I
Savarkar’s dramatic release was a pleasant surprise to Hindudom. Leaders like Sri Kelkar, Bhai Parmananda, Dr. Moonje and Sri Aney were happy over the exhilarating event that brought to them the release of a national force. The reaction of the Congress High Command to his release was notable. Pandit Nehru welcomed Savaikar back to freedom. Rajaji felt great joy at the release of a national hero, who was to him a symbol of courage, bravery and patriotism. Desha- gaurav Subhas Bose welcomed him, and urged him to join the Congress and strengthen the national movement. He added that bright future awaited Savarkar. Sri M. N. Roy welcomed the hero and hoped that Savarkar would devote his life again to the emancipation of India on his own line of thinking.^ Gandhiji had nothing to say about it. He was proverbially silent.
The appearance of Savarkar on the political horizon natu- rally aroused the envy of the petty patriots to w’hom Gandhism was a faith and profession. Naturally the non- violent non-embarrassing politics .suffered a volcanic wave. The shrewd leaders in the Congress camp, who knew Savar- kar s mettle, were sure that their steel was not strong enough to break his spirit. They, therefore, sophistically hoped that Savarkar would join the Congress or rest on his laurels. Some nervously whispered that the steam-roller was out. They knew well that he wore both a cross and a crown. The crown had been smelted, shaped, tried and glorified in the process of untold sufferings and incomparable sacrifice. But what all of them feared most was his conquering personality, matchless oratory, and, above all, his militant political ideology.
’ Me.ssa{;e.s of Nehru, Bo.se, Foy and Rajaji to the Lokamanya, Bombay, dated 27-6-1937.
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Maker of history, father of a political ideology, leader of a world-famous revolutionary party, Savarkar was not a man to follow success by changing his principles and betraying the souls of his re^^o]utionary comrades. Lonely he set out on his mission. He bade farewell to Ratnagiri to see how the land lay, where the fuel existed, where the spark of righteous resistance smouldered in Maharashtra. He reverentially bowed to the Gadi of Shivaji at Kolhapur, and proclaimed liis entrance into the political arena. At Pandharpur, the southern Ber.ares, he pal., jis respects to the g^reat saints of Maharashtra. It was at ra j that he first fluttered hi.s claw and attacked the imbecile aiiitude of the Congressmen in the Central Assembly where they had sometime before shame- lessly argued that the kidnapping of Hindu girls in the North- West Frontier Province was but a problem of physical wants ! This stroke was a direct challenge, a portent, a straight hit, and a penetrating arrow aimed at the power and prestige of the Congress. Congressmen surreptitiou.sly twisted the state- ment, tried to make an issue out of it, invented a pretext, and boycotted the reception functions held in Savarkar ’s honour !
Savarkeir reached Poona, the political, historical, and cul- tural capital of Maharashtra. The whole city was stirred. There was a new hope, a new life. With Sav’^arkar came up the liisioric flag. The resurrected flag was hoisted for the first time in recent years ! The spell of the name Savarkar was cis mighty as it was mesmeric. Political workers, who were humbled down and routed by the Congress, began to look up straight. In Bombay Savarkar was given a waian reception at a meeting which was addressed by Mr. K. F. Nariman, Sri M. N. Roy and Sri S. K. Patil, all paying glowing tributes to Savarkar’s .sufferings and sacrifice. M. N. Roy touchingly referred to Savarkar as the tree of which he was a branch among others, and with glowing eyes added that the inspiration he had drawn from Savarkar during his student days could stand him in good stead, and enabled him to face forces of injustice, exploitation and slavery in all parts of the world !
Savarkar took his permanent abode in Bombay. But time and again he visited Poona and other parts of Maharashtra during the latter part of 1937. Those who knew his political
200 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
ideology were not surprised to hear that Savarkar joined the Tilakite Democratic Swaraj Party and shortly aftc^rwards the Hindu Mahasabha. He did not join the Congress that had departed from its democratic and national stand, and begun to surrender to the anti-national demands of the Muslims. Organizing a separate political party, however, was an uphill task. Gandhiji was fortunate in having at liis disposal the Congress, which was already shaped into an active political organisation by Tilak, Lajpat Rai, and Das. Here Savarkar began almost with a clean slate.
But why this new path ? Savarkar declared that the right of revolt belonged to anybody provided he was prepared to face the consequential ordeal. When Jesus Christ died, he had a few followers ; Mohammed had to flee sometimes for want of support ; and Columbus discovered America despite oppo- sition and ridicule offered by his crew and comrades. There was no harm, Savarkar said, if the country had many parties. Savarkar further said that the Moderates also were great patriots ; but Tilak opposed them and brought about unrest that led to a political awakening. The revolutionaries left Tilak behind, Savarkar continued, and showed the world to what degree the barometer of active resistance and national wrath could be rfiised by struggling India ! The object of our worship is the Goddess of Freedom. The temple is one. Let the ways and means differ. The worshippers should not quarrel among themselves over the correctness of the means.” Differences always exist and their clashes make for light ! He then reminded the people that Tilak became Lokamanya after his death. Tilak did not agree entirely wnth him ; but Tilak did not commit the sin of coming in his way, Savarkar declared. He pointed out that Tilak, Gokhale, and Surendra- nath Banerjee never considered politicians of independent tliinking their enemies, because those politicians did not subscribe to their own political views. He expressed also the fear that the Congress would one day throttle the Bande Mataram, and the national song would meet the fate the poetry of Bhushan sulfered, in the University curriculum. And within a few years the Congress did throttle Bande Mataram on the altar of their pseudo-nationalism for appeasing
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA
201
the Muslim mind. “ Efforts of all and various forces/’ Savar- kar assertei’, “have led to the dawn of freedom. It is a victory achieved by the cumulative efforts and combination of all forces. Still Delhi is far off.”
As regards his political mission, he declared that his aim was to establish a free independent Indian State on the bed- rock of the Hindus, tlie nalional majority. He added that he wanted to make the paper majority of the Hindus actively conscious of the fact that they were the bedrock and main- spring of the national life and the State. In I’rief but in un- mistakable terms, he defined his mission to be :
(1) Absolute political independence of Hindusthan as the goal.
(2) Its achievement by any means.
