In the meanwhile, attempts were made by leading pro- Pakistani Hindus, who were outside the jails, to capture the Hindu Mahasabha by r. /p d^ciat and make it accept the Pakistan scheme at least ]vrinciple so that the Hindu Maha- sabha could be a handmaid Lo the Congress in supporting the latter’s anti-national surrender to the Pakistani forces. Sri K. M. Munshi had even attended a meeting of the Working Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha and Rajaji had almost captivated Dr. Mookerjee and Raja Maheshwar Dayal. In order to ward off that danger, expose and frustrate the conspiracy, Savarkar resolved not only not to resign as already announced by him, but also to contest the election to the Presidentship of the Hindu Mahasabha at the annual Session of the Mahasabha in 1942. This was the only time when Savarkar actually contested the election to the Presidentship of the Hindu Mahasabha ; and backed by the wisdom and overwhelming confidence of its electorates, Savarkar was almost unanimously elected to the Presidentship. The annual Session was held at Cawnpore in the last week of December 1942.
In the Presidential Address, Savarkar fully dealt with the pros and cons of the self-determination issue, and, refuting the arguments put forth in its support, resolved all doubts. He said he stood for provincial re-distribution, but not for provincial self-determination. The grant of self-determination, he stated, to provinces to secede from the Central State would blow up the Central State. Savarkar further observed that the proposed Pakistan State would be militarily dangerous and hence it would be suicidal to hand over the natural frontiers to a hostile group. He warned that economically and financially the Pakistan Muslims would not starve as the cold and calculating pro-Pakistani Hindus guessed, but they would pounce upon the neighbouring Hindu territories with fire and fanaticism. Did not the fate of Kashmir prove this truth ?
304 SAVABKAR AND HIS TIMES
Some of the pro-Pakistani Hindus whispered to Savarkar that after the liquidation of the foreign power, Pakistan would be browbeaten into submission, and, therefore, as a stroke of statesmanship Pakistan should be granted. Savarkar replied that even without a State the Muslims had grown into such a threat ; then with a State they would be better organized and prepared and the wishes of the pro-Pakistani Hindus would thus prove to be the beggars’ horses ! Therefore he asked the statesmen and politicians to draw a line and say ‘ thus far and no further ’ at that very stage. Some, he said, foolishly argued that the question of Pakistan was just like the Ulster phase in Ireland. Replying to this argument, Savarkar said that Ireland had never recognized the principle of pro\nncial self-determination, and he declared : “ Hindusthan shall and must remain an integral and powerful nation and a Central State from the Indus to the Seas. Any movement to under- mine her integrity, cohesion and unity would be treated as treacherous and would be suppressed as any movement for Negrostan would be punished in the U.S.A.”
An uncompromising and strongly worded resolution against the Pakistan scheme was passed at the Session. The frustration of the outsiders, who expected Mahasabha consent to Pakistan, at this was so great that the Hyde in Gandhlji bewailed through Rajaji : “ Even those few leaders of the
Hindu Mahasabha, who more or less sympathized with my formula regarding the Hindu-Muslim Unity, feU a prey to crowd psychology at Cawnpore.” Mahasabhaites wondered who these leaders were who sympathized with Rajaji’s Pakistani formula. But there was no answer. When asked by some bold Poona youths about it. Dr. Mookerjee said that Rajaji might have referred to Raja Maheshwar Dayal, and in his turn the Raja said that it might be Dr. Mookerjee ! But Rajaji had referred to “ leaders ” and not to a single leader ! Is the answer not clear ? Thus did Savarkar prove to be the despair of the hybrid pro-Pakistani Hindus and a disappoint- ment to statesmanly Hindu politicians, who were prepared to accept the principle of provincial self-determination.
Besides the Hindu Mahasabha Session, December 1942 witnessed two other important events. In his speech before the Federated Chambers of Conunerce at Calcutta, Lord
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Linlithgow stressed the need for maintaining the geographical unity of India. Sri Meherchanda Khanna represented the Hindu Mahasabha opposition to the vivisection of India at the Pan-Pacific Conference in Arr rica where he was sent as the Indian representative by the wernment of India.
On February 1, 1943, Sava: .ar visited Shirdhon, the birth- place of the Indian rebel lea ler, Wasudeo Balwant Phadke, who rose in an armed revoh a 1879 in Maharashtra and who breathed his last in the jail at .\den longing for the rise of a great Indian Republic. It was an appealing, thrilling and romantic sight to see the world-famous revolutionary leader in Savarkar paying homage to his brilliant precursor.
