable of agni and vayu lose their udattatva by the general rule Anudattam padam ēkavarjam (6, 1, 158). Here the pratyaya matup which comes after agni and vāyu makes them lose the udattatva in the final syllable. Similarly the third case-suffix and the fourth case-suffix in paramavāca, paramavācē enables the previous syllable va lose its udāttatva by the sutra Antōdātṭād uttarapadãd anyatarasyām anityasamāsē (6, 1, 169). नदीह्रस्वत्वं संबुद्धिलोपस्य The hrasvatva of nadî has to be animitta to sambuddhilōpa. मद्दीहस्वत्वं संबुद्धिलोपस्य अनिमित्तं स्यात्

यदि परिगणनं क्रियते नार्थोऽव्ययीभावस्य अव्ययसंज्ञया । 233 If an exhaustive list is given, there is no purpose served by giving avyayasaṁjñā to avyayībhāva. नैतानि सन्ति प्रयोजनानि । Those mentioned are not the prayōjanas. यत्तावदुच्यते लुक् इति ; आचार्यप्रवृत्तिर्ज्ञापयति भवति अव्ययीभावाल्लुगिति यदयं नाव्ययीभावादतः इति प्रतिषेधं शास्ति । With reference to the first prayojana luk, the procedure of Acārya suggests that there is luk after avyayîbhāva, since there is pratiṣēdha mentioned to it in certain cases in the sutra Ya woyayābhāvād atāsm tvapañcamyāh ( 2, 4, 83 ). With reference to (the third prayojana) upacāra anuttara - padasthasya is taken to the sūtra Atah krkami … ( 8, 3, 46 ) from the previous sūtra. तत्र मुखखर एकः प्रयोजयति । न चैकं प्रयाजनं योगारम्भं प्रयोजयति । यद्येतावत् प्रयोजनं स्यात्तत्रैवायं ब्रूयात् नाव्ययादव्ययीभावाच्च । Of these mukhasvara alone remains as prayōjana. One sūtra need not be read for the sake of one prayojana. If the Sūtrakāra is very particular about that prayōjana, he might have read avyayībhāvācca along with avyayād in the sūtra Nāvyaya … (6, 2, 168) Note: Nagōjibhaṭṭa says that, in the opinion of Mahābhāṣya- kāra, this sūtra need not be read. शि सर्वनामस्थानम् (1, 1, 42 ) ; सुडनपुंसकस्य (1, 1, 43) शि सर्वनामस्थानं सुडनपुंसकस्येति चेज्जसि शिप्रतिषेधः If it is said that si gets sarvanāmasuṁjñā and suț does not get it in napunsaka, there is Sipratisīdha in jas. 30 234 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA शि सर्वनामस्थानं सुडनपुंसकस्य इति चेत् जसि शेः प्रतिषेधः प्राप्नोति - कुण्डानि तिष्ठन्ति, वनानि तिष्ठन्ति । If it is said that ŝi gets sarvanāmasaṁjñā and suț does not get it in napumsaka, there is sipratiṣēdhë in jas so that the forms kunḍāni and vanāni in the sentences kunḍāni tiṣṭhanti and vanāni tiṣṭhanti cannot be formed. असमर्थसमासश्च Asamarthasamāsa too. असमर्थसमासश्चायं द्रष्टव्योऽनपुंसकस्येति ; न हि नञो नपुंसकेन सामर्थ्यम् । The word anapuṁsakasya should be taken taken as an asamarthasamāsa (a compound having component members not related to each other); for the negative particle has no relation with napuṁsaka. केन तर्हि ? With whom then ? भवतिना With the finite verb bhavati. न भवति नपुंसकस्य इति । That it does not happen to napumsaka, is then the meaning. यत्तावदुच्यते शि सर्वनामस्थानं सुडनपुंसकस्येति चेज्जसि प्रतिषेध इति । As to the statement made at first ŝi sarvanāmasthānam suḍ annpuṁsakasya iti cēt jasi pratiṣēdhḥaḥ, न, अप्रतिषेधात् No, since it is not prasajya-pratiṣēdka. stXTH ĀHNIKA – SI SARVANĀMASTHĀNAM SUDANA…. 235 नायं प्रसज्यप्रतिषेधः नपुंसकस्य न इति | This (anapuṁsakasyu) is not prasajya-pratiṣedha of the form napumsakasya na. किं तर्हि ? What then ? पर्युदासोऽयं, यदन्यत् नपुंसकात् इति । It is paryudāsa of the form napuṁsakāt anyat. नपुंसके न व्यापारः । यदि केनचित् प्राप्नोति तेन भविष्यति । पूर्वेण च प्राप्नोति । There is no action in napumsaka. It takes place with that which fits it. It takes place with what precedes. अप्राप्तेर्वा Or through aprāpti. अथवा अनन्तरा या प्राप्तिः सा निषिध्यते । Or that which immediately precedes is open to niṣēdha. कुत एतत् ? How is this ? अनन्तरस्य विधिर्वा भवति प्रतिषेधो वा इति । Vidhi or pratiṣēdha takes place to what immediately precedes. पूर्वा प्राप्तिरप्रतिषिद्धा, तया भविष्यति । That which is first obtained is not prohibited and hence it (Si) gets it. ननु चेयं प्राप्तिः पूर्वं प्राप्तिं बाधते । Or this prapti sets at naught the previous prăpti.236 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA नोत्सहते प्रतिषिद्धा सती वाधितुम् । That which undergoes pratiṣedha cannot set at naught another. यदप्युच्यते असमर्थसमासश्चायं द्रष्टव्यः इति । यद्यपि वक्तव्योऽथवैतर्हि बहूनि प्रयोजनानि । असूर्यपश्यानि मुखानि, अपुनर्गेयाः श्लोकाः, अश्राद्धभोजी ब्राह्मण इति । With reference to the statement mentioned that this should be seen as asamarthasamāsa, it is true; there are now many prayōjanas for it :-asuryampaśyāni mukhāni, apunargēyāḥ ślōkāḥ, aśrāddhabhōji brāhmaṇaḥ. Note: Kaiyața says that, since the Sūtrakāra has read anapuṁsakasya instead of strīpumsayōḥ, he opines that there is prasajyapratisēdha. न वेति विभाषा (1, 1, 44) There are five topics dealt with here. They are : (1) the significance of the term iti in the sūtra ; ( 2 ) and (3) na vā is is not used as one word in the sense of new or pratișëdha, (4) the pratyākhyāna of the sūtra after mentioning the defects and (5) the description of three kinds of vibhāsās “prāptavibhāṣā, aparāptavibhāṣā and ubhayatravibhāṣā found in grammar. I न वेति विभाषायामर्थसंज्ञाकरणम् The need to mention that artha (and not sabda) gets the saṁjñā in the sūtra Na vēti vibhāṣā. न वेति विभाषायामर्थस्य संज्ञा कर्तव्या, न वा शब्दस्व योऽर्थः तस्य संज्ञा भवतीति वक्तव्यम् SIXTH ÅHNIKA-NA VÉTI VIBHÀṢẢ 237 It is necessary that samjñā should be given to artha in the sūtra Na vēti vibhāṣā and it should be said that the saṁjñā reaches that which is the meaning of navāśabda. किं प्रयोजनम् ? What for ? शब्दसंज्ञायां ह्यर्थासंप्रत्ययः यथान्यत्र If the saṁjñā is to sabda, it cannot reach artha as elsewhere. शब्दसंज्ञायां हि सत्यामर्थस्यासंप्रत्ययः स्यात् । यथा अन्यत्र, अन्यत्रापि हि शब्दसंज्ञायां शब्दस्य संप्रत्ययो भवति, नार्थस्य । For, if the saṁjñā is to ŝab·la, the desired meaning is not obtained as elsewhere; for the samjña given elsewhere to sabda refers only to sabda and not to artha. कान्यत्र ? Which does elsewhere refer to ? दाधा घ्वदाप्, तरप्तमपौ घः इति । घुग्रहणेषु घग्रहणेषु च शब्दस्य संप्रत्ययो भवति नार्थस्य । The sūtras Dādhā ghvadāp, Taraptamapāu ghaḥ. Wherever ghu and gha are mentioned, they refer to only sabdas (like da, dhā, turap, tamap etc.) and not to their meaning. तत्तर्हि वक्तव्यम् | It is then to be mentioned. न वक्तव्यम् | No, it need not be mentioned. इतिकरणोऽर्थनिर्देशार्थः The use of the word iti is only to denote artha. 238 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHÂBHĀṢYÀ इतिकरणः क्रियते, सोऽर्थनिर्देशार्थी भविष्यति । 2 The word iti is read there and it is to make navā refer to artha (and not to śabda ). किं गतमेतदितिना, आहोस्वित् शब्दाधिक्यादर्थाधिक्यम् ? Is it denoted by the word iti or is the extension of meaning done through the use of the additional word? गतमित्याह It is denoted, says he. कुतः ? How ? लोकतः From the world. तद्यथा - लोके गौरित्ययमाह इति गोशब्दादितिकरणः प्रयुज्यमानः गोशब्दं स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्यावयति ; सोऽसौ स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्युतः या असावर्थपदार्थकता तस्याः, शब्दपदार्थकः सम्पद्यते । एवमिहापि नवाशब्दादितिकरणः परः प्रयुज्यमानः नवाशब्दं स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्यावयति । सोऽसौ स्वस्मात् पदार्थात् प्रच्युतः यासौ शब्दपदार्थकता तस्या लौकिकमर्थ सम्प्रत्याययति नवेति यद्गम्यते नवेति यत्प्रतीयते इति । It is thus :-In the sentence gauḥ iti ayam āhu used in the world, the word iti used after the word gauḥ enables the word gäuḥ not to denote its original meaning; it, being allowed to slip from denoting its original meaning the artha, is made to denote the word gauḥ. So also here the word iti used after navā enables it to slip from denoting its original meaning; it, being allowed to slip from denoting its original meaning-the sabda, is made to denote its meaning current in the world (i.e.) that which is meant by navā or that which is suggested by navā. SIXTH ÄHNIKA - NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ 239 Note: It deserves to be clearly understood that there is difference in the denotation of words between the world and the grammar. If one says in the world gāuḥ, it refers to the object which goes by the name of cow; on the other hand, the same word, if used in grammar, refers to the word which is made up of the sounds g, au and visarga. That is why the Sūtrakāra reads the sutra Svam rūpam sabdasya aśabdasaṁjñā. If, in the world, one wants to refer to the word gauḥ, he has to say gauḥ iti; similarly if, in grammar, one wants to refer to the object găuḥ, he has to say gauḥ iti. Hence there is the saying of the elders ‘iti-sabdaḥ `padārthaviprayāsakṛt’. II समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः Prohibition of arthas denoted by words of the same form. समानशब्दानां प्रतिषेधो वक्तव्यः, नवा कुण्डिका नवा घटिका इति । Prohibition of arthas denoted by words of the. same form as the artha of newness in navā kuṇḍikā and navā ghaṭikā need be mentioned. किं च स्याद् यद्येतेषामपि विभाषासंज्ञा स्यात् ? What will happen if these also get the saṁjñā vibhāṣā ? विभाषा दिक्समासे बहुव्रीहौ - दक्षिणपूर्वस्यां शालायाम् अचिरकृतायां संप्रत्ययः स्यात् । The word dakṣinapūrvasyām in the phrase dakṣiņapūrvasyām sālāyām which is obtained on the strength of the sūtra Vibhāṣā diksamāsē bahuvrīhāu will be made to denote recently made. 240 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHĀṢYA न वा विधिपूर्वकत्वात् प्रतिपेधसंप्रत्ययो यथा लोके Not necessary ; vidhi preceding, it can mean only pratisādha, as is in the world. न वैष दोषः This difficulty does not arise. किं कारणम् ? Why ? विधिपूर्वकत्वात्, विधाय किञ्चिन्नवेत्युच्यते, तेन प्रतिषेधवाचिनः संप्रत्ययो भवति । तद्यथा लोके ग्रामो भवता गन्तव्यो न वा । नेति गम्यते । Since it is preceded by a vidhi; the expression navā is used only after something is enjoined and hence it can mean only niṣēdha, as is found in the sentence current in the world. Are you to go to the village ? Navā? Here navā refers to pratisidha. अस्ति कारणं येन नवा इति लोके प्रतिषेधवाचिनः संप्रत्ययो भवति । There is a reason for interpreting navā to mean pratiṣédha in the world. किं कारणम् ? What is the reason? विलिङ्गं हि भवाँल्लोके निर्देशं करोति । अङ्ग ! हि समानलिङ्गो निर्देशः क्रियतां प्रत्यग्रवाचिनः सम्प्रत्ययो भविष्यति तद्यथा ग्रामो भवता गन्तव्यो प्रत्यन इति गम्यते नवः । For you state an unworldly expression-navā and gantavyaḥ are of different genders. Dear sir, please give out an expression where, they are of the same gender and it will evidently mean newness. For example the word nava in the sentence grāmō bhavatā gantavyō navaḥ means only pratyagra. SIXTH ÄHNIKA-NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ 241 Note: The humour in the method of presentation above deserves to be noted. एतच्चैव न जानीमः कचिद्याकरणे समानलिङ्गो निर्देशः क्रियते इति । We do not know this where nava is used in Vyakarana in the same gender as the word with which it is associated. अपि चात्र कामचारः प्रयोक्तुः शब्दानामभिसम्बन्धे । तद्यथा यवागूर्भवता भोक्तव्या नवा यदा यवागूशब्दो भुजिना सम्बध्यते भुजिर्नवाशब्देन तदा प्रतिषेधवाचिनः सम्प्रत्ययो भवति - यवागूर्भवता भोक्तव्या न वा; नेति गम्यते । यदा तु यवागूशब्दो नवाशब्देन अभिसम्बध्यते न भुजिना, तदा प्रत्यग्रवाचिनः सम्प्रत्ययो भवति, यथा यवागूर्नवा भवता भोक्तव्या ; प्रत्यग्रेति गम्यते । न चेह वयं विभाषाग्रहणेन सर्वादीन्यभिसंबध्नीमः - दिक्समासे बहुवा सर्वादीनि विभाषा भवन्ति इति । किं तर्हि ? भवतिरभिसंबध्यते, दिक्समासे बहुव्रीहौ सर्वादीनि भवन्ति विभाषा इति । Besides the speaker is at liberty to fix the relationship of words in a sentence. For instance, if, in the sentence yavāgūḥ bhavatā bhōktavyā navā, the word yavāgū is made to go with the verb bhuj and bhuj with navā, navā means pratişëdha so that the sentence means “Are you to eat yavāgū or not?” If, on the other hand, yavāgū is taken with navā and not with bhuj, navā means newness so that the sentence means “The fresh yavāgū has to be eaten by you”. We do not here take vibhāṣā with sarvādi so that the sutra may mean, in diksamāsa of bahuvrīhi sarvādis become vibhāṣā. How then? Vibhāṣā is taken along with the root bhū so that the sutra means sarvādis in diksamāsa of bahuvrīhi take the saṁjñā ̄ optionally. III विध्यनित्यत्वमनुपपन्नं, प्रतिषेधसंज्ञाकरणात् Inappropriateness of the anityatva of vidhi on account of the pratiṣēdha (the meaning of navā, taken as one word) being given a sanjna. 31 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA 242 विधेरनित्यत्वं नोपपद्यते शुशाव शुशुवतुः शुशुवुः, शिश्वाय शिश्वयतुः शिश्वयुः । The anityatva of the general vidhi is not possible with reference to the forms of the root svi in lit, so that the optional forms śuśāva, śusuvatuḥ and śuśuvuḥ cannot replace śiśvāya, śiŝvayatuḥ and ŝiśvayuḥ (since the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣā śvēḥ will have to be taken to denote niṣēdha). किं कारणम् ? Why ? प्रतिषेधसंज्ञाकरणात्; प्रतिषेधस्येयं संज्ञा क्रियते; तेन विभाषाप्रदेशेषु प्रतिषेधस्यैव संप्रत्ययः स्यात् । On account of saṁjñā being given to pratisēdha; this samjñā is given to pratiṣedha and consequently in places where the word vibhāṣā is found, it should be taken to denote nisedha. सिद्धं तु प्रसज्य प्रतिषेधात् It is accomplished on account of pratiṣedha being mentioned to what has already been enjoined. सिद्धमेतत् This is accomplished. कथम् ? How ? प्रसज्य प्रतिषेधात् ; प्रसज्य किञ्चिन्नवेत्युच्यते तेनोभयं भविष्यति । On account of pratiṣedha to what has been enjoined ; having enjoined one, it is said that there is pratiṣedha to it and hence both the forms may be used. विप्रतिषिद्धं तु One conflicting against another. SİXTH AHNIKA – NA VĒTI VIBHÂṢĀ 243 विप्रतिषिद्धं तु भवति । अत्र न विज्ञायते केनाभिप्रायेण प्रसजति केन निवृत्तिं करोति इति । Oh, there is conflict. It is not known here why one is enjoined and why it is set at naught. न वा प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्याद् अन्यत्र प्रतिषेधविषयात् This (conflict) need not be; one form on the strength of vidhisūtra and another on the strength of pratiṣēdhasūtra. न वैष दोषः This difficulty need not stand. किं कारणम् ? How ? प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्यात् – प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्याच्च विधिर्भविष्यति अन्यत्र प्रतिषेध- विषयात् । On the basis of the vidhisūtra; on the basis of the vidhisūtra, the vidhi form makes its appearance except where pratiṣēdhasūtra operates. प्रतिषेधसामर्थ्याच्च प्रतिषेधो भविष्यति अन्यत्र विधिविषयात् । On the basis of the pratiṣedhasutra, the pratiṣēdha form other than the vidhi form makes its appearance. तदेतत् क सिद्धं भवति ? Where is this accomplished? ‘या अप्राप्ते विभाषा Where there is vibhāṣā to one which has not been enjoined. या हि प्राप्ते विभाषा कृतसामर्थ्यस्तत्र पूर्वेण विधिरिति कृत्वा प्रतिषेधस्यैव संप्रत्ययः स्यात् । 