(3) Regeneration of the Hindus.
Savarkar then explained why he laid stress on the consoli- dation of the Hindus, though he asked them to remove the rigidity of the cast-iron rituals, and to break all the barriers of caste system. The concept of Hindutva, he said, was broader than Hinduism which related to the religious system of the Hindus, their theology and dogma. But Hindutva was far more comprehensive and referred not only to the religious aspect of the Hindu people as the word Hinduism did, but comprehended their cultural, social, political, and linguistic aspects as well. He declared: “ Let Hinduism concern itself with the salvation of life after death, the concept of God, and the Universe. Let individuals be free to form opinions about the trio. The whole Universe from one end to the other is the real book of religion. But so far as the materialistic and secular aspect is concerned, the Hindus are a nation bound by a common culture, a common history, a common language, a common country, and a common religion.”
The first appeal Savarkar made to the youth was to start rifle classes, to learn to handle at least the air-guns. “ There is a scope for drama, poetry and literature in life : but when the mother is on her death-bed, it is a sin to go out for a change of climate, or to enjoy life and stars,” he said. In the last week of October 1937, Savarkar hoisted at Poona the tri- colour flag of the Revolutionary India, which was designed by the Abhinava Bharat and first unfurled by Madame Cama
202 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
in Germany. This was the first flag that was flown as the national flag of India since 1857, and fortunately it was brought to India after years through the efforts of Sri Gajananrao Kelkar. In the following montli Savarkar presided at the C.P. and Berar Hindu Conference in Akola. There he defined tlie principles of his nationalism. Since independence had come in sight, he thought,, it was the proper time to define it. He told the conference that every country was known after and ruled in the name of its national majority. “ The Hindus, the national majority of Hindusthan,” he declared, “had sacrificed almost exclusively for the liberation of Hindusthan. In that very Bengal which is now virtually ruled by the Muslims the sacrificial fire was kept burning by Hindus alone. The buried bones in the Andamans can also proudly proclaim that the heroes of independence were the Hindus. Whatever has been achieved is done through the sweat, struggle and sacrifice of the Hindus. Those laws and rules under which the weal, welfare, culture and honour of the Hindus would flouri.sh would alone constitute Swaraj for the Hindus ! ” He reiterated his unflinching resolve that if. was better to die in the thick of the fight for such a righteous cause than to live with passive interest and see its failure.
Savarkar s visit to Nagpur had its peculiar charm and enthusiasm. A vast crowd received him at the Nagpur station. Amidst an atmosphere full of a new hope and charm, Dr. Moonje, flie champion of the Hindu cause, in a moving tone said that whatever service and power he had at his disposal, he laid from that moment at the disposal of Savarkar. On December 13, 1937, at Nagpur Savarkar warned the Hindus to be prepared to flout the Pakistan scheme. In the same speech, referring to the then political trend and happenings in Kaslunir, he foretold that the existence of Kashmir Hindus would soon be in utter danger, if the anti-Hindu forces were not checked at that very stage. How prophetic he was can be judged from the current history of Kashmir !
He, therefore, openly denounced Gandhiji’s ill-advice to the Maharaja of Kashmir to abdicate in favour of the Muslims and to go to Benai-es to do penance, because the Muslims were in a majority in Kashmir. He attacked the unfair attitude of Gandhi ji who would not advise in the same way the Nizam
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA 203
of Hyderabad and Nawab of Bhopal to iibdicale in favour of the majorities in those Stales, who happened to be Hindus, and ask the Muslim rulers to go to Mecca to do Toba \ The rapid advance of Savarkar’s fiery and clear-cut ideal of unalloyed nationalism began to create a nucleus of followers, leaders, and supporters all over India. It was in the fitness of things that such an inspired personality was elected unanimously to the presidents})ip of the Hindu Mahasabha, in spite of the opposition of some Congressmen for its nineteenth Annual Session which was held at Abinedabad on the 30th of December 1937. This the highest honour that the Hindus could confer upon him. Savarkar made the greatest sacrifice of his life in joining the Hindu Mahasabha and staked his name and his all for the cause of the Hindus. Pelf, power, and popularity were on the opposite side in the Congress. There was no position to which he could not have risen once he had joined the Congress. But he preferred duty to popularity, weal of the nation to personal wealth, and personal cross to popular crown. Prataps never pander to popularity or bend their necks to dishonourable eminence. It is given to Mansinghs to thrive on it. The Hindu Mahasabha now began to rise as a political organization. Savarkar infused life into it and gave it a Platform, a Slogan, a Bible, and a Banner !
And such a warrior philosopher appeared on the political field and platform of Indian politics, when the dawn of rosy revolution had faded away, the morning of the unalloyed nationalism of Dadabhai Naoroji and Tilak had disappeared, and the evenings were filled with weird shadows of pseudo- nationalism ! To defend the legitimate, civic, religious, cultural and economic rights of the Hindus in their Homeland was taboo in 1937 ! Builders of our nation like Shiv^aji, Pratap, and Guru Govindsingh were stigmatized as treache- rous or misguided ! Prophets like Daj^ananda, noble patriots like Lala Lajpat Rai and Swami Shraddhananda were decried as narrow-minded bigots. The Muslims were offered by Hindu leaders blank cheques of suzerainty over the Hindus on the one hand, and the Hindus were themselves offered blank betrayals by their leaders on the other. The inhuman atrocities of the Moplahs were painted with the colour of patriotism and brotherhood. The slogan, no Swaraj without
204 SAVARKAK AND HIS TIMES
Hindu-Muslim Unity, was the breath of life of the pseudo- nationalists, and this slogan was constantly and rightly held by the foreign Government as a loaded gun against the national demand for freedom.
The policy of non-co-operation and non-violence was the cry of the day. Jail-seeking was regarded as the royal road to independence, although, in fact, it was a royal road to personal prestige and power. A soldier was accursed as a sinner, and a spinner in the Congress camp was nursed as a saviour ! The principle of one vote for three Hindus and three votes for one Muslim in the form of the Communal Awaj’d was accepted as justifiable, democratic and fully national. Recognition to Muslim population had become a righteous duty, but mere recording of the correct Hindu population in the census was a communal act. The cause of the Muslim religion had beconie a national call, and the Hindu religion became a symbol of reactionarism. Hindu leaders like Shrimati Sarojini Naidu appealing to the Muslims of the world to unite were eulogized, and the Muslim leaders, who publicly declared their intention to divide the Depressed Classes between the Hindus and Muslims, were elevated to ihe pedestal of Godheads. But Hindu leaders, who stood by Hindu self-respect, were branded as communalists. In fact, it was the Dark Age in Indian politics of the modern times, as Dr. Ambedkar once put it.