Much water had flown under the bridges since then. The Congressites had travelled from a path of jail-seeking to a jail-breaking programme. The misplanned, ill-ordered August Revolution almost came to an end after a few weeks of violent disorders, mass lawlessness and mob violence. Sri Jai Prakash Narayan, its brilliant leader of action, admitted in his secret circular of January 1943, entitled “To ALL Fighters For Freedom the failure of the Open Rebellion. Therein he ascribed the failure to the absence of efficient organization of the national revolutionary forces and the absence of further programme before the people. And when it was too late, Jai Prakash realized and remembered “ there was our work in the Indian Army and in the services ! ” ^ After frustration there came the revelation and realization for which Savarkar had clamoured in 1942. Had the Congress leaders supported militarization and enlistment of patriotic youths in the forces ? Who was right, Savarkar or the Congress leaders ? Now realizing the magnitude of the fiasco and failure of his move- ment, Gandhiji began on February 10, 1943, his 21-day fast which was nothing less than a tactical move to force his release from the Aga Khan Palace.
The whole nation was rocked. In the Indian political sky huge cries of ‘ Release Congress leaders ’ arose. But the British Government remained adamant on the issue of Gandhiji’s release. The Non-Party leaders assembled on February 19, 1943, to consider the situation which arose out
^ Government of India Publication, Congress Responsibility for the Disturbances^ 1942-43, p. 74.
20
306 SAVARKAS AND HIS TIMES
of Gandhiji’s fast at the Aga Khan Palace, Poona. Savarkar’s attitude to Gandhiji, who differed from him in political matters, was charitable. He wired to Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, the President of the Non-Party Conference, on the 20th February “ to issue a national appeal to Gandhiji himself to break his fast in the interest of the nation.” In the statement issued on the same day Savarkar said : “ We must all turn our faces
from the alien and unsympathetic doors of the Viceregal Lodge to the bedside of Gandhiji, and entreat him to break his fast in the national interest to serve which he must have under- taken it. . . . No appeals, resignations or resolutions addressed to the Government can secure Gandhiji’s release. . . . This national appeal should be communicated^ to him without the loss of a single minute through any one of them who are allowed to visit him. His life, Gandhiji himself may realize by such a national appeal, is not so much his own as it is a national asset, a national property.”
At Delhi, the Working Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha passed a resolution regarding Gandhiji’s fast wishing prayer- fully that Gandhiji’s spiritual strength would enable him to survive the ordeal, but warned those concerned not to exploit the fast for political ends for bringing about constitutional changes and ending the deadlock without consulting the Hindu Mahasabha which would resist any encroachment upon Hindu rights or any scheme undermining India’s integrity. Savarkar correctly sensed that if the fast was applied to resolving the political deadlock, it would result in a threat to the integrity of India. It was an historic reading of Gandhiji’s mind. And a year later India was stunned when Hajaji came out with his formula and declared that Gandhiji had fathered it actually during this very fast at the Aga Khan Palace, a year before, and had authorized him to approach Mr. Jinnah for a compromise on that basis !
Now interested groups brought pressure on the members of the Executive Council of the Viceroy for tendering their resignations as a protest against the policy of Government in keeping Gandhiji in internment. Savarkar was of the opinion that the Members of the Executive Council should not resign on this issue. Dr. Ambedkar and Sir J. P. Srivastava with- stood many hysterical appeals. But what about Aney and
THE WRITING ON THE WALL 307
others ? Sri Aney, Sir Homi Modi, and Sri N. R. Sarkar, resigned, but one of them surprised all with his worldly wisdom full of carking anxieties for his political future ! And yet he was the very politician who had in a responsive manner not hesitated at all to concur with his colleagues in their decision regarding the arrest of all the national leaders including Gandhiji, six months earlier. It is indeed an uncommon art to be able to butter both sides of one’s bread ! This partial evacuation of the Executi^ Council created a faint smile on the face of Gandhiji f astir. ’ ii. the Aga Khan Palace.
At this juncture the Muslim League was pushing the Pakistan proposal ahead. Its Sind League Ministry passed the Pakistan resolution inside the legislature. The Hindu Ministers of the Mahasabha persuasion opposed the resolution. It is worthy of note that Mr. Alla Bux, the nationahst Muslim leader, who was murdered a few days after this event for his — it was said — ^pro-Congress views, had no heart or guts even to attend the Sind Assembly Session and oppose the Pakistan resolution. Referring to this development, Savarkar warned the country against the impending peril in these memorable words : Now the features of Pakistan delineated on the wall
are so bold that even he who runs may read them. Only the blind and cowardly can still indulge in believing that the deadly serpent may yet prove to be a coil of rope." ^ Savarkar also pointed out the difference between those members who were of Mahasabha persuasion and those elected on the Congress tickets in regard to their political stand. The former opposed any anti-national scheme and proposals boldly and bravely, while the latter kept culpable silence at the time of solving any crucial and vital problem affecting the destiny of the nation such as the one mentioned above. But the short-sighted lead of the Congress, lacking as it was in historical perspective, failed to read the writing on the wall.