244 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYÀ Where there is vibhāṣā to one which has already been enjoined, the vidhi is got by the previous rule and the pratiṣēdha alone is meant by the other एतदपि सिद्धम् This too is accomplished (by other means). कथम् ? How ? विभाषेति महती संज्ञा क्रियते । संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः । कुत एतत् ? लघ्वर्थं हि संज्ञाकरणम् । तत्र महत्याः संज्ञायाः करणे एतत् प्रयोजनम् - उभयोः संज्ञा यथा विज्ञायेत नेति च वेति च । तत्र या तावदप्राप्ते विभाषा, तत्र प्रतिषेध्यं नास्तीति कृत्वा वा इत्यनेन विकल्पो भविष्यति ; या हि प्राप्ते विभाषा तत्र उभयम् उपस्थितं भवति, नेति च वेति च; तत्र नेत्यनेन प्रतिषिद्धे वेत्यनेन विकल्पो भविष्यति । A long suṁjñā, vibhāṣā by name, is given. Samjñā is always in a form than which nothing is shorter. Why is it said so? The ease of sastrapravṛtti is the motive for samjñākaraṇa. The benefit of giving a long saṁjña there is that it should comprehend both-niṣedha and vikalpa. Where there is vibhāṣā with reference to aprāpta, vikalpa takes place there, since there is nothing to be prohibited and where there is vibhāṣā for what is prāpta, both begin to operate-the pratiṣēdha and the vikalpa; after it is pratiṣiddha by na iti, it takes vikalpa by vā iti. एवमपि विधिप्रतिषेधयोर्युगपद्वचनानुपपत्तिः Even then the inappropriateness of the mention of vidhi and pratiṣëdha at the same time. विधिप्रतिषेधयोर्युगपद्वचनं नोपपद्यते ; शुशाव शुशुवतुः, शुशुवुः, शिश्वाय शिश्वियतुः शिश्वियुः । Mention of vidhi and pratișēdha at the same time is inappropriate-śuśāva śuŝuvatuḥ śuśuvuḥ, śiśvāyā śiśviyatuḥ sisviyuh. 7 SIXTH ÄHNIKA-NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ किं कारणम् ? Why ? भवतीति चेन्न प्रतिषेधः If it comes, it cannot be prohibited. भवतीति चेत् प्रतिषेधो न प्राप्नोति । If it comes, pratisēdha cannot come there. नेति चेन्न विधिः No vidhi where there is pratiṣëdha. नेति चेद् विधिर्न सिध्यति If there is pratiṣēdha, vidhi cannot be accomplished. सिद्धं तु पूर्वस्योत्तरेण बाधितत्वात् 245 It is accomplished since the former is set at naught by the latter. सिद्धमेतत् The object is achieved. कथम् ? How ? पूर्वविधिमुत्तरो विधिर्बाधते The following rule sets at naught the preceding rule. इतिकरणो अर्थनिर्देशार्थ इत्युक्तम् It has been said that the mention of the word iti (in the sūtra) is to denote the artha. IV साध्वनुशासनेऽस्मिन् शास्त्रे यस्य विभाषा तस्य साधुत्वम् Correctness of the vibhāsā with reference to any one in this sastra which mentions only correct words.246 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHABHÄṢYA साध्वनुशासनेऽस्मिन् शास्ते यस्य विभाषा क्रियते स विभाषा साधुः स्यात् । समासश्चैव हि विभाषा क्रियते, तेन समासस्यैव विभाषा साधुत्वं स्यात् । The vibhāṣā mentioned with reference to anything will become optionally in this sastra dealing with grammatically correct words. Vibhāṣā Vibhāṣā is mentioned with reference to samāsa and hence samāsa will become correct and incorrect. Note: In the samāsaprakarana there is a sūtra Vibhāṣā (2, 1, 11), by which it is generally understood that samāsa is not obligatory and the same idea may be expressed through the vigrahavākya. Accord- ing to the above vārttika, the vigrahavūkya alone will be considered correct and not samāsa. अस्तु यः साधुः स प्रयोक्ष्यते ; असाधुर्न प्रयोक्ष्यते । ; Let it be; that which is correct is made use of and that which is incorrect is not made use of. न चैव हि कदाचिद् राजपुरुष इत्येतस्यामवस्थायाम् असाधुत्वमिष्यते । But nowhere in the history of language was rūjapuruṣa as a samāsa considered incorrect. • द्वेधाऽप्रतिपत्तिः Non-accomplishment of two-fold forms. द्वैधं शब्दानामप्रतिपत्तिः स्यात् । इच्छामश्च पुनर्विभाषाप्रदेशेषु द्वैधं शब्दानां प्रतिपत्तिः स्यात् इति । तच्च न सिध्यति ; यस्य पुनः कार्या शब्दाः, विभाषासौ समासं निवर्तयति । We The two-fold use of sabdas cannot be accomplished. desire that in places of vibhāṣā there may be two kinds of use of sabdas. That is not accomplished; according to him who accepts the theory that sabda is kārya, the vibhāṣā sets at naught the samāsa यस्यापि नित्याः शब्दाः तस्याप्येष न दोषः । SIXTH AHNIKA - NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ 247 Even according to him who holds the theory that sabda is nitya, this difficulty does not arise . कथम् ? How 2 न विभाषाग्रहणेन साधुत्वमभिसम्बध्यते Mention of vibhāṣā has nothing to do with the sadhutva or correctness of expression. किं तर्हि ? With what then? समाससंज्ञा अभिसम्बध्यते, समास इत्येषा संज्ञा विभाषा भवति इति । Vibhāṣā goes with samāsasaṁjñā so that it means that samāsasaṁjñā is optional. तद्यथा - मेध्यः पशर्विभाषितो मेध्योऽनड्वान् विभाषित इति । नैतद्विचार्यते अनङ्कान्नानड्डानिति । किं तर्हि ? आलब्धव्यो नालब्धव्य इति । It may be illustrated by the following: It is said ‘mēdhyaḥ pasuḥ vibhāṣitō mēdhyō anaḍvān vibhāṣitaḥ’. It is not discussed here whether it is to anaḍvan or non-anaḍvān but whether it is to be tied to the stake or not. कार्येषु युगपदन्वाचययौगपद्यम् If sabda is taken be kārya, there is a chance for a number of suffixes to be attached at the same time. कार्येषु शब्देषु, तस्य युगपद्वचनता प्राप्नोति तव्यत्तव्यानीयरः, ढक् च मण्डूकात् इति । If sabdas are kārya, they are prone to get a number of suffixes at the same time. For instance tavya and anīya may be added simultaneously to verbal roots on the strength of the sūtra Tavyattavyānīyarah ( 3, 1 93 ) and the suffixes dhak, an and in may be attached to the word maṇḍūka on the strength of the sūtra Dhak ca mandīkāt (4, 1, 119 ). 248 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA यस्य पुनर्नित्याः शब्दाः, प्रयुक्तानामसौ साधुत्वमन्वाचष्टे । For him who holds that sabdas are nitya, these sūtras reiterate their correctness. ननु च यस्यापि कार्याः तस्याप्येष न दोषः । Oh, the difficulty above mentioned does not arise even to him who holds that sabdas are kārya. कथम् ? How ? प्रत्ययः परो भवति इति उच्यते । न चैकस्याः प्रकृतेः अनेकस्य प्रत्ययस्य युगपत् परत्वेन सम्भवोऽस्ति । It is said that pratyaya is suffixed and it is not possible for many pratyayas to be suffixed simultaneously to one prakṛti. नापि ब्रूमः प्रत्ययमाला प्राप्नोति इति । We do not say that all the pratyayas have a chance to be knitted one over another. किं तर्हि ? What then 2 कर्तव्यम् इति प्रयोक्तव्ये युगपद् द्वितीयस्य तृतीयस्य च प्रयोगः प्राप्नोति च । When one tries to use the first prayōga kartavya, the other two-the second and the third will offer themselves. नैष दोषः । अर्थगत्यर्थः शब्दप्रयोगः ; अर्थ संप्रत्याययिष्यामि इति शब्दः प्रयुज्यते ; तत्र एकेनोक्तत्वात् तस्यार्थस्य द्वितीयस्य प्रयोगेण न भवितव्यम्, उक्तार्थानामप्रयोग इति । There is no room for this difficulty. Usage of words is to make another understand the meaning; word is used with the desire of making another understand his idea; since that idea has been expressed once, the second expression cannot offer itself since the idea once expressed need not be repeated, SIXTH ÄHNIKA - NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢÃ आचार्यदेशशीलने च तद्विपयता 249 Restriction to it where there is mention of any ācārya or country. आचार्यशीलनेन च देशशीलनेन च यदुच्यते, तस्य तद्विषयता प्राप्नोति । इको ह्रस्वोऽङयो गालवस्य प्राचामवृद्धात् फिन् वहुलम् ’ इति गालवा एव हस्खान् प्रयुञ्जीरन, प्राक्षु चैव हि फिन् स्यात् । तद्यथा जमदग्निर्वा एतत्पञ्चममवदानमवाद्यत् । तस्मान्न अजामदग्न्यः पञ्चावत्तं जुहोति । That which is mentioned pertaining to any ācārya or dēśa, it will be restricted there. Since there is the mention of the ācārya, Gālava in the sūtra Ikō hrusvōnyō gālavasya (6, 3, 61) his followers will use only hrasva and since there is the mention of prācām in the sūtra Prācām avṛddhāt phin bahulam (4, 1, 160), phin will be used only in the eastern country. The following may serve as an illustration: Jamadagni had five avadānas and hence one who does not belong to his family should not take recourse to it. यस्य पुनर्नित्याः शब्दाः, गालवग्रहणं तस्य पूजार्थ देशग्रहणं च कीर्त्यर्थम् । On the other hand, mention of Gālava is for honor and that of desa is for fame to him who holds that sabdas are nitya. ननु च यस्यापि कार्याः शब्दाः तस्यापि गालवग्रहणं पूजार्थ स्याद् देशग्रहणं च कीर्त्त्यर्थम् । Oh, even to him who holds that sabdas are kārya, mention of Gälava is for honour and that of desa is for fame. तत्कीर्तने च द्वेधाऽप्रतिपत्तिः On their mention non-existence of two-fold use. तत्कीर्तने च द्वैधं शब्दानामप्रतिपत्तिः स्यात् । इच्छामश्च पुनराचार्यग्रहणेषु देशग्रहणेषु च द्वैधं शब्दानां प्रतिपत्तिः स्याद् इति, तच्च न सिध्यति । On mentioning them the two-fold use of words cannot happen. We wish that through the sūtras where mention of 32 250 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA any ācārya or dēŝa is done, the two-fold use should be done; but it cannot be accomplished. अशिष्यो वा विदितत्वात् Or the sūtra need not be read since it is (otherwise) known. अशिष्यो वा पुनरयं योगः Or this sūtra may not, as well, be read. किं कारणम् ? Why ? विदितत्वात् - यदनेन योगेन प्रार्थ्यते तस्यार्थस्य विदितत्वात् । Since it is known-the object which is sought by this sūtra is already known. येsपि ह्येतां संज्ञां नारभन्ते तेऽपि विभाषा इत्युक्ते अनित्यत्वमवगच्छन्ति । याशिकाः खल्वपि संज्ञामनारभमाणा विभाषा इत्युक्ते अनित्यत्वमवगच्छन्ति । तद्यथा मेध्यः पशुर्विभाषितो मेध्योऽनवान् विभाषितः इति । आलब्धव्यो नालब्धव्य इति गम्यते । आचार्यः खल्वपि संज्ञामारभमाणो भूयिष्ठमन्यैरपि शब्दैरेतर्मथ संप्रत्याययति — बहुलम्, अन्यतरस्याम्, उभयथा, वा, ऐकेषाम् इति । Those who have not mentioned this saṁjñā understand that the word vibhāṣā suggests anityatva (non-implicit occurring). Yājñikas too, who do not resort to this saṁjñā understand the same (i e.) that the mention of the word vibhāṣā suggests anilyalva. For instance, from the statement Mēdhyaḥ pasur vibhāṣitō mēdhyōsnaḍvān vibhāṣitaḥ, it is understood whether it is to be tied to the stake or not. Acārya Pāṇini too who has taken recourse to this saṁjñā expresses the same idea mostly through other expressions like bahulam, anyatarasyām, ubhayathā, vā, ēkēṣām. Note: Kaiyața says that the sutra is necessary with reference to ubhayatravibhāṣā, if ākṛtipakṣa is adhered to and it is unnecessary if vyaktipakṣa is adhered to. STATA SIXTH AHNIKA NA VÉTI VIBHĀṢĀ 251 Bhattōjidikṣita says in his Ŝabdakāustubha that this sūtra is unnecessary even when akrtipakṣa is adhered to through certain adjustments. Nāgōjibhaṭṭa agrees with the latter. In aprāptavibhāṣā. इत उत्तरं या विभाग अनुक्रमिष्यामः अप्राप्ते ता द्रष्टव्याः The vibhāṣās which were subsequently going to be dealt with have to be taken to refer to aprāpto: Note: Aprāptē is an adhikāra-vārttika. त्रिसंशयाः The vibhāṣās are prone to have doubts with reference to three. त्रिसंशयास्तु भवन्ति, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति । They are liable to be interpreted in three ways, whether they are praptē-vibhāṣās, aprāptē-vibhāṣās or ubhayatra- vibhāṣās. द्वन्द्वे च विभाषा जसि In the vibhāṣā with reference to jas read after the sūtra Dvandvě ca (1, 1, 31). द्वन्द्वे च विभाषा जसि प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति सन्देहः There is the doubt whether the vibhāṣā with reference to jas read after the sutra Dvandvē ca is prāptē-vibhāṣā, aprāptëvibhāṣā or ubhayatra-vibhāṣā. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वा उभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is it liable to be taken as prāptē-vibhāṣā, under which circumstances as aprāptēvibhāṣā and under which circumstances as ubhayatra-vibhāṣā ? 252 LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢY A उभयशब्दः सर्वादिषु पठ्यते । तयपश्चायजादेशः क्रियते । तेन वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वा इति । The word ubhaya is read in the sarvādi list. [The word ending in tayap takes sarvanāmasaṁjñā optionally by the sūtra Prathama - carama - taya - alpa - urdha - katipaya - nēmāśca (1, 1, 33) and tayap is enjoined by the sutra Sunkhyāyā avayavē tayap (5, 2, 42) and ayac is enjoined to ubha by the sūtra Ubhād udāttō nityam (5, 2, 44).] Tayap takes the ādēsa ayac. If ubhaya is allowed to take sarvanāmasaṁjñā by the sūtra Sarvādīni sarvanāmāni and ayac is taken to be the ādēsa of tayap, the saṁjñā has already been präpta and this sūtra Prathuma….. (1, 1, 33) simply negates that saṁjñā and consequently this sūtra (1, 1, 33) becomes prāptēvibhāṣā. If ayac is not taken to be the ādēsa of tayap by not taking the letter from 5, 2, 42 by anuvṛtti, the vibhāṣā enjoined by this rule (1, 1, 33) has nothing to do with the word ubhaya and hence it is aprāptēvibhāṣā, If ayac is taken to be the adesa of tayap and the sūtru Prathama… (1, 1, 33) is made to over-rule Sarvādīni sarvanāmāni (1,1, 27) by the paribhāṣā Vipratiṣēdhe param kāryam, the vibhāṣā 1, 1, 33 becomes ubhayatra vithāṣā. अप्राप्ते, अयच् प्रत्ययान्तरम् This vibhāṣā is an aprāptēvibhāṣā; for ayac is a pratyaya not connected with tayap. यदि प्रत्ययान्तरम् उभयीति ईकारो न प्राप्नोति । If it is a pratyaya not related to tayap, hip has no opportunity to appear in ubhayî (by the sūtra tiḍḍhāṇañ….. matrac-tayap… (4, 1, 15) मा भूदेवं, मात्रच् इत्येवं भविष्यति । Ñīp may not make its appearance on the basis of ayac being an ādēŝa of tayap, but it appears on the basis of matrac in the same sûtra. SIXTH AHNIKA-NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ कथम् ? How ? मात्रच् इति नेदं प्रत्ययग्रहणम् The word matrac does not denote the pratyaya. किं तर्हि ? What then does it denote ? प्रत्याहारग्रहणम् It denotes the pratyāhāra. क सन्निविष्टानां प्रत्याहारः 2 Where are the words mentioned whose pratyāhāra it is ? मात्रशब्दात्प्रभृति आयचश्चकारात् 253 From the word mātra found in Pramāņē dvayasajdaghnañ mātracah (5, 2, 37 ) to the c in ayac in the sūtra Dvitribhyām tayasyāyajvā (5, 2, 43) यदि प्रत्याहारग्रहणं कति तिष्ठन्ति अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If it is taken as a pratyāhāra, nip may come to kati in the sentence kati tişṭhanti, since dati is between mātra and ayac. अतः इति वर्तते The word ataḥ is taken to that sutra from Ajādyataṣṭāp (4, 1, 4). एवमपि तैलमात्रा घृतमात्रा अत्रापि प्राप्नोति । If so, nip may appear in täilamātrā and ghṛtëmātrā where tran has been suffixed to ma by the uṇādisūtra Hu-yā-mā-srubhasibhyastran (617). सदृशस्यापि असन्निविष्टस्य न भविष्यति प्रत्याहारेण ग्रहणम् । Pratyāhāra does not take within its range similar words which are not found in the list. 254 LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHÂṢYA ऊर्णोर्विभाषा Doubt in ūrṇōr vibhāṣā. ऊर्णोर्विभाषा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः । There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā enjoined by the sūtra Vibhāsārnoh (1, 2, 3 ) is prāptivibhāsā, apraptevibhāsā or ubhayatravibhāṣā. कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्त कथं वोभयत्र ? Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra? असंयोगाल्लिट् कित् इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति । If the sūtra Vibhasornoh ( 1, 2, 3 ) is taken as far as the sūtra Asamyāgāt lit kit (1, 2, 5), since kittvam is obtained by the latter, it is optionally negated by the former and hence the vibhāṣā in the former is prāptē vibhāṣā. If the dictum vipratiṣēdhē param kāryam is adopted, the fifth sūtra sets at naught the third sūtra and hence vibhāṣa in the third sūtra is aprāptē vibhāṣā. If, on the other hand, the dictum vipratiṣēdhē pūrvam kāryam is adopted, the fifth sūtra has no opportunity to operate and hence the vibhāṣā in the third sūtra is ubhayatra vibhāṣā. अप्राप्ते, अन्यद्धि कित्त्वम् अन्यत् ङित्त्वम् It is only aprâptē vibhāṣā since kit is different from nit. एकं चेत् ङित्कितौ If nit and kit are one. यद्येकं ङित्कितौ ततोऽस्ति सन्देहः If nit and kit are one, there is doubt. अथ हि नाना, नास्ति सन्देहः SIXTH ÄHNIKA — NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ

If they are different, there is no doubt .

यद्यपि नाना एवमपि सन्देहः

1

Even if they are different, there is the doubt

कथम् ? How ?

प्रौणुवीति

With reference to the form praurṇuvīti.

सार्वधातुकमपित् इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति ।

255

Prapti-vibhāṣa, aprāpte-vibhāṣā and ubhayatravibhāṣā may be explained if we take sārvadhātukam apit (1, 2, 4) in place of asamyāgāt bit keit (1, 2, 5).

अप्राप्ते

The vibhāṣā is only aprāptē vibhāṣā. विभाषोपयमने

Doubt in Vibhāsāpayamane ( 1, 2, 16).

विभाषोपमने प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वा इति सन्देहः

There is doubt whether vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣāpayamānē is prāptē, apraptē or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

In which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra? गन्धन इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with the sūtra Yamō gandhanë (1, 2, 15) it is prāptēvibhāṣā; it is aprāptē thro’ the dictum vipratiṣedhe pūrvam kāryam and it is ubhayatra thro’ the dictum vipratisedhē param kāryam.

अप्राप्ते, गन्धन इति निवृत्तम्

,256

LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA

It is aprāptē since gandhana is not taken with the latter.

अनुपसर्गाद्वा

Doubt in Anupasargād vā.

अनुपसर्गाद्वा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether vã in the sūtra Anupasargād vā is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं वा प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

In which circumstances is it prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra ?

वृत्तिसर्गतायनेपुं क्रमः इति च नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with the sūtra Vrtti-sarga-tāyanisu-

• kramah ( 1, 3, 38 ), it is prāpte; it is aprāpte through the dictum Vipratiṣēdhē pūrvam kāryam and it is ubhayatra through the dictum Vipratiṣēdhē param karyam.

अप्राप्ते, वृत्त्यादिषु इति निवृत्तम्

It is aprāptē since vṛttisargatāyanēṣu has no anuvṛtti in the sūtra Anupasargād vā (1, 3, 43).