At this dark period, the inspired personality of Savarkar appeared on the Indian political horizon incomparable in sacrifice, uncompromising in principles. The warrior, who had lived in his veritable grave, grappling with death for a quarter of a century, again came to the front. For the welfare of his people, for carving out the independence of his nation, he had eaten the coarsest food, worn the roughest clothes, slept on the bare earth in the darkest room, and was harnessed to the oil-mill.
The voice of such a dynamic, mesmeric personality was bound to exercise an irresistible influence over the people. Savarkar felt it was his righteous duty to remove ruthlessly the web of Gandhism that had choked the political life of Hindusthan. Great political leaders are born with fabulous energy ! So was stubborn Tilak. So was tenacious Gandhiji.
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA 205
So was indefatigable Nehru. So was dynamic Savarkar. These were the four leaders that shook the remotest corner of Hindusthan with the vibrations of their views and vigour ! Savarkar marched from Province to Province, propagating his great ideal, explaining the territorial nationalism of the Congress, and expounding his own stand based on political rationalism and historical realism. He went on conquering new planes and new patriots, pushing aside time-old personalities and theories like cobwebs.
il
Throughout the length and breadth of Hindusthan, Savarkar was hailed as the saviour of Hindusthan, pai’tly with mixed feelings of love and reverence and partly with awe and jealousy. A sea of humanity welcomed him in February 1938, at Delhi, the historic capital of India. In that memorable procession of thousands of people, Dr. Jayakar and Loknayak Aney took keen interest with pride. Flowers were showered, sweets were distributed, all public squares of Delhi were decorated and flags were unfuided in honoui- of the great hero, who made for the first time a triumphant entry into the heart of the nation. The new ideology stirred the United Provinces. This province w’as the chief scene of the romantic history of 1857, and naturally Savarkar’s speeches were filled with the glorious reminiscences of that heroic struggle for Independence. The Cawnpore Municipality presented Savarkar with an address. Cities like Faizabad, Barabanki, Lucknow and Agra gave him public receptions. At Cawnpore he delivered, on April 3, 1938, an inspiring speech on ‘ 1857 ’. He said : “ This very Cawnpore has witnessed the defeat of the British forces at the hands of Tatya Tope. Since my childhood I have been cherishing an irresistible yearning for visiting this city as the venue of the scenes of revolution and visiting Kashi as the holy city of Hindusthan. Since my arrival hei-e I have been haunted by the spirits of Nanasahib, Tatya Tope, the war cries raised by their battalions and the thunder of their cannons." He saw the famous massacre Ghat at Cawnpore and the temple of Shiv whence Tatya Tope blew his bugle, and gave a clarion call to
206 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
his ai-my. The historian of ‘ 1857 ’ astounded the people by exactly pointing out certain places imprinted with historical events of 1857, though il was his first visit to the city.
At Faizabad he paid a visit lo the Sanskrit Pathashala and Gurukul. While replying to the address given by the institu- tion, Savarkar paid glowir.g tributes to the authorities and teachers of the Pathashala for having given equal opportunities to all Hindus irrespective of castes. Receiving an address on behalf of the public al Barabanki. Savarkar reached Lucknow on April 5. There he was taken in a grand procession, which pas.sed through ihe ‘.lieeis decorated with arches. At a jnanunuth public meotiug Saw’.rkar declared how the Congress liad departed from its u ue nationaUstn and was sui rendering to the anti-national demands of the Muslims. It was here thai Acharya Narendradeu saw Savarkar and exchanged views with him. Then addressing a meeting at Hasan Gaiij and Shahad Ganj, he reached Agra where he was accorded a rousing reception, and was presented with public addresses. In the Agra f ort Savarkar showed how and where Shivaji confronted the trembling Aurnngzcb.
In the middle of April Savarkar visited Sholapur and during the first week of May 1958, attended the Hindu Youth Conference at Poona, when processions demanding the lifting of the ban on aaiiis were taken out.
Then the land of the Vedas and the Five Rivers gave a .splendid reception to Savarkar, the warrior philosopher of the Land of Kannayoya. In the second week of May 1938, Lahore gave him a public reception. Amidst deafening applause he garlanded the stiilue of Lala Lajpat Rai, the lion of the Punjab. He also paid a visit to the liisloric Shahid Ganj of the Sikhs. At Lahore, in a Press interview, Savarkar said that he and Ml-. Jinnah were not birds of the same feather, because, while he stood for equality and no concessions. Mi-. Jinnah did not stand for equality and always asked for more and more concessions. Savarkar told the press representatives that he insisted that either there should be joint electorates without any reservation of seats for any community in any legislature or any local body, or there must be joint electorates with reservation of seats for minorities either on population basis or according to a system of weightages equally applicable to
WHIRLWIND P R O P A G A C D A 207
all minorities. He further said that the Congress should assume the role of a Parliament in whi^ ii all parties should participate, and not the role of a party ss it was developing in those days.