During the same month the Leaders’ Conference was held in Bombay at the residence of Dr. Jayakar to explore the possibilities of Gajndhiji’s release. Prominent among those who attended the Conference were K. M. Munshi, Rajaji, Bhulabhai Desai, Alla Bux and Devidas Gandhi. It was through the personal pressure of Dr. Jayakar and Sir Tej
^ Statement dated 10-3-1943.
308 SAVABKAH AND HIS TIMES
Bahadur Sapru, who told Savarkar that something must be done to undo the injustice to the Hindu cause, that Savarkar attended the Conference on March 9, 1943. When Savarkar entered the residence of Dr. Jayakar, he saw leaders sitting in groups and talking among themselves. He found that there was no such question as Hindu interest or Hindu cause and the burden of the talks and discussion was the release of Gandhiji. When Jayakar and Sapru requested Savarkar to speak on the point of Gandhiji’s release, Savarkar insisted that not only the release of Gandhiji, but also the release of all political leaders including Sri Sarat Bose should be demanded. He further said that the British Government should be urged either to release all those patriots or put them on trial.
Those were the days when the Liberals felt very uneasy to approach the Viceroy. So they earnestly requested Savarkar to approach the Viceroy with whom he really had great influence, and press for the release of Gandhiji. Next day, Savarkar could not attend the Conference owing to toothache and a previous engagement with Mr. William Phillips, President Roosevelt’s personal envoy, then travelling in India. The interview covered a wide range of topics from the political situation in India to the future relations between India and the U.S.A. In the meanwhile, it was given out in the press that Savarkar had signed the appeal for Gandhiji’s release which Savarkar contradicted to the leaders’ great disappointment by a statement declaring that he was not present at the Conference on the 10th of March when the appeal was drafted and signed by its signatories.
Just then Mr. Jinnah, who was expecting a letter from Gandhiji in the Aga Khan Palace, thundered that terrible consequences would follow if the Government meddled with his post. Savarkar said that the threat of Mr. Jinnah was more amusing than alarming, and wondered why the League Fuehrer did not capture the Viceroy and proclaim Pakistan at once !
By now, the Hiu* rebellion was ruthlessly suppressed by the Government and its ring leader, Pir Pagaro, was hanged. The Muslim League demanded that his property should constitute a religious trust. Upon this Savarkar came out with a state- ment on May 4, appealing to the Government to compensate
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the Hindus for the losses they had suffered, from the proceeds of Pir Pagaro’s property, which had been extorted in the main from the Hindus whom the armed gangs of the Hurs had looted and harassed.
There was a change in the Executive Council of the Viceroy. The Viceroy appointed Dr. N. B. Khare Member of the Executive Council in place of Aney. Savarkar appreciated the nomination of Dr. Khare. Dr. Khare was a staunch supporter of the militarization policy, a fearless patriot and a politician of hard stuff, who cared more for his conscience than for his career and who never changed his opinion for seciming a post or for future success. And Dr. Khare proved his worth when in the capacity of Commonwealth Relations Member he patriotically and with his characteristic fearlessness attacked the Segregation Bill proposed by the South African Govern- ment. The Segregation Bill had engaged the attention of the world and especially of the Indian leaders. Savarkar condemned it as an “ anti-Indian, unjust and oppressive measure,” and appealed to Britain and America “ to protest against the most callous and insulting Bill, which cut at the very root of the high-sounding aims of Britain and America which stood for the vindication of freedom and equal treat- ment for the depressed nationalities of the world.”
II
On the 28th of May 1943, Savarkar’s Diamond Jubilee was celebrated all over India with great eclat and enthusiasm on a magnificent scale. Savarkar’s birthday is an occasion for national celebration and jubilation every year to the Hindu Sanghatanists in Hindusthan. It was natural therefore that on his happy and romantic sixty-first birthday, which dawned after Savarkar had faced bullets, chains, cells, and years of internment, the Hindus should display their nation-wide rejoicings with special enthusiasm and added vigour. Opportu- nists, careerists and arm-chair politicians do reach in the natural course the day of their Diamond Jubilee ; but it is a freak of fate, a fit of destiny, if a De Valera, a Mazzini, a Garibaldi or a Savarkar reaches the day of his Diamond Jubilee. India’s greatest patriot of his generation, Savarkar
310 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
was to rot in a cell of the Andamans till his seventy-severth birthday and was to be released at the end of the year 19()], if he survived !