विभाषा वृक्षमृगादीनाम्

Doubt in the sūtra Vibhāsā vyksa-mrga-trņadhānya-vyañjanapaśu-sakcuni-aśva-vadavapūrvāpara-adharāttarānām ( 2, 4, 12).

विभाषा वृक्षमृगादीनाम्, प्राप्ते, अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣā arkesamrga … (2, 4, 12) is prāptā, dprāple or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprūptē or ubhayatra ?

जातिरप्राणिनामिति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

SIXTH AHNIKA ·NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢÂ

257

If it is taken along with the sūtra Jātir aprāṇinām (2, 4, 6), it is prāptē ; it is aprāptē thro’ the dictum Vipratiṣēdhē pūrvam kāryam and it is ubhayatra thro’ the dictum Vipratiṣēdhē param kāryam.

Note: If vibhāṣā sūtra is to be taken along with jātir-aprāṇinām, vrksa etc. should be taken to refer to dead objects.

अप्राप्त, जातिरप्राणिनामिति निवृत्तम्

It is aprāptē since it is not taken together with jatirapruninam.

उषविदजागृभ्योऽन्यतरस्याम्

Doubt in the sutra Usa-vida-jugrbhyōsnyatarasyām.

उषविदजागृभ्योऽन्यतरस्याम्, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether anyatarasyām in the sūtra Uṣavida… (3, 1, 38) is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ?

प्रत्ययान्तादिति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with pratyayānta referred to in the sūtra Kāspratyayādām amantrē liți (3, 1, 35), it is prāptē. Through pūrvavipratiṣedha it is aprāptē and through paravipratiṣedha it is ubhayatra.

Note: Us and vid are taken here as kvibanta.

अपामे । प्रत्ययान्ता धात्वन्तराणि ।

It is aprāptē, since those that are pratyayāntas are different `from the original roots,

33

258

LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA

Note: Nägōjibhatta says that ācārakvip does not come after a root ending in a consonant. Hence the sūtra Kāspratyayād… has nothing to do here. anyatarasyam is aprāptē.

Hence

दीपादीनां विभाषा

Doubt with reference to vibhāṣā in dīpādi.

दीपादीनां विभाषा प्राप्ते अप्रामे उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt with reference to vibhāṣā in the sūtra Dīpa - jana - budha - pūritāyipyāyibhyōsnyatarasyūm (3, 1, 61), whether it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra,

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prūptē, aprūplē or ubhayatra ?

भावकर्मणोः इति वा नित्यं प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with the sūtra Ciņ bhāvakarmaṇāḥ (3, 1, 66), it is prāpte ; through the dictum vipratisādhā param kāryam, it is aprāptē and through the dictum vipratiṣēdhe pūrvam kāryam, it is ubhayatra.

अप्राप्ते, कर्तरि इति हि वर्तते ।

It is aprāptē, since it has to do with the active voice (kartari-prayoga).

एवमपि सन्देहः, न्याय्ये वा कर्तरि, कर्मकर्तरि वा इति ।

Even then there is the doubt whether it is in actual kartari-prayoga or karma-kartari-prayoga.

नास्ति सन्देहः । सकर्मकस्य कर्ता कर्मवद्भवति अकर्मकाश्च दीपादयः ।

There is no doubt, since the karta of a transitive verb alone becomes karmavut and dip etc, are intransitive verbs.

अकर्मका अपि वै सोपसर्गाः सकर्मका भवन्ति ।

SiXTH AHNIKA NA VĚTI VIBHÂṢÄ

259

Even intransitive verbs become transitive if they are preceded by prepositions.

कर्मापदिष्टा विधयः कर्मस्थभावकानां कर्मस्थक्रियाणां वा भवन्ति ; कर्तृस्थभावकाश्च दीपादयः ।

Rules on karmātidēśa are concerned with karmasthabhāva or karmasthakoriyā; dīpādis have to do only with kartrsthabhūva.

विभाषाग्रेप्रथमपूर्वेषु

Doubt in the sūtra Vibhāsā agrēprathamapūrves ( 3, 4, 24 ). विभाषा अग्रेप्रथमपूर्वेषु प्राप्त अप्राप्त उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣā agrē prathamapūrvēṣu is aprāptē, prāptē or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्त कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it präptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra?

आभीक्ष्ण्ये इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with Abhikṣnyē namul ca (3, 4, 22), it is prāpte; through the dictum pūrvavipratiṣēdha it is aprāptē and through the dictum paravipratiṣëdha it is ubhayatra.

अप्राप्ते, आभीक्ष्ण्ये इति निवृत्तम् ।

It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvṛtti to abhikṣnye here. तृनादीनां विभाषा

Doubt in the sūtra Vibhāṣā tṛn - anna - tīkṣṇaśuciṣu (6, 2, 161).

तृनादीनां विभाषा प्राप्त अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt in the vibhāṣā with reference to tṛn etc. whether it is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

260

LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHÂBHĀṢYA

कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वाप्राप्ते कथमुभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ?

आक्रोशे इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with Akrōśē ca (6, 2, 158) it is prāptē; it is aprāptē through pūrvavipratiṣēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratiṣēdha.

अप्राप्ते, आक्रोशे इति निवृत्तम् ।

It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvṛtti here to ākrōśē.

एकहलादौ पूरयितव्येऽन्यतरस्याम्

Doubt in Ekahalādāu pūrayitavyēsnyatarasyām (6, 3, 59). एकहलादौ पूरयितव्ये ऽन्यतरस्याम् प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether anyatarasyām in the sūtra Ekahalādāru… (6, 3, 59 ) is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it präptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ?

उदकस्योदः संज्ञायाम् इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्रवाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with Udakasyodah samjñayām (6, 3, 57 ); it is präptē; it is aprapte through purvavipratiṣedha and ubhayatra through paravipratiṣedha.

अप्राप्ते, संज्ञायामिति निवृत्तम् ।

It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvrtti for the word saṁjñāyām.

वादेरित्रि पदान्तरस्यान्यतरस्याम्

Doubt in Padāntasyānyatarasyām (7, 3, 9 ) after the sūtra Svāder ini (7, 3, 8).

SIXTH AHNIKA NA VĒTI VIBHẲṢÀ

261

श्वादेरिभि पदान्तरस्यान्यतरस्याम् प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt with reference to any atarasyām in the sūtra Padāntasya… (7, 3, 9 ) after Svāder ini (7, 3, 8), whether it is prāptā, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्त कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ?

इञीति वा नित्ये प्राप्त अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If there is anuvṛtti of iñi, it is prāptē; through pūrvavipratiṣēdha it is aprāptē and through paravipratiṣēdha it is ubhayatra.

अप्राप्ते, इनीति निवृत्तम् ।

It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvṛtti to iñi

सपूर्वायाः प्रथमाया विभाषा

Doubt with reference to vibhāṣā in the sūtra Sapūrvāyāḥ prathamāyā vibhāsā (8, 1, 26 ) .

सपूर्वायाः प्रथमाया विभाषा प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Sapürvāyah… ( 8, 1, 26 ) is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē. aprāptē or ubhayatra?

चादिभिर्योगे इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken in association of ca etc. mentioned in the sūtra Na cavāhāhāivayuktā (8, 1, 24), it is prāpte and otherwise it is aprūptē or ubhayatra.

अप्राप्ते, चादिभिर्योगे इति निवृत्तम् ।

1

262

LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHẢṢYÀ

It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvṛtti to cavāhāhāivayuktē.

ग्रो यङि अचि विभाषा

Doubt in the sūtra Aci vibhāsā (8, 2, 21 ) following the sūtra Grā yani (8, 2, 20).

ग्रो यङि अचि विभाषा प्राप्त अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sutra Aci vibhāṣā following the sutra Grō yani is prāḥtē, aprāptē or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ?

यङीति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with the sūtra Acō yani, it is prāptē; otherwise it is aprāptē or ubhayatra.

अप्राप्ते, यङीति निवृत्तम् ।

It is aprāptē, since there is no anuvṛtti to yani.

प्राप्ते च

Prāptē vibhāṣā commences.

इदमुत्तरं या विभाषा अनुक्रमिष्यामः प्राप्ते ता द्रष्टव्याः ।

The vibhāṣās mentioned hereafter should be considered to be prapte.

they

त्रिसंशयास्तु भवन्ति प्राप्त अप्राप्त उभयत्र वेति ।

They are liable to be interpreted in three ways, whether are prāptē-vibhāṣās, aprāptē-vibhāṣās or ubhayatra-

vibhāṣās.

विभाषा विप्रलापे

t t

1

SIXTH AHNIKA-NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ

Doubt in Vibhāṣā vipralāpē.

विभाषा विप्रलापे प्राप्त अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

263

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣā vipralāpē (1, 3, 50 ) is prāpti, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or or ubhayatra ?

व्यक्तवाचामिति नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

It is prapte when that sutra is taken along with Vyaktavācām samuccāraṇē (1. 3, 48), it is aprāptē through pūrvavipratiṣēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratiṣēdha.

प्राप्ते, व्यक्तवाचामिति हि वर्तते ।

It is prāpte, there is anuvrtti to vyaktavācām.

विभाषोपपदेन प्रतीयमाने

Doubt in vibhāṣā upapadēna pratīyamānē.

विभाषोपपदेन प्रतीयमाने प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāsāpapadāna praliyamānā (1, 3, 77 ).

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prùptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ?

स्वरितत्रितः इति वा नित्यं प्राप्ते, अथवा प्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with Svaritañitaḥ kartrabhiprāyē leriyāphale (1, 3, 72), it is prāpte; it is aprāpte through pūrvavipratiṣedha and ubhayatra through paravipratiṣëdha.

मामे, स्वरितत्रितः इति हि वर्तते ।

264

LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA

It is praptē, since there is anuvṛtti to svaritañitaḥ.

तिरोऽन्तर्धी, विभाषा कृबि

Doubt in Vibhāṣā krñi after the sutra Tirōntardhāu (1, 4, 71).

तिरोन्तर्धी विभाषा कृत्रि प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣā krni (1, 4, 72 ) after the sūtra Tirōsntardhan is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्रप्तेि, कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it praptē, apraptē or ubhayatra ?

अन्तर्धाविति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वाप्राप्तें उभयत्र वेति

If it is taken along with Tirōntardhāu, it is prāptē; it is aprāptē through pūrvavipratiṣëdha and ubhayatra through paravipratisēdha.

प्राप्ते, अन्तर्धाविति हि वर्तते ।

It is prāptē, since there is anuvṛtti to antardhāu.

अधिरीश्वर, विभाषा कृत्रि

Doubt in Vibhāṣā kṛñi after Adhir īśvarē.

अधिरीश्वरे, विभषा कृत्रि, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt in the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣā krñi (1, 4, 98) following the sutra Adhir īśvarë (1, 4, 97) whether it is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

In which circumstances is it prāptē, apraptē or ubhayatra ?

SIXTH AHNIKA NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ

ईश्वर इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति ।

265

If it is taken along with the sutra Adhir išvarē it is prāplē; it is upraptē through pūrvavipratiṣēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratiṣēdha.

प्राप्ते, ईश्वरे इति वर्तते ।

It is prāptē, since there is anuvṛtti for īŝvarē.

दिवस्तदर्थस्य, विभापोपसर्गे

Doubt in Vibhāṣāpasargē after Divas tadarthasya.

दिवस्तदर्थस्य, विभाषोपसर्गे प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt in the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣāpasargē (2, 3, 59) following the sūtra Divas tadarthasya (2, 3, 58) whether it is prāptē, aprāpte or ubhayaira.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under

ubhayatra?

which

circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or

तदर्थस्येति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with divus tadarthasya it is prāptē; it is aprāptē through pūrvavipratiṣēdha and ubhayatra through paravipratisādha-

प्राप्ते, तदर्थस्य इति हि वर्तते ।

It is prāptē, since there is anuvrtti for tadarthasya.

उभयत्र च

Ubhayatra vibhāsā commences.

इत उत्तरं या विभाषा अनुक्रमिष्यामः, उभयत्र ता द्रष्टव्याः

The vibhāṣās mentioned hereafter should be considered to be ubhayatra.

34266

LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHĀBHĀṢYA

त्रिसंशयास्तु भवन्ति, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

They are liable to be interpreted in three ways, whether they are prāptē vibhāṣā, aprāptē vibhāṣā or ubhayatra vibhāṣā.

हृक्रोरन्यतरस्याम्

Doubt in hrkrōr anyatarasyām.

होरन्यतरस्यां प्राप्ते, अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether anyatarasyām in the sutra Hṛkrōr anyatarasyām (1, 4, 53 ) is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it präptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra ?

गतिबुद्धिप्रत्यवसानार्थशब्दकर्माकर्मकाणामणि कर्ता स णौ इति नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with Gati-buddhi-pratyavasānārthaŝabdakarma-akarmakāṇām aṇi kartā sa ṇāu (1, 4, 52), it is prāptē; otherwise it is apräptē or ubhayatra.