While writing on the splended j ;ception accorded to Savarkar by Lahore people, the Trihn>ui, a leading Nationalist paper, appreciated the services that S ivarkar rendered to the cause of the Motherland. Discussing the difference between the viewpoints of Savarkar and Jinnah, the paper observed :
As a matter of fact Mr. Savarkar ’s anchor as a sincere and a rue nationalist holds as ever. The several speeches made Ijy liim during the last three days, show unmistakably both the general soundne.ss of hi.s political views and the fervour and intensity of his love ol country and freedom. His conception of a modern nation and an ideal state is that of a nation and state in which no difference is made between one person and artoiher on the score of community, religion or caste. Holding this view, and this is undoubtedly the only- correct view, it is only right that he should want the Congress which is India’s supreme national organization, not to recognize religion, class and community and to stand for the equal rights of all citizens.” *
At Amritsar Savarkar was accorded an imposing reception by the people. Several thousands of Sikhs received Savarkar in the famous Golden Temple. When at a meeting the Sikhs presented Savarkar with a Kripan, he asked them what earthly use was served in presenting that Kripan to a Mahratta by those people for whom the Kripan had lost its meaning and spirit and whom the doctrine of non-violence was haunting ! Delivering a .speech at another public meeting, he said ; “ The more you follow the Hindu-Muslim xmity, the further it runs away from you. Plainly speaking, there does not exist any minority problem worth the name. The Parsis, the Jews and the Christians inhabiting this land never claimed special rights and the latter have declared more than once that they do not want separate electorates.” “
On his way back, he paid a visit to Ajmer. There addressing a big meeting, Savarkar paid tributes to the services of
’ Quoted in The Mahratta, dated 20-5-1938.
Ibid.
208 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
Gandhiji and other leaders of the Congress for creating a spirit of awakening in the country, but asked the people to oppose the Congress for its appeasing poUcy towards the Muslims. Referring to this new awakening, the Sunday Times, Lahore, paid a glowing tribute to Savarkar and said : “ He is a man of sterling worth and possesses an indomitable courage which made him boldly face the ordeals, through which he passed/’ ’
After paying \dsil.s to Ajmer, Nasik, Gwalior and Jodhpur, Savaikar turned to Sind. Long before, while in internment. Savarkar had sounded a grave warning to the Sind Hindus against the separation of Sind from the Bombay Province. H(jwe'er. the limb of the Bombay Province, like the lamb in the Aesop’s Fable, was misled and was not only mutilated from Bombay, but subsequently was cut off from the Motherland.
The receptions accorded to Savarkar all over Sind from the 1st to the 10th of September 1938, w’ere imposing. In Karachi the procession took five hours to wend its way to its destina- tion. The enthusiasm of the Hindus w’as afire. Sukkar vied with Karachi in offering its homage to the leader. The Hyderabad Municipality held a reception of civic welcome to the gi’eat son of India. Kothari and Sukkar Municipalities, too, paid their homage to Savarkar. The Sind Hindu Conference, which was then held at Sukkar under the lead of Savarkar, sounded a timely warning to the Sind Hindus, and asked them to boycott the Congress and organize a stronghold of Hindus to save their hearths, homes and interests in the near future. The Sind Hindus then under the evil influence of the Congress forgot this warning, and ultimately paid for their folly in 1947. Describing this tour of Savarkar, the Sind Observer, an English Daily of Congress persuasion, declared : “ He came, he saw, he conquered.”
In October 1938, the Hyderabad (Bhaganagar) struggle was launched to vindicate the civic, religious, economic and political rights of the Hindus in’ the Hyderabad State, who were groaning under the heels of the medieval tyranny of the Nizam. The Hindus and Sikhs in the State were not allowed to hold meetings, take out processions political or
’ Quoted in The Mahratta, dated 20-5-1938.
President Sa’V’arkar taken out in a huge procession at Madura (1940)
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA 209
^eligious, repair their temples, and to start even private schools to educate the children in their mother tongue ; Hindu temples, Hindu Bazaars and Hindu houses were burnt down ; twelve per cent Muslim population held eighty per cent posts, positions and jobs of va?itage in the administration. And what was the attitude of the Congressmen to this movement foi’ civil liberties ? Their head, Gandhiji, eventually declared that he did not want to embarrass His Exalted Higlmess the Nizam of Hyderabad. Such was the policy of the Congressmen and Gandhi}: that whenever the tyrants were Muslims and the tyra iu,Gd were Hindus, their nationalism, their love of justice, ^lieir love of civic rights and political liberty would at once crawl. Therefore in deference to the wish of their de facto leader, Gandhiji, the Congressmen did not raise their little finger against this barbarous and fanatical persecution. Their sympathy, their love of justice and their tears they poured and shed with Tagore for Abyssinia and the Arabs in Palestine.
Savarkar attended the historic Aryan Conference at Sholapur in the last week of December 1938, at the pressing request from the leaders of the Arya Samaj for his guidance and lead in connection with the Hyderabad struggle, which was gathering momentum, and as a result of which several thousands of Hindu Civil Resisters were suffering imprison- ment in the Nizam’s jails. In the same week came off the Annual Session of the Hindu Mahasabha at Nagpur where Buddhist representatives from Japan also were present. The procession in honour of the President-elect took five hours to reach its destination. Boundless enthusiasm prevailed. Flowers were showered from an aeroplane upon President Savarkar, the chosen leader. The Presidential Address of Savarkar delivered at this Nagpur Session was a master-piece of the principles of nationalism and humanism, rights and duties of the minorities, of foreign policy and national and international politics. During the Session the Hyderabad Movement received the prime attention of all the Sanghatanists.
Then followed Savarkar’s visit in the third week of February 1939, to the land of Bande Mataram, the home of Surendranath, C. R. Das, Bepin C. Pal, Arvind Ghose, and
14
210 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
Khudiram Bose. The Khulna Conference opened a new outlet for the salvation of the Bengal Hindus. Such was the tremendous effect of Savarkar’s matchless oratory and dynamic personality on Bengal that, pointing to the thundering receptions to Savarkar and to his merciless logic, the Amrit Bazar Patrika, an organ of Congress persuasion, sounded a timely warning to the Congress bosses to be on their guard and to dissuade themselves from placating the unholy demand.^ of the Muslim League. Savarkar captivated the hearts of the leaders, lawyers, and public w’orkers of Bengal. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjec was initiated into Indian politics, and he became a new as.sct and nucleus of Hindu Sanghatan ideology. Indeed, Mukherjee was a discovery of Savarkar’s tour in Bengal. Almost all Bengal papers published .special issues full of life-sketches of the romantic career of the Prince of the revolutionaries of Hindusthan. One dailj’ described this tour as an all-talkie, all-movie tom* of the Indian Robinhood.