Therefore on this unique day mass meetings were held in the capital cities of all provinces and were addressed by eminent and prominent personalities. Big functions were held in the District and Taluka tovras ; various public, social, literary and religious institutions passed resolutions in appreciation of Savarkar’s great patriotic, literary and social services. He was also presented with purses and public addresses as a token of gratitude and in appreciation of his great services in the cause of Freedom.
On the evening of May 28, 1943, before a mammoth congregation at Poona, Savarkar was presented with a purse of rupees one lakh and twenty-thousand by the Savarkar Reception Committee, Poona, under the presidency of Sri N. C. Kelkar. Savarkar was touched with the boundless love his countrymen bore to him and the gratitude they showered on a nation-wide scale on the day. He said amidst pin-drop silence to the vast multitude : I am really overwhelmed with the
feelings of love and gratitude you have showered upon me which I cannot adequately express in words. Some sentiments are too delicate for words. It is a forgetful fit of destiny that I am amongst you loday. Nobody could have predicted that I could survive the two transportations the severity of which on more than one occasion drove me to the thought of suicide ! We lived in our veritable grave. Through fire and water we have stood by our noble resolve. And when I came out I was not my personal self. I was but a shriek of the distressed Hindutva.’’ Next day, the Poona Municipality gave him an address of welcome. He told the meeting on the occasion that life for a century was no fascination for him. Striving terribly for the goal alone had given him the supreme joy of life. He wished that soldiers fighting for national independence should march over the bridges of the dead bodies of his colleagues and his own, and win the goal.
At Poona, on the same day, great ones of Marathi literature honoured Savarkar as a literary genius. The address solemnly stated : “ It required Lord Krishna to say the Gita
to inspire Arjun with the spirit of fighting. The Gita has been
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since then the guiding pole-star and the beacon-light to the anxious world. Your place is among such authors of immortal fame. Unflagging is the pursuit of your ideal and conquering is your mission.”
A similar function was held in his honour in Bombay at the Gowalia Tank Maidan on the 6th of June on a grand scale, under the presidentship of Sir R. P. Paran 3 pe, a former Principal of the Fergusson College from which Savarkar graduated. Speaking on the occasion, Paranjpe appreciated the great services of Savarkar to the country, marvelled at Savarkar ’s unabated persistence in the national struggle and at his mental and bodily vigour even after such a dreadful incarceration and a long internment. The eminent Liberal leader then asserted that Savarkar’s militarization policy was dictated by sound political realism, and appreciated Savarkar’s great work of Hindu consolidation and his valuable work for the uplift of the Depressed Classes. Paranjpe blamed Gandhiji for admixing religion with politics. He said that he could understand Savarkar’s legitimate opposition to Gandhiji’s policy of appeasement at all costs and reminded the country of the fate of Chamberlain at the hands of Hitler.
Mr. K. F. Nariman, Sri Jamnadas Mehta and Sri Chandra- gupta Vedalankar were the other principal speakers on the occasion. Then a purse and a silver replica of the s.s. Morea, from which Savarkar had escaped at Marseilles, were presented to Savarkar on behalf of the public of Bombay. In reply to the great honour done to him, Savarkar reiterated his behef that nationalism itself was a step to a Human Government, that the Hindus were the national majority of Hindusthan, and that there should be an Indian State based on the principal of ‘ one man one vote ’ in Hindusthan.
On behalf of the people of Berar Savarkar’s Diamond Jubilee was celebrated on August 1, 1943, at Amraoti with great eclat under the Presidentship of Sx’i Babarao Khaparde. Savarkar was presented with a purse. In reply to the great honour paid to him Savarkar explained how he was fulfilling the mission of Tilak. Nagpur, too, celebrated the Diamond Jubilee of Savarkar and presented a purse to Savarkar at a grand function. Dr. Varadarajalu Naidu was the main speaker on the occasion. Dr. Moonje presided over the
312 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
celebration. On this great occasion the Nagpur University conferred upon Savarkar a Doctorate of Letters in appreciation of Savarkar’s great literary powers. What a contrast to the attitude of the Bombay University ! It not only failed to show any gratitude for or recognition of Savarkar’s services to the nation and literature by conferring any special Degree on him, but also did not care to recognize and restore Savarkar’s B.A. Degree so unjustly wrested from him when he was fighting for Indian Independence. Oh ingratitude ! is thy name political animosity of men in power in India ?