उभयत्र - प्राप्ते तावत्, अभ्यवहारयति सैन्धवान्, अभ्यवहारयति सैन्धवैः; विकारयति सैन्धवान्, विकारयति सैन्धवैः ।

It is ubhayatra. When it is first präpte (i. e.) when gati and pratyavasāna are taken here by anuvriti from the previous sūtra, this sūtru admits the effect of the previous sūtra and enjoins in addition the trtīyā to the actual doer of the action, as in abhyavahārayati săindhavān (he makes horses eat), abhyavahārayati sāindhavāih (he makes it eaten through horses); vikārayati sāindhavan (he makes salt change), vikārayati sāindhavāih (he makes it changed thro’ salt )

Note: The root hr with the prepositions abhi and ava means to eat and the root hṛ with the preposition vi means to go.

SIXTH AHNIKA NA VĒTI VIBHÂṢĀ

267

अप्राप्ते - हरति भारं देवदत्तः, हारयति भारं देवदत्तं, हारयति भारं देवदत्तेन; करोति कटं देवदत्तः, कारयति कट देवदत्तं, कारयति कटं देवदत्तेन ।

When it is aprāptē (i.e) when there is no anuvṛtti for gati and pratyavasāna from the previous sūtra, the following forms alone are sanctioned by this sūtra-hārayati bhāram Dēvadattam, hārayati bhāram Devadattēna; kārayati katam Devadattam, kārayati kaṭam Devadattēna corresponding to simple active forms harati bhāram Dēvadattaḥ and karōti katam Devadattaḥ.

न यदि, विभाषा साकाङ्क्षे

Doubt in Vibhāṣā sākānkṣē after the sutra Na yadi.

न यदि, विभाषा साकाङ्क्षे, प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt with reference to vibhāṣā in the sutra vibhāşā sālānkeyē ( 3, 2, 114 ) after the sūtra Na Yadi (8, 2, 113 ) whether it is prāpte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते कथं वाप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra?

यदि इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वाप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति ।

If there is anuvṛtti to yadi (of the previous sūtra,) it is prāptē and otherwise it is aprāptē or ubhayatra.

उभयत्र

It is ubhayatra.

प्राप्ते तावत् - अभिजानासि देवदत्त यत् कश्मीरेषु वत्स्यामः, यत् कश्मीरेषु अवसाम, यत् तत्रोदनं भोक्ष्यामहे, यत्तत्रौदनमभुज्महि ।

When it is first präptē, we have the following expressions sanctioned by this sūtra-abhijānāsi Dēvadatta yat kaśmīrēṣu vatsyāmaḥ, yat tatra ödanam bhōkṣyāmahē and abhijānāsi Dēvadatta yat kasmīrēṣu avasāma, yat tatra ōdanam abhuñjmahi.

268

LECTURES IN PATANJALI’S MAHABHAṢYÁ

अप्राप्ते - अभिजानासि देवदत्त कश्मीरान् गमिष्यामः, कश्मीरान् अगच्छाम, तत्रौदनं भोक्ष्यामहे तत्रौदनमभुमहि ।

When it is aprāptē, it sanctions the following forms:abhijānāsi Devadatta kasmīrān gumiṣyāmaḥ tatra ōdanam bhōkṣyāmahē and obhijūnāsi Dēvadatta kaśmīrān agacchāma tatra ōdanam abhuñjmahi.

विभाषा श्वेः

Doubt in Vibhāṣā svēḥ.

विभाषा श्वः प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in the sūtra Vibhāṣa svëh is prapte, aprāpte or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it prūptē, aprūptē or ubhayatra?

किति इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

It is prapte if it is taken along with vaci……kiti and otherwise it is aprūptē or ubhayatra.

उभयत्र

lt is ubhayatra.

प्राप्ते तावत् शुशुवतुः शुशुवुः शिश्वयतुः शिश्वियुः

If it is first prāptē, the following forms are formed:śuśuvatuḥ, śuśuvuḥ, śiśvayatuḥ, śiśviyuḥ.

अप्राप्ते - शुशाव शुशुविथ शिश्वाय शिश्वयिथ ।

When it is aprāptē, the following forms are formed:śuśava, Susuvitha, siśvāya and SiSvayitha.

विभाषा संघुषास्वनाम्

Doubt in vibhāṣā with reference to sanghuṣ and äsvan

SIXTH ÄHNIKA NA VĒTI VIBHĀṢĀ

संपूर्वाद्दुः प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

269

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā in ghus with sam mentioned in the sutra Rusyama-tvara-sanghuṣāsvanām (7, 2, 28) which follows the sū tra và đàn ta (7, 2, 27) it is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra.

…

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वा अप्राप्ते कथं वोभयत्र ?

it prăptē, aprāplē or

Under which circumstances is it prāptē, ubhayatra ?

घुषिरविशब्दने इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति ।

If it is taken along with Ghuşir-aviŝabdanē (7, 2, 23) it is praptē and otherwise it is aprāptē or ubhayatra.

उभयत्र

It is ubhayatra.

nà a̸aa – Aggy ceg:, azgftat reg: 1

When there is anuvṛtti for avisabdanē in the sūtra Ruṣyuma…sanghus… (7, 2, 28), the vibhāṣā is präpte so that the forms sanghuṣṭā and sanghuṣita in the following expressions sanghustu rajjuḥ, sanghuṣitā rujjuh are obtained.

अप्राप्ते संघुष्टं वाक्यमाह, संघुषितं वाक्यमाह ।

If there is no anuvṛtli for avisabdunē in the same sūtra, the vibhāṣā is aprāptē so that the forms sanghuṣṭam and sanghuşitam in the expressions sanghustam vakyam aha, sanghuṣitam vākyam āha.

आङ्पूर्वात्स्वनेः प्राप्ते अप्राप्ते उभयत्र वेति सन्देहः ।

There is doubt whether the vibhāṣā with reference to svan with a is prāptē, aprāptē or ubhayatra.

कथं च प्राप्ते, कथं वाप्राप्ते, कथं वोभयत्र ?

Under which circumstances is it präptē, aprāpte or ubhayatra ?

240

LECTURES IN PATAÑJALI’S MAHABHÄṢYÀ

मनसि इति वा नित्ये प्राप्ते, अन्यत्र वा अप्राप्ते, उभयत्र वेति ।

"

If there is anuvrtti for the word manas from the sutra Kṣubdha-svanta-dhvānta…mantha-manas-tamaḥ…(7, 2, 18) in the sutra Rusyama-tvara-sanghuṣ-asvanām (7, 2, 28), it is prāpte and otherwise it is aprāptē or ubhayatra.

उभयत्र

It is ubhayatra.

प्राप्ते तावत्, आस्वन्तं मनः, आस्खनितं मनः ।

If it is first prāptē, the forms āsvantam and äsvanitam in the expressions asvantam manaḥ and asvanitam manaḥ are got.

अप्राप्ते, आस्वान्तो देवदत्तः, आस्वनितो देवदत्तः इति ।

If it is aprāpte, the forms asvantaḥ and āsvanitaḥ in the expressions asväntö Devadattaḥ, āsvanitō Devadattaḥ are got.

SIXTH AHNIKA ENDS.

VOLUME II ENDS.

CORRIGENDA

PAGE

LINE

4

23

6

J1

25

maghadhakaḥ

14

9

paribhasa

19

12

परेत्वन

20

29

yāno

25

suggest

10

5

jhaladi

6

consonont

29

22

If

38

17

39

14

anvartasaṁjñā

41

19

samōga

42

15

anveerà:

FOR

Mahābāṣyakāra

Insert Na after sūtra

samyōgāntāu

READ

Mahābhāṣyakāra

magadhakaḥ paribhāṣā परत्वेन

yanō

suggests jhaladi

consonant

It

samyōgāu antau anvarthasaṁjñā

samyōga

alitað:

45

23

suṁgōgādi

samyōgādi

25

yanataḥ

yanvataḥ

50

6

componnd

compound

51

4

dvitiyaḥ

dvitiyaḥ

53

17

nāsika

nāsikā

96

8

bing

being

149

10

pūrṇamāsī

pāurṇamāsī

160

7

saṣṭamjñā

saṭsamjñā

165

6

dti

dati

227

15

paramavica

paramavācā

256

12

arksa

vrksa

I

INDEX OF SUTRAS

Sutra

अदसो मात्

अन्तरं बहिर्योग…

अव्ययीभावश्च

आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन्

ईदूतौ च सप्तम्यर्थे

…

ईदूदेद्द्द्विवचनं .. उञ ऊँ

ओत् किङति च

तक्तवतू निष्ठा

कृन्मजन्तः

इति च

तद्धितश्चासर्वविभक्तिः

तरप्तमपौ घः

तुल्यास्यप्रयत्नं सवर्णम् तृतीयासमासे

दाधा घ्वदाप् दीधीवेवीटाम्

न धातुलोप आर्धधातुके

न बहुव्रीहौ

न वेति विभाषा नाज्झलौ

निपात एकाजनाङ् पूर्वपरावर… बहुगणवतुडति … मुखनासिकावचनो… विभाषा जसि

विभाषा दिक्समासे…

शे

ष्णान्ता षटू स्वरादिनिपातम् .. सर्वादीनि सर्वनामानि हलोनन्तराः संयोगः

Page

90-100

202-204

230-236

133-143

112-118

78-90

110-112

107-110

1830

165-169

213-230

164-165

205-213

144-146

55-71

198-199

118-133

3034

118 193-198

236-266

71-77

101-107

200-202

146-159

4955

199

189-193

100-101

160-164

204-205

170-189

3449

II

INDEX OF VĀRTTIKAS

Vārttika

अज्झलोः प्रतिषेधे…

अजाद्यात्वे

अध्यर्धग्रहणं च

Page

71

141

156

अधिकग्रहणं चालुकि अधिरीश्वरे

अन्तवद् द्विवचनान्त …

अन्याभावः द्विवचनअनन्यप्रकृतिरिति वा

अनारम्भो वा अनुपसर्गाद्वा

अनुबन्धोऽन्यत्वकरः

अनुबन्धो….लोपात्

अप्राप्ते

157

264

141

185

216

12

125, 256

166

166

251

अप्राप्तेर्वा

235

अपुरि

अर्धपूर्वपदश्च…

अल्लोपस्य स्थानिवत्त्वात्

203

157

11

अलिङ्गमसङ्ख्न्यमिति वा

207

अलोन्त्यस्य

143

अवचनाल्लोकविज्ञानात्…

136

अवरादीनां च पुनः पाठे…

200

अविभक्तौ …. अप्रसिद्धिः

206

अशिष्यो वा विदितत्त्वात्

250

असमर्थसमासश्च

234

असर्वविभक्तौ … उपसङ्ख्यानम्

205

असिद्धे ह्यत्वे

95

आचार्यदेशशीलने ..

आत्वं पुग्विधे…. आदिवत्वे प्रयोजनं …

35

249

आत्वं कित्त्वस्थोपादास्त…

220

224

139

274

INDEX OF VĀRTTIKAS

Varttika

Page

आनन्तर्यवचनं

47

आश्रयात् सिद्धत्वं

95

इविधिराकार लोपस्य

226

इतरेतराश्रयं तु

53

इतिकरणे ऽर्थनिर्देशार्थः

237

ईदाद्यन्तं प्रतिषेधः

86

ईदूतौ … भूत्

117

ईदूतौ सप्तमीत्येव

113

उक्तं वा

99

उज इति योगविभागः

111

उक्तं शेषे

16

उदुपधत्वं… निकुचिते

219

उपसंव्यानग्रहणानर्थक्यं…

202

उभयोऽन्यत्र

186

उभस्य सर्वनामत्वेऽकजर्थः

185

उषविदजागृभ्यो.