After Bengal came the turn of Bihar, the land of the sturdy fighters and tough warriors for the Hindu cause. A Provincial Hindu Conference was held at Monghyr in the third week of March 1939, imder the Presidentship of Savarkar. The flag, the spirit and the ideology began to capture new fields and new avenues. Monghyr gave an imposing reception to Savarkar and the procession was the most splendid that the city ever witnessed. The leading Hindi Daily, the Prahhakar, of Monghyr, described it as an unparalleled reception ever accorded to Great Men. Savarkar delivered his stirring Presidential Address with great heartforce. He declared that Hinduism and Hindutva were two different things. Hindutva constituted, he said, all those aspects and aspirations which the word nationalism comprised ! The Indian Nation, Patna, commenting on the Presidential Address of Savarkar, wrote :
“ It was a stirring speech. He made an impassioned appeal to Hindus to unite to resist inroads, and revive their past glory. His speech was heard with rapt attention and created an atmosphere of great enthusiasm among the Hindus. He spoke with feeling, and the audience also was greatly impressed with the arguments he gave in support of his conclusions.” Then followed the Mahakoshal Provincial
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Hindu Conference at Jubbulpore in the first week of June 1939. The idea of the unjust treatment to the national majority of the Hindus and the danger of disintegration of Hindusthan began to attract the attention of the Hindus. The Jubbulpore Municipality held a civic welcome in honour of Savarkar at the time of the Conference.
In the meantime ‘ Hyderabad Days ’ were observed all over India by Hindu Sanghatanists ; centres of civil resistance movement were opened w’ dictators in charge at Poona, Nagpur, and Akola. The I’ ndu Mahasabha gave Savarkar full powers in respect of ifn movement. Savarkar toured Berar in the middle of April and in June 1939, and gave a tremendous impetus to the Hyderabad struggle. Touching scenes in villages and towns on the border lines of C.P. and Berar and Bombay provinces and on the banks of the Penganga at Umarkhed in Berar were witnessed on those occasions. One of the most touching incidents at one of these mammoth meetings took place when the tribal leaders of the forest dwellers — ^Pardhis — devotionally honoured Savarkar with a rough woollen blanket and a lathi in their tribal fashion.
Savarkar’s thrilling voice was then heard, giving a send-off to several batches of volunteers who entered the Hyderabad State to offer civil resistance. Nearly 15,000 volunteers, workers and leaders were suffering imprisonment for having offered the civil resistance. Senapati Bapat, Sri L. B. Bhopatkar, Sri S. R. alms Mamai’ao Date, Dr. Paranjpe, Sri D. K. Sathe, Sri Anantrao Gadre and Sri Bapurao Joshi from Maharashtra, and Sri Chandakiran Sarada, Mahashay Krishna, Pandit Narayan Swami, and Baba Madansingh Gaga from other provinces led battalions of civil resisters into the Hyderabad State and Yeshwantrao Joshi, the leader of the Hindu Sabha in Hyderabad, with his colleagues had already been arrested and sentenced by the State bureaucracy. Pandit Nathuram Godse, who was the Secretary of the Pratikar Mandal established at Poona under the Presidentship of Sri G. V. Ketkar, Editor Mdhratta, had led the first batch of civil resisters from Maharashtra into Hyderabad, the administra- tively most dangerous State in India.
During this Movement there was complete co-operation
212
savarkar anh his times
between the Hindu Mahasabha and the Arya Samaj in spite of the wily hindrances created by topmost Congress leaders, callous misrepresentations made by the so-called nationalist- ^ujn-Congress press, unsympathetic attitude of the Provincial Congress Ministries and the non -embarrassment policy of Gandhiji. On April 5, 1939, Savarkivr successfully foiled in a fighting speech the plans of Gandhiji at the Sholapur Aryan Conference which was on the verge of withdrawing the civil Resistance Movement in pursuance of Gandhiji’s draft resolution ! Gandhiji was so sure of the withdrawal of the Movement by the Arya Samaj that ho even saw Dr. Moonje in Delhi, told him about the draft resolution, and asked Moonje to wire to Savarkar to follow suit. Dr. Moonje told Gandhiji that Gandhiji should not trouble himself about the Movement started by the Hindu Mahasabha and added that Savarkar knew best how and where to stop it.
As was their wont, the Congressmen were then busy supporting the Muslim struggle against the Kashmir State. Except the weak-need policy of their prototypes in the Hyderabad State who stopped their struggle in the State on instructions from the Congress High Command and Gandhiji, they never seriously denounced the medieval barbarism and misrule of Hyderabad State, which had assaulted several Hindu civil resisters in its jails and put to death about a dozen of them in the jails. Though the Congi-ess journals and leaders kept themselves unconcerned with the struggle against the Hyderabad State, the agitation reached the British Parliament. In the British Parliament Col. Wedg- wood raised the question of Hyderabad struggle carried on by the Hindu Sanghatanists. and the same day Sri Bhide Guruji hoisted the Geruva flag on the British Residency at Hyderabad.
After a prolonged struggle H.E.H. the Nizam was brought to his knees and in accordance with his traditional policy bowed down to save his Gadi before he was completely .beaten. On the 19th of July 1939, H.E.H. the Nizam declai-ed the reforms wherein he gave recognition to the Civil Resistance Movement, and offered to the Hindus at least 50 per cent of the seats in the elected Legislatures wherein formerly the Hindus had zero per cent representation. Savarkar who
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA 213
smelt the coming sweep of World War II withdrew the movement after this partial success. The Arya Samaj followed suit. This successful termination of the struggle for the civic, political, economic and religious rights of the Hindus and Sikhs, who were totally suppressed in the Hyderabad State, was a new feather in Savarkar’s cap and added prestige and power to his leadership. Through the struggle Savarkar felt the pulse of Maharashtra. The undying spirit of Shivaji and Tilak was not yet dead the and Savarkar experienced that spirit again revolting agains^ ranny and injustice.
Now all was not well with t\e Congress and its lead. Owing to the gi*owing popularity of the Hindu Mahasabha under the lead of Savarkar, the Congress High Command resolved to boycott the Hindu Mahasabha. This was an amazing stand taken by the Congress lead. But no Mahasabhaite worth the name worried himself about this boycott.