A purse on behalf of the public of Ahmedabad was at a later stage presented to Savarkar at Ahmedabad on August 22, 1945. The purse had been subscribed on the occasion of Savarkar’s Diamond Jubilee, but owing to the recurrent illness of Savarkar the celebration had to be postponed.
Excepting Tilak no other leader was similarly honoured in Maharashtra and the services of no Indian Leader except Gandhiji upto that day were publicly appreciated on such a nation-wide scale.
The main feature of the purses presented to Savarkar was an unequivocal declaration by the organizers, promoters and workers that they were offered unconditionally for his personal use as a token of nation’s gratitude to Savarkar for his untold sacrifices, unparalleled sufferings and unequalled services to the country. Still some politicians like Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, who were not perturbed at the mismanagement of the Tilak Swaraj Fund, grew critical about the utility of Savarkar’s purse. And all this when Congressmen as a group had boycotted the purse. If they were unconcerned with it, why could they not purse up their aspersions within their lips ?
In a special statement Savarkar acknowledged his debt to the gratitude shown by the whole nation for patriotic work, sufferings and sacrifice and said with a moving heart : “ Still,
even while I was moving on, loaded with garlands, through the pressing and cheering crowds on my 61st birthday, I continued to feel in a mood of aloofness that it was but a romantic accident on the path of life and I must be prepared to face a counter-transfer scene at any moment when all this
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blossom, silver and gold might once again get transformed and hardened into iron and steel and fiery ordeal.”
Ill
Savarkar’s insistence on constitutional means inside and revolutionary methods outside the Indian nation, was revealed once more on July 27, 1943, when Mr. Jinnah was attacked hy a Muslim youth with a knife. He had a narrow escape from the murderous attack. Though Jinnah belonged to the rival political party, Savarkar came out with a statement and condemned the act saying that “ such internecine, unprovoked murderous assaults — even if the motive be political or fanatical — constituted a stain on the public and civic life and should be strongly condemned.” Savarkar’s candid regard for purity of civic life was appreciated by Mr. Jinnah himself, who wrote to Sri Bhide Guruji, Savarkar’s Secretary, thanking Savarkar for his good wishes. That was the first and last occasion when a letter passed between these two great leaders.
The Mahasabha having now firmly held to its anti-Pakistan resolve, Savarkar resigned at the end of July 1943, the Presidentship of the Hindu Mahasabha for the third time. This time, too, his resignation was not accepted, statesmen like Dr. Moonje being unwilling to change the horse in midstream.
But in spite of indifferent health, Savarkar’s vigilant eyes were surveying the moves of the Pakistanis. A difficult situation was arising in Assam. Long before, Savarkar had warned the Assam Hindus of the impending danger. This time also Savarkar invited the attention of the Hindus to the imminent dangerous fate Assam would sufifer at the hands of the homeless hungry hordes of Muslims from Bengal and Orissa immigrating into Assam with a veiled plan of under- mining the overwhelming majority of the Hindus in Assam and turning it into a part of their proposed Pakistan. Hindu leaders in the Congress party could not gauge the danger. Though their leadership and nationalism depended for their life upon the strength of the Hindus, yet they pooh-poohed the calamity and ejaculated that it mattered not to them if there was a Muslim majority or a Hindu one in Assam. Savarkar
314 SAVARKAH AND HIS TIMES
bewailed the lack of foresight on the part of the Congress leaders, who failed to see that “ that very difference measures the distance between Akhand Hindusthan and Pakistan. It is the self-forgetting and suicidal mentality, which has smitten the Hindu race like a national curse and has been responsible in the main for the ills the Hindus are subjected to.”
At this period an event of historical importance took place. In the month of June 1943, the League Ministry in Sind banned Chapter XIV of the Satyartha Prakash, the Bible of the Arya Samaj. None was affected more deeply than Savarkar and he came forward to defend the religious liberty of the Arya Samaj. In an appeal to the Viceroy he stated :
“ I emphatically draw your Excellency’s attention to the contemplated action against the Satyartha Prakash by the Sind Ministry. That book is the scripture of the Arya Samajists and is revered by the Hindus in general. Every scripture including the Bible has something to say against other sects or religions. But no Hindu Ministry ever contemplated any action against non-Hindu scriptures.” Savarkar was the only great leader who strongly and boldly protested against the unjust ban on the Satyartha Prakash. And that is why the Arya Samaj leader, Sri Ghanashyam Das Gupta, sought his guidance in the matter.