357

ऊर्णोर्विभाषा

254

ॐ वा शाकल्यस्य

ऋकारऌवर्णयोस्सवर्णविधिः

एकं चेत् ङित्कितौ

एकहलादी

112

67

234

200

एकाचो द्वे प्रथमार्थम्

135

ओतश्चिप्रतिषेधः

कृत्तद्धितानां…. पाठे

कूङिति प्रतिषेधे

कारककालविशेषात्

शापकं स्यात्तदन्तत्वे

109

211

18

167

115

ज्ञापकात् सिद्धम्

159

घसंज्ञायां नदीतरे

144

घुसंज्ञायां …. शिद्विकृतार्थम्

120

घुसंज्ञायां…. शिदर्थम्

118

त्यदाद्यकारष्टान्विधेः

225

त्यदादिविधौ च

178

बलादीनां …

206

INDEX OF VÅRTTIKAS

275

Vāritika

Page

त्रिसंशयाः

251

तत्र व्यपदेशिवद्वचनम्

134

तत्र सकि दोपः

99

तत्र सवर्णलोपे दोषः

तत्रापि सरसी यदि तद्धितकाम्योरिकप्रकरणात्

तरग्रहणं…

तस्य

तस्य दोपः…. वर्णविचालस्य

तिरोऽन्तर्धौ

72

115

28

144

65

223

264

तिसृचतसृत्वं…

221

तृन्नादीनां…

259

दोङः प्रतिषेधः

128

दीधीवेव्योः…. अप्रतिषेधः

30

दीपादीनां

258

इष्टमानन्तर्य

46

न अप्रतिषेधात्

234

नदीह्रस्वत्वं

227

न लोपो वृत्रहभिः

218

न वा ग्रहणविशेषणत्वात्

100

न वाज्विधेः

42

न वातजातीयव्यवायात्

47

86

न वाद्यन्तवत्त्वात्

न वार्थवतो…

न वा शाटकयुगाद्यर्थम् न वा सन्निपातलक्षणो… न वा विधिपूर्वकत्वात्… नवेति विभाषायां नाभावे यत्रि…

निपातनात् स्यदादिषु

निष्ठासंज्ञायां समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः

नुम्लो पस्त्रिव्यनुबन्धलोपे…

प्रत्ययाश्रयत्वादन्यत्र

126

202

217

240

237

220

8

165, 166

5

8

प्रतिषेधे… वचनात्

198276

INDEX OF VÄRTTIKAS

Vārttika

Page

प्रतिषेधे… उपसङ्ख्यानम्

197

प्रयोजनं डतरादीनाम्…

178

प्रयोजनं हस्वत्वं …

218

प्लुतानां तु

79

पाठात् पर्युदासः

177

पुग्ध्रस्वत्वस्य…

225

पूर्वस्य चेत्… प्रसज्यते

114

बह्वादीनामग्रहणम्

158

भावतोऽकच्छेषात्वानि

मात्प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां

बहुव्रीहौ चाग्रहणम्

मतुब्विभक्त्युदात्तत्वं …

मार्थादीदाद्यर्थानां वा

158

189

226

90

98

यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादित्वे

मावा पूर्वपदस्य भूत् मिदचोन्त्यात्परः

येन विविधिस्तदन्तत्वे

रकि ज्यः सम्प्रसारणम्

116

142

140

143

9

लकारस्य ङित्वात्… सिद्धम्

लकारस्य … स्थानिवद्भावप्रसङ्गः

लुकि चाग्रहणम्

लुङि सिजादिदर्शनात्

लुप्तेऽर्थग्रहणाद्भवेत्

लोकतः

वचनाथ हि सिद्धे

वलादेरार्धधातुकस्येट्

वाक्यापरिसमातेर्वा

28

28

157

168

113

238

92

140

74

वाप्रकरणे…

203

वाष्प्रतिषेधे न…

130

विप्रतिषेधाद्वा

92

विभाषाग्रे…

259

विभाषा विप्रलाप

262

विभाषा वृक्षमृगादीनाम्

256

विभाषोपपदेन…

263

INDEX OF VĀRTTIKAS

277

Varttika

Page

श्वादेरिजि…

शचङन्तस्य

शताद्यष्टनोर्नुम् शब्दसंज्ञायां शेऽर्थवग्रहणात् षट्संज्ञायाम्

पत्वे चादेशसंप्रत्ययार्थम्

स्वरानन्तर्हितचचनम् सङ्ख्यासंज्ञायां…

संज्ञोपसर्जन प्रतिषेधः

सत्यन्यस्मिन्…

सप्तम्यामर्थग्रहणं

सम्बन्धिशब्देर्वा तुल्यम्

संयोगसंज्ञायां…

सपूर्वायाः

समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः

समान… अर्थवग्रहणात् समुदाये संयोदिलोपो सर्वाद्यानन्तर्यकार्यार्थम् सवर्णसंज्ञायां …

सर्वविभक्तिर्ह्यविशेषात्

सिद्धमनच्त्वात् सिद्धमनुबन्धस्यं…

सिद्धं त्वास्ये

260

21

160

237

100

160

135

46

147

176

133

87

66

36

261

125, 239

125

40

177

57

205

73

130

57

सिद्धं तु पाठात् सिद्धिविपर्यासश्च…

208

167

10

INDEX OF PARIBHĀSĀS, NYĀYAS ETC.

अन्तरङ्गानपि विधीन् बहिरङ्गो विधिर्बाधते

Page

अर्थगत्यर्थः शब्दप्रयोगः

248

असिद्धं वहिरङ्गम् … अर्थिनश्च राजानः अर्थवग्रहणे नानर्थकस्य

अभेदका उदात्तादयः

3, 22, 27, 91, 92, 218

39

101, 154

63

अनुवन्धोऽन्यत्करः

अनुबन्धस्यानेकान्तत्वात्

आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन्

166

130-132

196

105

54, 207

245

107

166, 167

128

13

162

183

56

इतरेतराश्रयाणि कार्याणि न प्रकल्पन्ते

इतिकरणोऽर्थनिर्देशार्थः

ईषदर्थे क्रियायोगे…

उक्तार्थानामप्रयोगः

उत्पतिते कांके नष्टं तद्गृहं भवति

उपादात्तास्य स्वरः

एकदेशविकृतमनन्यवद्भवति एकशब्दो वह्नर्थः

एकेन यंत्रनोभयं लभ्यम् ओष्टात्प्रभृति प्राकाकलकात् कार्यकालं संज्ञापरिभाषम् कृत्रिमाकृत्रिमयोः… ग्रामशब्दो वह्नर्थः

गर्गाः शतं दण्ड्यन्ताम्

गौणमुख्यन्यायः तस्मिन्निति निर्दिष्टे पूर्वस्य दृष्टानुविधित्वाच्छन्द सः

न प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायां प्रत्ययलक्षणम् नानुबन्धकृतमनेजन्तत्वम्

नाप्यन्यत् प्रकृतमनुवर्तनादन्यद्भवति

24, 26, 80, 84, 93 148-151 48, 136 39

110

19

30, 31

115

133

155

INDEX OF PARIBHĀṢĀS NYĀYAS ETC.

279

Page

नोत्सहते प्रतिषिद्धा सती वाधितुम्

प्रत्येकं वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिः

पदसंज्ञायामन्तग्रहणम्…

236

39

89

..

पदसमुदाय ऋक्

पर - नित्य - अन्तरङ्ग - अपवादानामुत्तरोत्तरं बलीयः

पुरस्तादपवादाः …

पूर्वविधिमुत्तरो विधिर्वाधते

यथोद्देशं संज्ञापरिभाषम्

यस्मिन् विधिस्तदादावल्ग्रहणे

येन नाप्राप्ते…

लक्षणप्रतिपदोक्तयोः

लोहितोष्णीपा ऋत्विजः

शब्दान्तरस्य… अनित्यः स्पृष्टं करणं स्पर्शानाम्

स्वार्थिकाः प्रत्ययाः प्रकृतितोऽविशिष्टाः सदृशं त्रिषु लिङ्गेपु सन्निपातलक्षणो विधिः… समानमहिमानानां …

समानाश्रयो लुग्लोपेन बाध्यते समुदाये वाक्यपरिसमाप्तिः संज्ञा च नाम यतो न लघीयः सिद्धः प्लुतः स्वरसन्धिषु

137

89

191

245

24, 84

141

32

101, 109, 121, 124, 192

171 14, 89

73

188

213

17, 129, 161, 217-223

208

16

39

154, 184, 212

79, 83

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

IN MAHĀBHĀṢYA TEXT

(Numbers refer to Pages)

अ

अकणिषम्

33

अधिकषाष्ठिकः

158

अकर्मकाः

258

अधिक साप्तिकः

158

अकरवम्

28

अन्तध

264

अकृत्रिमत्त्वात्

148, 150

अन्तरम्

35, 36, 43

अघोषाः

59

अन्तरङ्गः 3, 21, 22, 27, 195, 218

अङ्गाधिकारः

26

अन्तरङ्गान्

196

अङ्गाधिकारे

180

अन्तरा

35, 43, 48

अङ्गसंज्ञा

224

अन्तरीयम्

203

अचिरकृतायाम्

239

अन्तस्थानाम्

73

अजहत्स्वार्था वृत्तिः

117

अन्तादिवद्भावेन

187

अजामदग्न्यः

249

अन्यतरस्याम्

250

अणोऽप्रगृह्यस्य

92

अन्यत्र वर्णग्रहणे…

105

अत्यस्मत्

179

अन्वर्थग्रहणम्

183

अत्युच्चः

212

अन्वर्थसंज्ञा

154, 212

अत्युच्चसः

212

अनच्त्वात्

73

अत्युच्चैसौ

212

अनड्वान्

247

अतज्जातीयकम्

47-49

अनन्तरा

35, 46

अतत्कालत्वात्

79

अनन्तरे

48

अतितद्ब्राह्मणः

178

अनन्यप्रकृतिः

216, 217

अतिदेशः

153

अनर्थकः

101

अतिप्रसङ्गः

57, 60

अनर्थकम्

25, 66

अतियुष्मत्

179

अनवकाशः

14

अतिसर्वाय

176

अनवकाशम्

27

अतो लोपः

15

अनवकाशत्वात्

24

अदसो मात्

90

अनागमकानाम्

127

अदीधयुः

30, 31

अनात्वभूतानाम्

119, 122

अध्यैष्ट

141

अनारम्भः

12

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

281

अनित्यत्वम्

250

अमुना

220

अनिमित्तम्

221, 224

अर्थवत आगमः

126

अनित्यः

14, 89

अर्थवद्ग्रहणात्

100

अनित्यत्वम्

241, 242

अर्थात्

150, 151

अनुक्रमिष्यामः

251

अर्थाधिक्यम्

238

अनुच्यमानम्

29

अर्थासम्प्रत्ययः

237

अनुनासिकः

52, 54, 55

अरणिषम्

33

अनुपसर्गात्

125

अल्पप्राणता

58

अनुवन्धलोपः

132

अल्पप्राणाः

59

अनुबन्धलोपे

5

अल्लोपः

13, 14

अनुवर्तते

225

अल्लोपस्य

11

अनेजन्तत्वात्

130, 132

अव्ययम्

212

अनैमित्तिकः

132

अवग्रहे

35, 36

अप्रतिपत्तिः

246, 249

अवचनम्

66

अप्रतिषेधः

30, 31, 125, 144

अवदातम्

130

अप्रतिषेधार्थम्

5

अवर्णस्य

59

अप्रसिद्धिः

209

अविचालिभिः

127

अप्राणिनाम्

257

अविभक्तिकान्

209

अप्राविभाषा

244, 257-270

अवोदः

7

अपर्याप्तः

30

अशिष्यः

250

अपुनर्गेयाः

236

अश्राद्धभोजी

236

अपूर्वः शब्दोपजनः

127.

अस्यन्ति

56

अप्राणिनाम्

256

असन्निविष्टस्य

253

अप्राप्ते 251, 252, 254, 256-270

असस्प्रत्ययः

148

अभ्यवहारयति

266

असम्भवः

94

अभ्यस्तम्

36

असमर्थसमासः

234, 236

अभाजि

6

असर्वविभक्तिः

210

अभिक्षाः

209

असिद्धः

79, 219

अभिजानासि

267, 268

असिद्धम्

34

अभिनिर्वर्तमाना

94

असुनवम्

28

अभिनिर्वृत्तस्य

21

असूर्यपश्यानि

236

अभिनिश्विताः

211

अहिः

155

अयुज्महि

267, 268

अहिचुम्बिकायनिः

140

36

282

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

आ

आनुनासिक्यम्

आक्रोशे

260

आग्निवेश्यः

140

आभीक्ष्ण्ये

59

259

आग्रहायणी

149

आर्धधातुकग्रहणम्

2,27

आङ्गम्

34, 37, 45

आर्धधातुकनिमित्तः

4, 8

आचार्यः 25, 29, 81, 105, 115

आर्धधातुकनिमित्ते

2, 4, 8

आचार्यप्रवृत्तिः

24, 105, 111,

आर्धधातुकस्य

33, 140

133, 149, 153, 200,

201,

आर्धधातुके

1, 2

216, 233

आर

135

आचार्यशीलनेन

249

आरम्भः

108, 111

आचार्यस्य

172

आवचनम्

50

आढ्यपूर्वः

198

आवेव्यकः

30

आत्वभूतानाम्

119, 122

आवेव्यनम्

30

आद्यन्तवत्वात्

86

आश्रयात्सिद्धत्वम्

95, 96

आद्यन्तवद्भावः

89, 138, 143

आस्यन्दते

56

आद्यन्तवद्भावात्

133, 134

आस्यम्

55-57, 60, 61, 63, 64

आद्यन्तवदेकस्मिन्

104, 105

आस्यप्रयत्नम्

55

आदीध्यकः

30

आस्यात्

59

आदीध्यानम्

30

आस्योपादाने

58

आदेशः

13

आस्वनितः

270

आधये

216

आस्वान्तः

270

आधेः

216

आत्रेमाणम्

6

आनन्तर्यम्

40, 46

आहो

107, 110

इ, ई

इकूप्रकरणात्

28

इन्द्रीयति

42

इको झल्

24

इयाय

135

इग्लक्षणयोः

7, 8, 11, 28

इयेष

223

इग्लक्षणा इच्छसि

7,10

इष्यते

215

3, 36

ईदूतो

112-114

इतराश्रयत्वात्

209

ईदूदेत्

78

इतरेतराश्रयता

53, 206

ईश्वरः

265

इतिकरणः

238

ईषत्स्पृष्टम्

73

इन्द्रिद्रीयिषति

42

ईषद्वचनम्

50

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

उ

283

उच्चैः

209

उपर्कारयति

उत्तरम्

262

उपलक्षणानि

उत्तरीयम्

203

उपस्पृश्यते

69

170

155

उत्सर्गः

210

उपसङ्ख्यानम्

193, 197, 198,

उताहो

107, 110

202, 204, 206.