In the last week of September 1939, Savai^kar visited a few places in Karnatak. He spoke in the Municipal Hall and in the Karnatak college at Dharwar, and addressed meetings at Hubli and some other villages like Hosur, Gurla Hosur, Bail Hongul and gave a fillip to the Hindu Sanghatan work. Savarkar ’s next visit outside Maharashtra was to Meei’ut in the first week of October 1939, to support the candidature of Maharaja Krishna in the provincial bye-election. There the opposition from the Muslims and Congressmen to the Hindu Mahasabha was smouldering. The Muslims even attacked Savarkar’s procession at Meerut and there ensued a deadlock in the street between the two sides. The U.P. police force of Sri Govind Vallabh Pant as expected failed to protect the just and legitimate rights of the peace-loving Hindu processionists, and indirectly encouraged the aggressive nature of the Muslims by forcing the Hindus themselves to abandon the procession.
After Savarkar’s arrival in Bombay a statement was issued to the press by seven leaders namely Sir Cowasji Jehangir, Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, Sir V. N. Chandavarkar on behalf of the Indian Liberals, Savarkar on behalf of Hindu Mahasabha, Sri N. C. Kelkar and Sri Jamnadas Mehta on
214 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
behalf of the Democratic Swaraj Party, and Dr. Ambedkar on behalf of the Independent Labour Party. These seven leaders declared : “ The Congress and the Congress Govern- ments believe in annihilating all parties and making the Congress the only party in the land, as is the case in Fascist and Nazi regimes — a result which would be a deathblow to Democracy.” ^ This timely warning against the developing Fascism had its effect. The Congress papers attacked Savarkar particularly, saying that Savarkar could do nothing but join the Liberals. Sounding a warning with the patriotic men against the Congress Fascism was something unpatriotic, but surrendering the national interests at Jinnah’s feet was to the monopolised press a patriotic and national act !
Then came a great event in Savarkar’s romantic life. The British Power that had exiled him for 27 years thought it fit to interview Savarkar at New Delhi on October 9, 1939, to know his views and policy about World War II. In the course of the interview Savarkar frankly told His Excellency, the Governor-General Lord Linlithgow, that he still was a revolutionary ; but as the political situation and strategy demanded it, he was prepared to co-operate in the policy of Militarisation and suggested to Government to keep the Sikh and Gurkha battalions on the North-West Frontiers. He feared, however, that an attack on India would probably be made from the Eastern side. The Viceroy was so much impressed with Savarkar’s lucid discourse on the current problems that he expressed to some of liis Executive Councillors that Savarkar was possibly the only politician who could ably discuss the war situation from the Indian viewpoint and its major issues in the context of international politics. The Viceroy was also surprised to see that in spite of an unusual record of long incarceration and great sufferings Savarkar was still alert, and clear in thinking and unflagging in energy ! In the evening Sir Jagdish Prasad and Sir Ramswami Mudaliar, Members of the Executive Council of the Viceroy, invited Savarkar to a tea-party.
1 P. R. Lele, War and India’s Freedom, p. 89.
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA 215
After Savarkar’s interview with the Viceroy, the Hindu Mahasabna Working Committee passed its famous resolution declaring that neither the allies nor the axis powers entered war with any altruistic motives ; but they were out for their national or imperialistic ambitions.
The Calcutta Session of the Hindu Mahasabha held during the last week of December 1939, proved to be a landmark in the history of the Hindu Mahasabha and in the life of Savarkar. So great was the enthusiasm that the President- elect had to pass two sleepless nights to attend receptions accorded to him by thou. ands of people at every important station en route to Calcutta. The Howrah station was packed to capacity with anxious crowds of workers and eager public. Cheer upon cheer greeted his arrival. Heaps of geirlands were showered upon Savarkar, groups of bands played before the station, and numerous photographs were taken. Eager sightseers lined the roadways waiting to cheer the warrior philosopher. Then followed the largest procession Bengal ever witnessed. Armed Sikh horsemen led the procession. Rose water and scents were sprinkled upon the President- elect by crowds of men and women standing in the balconies, and on the roofs to witness the mammoth procession and have a look at the great leader of Hindusthan. This was the biggest session of the Mahasabha held till then. More than two lakhs of people participated. In his Presidential Address Savarkar reiterated the basic tenets of nationalism, reviewed the problem of minorities, and propounded his doctrine of national co-ordination of class interests.
Savarkar’s dynamic personality and his clear-cut thinking and his characteristic fearlessness made an irresistible impression on the minds of thinking men in the country. Their repercussions were echoed through different leading news- papers of India. The HindvMhan Standard, Calcutta, remarked : “ The president himself is a dynamic personality who radiates hope where there is defeatism, brings cheer where there is distress and calls into play creative energy where there is desolation. The Hindu Mahasabha must be beholden to Providence that it has succeeded after years of wandering in the wilderness in claiming for three years in unbroken succession as its leader and spokesman that high
216 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
priest of militant Indian Nationalism who has dreamt dreams and seen visions. . . . ” ^
BengaFs another great journal, the Ainrit Bazar Patrika, observed : “ Whether one agrees with nil his views or not, Mr. Savarkar compels attention by the boldness and clarity of his utterances. He knows no doubt or hesitation. His logic is merciless ; his humour caustic, and his irony efTective. He is a man with a mission. The faith that burns in him throws a halo all round and he seems as he delivers liis message and advances like a conquering liero, sweeping iiway from his path like cobwebs all time-worn theories arjd personalities.” Sounding a warning to the Congress, the Amrit Bazar Patrika further said : “ One consideration is that Congi’ess has lost its hold over Bengal. We shall not go into the story today, but it is an admitted fact that it is the non-communal outlook of the Congress which has failed to satisfy the Hindus of this Province ” And the paper added :
In Indian polities we have at least a man who is not afraid to call a spade a spade.”
Styling Savarkar’s Presidential Address as militant, the Tribune, Lahore, stated : The militancy is not only intel- ligible, but in part defensible as a natural reaction produced in the sensitive Hindu minds by the aggressive Communalism of the Muslim League.”** The New India, (‘ominenting on the Address, observed : ‘‘ Thrice Mr. Nehru was elected as
Congress President and thrice has Mr. Savarkar been chosen as the Mahasabha leader. Both have certain qualities in com- mon. Both made great sacrifices for the country and both possess a trenchancy of style which is direct and provocative. Had he been admiitted into the inner cricle of the Congress fold, I am sure, Mr. Savarkar would have become President of that organisation. Whether right or wrong, the man is utterly and downrightly sincere.” ^
Another significant feature attached to the Session was that the Maharaja of Nepal was given a garden party and a Public Address under the signature of President Savarkar on behalf of the Hindu Mahasabha. Ill-health prevented Savarkar from
^ Quoted in The Mahratta, dated 5-1-1940.
- Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid,
W H I R L W I N D P ^ 1 A G A N D A 217
attending the function. The Maharaja himself honoured Savarkar, when he went to the ‘‘cdside of Savarkar and had a private talk with him about S varkar’s mission for an hour. During these days Sri N. R. ’ u kar also saw Savarkar and discussed the gcmeral policj^ o (lie Hindu Mahasabha and the politics i). India.
During the Iasi week of auuary 1940, at Malabar Hill, Bombay, Savarkar discusser ^’ th the leaders of Parsi com- munity the rights of mo Immediately thereafter
Savarkar made a tour of W st Khandosh in the middle of March 1940. Such was the \itality and energy of Savarkar in those days that he ran through a crowded programme of meetings at several places from Chalisgaon to Daundaiche in a single day. Paying flying visits and making speeches at Takarkhed, Shahade arid Prakashe, he came to Talode where the Jahagirdar received him. The public meeting was attended by the leaders of the Bhills. It was during these tours that a Bhill, who had completed his term of punishment in the Andamans, fell at Savarkar’s feel. The devotion of the con- victs in the Andamans to Savarkar was boundless. The author has seen one Kusha Patil, a convict on his return from the Andamans, paying homage to Savarkar as the ‘ God incarnate ’ of the land ! Kusha Patil said : “ It was through Savarkar \s care and kind words that I became what I am today ! ” After addressing very big public meetings at Nandurbar, Pimpalner and Dhulia, Savarkar returned to Bombay.
In the last week of March 1940, Savarkar left for Salem to attend the Salem Hindu Conference. Receiving addresses of welcome en route at several stations, he reached Salem. In the Municipal House he spoke on the importance of military training. At the Conference he spoke on the need for Hindu Sanghatan and military training and exhorted the Hindus to oppose the Muslim League scheme of partition of Hindusthan. He paid his respects to Sri Vijay Raghavahariar, an ex-President of the Hindu Mahasabha, and also once a president of the I. N. Congress, at his residence.
At Madras on the morning of the 25th March, he waj given a great ovation. Dr. T. S. S. Raj an, an ex-minister of the Madras Province and one-time lieutenant of Savarkar in his London days met him. In the evening before an audience of
218 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
thousands of Hindus Savarkar spoke at the beach on the need of Hindu Sanghatan ideology and the necessity of oppos- ing the scheme of partition sponsored by the Muslim League. In the city he was given addresses of welcome by several associations of Arya Samajists, Marwaris, Sindhis, Gujaratis, etc. On the 26th March 1940, the birthday anniversary of Shivaji, Savarkar spoke on the politics of Shivaji at a mam- moth meeting held on the beach of Madras under the presidenlsliip of Dr. P. Varadarajalu Naidu.
After a fortnight Savarkar again left Bombay for his Travancore tour. Unprecedented receptions were accorded to him throughout the state. At Quilon he was honoured as a State Guest. The Changanacheri Municipality accorded hin) an address of welcome. The leaders of the Christian com- munity interviewed Savarkar. Representatives of the so- called untouchables saw him. At the Hindu Conference held on May 5, 1940, at Changanacheri, Savai’kar spoke on the policy of the Mahasabha towards the States and the importance of shuddhi. At TinneveUy station he was accorded a rousing reception. After a grand procession Savarkar was heard at a public meeting with rapt attention. On receiving addresses of welcome at the stations of Kolipatti, Satur and Virudhu- nagar, he reached Madura, the Athens of South India. Great honour done only to Great Acharyas was done to Savarkar by the priests of the famous Meenakshi Temple. At Madura elephants, horses, camels headed the procession, carrying the Hindu National flag through decorated streets. Rose water mixed with fragrant sandalwood was sprinkled on the proces- sion. After running through a crowded programme, Savarkar addressed a mammoth meeting in the city and returned to Bombay.
On July 5, 1940, Savarkar had a second interview with the Viceroy at Simla. In the evening Sri Jai Lai, a retired judge of the Lahore High Court, arranged in his honour a tea-party at his residence. Sir Jogendra Singh, an ex-minister of the Punjab, Raja Sir Daljit Singh, Sardar Raghuveer Singh and Sri Ji^tice Varma of the Patna High Court were present. During the discussion Savarkar impressed upon them the need for the Hindu Sanghatan Movement. When Savarkar returned to the Simla Station, he received a telephone
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA 219
message from H,H. the Jamsahib of Nawanagar, the then Chancellor of the Chamber of Princes in India, requesting him for a meeting, but the same cov d not be arranged for want of time. On his return journey ‘.ir Sikandar Hyat Khan, the Premier of the Punjab, and ‘ v.srkar’s one-time colleague, learning that Savarkar was he same train, visited his compcirtment, and greeted hit id colleague and revolutionary party leader in a most to- .-I ng manner. Sri Walchand Hirachand, the business magnat of India, also met him in the train, and had a long talk wil i him. In August he attended the death anmversary of Tilak at Poona where he averred in his famous speech that absolute non-violence is absolutely sinful.
After such a strenuous lightning and whirlwind propaganda from the northern to the southern ends of Hindusthan, Savarkar’s health began to deteriorate. The whole burden of the party, of propaganda, of co-operation, of correspondence, and of organization rested on him. The wonder was that a frail frame having gone through the ordeals of an unusually long torturous incarceration and rigorous hard prison life in the Andamans could stand such a mighty task ! He was the only great leader, besides the two great Congress leaders Gandhiji and Nehru, who could pour out political energy and vibrate every corner of India, but the hardships of Savarkar were to those of the latter pair what Himalayas are to the Satpudas. Savarkar had to struggle against heavy odds, against the greatest political organization under the sun, had to create his party funds and leaders, and had to suffer inordi- nately for want of press. The sciatic pain in his leg linger*ed for a long time. In the last week of December 1940, the Annual Session of the Hindu Mahasabha was held at Madura. Savarkar was unanimously elected President by all Provin- cial Hindu Sabhas despite his ill-health and his repeated appeals to the contrary. He reached Madura in a special train with more than 250 delegates from Maharashtra. He was brought to the dais, reclining in a chair. In his address he dealt with the war situation and the doctrine of non-violence. Those were the days of Individual Civil Disobedience Move- ment started by the Congress. Some Mahasabhaites felt an itch for some sort of Direct Action against Government, and
220 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
to that end a resolution was passed during the Session against Savarkar’s will. To Savarkar courting jail alone was no patriotism. He wanted Hindu youths to give impetus to the Militarisation Movement, and get themselves ‘ re-animated and reborn ’ into a martial race.