Neither the Congress press nor their leaders raised even their little finger against this, for they feared as usual that their Muslim brothers’ sentiments would be hurt. It was a religious matter and that too concerning the Hindus ! The Congress leaders were progressive men. And yet they were intelligent and progressive enough to struggle for restoring the Khilafat to Turkastan which she herself had banished ! And this is not at all strange. Congressmen, who always walked on the tips of their toes to search for a Muslim grievance and to defend and appease it at the cost of Hindu interests and could later on move an adjournment motion in the Central Assembly over the execution of Pir Pagaro, did not feel an iota of sympathy with the Hindus for the unjust ban on their legitimate right of freedom of conscience. There was this method in their Muslim mania. They kept neutral over any problem affecting Hindu interests and their motto was either to keep mum over Muslim demands or to support them. And
the writing on the wall 315
for this lack of sympathy and support on the part of the Congressmen to the cause of the Arya Samaj, the Arya Samajists themselves were in no small measure responsible.
A multitude of the followers of the Arya Samaj had changed their holy faith for Gandhism for all practical purposes and adopted Gandhiji as their godfather, who openly attributed narrow-mindedness to their prophet.
Then came the famine that smote Bengal, taking an unparalleled toll of human lives and reducing human beings and houses to dust. The Muslims tried to utilize the appalling situation for their worldly benefit. An organized Muslim campaign to convert hundreds of starving Hindu women and children to Islamic faith was reported to have been carried on during this man-made famine — a famine set in by a dark fanatic regime of the Muslim League Ministry. Savarkar attacked these nefarious active proselytizing designs of the Moslems. He shouted that the Muslims spent their funds on Muslim famine-stricken population alone. While as usual nationalist leaders like Devi Sarojini Naidu sent a cheque earmarked for the Muslim sufferers, the Hindu funds and trainloads of foodstuff were distributed amongst all the sufferers in a cosmopolitan way. Savarkar said that the Muslims were not only fed doubly, but they also used their surplus for dragging Hindu children and women into their fold. So Savarkar urged upon the Hindu leaders and organizations to help, rescue, feed, clothe and shelter Hindu sufferers alone, and warned them publicly : “ Let the Hindus
remember that suicide is no humanity. Humanity that allows itself to be abused to encourage inhuman activities, is no virtue but a crime.” Some sordid journalists of false cosmopolitan view and hue honestly decried this realistic attitude of Savarkar ; but slurred over the point whether the basis of Savarkar’s advice was real or not.
About this time the official Vatican Organ, Observators Romano, had declared : “ The Christian light shines already
in the subcontinent of India. We hope one day it will blaze forth in full splendour.” Savarkar was amused at this mistaken belief of the Pope and cabled a statement to the United Press of America, Washington, retorting squarely : “ Surely the Vatican could not have chosen more absurdly
316 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
ridiculous a moment to wish India to blaze forth with Christianity than this one, when Hitler, Mussolini, Churchill Roosevelt and the other leaders of almost all Christian nations are vowing vengeance against each other and singing hallelujahs to Moloch in churches meant for Christ and when the Vatican, the capital of the High Priest of the Prince of Peace itself which was only yesterday honouring Mussolini, is today blazing forth in full splendour under the bombard- ment from air and praying through the mouth of cannon to save itself ! ” Savarkar hit the nail on the head when he further said, “ Physician heal thyself,” and pointed out to the Pope that “ his clock was behind time ; the Christian light had come to shine dimmer ever since the Shuddhi and Sanghatan movement had set in belying the hopes of Macaulay, who wished India to pulsate with Christianity, with the result that thousands of Hindus, who had embraced Christianity, were now repudiating it and re-embracing the Hindu fold and getting re-assimilated into the Hindu Nation not only religiously but also culturally, politically and socially.” This view of Savarkar was highly appreciated by the Jews in India and particularly their spokesmen at Madras.
In November 1943, a memorable event in the social history of Maharashtra took place. It was the centenary celebration of the Marathi Stage. Savarkar was elected President and he presided over the functions at Sangli in the first week of November. It was a unique honour for a unique personality. The stage and screen luminaries, playwrights and litterateurs of Maharashtra did well in paying this unique honour to Savarkar, their foremost man of letters, poet and dramatist. Savarkar presided over several literary conferences and fimctions but none so memorable !
During the same week the second millenary of Vikramaditya the Great was celebrated at Sangli by the Maharashtra Provincial Hindu Sabha. Savarkar addressed a memorable mammoth pubhc meeting on the bank of the river Krishna at Sangli and spoke on the great epoch-maker. He told the vast multitude that Vikramaditya the Great lived for two thousand years in the memory of his race, not because he was merely a great king in whose peaceful reign, life and literature, art and learning prospered, but because he defeated, demolished,
the whiting on the wall 317
and drove out the Shaks and the Huns, the alien and non- Hindu invaders, and liberated the Bharat Varsha. The whole of Hindusthan felt enthused, inspired and animated, said Savarkar, at the mention of the name of Vikramaditya as the Shakari and Hunari, the conqueror of the Shaks and the Huns.