उन्मुग्धस्य

191

उपसर्जनस्य

212

उदात्तादयः

63

उपादास्त

220, 221

उदात्तानुदात्तस्वरितानाम्

78

उपार्कारयति

69

उदाहरणम् 31, 107, 189, 193,

उपेद्धः

2, 3

194

उपोयत

21

उपदेशः

144, 145, 160

उभयः

185, 186

उपदेशात्

72

उभयगतिः

151

उपधार्थम्

उपधालक्षणस्य

उपपन्नम्

उपबर्हणम्

उपयमने

18, 23

उभयत्र 251, 252, 254, 256-270

25

उभयथा

215

उभयवचनानाम्

6, 9

उभयी

255

उवोष

250

52

252

223

ऋक्समुदायः ऋकारऌवर्णयोः

ऋ, ए, ऐ, ओ, औ

137

ऐक्षिष्ट

141

67

ऐकपद्यम्

199

एकः

211

ऐकस्वर्यम्

199

एकवचनम्

210

पेष्ट

141

एकाच्

102, 103

ऐहिष्ट

141

एकेषाम्

250

ओत्

107

·

एकैकस्मै

192

ओझः

7

एकैकस्य

36, 39

औपगवः

140

एधः

7

आपदेशिकम्

144

औयत

21

284

क्नुसनौ

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

क्, क, का, कि, की, कु, कू, कृ, ख

25

क्नोपयति

3, 4

कामचारः कायाः शब्दाः

181

246, 248, 249

क्रापयति

224

कारयति

267

क्रियाप्रधानम्

209

कारयाञ्चकार

214, 215

क्रियायोगः

126

किं पुनरत्र ज्यायः

69

कचटतपानाम्

52

कीर्त्यर्थम्

249

कटम्

267

कुण्डिका

239

कटजकम्

148, 151

कुम्भकारेभ्यः

217

कणिता

33

कुमार्यगारम्

86, 115

कनीयान्

137

कुर्वाते

142

कर्तरि

258

कुर्वाथे

142

कर्मवद्भवति

258

कुर्वे

142

कर्मस्थक्रियाणाम्

259

कुरुते

142

कर्मस्थभावकानाम्

259

कुषुभिता

5, 12

करणम्

61

कूटस्थैः

127

करणवर्जम्

64

कृत्तद्धितानाम्

211

करोति

267

25

कृत्वा

कश्मीरान्

268

कृतिः

140

कश्मीरेषु

268

कृदन्तम्

214

काकचोः

186

खट्वे

142

140

कापटवः

गू, ग, गा, गु, गु, गो, गौ

ग्रहणविशेषणत्वात्

ग्रामः

ग्रामणिकुलम्

100

गुणः

240

गुणप्रतिषेधः

218

गुणवृद्धिविशेषणम्

3, 24, 27, 33

25

2-4

गतम् गति…

42, 43

गुणवृद्धी 2, 11-13, 18, 22,

266

24, 30

गन्धने

255

गुणवृद्धघोः

7, 8, 11, 28

गंस्यते

29

गृह्यमाणविभक्तेः

180

गर्तः

165

गोधा

155

गार्ग्यः

140

गोनर्दीयः

139, 197

गालवग्रहणम्

249

गोपालकम्

148, 151

गालवस्य

.249

गोमान् करोति

41, 45

गालवाः

249

गौणमुख्ययोः

109

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

283

घटाभ्याम्

घटिका

घ, घु, घृ, घो, ङि

घोषवदघोषता

घुसंज्ञा

घुसंज्ञायाम्

घृतमात्रा

143

58

239

घोषवन्तः

59

129

ङिवचनात्

28, 30

118-120

ङिदादेशः

29

253

चकार

चतस्रः

च, चि, चु, चे, छ, छा, छु, छे

102

चुटुतुलशर्व्यवायेन

71

221

चेले…

4

चादिभिर्योगे

261

छन्दोविषयत्वात्

30

चिकीर्षवे

216

छन्दोविषयी

31

चिकीर्षिता

127

छान्दसम्

27

चिकीर्षोः

216

छिनत्ति

20

चित्रगुः

171

छेद्यते

10

चिनुतः

23

शातिपर्यायवाची

202

ज्, ज, जा, जी, जो

जबगडदशाम्

57

ज्ञापकम्

25, 80, 83, 87, 117

जमदग्निः

249

ज्ञापकात्

159

जहत्स्वार्था वृत्तिः

116

ज्ञापने

80

जहार

102

ज्ञापयति 29 105, 111, 115,

जातिः

256,257

133, 153, 200, 201, 233

जातिवाचकत्वात्

106

ज्यः

9

जीरदानुः

5, 8, 16

ज्यायः

ज्येष्ठः

त्र्यन्याय

त्, त, ता, ति, तु, तु,

203, 204, 217

जीवेः

9

137

जोषिषत्

140

राक्ष

नसि …

त्रिकम् विधा

194

विसंशयाः

24

त्वकत्पितृकः

211

2 तद्धितकाम्योः

तद्गुणसंविज्ञानम्

251, 262, 266

195, 197 170

28286

तद्धितश्च तद्धितान्तम् तत्पुरुषः

209

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

तुल्यजातीयम्

32

61, 63, 64

तुल्यदेशप्रयत्नम्

57

65, 103

तुल्यस्थानी

63

तदन्तविधिः

87

तुल्यास्यप्रयत्तः

65, 66

तदन्तविधिना

211

तुल्यास्यप्रयत्तम्

55

तन्निमित्तग्रहणम्

18, 20, 21

तुलया सम्मितम्

55

तन्मध्यपतितत्वात्

186

तृतीयचतुर्थाः

59

तादर्थ्यात्

197

तैत्तिरीयः

139

तिस्रः

221

तैलमाता

253

दू, द, दा, दी, ह, दे

द्वन्याय द्विकार्ययोगः

194

aradaयोः

30

94

31

द्विर्वचनम्

42

दीधीवेवीटाम्

30

द्विवचनम्

97, 98, 210

दीर्घत्वम्

50, 67

द्वेधा

249

दीर्घत्वस्य

220

द्वौ

211

दृष्टानुविधिः

27

दक्षिणपूर्वस्याम्

239

दृष्टत्करोति

37, 38

दक्षिणापथे

115

दृषदकः

5, 11

दक्षिणोत्तरपूर्वाणाम्

190

देवदत्तः

267

दाक्षीपुत्रस्य

127

देवदत्तम्

267

दाधा घ्वदाप्

118

देवदत्तेन

267

दिवस्तर्दथस्य

265

देशः

58

दीध्यत्

33

देशशीलनेन

249

धा, धि, नू, न, ना,

धात्वन्तराणि

257

नदी

149

धातुग्रहणम्

1

न मु टादेशे

220

धातुग्रहणेन

3

नवा

241

धातुलोपे

1, 2, 10

नादानुप्रदानाः

59

धियति

न्याय्यः

20

नाना

205, 254, 255

12

नासिकाग्रहणम्

52

न्यासे

83

नासिकावचनम्

50

नगरकारेभ्यः

217

नासिकावचनः

51, 52

नद्यातिः

116

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

नि, नी, ने, नो

16 निम्लनः

287

निकुचितः निकुचिते नित्यः

नित्यशब्दत्वात्

41

17, 219

निलयात्

41,

45

14, 89

निलैयात्

41, 45

54

नियतिः

37, 38

नित्याः शब्दाः

246, 248, 249

निर्यायात्

37

निपातः

101, 102, 104

निर्वातः

37, 38

‘निपातनम्

4, 172, 175

faraiana

37

निपातसमाहारः

107

निरनुबन्धकः

106

निपातनात्

4, 7, 8, 16, 50

निवर्तकम्

55

निबर्हिता

9

निवर्तकत्वात्

54

निबर्हितुम्

9

निवृत्तम्

257, 259-262

निबृह्यते

9

निष्टानत्वम्

38, 41, 45

नियमः

34

नीचैः

निग्लीनः

41, 45

नेनिक्त

209

21, 23

निलयात्

45

नोनाव

15

निग्र्लेयात्

41, 45

प्

प्रकरणात्

150, 151

प्रण्यमयते

123

प्रकृत्यन्तरम्

9

प्रणिद्यति

119

प्रकृत्याश्रयः

32

प्रणिदयते

119

प्रकृतिग्रहणम् 118-120, 122 123

प्रणिदाता

121

प्रकृतिग्रहणात्

128

प्रणिदापयति

126, 131

प्रकृतिभावम्

80

प्रणिधयति

119

प्रकृतिभावः

81

प्रणिधाता

121

प्रगृहासंज्ञा

78, 79, 82, 85, 93,

प्रणिधापयति

126

94, 115

प्रणिमयते

123

प्रगृह्यसंज्ञायाम्

प्रगृह्यसंज्ञावचने

प्रगृह्याश्रयः

प्रच्यावयति

91, 99

प्रत्यग्रवाचिनः

240

81

प्रत्ययग्रहणम्

89, 253

97

प्रत्ययमाला

248

238

प्रजापतिः

31

प्रत्ययलक्षणप्रतिषेधः

प्रत्ययलक्षणेन 25, 88, 115, 216

26

+

288

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

प्रत्ययविधिः

174

प्रयत्नसाम्यात्

57, 60

प्रत्ययान्तात्

257

प्रयतनम्

56, 61, 63, 64

प्रत्ययाश्रयत्वात्

8, 16

प्रत्ययाश्रयः

32

प्रत्याख्यायते

212

प्रत्याहारग्रहणम्

253

प्रयोजनम् 5, 25, 30, 36, 46, 53,

56, 58, 65, 67, 78, 80, 81,

83, 85, 92, 104, 105, 114,

120, 134, 140-143, 147,

प्रतामः

214, 216

154. 156, 158, 160, 177,

प्रतामौ

214, 216

178, 184, 200, 201, 218-

प्रतिनिर्दिश्यते

प्रतिनिर्दिशति

प्रतिषिद्धार्थः

प्रतिषेधः 3-8, 11, 25, 28, 31,

32, 86, 91, 109, 128-131,

165, 171, 176, 178, 189,

211, 212, 219, 234, 239,

241, 245

प्रश्रथः

222, 233, 237

222, 233

प्रश्लिष्टनिर्देशः

26

44

प्रयोजनानि 139, 141, 188, 217 •

108

6, 7, 16

179

प्रश्लिष्टवर्णौ

62

प्रसज्यप्रतिषेधः

235

प्रसज्यप्रतिषेधात्

242

प्रतिषेधम् 105, 153, 154, 233

प्रसक्तस्य

21

प्रतिषेधे

18

प्रसङ्गसामर्थ्यात्

243

प्रतिपेधेन

21

प्राकीर्ष्ट

168

प्रथमगर्भेण

138

प्राथमकल्पिकः

197, 199

प्रथमद्वितीयाः

59

प्रादुद्रुवत्

20

प्रथमनिर्दिष्टम्

174

प्राप्ते

251, 252, 254, 256, 270

प्रदीपोद्योतने

15

प्राप्ते विभाषा

243, 244

प्रनिमाता

123

प्रारम्भः

61-63

प्रनिमातुम्

123

प्रासादवासिन्यायेन

52

प्रनिमिनोति

123

प्रासुस्रुवत्

20

प्रनिमीनाति

123

प्रियाष्टाः

163

प्रयत्तः

55-58, 61, 64, 65

प्रियाष्टौ

163

प्रयत्नविशेषणम्

57, 58

प्रेद्धः

2, 3

प्रौणुवीति

255

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

प

परत्वात्

289

पचति पनसम्

46

पचेते

142

परमनीचैः

पचेथे

142

परमोच्चैः

14, 89 211

211

पञ्चावत्तम्

249

परिगणनम् 5-7, 10, 189, 204,

पटाभ्याम्

143

233

पठिष्यति

81

परिगणनेन

10

पद्धती

223

परिभाषा

217

पदान्तपकरणे

97

परिहृतम्

37

पपाच

135

पविता

1, 3

पपाठ

135

पवितुम्

1, 3

पर्युदासः

177, 201, 235

पा,

पि, पु, पू, पृ, पो, पौ

पाणिनः

पापचकः

पापठकः पिपठीः

127

पूजार्थम्

249

11

पूर्वसवर्ण :