On January 19, 1941, Savarkar presided over the Centenary Ceremony of the Public Library of Nasik, and, after makirsg a fitting speech in memory of poet Govind. his former col- league, he unveiled his statue. The Trimbak Municipality also gave him an address.
On the 13th and 14th of March 1941, Savarkai’ attended and guided the Non-Party Leaders’ Conference which under the presidentship of Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru urged reconstruction of the Viceroy’s Executive Council.
In the meanwhile, the Direct Action Resolution was dis- cussed by the Working Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha at Nagpur and its operation was finally postponed on June 15, 1941, by the All-India Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha at Calcutta. This time Savarkar performed the ceremony of laying the stab of Sri Ashutosh Mookeriec Memorial in the Ashutosh Hall at Calcutta. The Kali Mandir priests presented Savarkar with an address. In July 1941, Savarkar attended the Sapru Conference in Poona and spoke on the Akhand Hindusthan Resolution whereupon he not only dominated the Conference, but also took it by .storm. He then left for Sangli accompanied by Sri N. C. Kelkar, where he was given a great ovation and addresses of welcome, and where he addressed several meetings. Overcome with Savarkar’s inspiring mes- sage, tremendous influence and powerful oratory which he likened to the power of radium, Sri Kelkar wrote an editorial in the Kesari under his signature wherein he sent forth a forceful appeal asking the Mahasabhaites and the Tilakites to stand by Savarkar irrevocably. On his return Savarkar addressed a mammoth meeting before the Shaniwarwada at Poona on the impending calamity, Pakistan.
In November 1941, Savarkar toured Assam, the far Eastern province of India. At Shillong he was accorded a great ovation. There he was told that Pandit Nehru’s attention was drawn to the Muslim influx into Assam, when the Pandit replied that nature hates vacuum. Savarkar told his audience
WHIRLWIND PROPAGANDA 221
that Pandit Nehru, being neither a philosopher nor a scientist, did not know that nature abhors poisonous gas !
Then followed in the last week of December 1941, the Bhagalpur Session of the Hindu Mahasabha, the most momen- tous and eventful of the Mahasabha Sessions. Government had put a ban on this Session under the pretext of maintaining peace and communal harmony in the Province. Savarkar, who had almost withdrawn from the contest for the presidency of the Hindu Mahasabha, was provoked into accepting the presidential office, and he gave a fight for the civic rights and liberty of the people. A hundred thousand workers rushed to the scene, f)oin Rajas to Raises, from millowners to millhands, from Sanataiiists to Sikhs, from Jains to the so-called un- touchables, carried on the active struggle, and defended the honour of the Hindu flag, the fundamental civil liberties of freedom of speech and freedom of association of the people. Huge demonstrations were made, sudden open meetings were held in breach of the ban, invoking and facing lathi charges, armed mounted soldiers, floggings, bayonets, and imprison- ment. Organised fury was witnessed in cities, towns and villages all over the six districts of Bihar which came undei the ban.
Many prominent statesmen like Sri Srinivas Sastri con- demned this unjust ban, Gandhiji could do it only after having a dig at Savarkar, for he thought that Savarkar had resorted to his weapon of Satyagraha. But the other Congress bosses had nothing to say about it. They were busy contem- plating help to China or Spain torn and afflicted by civil wars. Savarkar was arrested at Gaya en route to Bhagalpur and put in jail. And yet to the despair of the forces and fire of Government the Session was held in Bhagalpur, when Sri G. V. Ketkar, with the revolting spirit of his grandfather, Lok- manya Tilak, rose to the occasion and read out Savarkar ’s Presidential Address ! All the thousands of civil resisters including Savarkar were released after a week. This Session is important in many respects. The Bhagalpur Civil Resis- tance success proved to be an abiding source of strength and self-confidence, and demonstrated that in spite of castes, creeds, sects and sections, Hindudom did pulsate with a com- mon national urge, proving that Pan-Hindu consciousness was
222 SAVARKAR AND HIS TIMES
a vigorous reality. Another aspect of the struggle was that it proved to the hilt that even the Hindus by themselves could launch a nation-wide mass movement in defence of the rights of the people.
Along with the militarisation, political and literary move- ments, the social movement for the consolidation of the Hindus went hand in hand as before. Throughout India Savarkar attended meetings, and presided over conferences held in connection with the removal of untouchabiUty. During his lours he visited societies conducted by and for the uplift of the so-called untouchables, visited their localities, took water, refreshments and dinners at their quarters, inquired into their local grievances and encouraged anti-caste dinners which he had inaugurated since the days of Ratnagiri. At Chanda, Chalisgaon, Nagai’, Poona, Lahore, Hyderabad (Sind) , Sukkar and Delhi he attended anti-caste dinners. He presided over the Dayanand Dalitoddhar Parishad at Ferozpur (Punjab). At the time of the All-India Sessions of Hindu Mahasabha, big anti-caste dinners were held in Nagpur and later on also in Cawnpore. At Monghyr he dined with the Santhals. At Cawnpore he told the Session during the course of his Presidential Address that banishing untouchabiUty in any shape or form was to win a major battle. Depressed Class leaders from Dr. Ambedkar to Sir Jogendra N. Mandal saw him, and discussed the problem with him.
Another programme Savarkar attended whenever and wherever possible was his encouraging visits to the centres, gatherings and parades of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh. He encouraged the Sanghites, patronised them, at times advised them not to while away their whole life under incrustation, and asked them to fight for the realization of their ideal.