December came and Savarkar was again elected for the seventh successive time President of the Hindu Mahasabha Session to be held at Amritsar, despite his resignation pending before the Working Commitli’o of the Hindu Mahasabha and his repeated requests to the contrary. But owing to a severe attack of bronchitis he was confined to bed and Dr. Mookerjee officiated in his place.
The political deadlock was still unsolved. The British Government was busy with the operations of the war, and was not in a mood to discuss the deadlock. But efforts were made by some Liberal leaders in that direction. Sir Maharaj Kumar of Vijay Nagar expressed a desire to know the views of Savarkar on the All-Party Conference to be convened shortly thereafter to solve the deadlock. Savarkar replied to him that there was no harm in trying again. Sir Jagdish Prasad had an interview with Savarkar at Savarkar Sadan on February 24, 1944, and discussed current political problems. Early in the month, the Sub-Consul of the U.S.A. interviewed Savarkar to ascertain Savarkar’s views on War and the Indian political situation.
In February 1944, Mrs. Kasturba Gandhi died a glorious death befitting an Aryan lady in the Aga Khan Palace at Poona. Savarkar’s political differences with her husband were quite well known. Yet the personal loss of Gandhiji had his condolences and sympathies. In a telegraphic condolence message to Gandhiji, Savarkar said : “ With a heavy heart I
mourn the death of Kastiu-ba. A faithful wife, and an affectionate mother, she died a noble death in the service of God and Man. Your grief is shared by a whole nation.” Such noble feelings could come only from a heart devoid of any spite against Gandhiji as a private man.
But the disciples of Gandhiji afterwards dragged the deceased lady’s name into an appeal for a fund in her name. It was not a fund which all part 3 nnen were to expend on a
318 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
national cause in its truest sense. Again the nationalism of its trustees was likely to be the same for which the Tilak Swaraj Fund was utilized. Savarkar could not tolerate this politics in the good name of Kasturba especially as it was feared that the Fund was likely to be used for anti-Hindu purposes. So Savarkar asked the Hindu Sanghatanist public not to contribute even a pie to the Kasturba Fund and to supply the sinews for the propagandistic struggle of the Congress to be used against the Hindu Mahasabha. He reminded the Hindu Sanghatanists how the Tilak Swaraj Fund was utilized to kill the spirit of the Tilakites, the policy of Tilak and his party, and to aid the Khilafatists.
As for the idea of a memorial to the good patriotic lady, he appreciated it, but asked Congressmen whether they had ever cared for the thousand and one widows of the revolutionary martyred heroes, who had pined away in miserable widow- hood ! What Savarkar suggested to the people was that if at all they wanted to erect any memorial to Kasturba, they should also do so to the memory of the patriotic and pious souls like Madame Cama, Gopikabai Phadke, Satyabhamabai Tilak — who died while Tilak was at Mandalay — , Yashodabai Savarkar, ladies from the Parmananda family and numerous, other ladies who were as patriotic as Kasturba. Savarkar also emphasized that the Kasturba Fund being a party Fund might be used by Gandhiji at his sweet wiU for the propaganda of his ideals which Savarkar believed to be detrimental to the ultimate interests and the integrity of Hindusthan. The good name of Kasturba which Savarkar honoured with due respect had nothing to do with the political propaganda of Gandhiji. The history of the Kasturba Fund afterwards was not in any way encouraging from the point of Hindu interests and the integrity of Hindusthan and Savarkar’s stand proved to be quite correct. But the Congress press and some lackeys with malicious pens indulged in anti-Savarkar outbursts totally unjustified.
In March 1944, the Congressmen, who were freshly filtered out of the jails after the abrupt failure of their Quit India Movement, began to realize the frustration of their boycott of the Central Assembly. They now attended the Assembly and outvoted the Finance Bill in collaboration with the Muslim
the writing on the wall 319
League. Here was a combination of the August protagonists and their August antagonists. The Muslim Leaguers wLo were smarting under the Viceroy’s stress in his announcement on the geographical, political, military and economic unity of India, seized the opportunity of browbeating the Viceroy and so they used the Congress Assembly members as a cat’s paw to serve tbeir ends by throwing the Bill out. Savarkar’s untaibng insigbt saw the danger in this event. So he endorsed the view taken by the Mahasabha M.L.As in the Central Assembly led by Sri Jamnadas Mebta who did not support the League-Congress unholy alliance. The Congress party and papers severely criticised this non-co-operation on the part of the Assembly Members of the Hindu Mahasabha as a pro-British attitude. The stand taken by Savarkar in regard to this alliance was vindicated, as will be seen in the next chapter, with a vengeance by the disclosure of the Bhulabhai- Liaqat Ali Khan pact which was mooted by this alliance. The Congress party hailed the pyrrhic victory won by the alliance as a feather in their white caps. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru characterised the white-feathered victory with his failing sight as the first rung of the ladder ; but he must have soon discovered that the ladder was one that led to Pakistan.