113, 114

11

पूर्वोत्तराय

191

34

पृथक्

209

पियति पुग्विधेः

पुगन्तः

बू,

20

पोपुवः

13

224

पौर्णमासी

149

19

ब्राह्मणः

ब्राह्मणकुले

बद्धः

बञ्जरो

236

ब, बा, बृ, बे, भू, भ, भि

बहुव्रीहौ

158

48

वहुवचनम्

210

2

बाधकः

175

100

बाधके

210

बहवः

211

बाह्यम्

59

बहियोंगेण

202

बृहिः

9

बहिरङ्गस्

218

बृंहकः

9

बहिरङ्गः

8, 22, 27, 195, 196

बृंहयति

9

250

बहुलम्

बेभिदिता

5, 12

बहुव्रीहिः

64, 65, 103, 170, 171, 190, 192, 194, 197

141

भ्रुवः

भ्रुवौं

141

37

290

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

भ्रूणहभिः भवतिः

218

भिन्नन्ति

241

भुजिना

20

241

भवतिना

234

भूतपूर्वगतिः

132

भारम्

267

भूतपूर्वस्य

197, 198

भावकर्मणोः

258

भेदाधिष्ठाना

64

भिन्नः

18, 19

भेद्यते

10

भिन्नवान्

18, 19

म, मा, मु

मकत्पितृकः

195, 197

महाप्राणाः

59

मगधकः

5, 11

मात्रच्

252

मत्कपितृकः

195

माले

142

मध्यमः

137

मुखग्रहणम्

51

मध्यमः पक्षः

90

मुखनासिकम्

49, 50

मन्दिषत्

140

मुखनासिकावचनः

49, 50, 51

मनसि

270

मुखवचनः

52

मरीसृजः

5, 13

मुखवचनम्

50

मरीमृजकः महती संज्ञा महाप्राणता

12

244

मुख स्वरः मुखोपसंहिता

283

51

58

य, या, यो

यथान्यासम्

यथालक्षणम्

60, 131

योगविभागः

15, 96, 97, 111,

164

163, 178, 199

यमानुस्वाराणाम्

51, 53

योगविभागात्

15

यवमान् करोति

41, 45

योगस्य

12

यवागूः

241

योगारम्भम्

92, 233

यासुटः

28, 20

योगापेक्षम्

159

योगः

12, 30 32, 209, 250

योगे

27

र,

२, रा. रि,

रु, रो

रकि

9

रूपग्रहणात्

128

रज्जुः

262

रूपनिर्ग्रहः

145

रणिता

33

गोरवीत्यर्थः

18, 20, 25

रागः

6

रोरवीति

रियति

20

लघूपधः लविता

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

ल, लि, लु, ले, लो लौं

19

लैगवायनः लोकविज्ञानात्

291

27

1, 3, 6, 127

136

लवितुम्

लिग्रहणम्

लुक्

1, 3, 6

लोतः

165

215

लोपः

4, 10

लिङ्गसङ्ख्याभ्याम्

209

लोपविशेषणम्

2,3

89

लोपे

4

लुकि लुनीतः लुमता

13

लोलुवः

13

23

लौकिकम्

56, 60, 145

26

लौकिकाः

209

लुमताङ्गस्य

26

लौयमानिः

21

व्, व, वा, वि,

वि, बृ,

वै

व्यक्तवाचाम्

263

वर्णाश्रयः

223, 224

व्यत्ययेन

33

वर्णैकदेशाः

71

व्यपदेशः

60

वस्त्रान्तराः

193

व्यपदेशिवद्भावः

134, 136

वस्नेन

209

व्यपदेशिवद्भावेन

60

वसनान्तराः

193

व्यवहितत्वात्

23

वाक्यापरिसमाप्तिः

76

व्यवहितानाम्

46

वाक्यापरिसमाप्ते

74, 75

व्यवाये

71

वाप्यश्वः

116

व्यवधायकम्

47,48

वार्तिककारः

201

व्याकरणे

145, 151, 241

वाहीकः

109

व्यति

212, 213

विकल्पः

224

वचनप्रामाण्यात्

66

विकरणस्य

23

वचनसामर्थ्यात्

96

विकारयति

266

वचनात्

114

विकृतार्थम्

121

267

वत्स्यामः

विग्रहः

210

वतिनिर्देशः

152

विना

205

115

वध्वगारम्

विप्रतिषिद्धम्

242, 243

वर्गाणाम्

59

विप्रतिषेधः

93-95

वर्णग्रहणेन

71

विप्रतिषेधात्

92

वर्णसमुदायः

137

विप्रलापे

262, 263

वर्णविचालस्य

223, 224

वियन्ति

213

292

INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS

विचारसंवारी

58

विवृतम्

73

विवृततरौ विलिङ्गम्

62

240

विशेषकः

155

विहितविशेषणम्

23

विभक्त्यर्थप्रधानम्

209

वृलहभिः

218

विदितत्वात्

250

वृद्धिः

7, 10

विभाषा 239, 245-247, 250,

01

वृषभः

251, 254-256, 265,

267,

268

विवृतकण्ठाः

श, श, शा, शि, शी, शु, शे, ष

59

खुपलकुलम् वैयाकरणाः वैयाकरणेभ्यः

48

175, 209 209

श्रियः

141

शालायाम्

239

श्रियौ

141

शास्त्रम्

54, 55

श्लोकाः

236

शिद्विकृतार्थम्

120

श्वासनादौ

58

शिदर्थम्

118, 119, 121

शक्यमकर्तुम्

52

शिश्वाय

242, 244, 268

शकटौ

223

शीभावः

89

शतानि

160, 161

शुशाव

242, 244, 268

शब्दाधिकारात्

238

शे

100

शाकलस्य

112

षष्ठीनिर्दिष्टेन

174

शाटकयुगम्

202, 203

स, स, सा, सि, सू

स्त्रीपुंनपुंसकानि

213

सङ्ख्या

147

स्थानम्

59, 61

सङ्घुष्टा

269

स्थानिवत्त्वात्

11

सङ्घुषिता

269

स्थानिवद्भावः

12, 28

‘सत्वगुणाः

213

स्थानिवद्भावात्

12, 18

सदृशस्य

253

स्यदादिषु

7,8

251, 254-256, 258, खराणाम् 73 259,267, 269 स्वाभाविकम् 208 सन्निहितम् 70 स्वरानन्तर्हितवचनम् 46 सम्प्रत्ययः 239 स्वरितमितः 263 सम्प्रसारणम् 9, 16 सकर्मकाः 258 सम्प्रधार्यम् 88 J f सम्बन्धिशब्दाः समानम् INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS 293 66 सवर्णसंज्ञायाः 72 64 सवर्णसंज्ञायाम् 57, 70, 71 समानः 57 संवृतकण्ठाः 59 समुदायस्य 30 सहग्रहणेन 39 समर्थितम् 76 सहवचनम् 36 समानशब्दप्रतिषेधः 125 सहस्राणि 160, 161, 222 समानशब्दानाम् 165, 166 सागमकाः 127 समानाधिकरणेषु 146 साध्वनुशासने 245 समानलिङ्गः 240 साधुत्वम् 245, 246 समित्करोति 37, 38 सानुबन्धकः 106 समिधित्वा 5 सावकाशः 14 समिधिता 12 सामर्थ्यम् 234 समुदायः 101 सिद्धविपर्यासः 167 समुदायार्थः 117 सूत्रविपर्यासः 93 समुदाये 40 सेनानिकुलम् 218 सर्वपदादेशाः 127 सैन्धवान् 266 सर्वमुखस्थानम् 59 सैन्धवैः 266 सर्वाय 176 सोपसर्गाः 258 सरस्यः 115 संज्ञाकरणम् 182 सरसी सरीसृपः 115 संज्ञाविधावसिद्धः 80 13 संज्ञाविधिः 89 सवर्णम् 57 संज्ञोपसर्जने 182, 183 सवर्णलोपे 72 संप्रधार्यम् 13 सवर्णविधिः 67 संयोगसंज्ञा 35, 36 सवर्णसंज्ञा 58, 59, 62-64, 67, 76 संयोगादिलोपः 40 सवर्णसंशम् 55 संस्वरिषीष्ट 41 सवर्णसंज्ञाः 58, 65, 66 संहृषीष्ट 37 ह, हा, हि 21 हृतः हथः हलन्तत्व 24 21 हापिताः 58 हरति 267 हारयति 267 हरिशे 100 हारयाञ्चकार 214, 215 हरिष्यति 135, 140 हिमश्रः 6, 7, 16 हलचोः 13 हिरुक् 209 V INDEX OF IMPORTANT WORDS IN ENGLISH SCRIPT Annambhatta Akṛtipaksa 18, 35, 56 139, 156, 159, 162, 164, 176, 250 179, 180, 184, 188, 197, 233 Ācārya Pānini 25, 29, 30, 33. 73, 87, 105, 111, 115, 127, 133, 149, 153, 159 Acārya Šakalya Anvarthasaṁjñā Anulōma Anvartha Nāgēśabhatṭa) 39, 43, 51, 84, 92, Bhāṣyakṛtah Bālamanōramā Bharadvaja Bhāradvājīyas Nāgōjibhaṭṭa 101, 102, 108, 139, Nāgēśa 144, 145, 151, 165, 112 185, 187, 233, 251, 258 39 Padamañjari 55 Pănini-Siksā 184 Pradipōddyōtana 18 Praviņa 62 Pratilōma A ˆ 3 33 120 Purvapakṣin 124 Pūrvamīmāmsā 17 73 35 55 55 22 138 Bhattōji Diksit 17, 51, 62, 108, 129 251 Dākṣi 127 Deccan 115 Präuḍhamanōramā Pratyäkhyānapakşa Restriction Sabdakaustubha 188 17 249 17, 251 Explosive 64, 73 Semivowels 73 Fricative 61, 73 Ślōkavārttika 117 Gōnardiya 139, 143, 197 Sonants 73 Guruprasadaśāstri 96, 162 Haradatta Šāunakaprātiśākhya 73 17, 108 Sūtra-split Haridikṣita 139 62 58 97 Humour 241 Siddhantin 22 54 Itisabdaḥ parlārtha viparyāsakrt 239 Kaiyața 2, 9, 17, 18, 32, 39, 43, 55, 59, 62, 86, 88, 90, 102, 105, 108, 117, 139, 144, 145, 150, 152, 186, 236, 250 Kapiñjalādhikaraṇa Kätyäyana Kuśala Lakṣyārtha Lakṣaṇā Mahāsaṁjñā Siddhantakaumudi Science of Grammar Sūtrakāra 4, 40, 80, 92 98, 197, 201, 206, 233, 236, 239 Vārttikakāra 1, 4, 11, 17, 25, 27, 34, 40, 44, 45, 49, 60, 67, 73, 81, 87, 90, 99, 100, 133, 135, 138, 139, 143, 150, 156, 159, 179, 180, 184, 188, 197, 201 Vāsudēva Dikşit 138 124, 143, 197 55 98 85, 98, 101 Vēdas 39 Vedic samhitas Mahābhāṣyakāra 1, 4, 17, 18, 25, 27, 34, 40, 45, 49, 50, 52, 87, 90, 99, 100, 109, 117, 124, 133, 138, Vyaktipaksa Yogavibhāga 62 31, 35, 55 108 250 17 聊朏 AL BOOKS OF THE AUTHOR

1. Lectures on Patañjali’s Mahābhāṣya Vol. I (āhnikas 1—3)
5. Mahābhāṣyaprakāśikā-ähnikatrayam.
6. History of Sanskrit Literature in Tamil.
7. History of Sanskrit Language in Tamil. III (ähnikas 7—9) IV (ähnikas 10-13)
8. Toniviļakku (Tamil rendering of Dhvanyālōka). 9. A study of Kālidāsa’s Kumarasambhava Canto I. 10. Comparative Grammar of the Tamil Language. 11. Tolkäppiyam-Eļultatikāram—with Tamil commentary. 12. with English commentary. Du.
9. Tolkäppiyam-Collatikārakkurippu.
10. Tolkäppiyom-Collatikāram-with English commentary. to be sent to press.
11. Tolkappiyam-Porul-atikāram-Akattinaiyiyal and Purattinaiyiyal- with English Commentary.
14. Tirukkural-Aratiuppal with Bālar-urai.
17. An onquiry with the Relationship of Sanskrit and Tamil.
18. History of Grammatical Theories in Tamil and their relation to Grammatical Literature in Sanskrit.
19. Sanganūlhaļum Vaidīkamārggamum.
20. Vasukivalluvam (a drama in Tamil), (Adaptation of Tirukkural- Kāmattuppāl). Nos. 1, 2, 6, 7, 14 and 21 are Annamalai University Publications. No. 22 is Travancore University Publication. Nos. 12, 15, 16, 17 and 23. Published in the journal of Oriental Research, Madras. Nos. 8, 11, 18, 20 and 24. Published under the Patronage of the Maṭhādhi- patis of Tiruppanandal Mutt. No. 19. Published by the Kamakōti Publishing House, Madras. No. 25. Published in the Journal-Tiruvalluvar, Puthur, Tiruchirapalli.