Soon after this Gandhiji was released on May 6, 1944, because of his bad health. Speaking of this event, Savarkar said that this action on the part of the British Government was a humane one. He also wished Gandhiji speedy recovery and urged the Government to release Pandit Nehru and other leaders as well. What a patriotic sympathy for the compatriots ! Had an iota of this sympathy been felt by Pandit Nehru and others for Savarkar, it would have added lustre to their patriotic selflessness. But they never did it nor did they show any inclination to do so even when Savarkar lay in the hospital or was bed-ridden, not to speak of Savarkar’s arrest at Gaya in 1941 when Nehru and his Civil Liberties Union kept mum !
Shortly afterwards Savarkar had to issue a statement in reply to a speech made by Mr. Jinnah at Sialkot. In his speech at Sialkot, Jinnah referred to a statement of Savarkar and told the Muslims that Savarkar and Moonje had instructed the Punjab Hindus to join the Muslim League in
320 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
forming coalitions ‘ when it was inevitable to do so.’ So Jinnah advised the Moslems to make it inevitable for the Hindus to co-operate with the League in forming the ministry. Upon this Savarkar replied that the report of his instructions as quoted by Mr. Jinnah was meagre and misleading ; and if Mr. Jinnah construed it as an instrument to bend the Hindus to his wUl, then, he said, he should rest assured that the Hindus would never bend to the dictates of the League. Mr. Jinnah wanted in those days a Hindu leader to support his demands and his wish was father to the thought. What Savarkar in fact was driving at was that he was prepared to discuss any sensible, honourable and workable proposal for the Hindu-Muslim unity. One does not see in this any harm to national interests and one wonders why Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya should have twisted the statement of Savarkar in his propagandist history of the Indian National Congress ! Savarkar had advised the Hindu leaders in the Muslim majo- rity provinces to join ministries formed by the Muslim League wdthout committing themselves to any scheme detri- mental .to the interests and to the integrity of Hindusthan. In criticizing this stand, Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, in fact, blamed Savarkar for having tried to apply a check to the Leaguers who were running amuck in those provinces. Such a move could not but be a wrong strategy in the eyes of Gandhian politics in which Dr. Pattabhi had been steeped for two decades !
In the second week of June 1944, Sri M. N. Roy paid a visit to Savarkar Sadan with his wife, Mrs. Ellen Roy, as a courtesy call. Savarkar was then unwell. Yet the talk between the two leaders became very interesting when it touched the Muslim problem in its rational and realistic aspect. Two giants well known for their rationalism crossed swords with each other, and the great theorist in Roy had to face hard realities respecting the Muslim problem from all points. During this month the Government of India appointed Sir R. P. Paranjpe High Commissioner for Australia. He was the first Indian to be the High Conunissioner for Australia. Savarkar expressed satisfaction at this appointment.
In the meanwhile a crisis was coming to a head in the Jaipur State. As foretold by Savarkar, Sir Mirza Ismail in
thjb writing on the wall 321
fact persisted in his pro-MusUm policy in Jaipur. He was stated to have stifled Hindi and the Nagari script, supported Urdu and demolished temples that came in the way of his town-planning, but left mosques untouched. There was a strong agilalion in the State against his holding the offlee any longer, bandit ^amehandta Shatma, a Wdex m State, res^orted to a last ‘\n YieWn, protesVmg against the anti- Hindu rule of Sir Mirza Ismail. Savarkar upheld Pandit Sharma’s demands and desired him to break his fast. After fifty-four days Sharma broke his fast with no small amount of success. For facts, figures and fairness had motivated his fast and they exposed the real state of affairs in Jaipur.
In the third week of June 1944, Savarkar had again an important interview with a personal representative of President Roosevelt, Mr. Lampton Berry. During the two- hour talk Mr. Lampton Berry discussed with Savarkar his views and policy towards the future Indo- American relations !
Towards the end of June the Bombay Government put a ban on the pilgrimage of the Hindus to Pandharpur and Savarkar successfully directed an agitation of the Hindu Sanghatanists for securing the religious freedom of the people.
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