WHILE the forces of the Revolution were thus maturing themselves all over India, as described in the last chapter, in Brahmavarta a Programme was being prepared as to how to organise properly all the materials for the war so as to bring the War of Independence to a successful conclusion.
In the third chapter, we left Rango Bapuji and Azimullah Khan holding secret interviews with each other in some London rooms. Though history cannot record the exact conversation the Brahmin of Satara held with the Khan Sahib of Brahmavarta, still, it is as certain as anything can be that the map of the rising was being prepared by these two in London. After leaving London, Rango Bapuji went straight to Satara, but it was not possible for Azimullah Khan to go direct to Hindusthan. The extent of the domonions and the diplomacy of those against whom the war was to be wages were not now confined to Hindusthan alone. Hence, it was necessary to attach the British Empire in as many placed as possible. It was also essential that it should be ascertained from what quarters in Europe direct help or moral sympathy could be expected in the coming War of Independence. With this object, Azimullah Khan made a tour in Europe before returning to India. He want to the capital of the Sultan of Turkey famed throughout the world as the Khalifa of all Moslems. Being informed that, in the Russo- Turkish War then going on, the English had been defeated in the important battle of Sebastopol, he stayed some time in Russia. Many English historians have a suspicion that Azimullah had gone there to ascertain whether Russia would pursue the war against England in Asia, and, if possible, to enter into an offensive and defensive treaty. When the trumpet of National War had been blown, all people openly declared that the Nana had completed a treaty with the Tsar of Russia and the Russian army was
ready to fight against the Feringhis. If we bear this in mind, the above suspicion is strengthened. When Azimullah was in Russia, he had an interview with the well-known writer Russel, the military correspondent of the London Times. The poor man could not have even dreamt that, immediately after the Turko- Russian War, he would have to send from Hindusthan news of the wonderful activities of his guest. As soon as Azimullah heard the news of the defeat of the English, and that the Russians had beaten back the attach of the united forces of the English and the French on the 18th of June, he obtained admittance into the English camp. His dress was Hindusthani and rich like that of a prince. As soon as Russell came out, Azimullah said to him. “I want to see this famous city and those great Rustoms, the Russians, who have beaten the French and the English together.“29 Undoubtedly, Azimullah was a past master in irony and satire. This curiosity on the part of Azimullah to see these brave Rustoms who defeated both the English and the French Russell undertook to satisfy, by inviting him to his tent. On that day, till the shades of sunset closed round them completely, “he was looking with marked interest at the fire of the Russian guns.” One cannon-ball of the Russian guns burst right at his feet, but he did not move. The gay Azimullah, before returning home in the evening, said to Russell, “I have my serious doubts whether you could ever capture this strong fortified position.” That night, Azim slept in Russell’s tent, and he left next day, early in the morning. On the table was left this note :- “Azimullah Khan presents his compliments to Russell, Esq., and begs to thank him most truly for his kind attentions.”
Is is difficult to say where Azimullah went after leaving Russia. Yet, from the mention in the Proclamation of Cawnpore later on, it would
29 The above account is published in Russell"s Diary, a very well-known book.
Russell was military correspondent of the London “Times” in the war of 1857. He was
personally present in most of the affairs that he describes. appear as certain he was trying to put through some diplomatic scheme in Egypt also.30 So, Azimullah then completed his European tour and returned to Brahmavarta. As soon as Azim reached Brahmavarta, the whole political atmosphere of the palace was changed. The Jaripatka which had waves triumphant and victorious all over India lay so long in dust in the palace; the glorious drum of the Peshwas at the beating of which thousands of Mahratta swords had advanced on the battlefields and performed such deeds of wondrous valour, that drum hitherto only sounded melancholy to the ear; and the royal signet of the Peshwas on the sealing of which had depended the fate of the Mogul Empire had so far been lying sealing its own windowhood in the palace. But now all these appeared to be thrilled with extraordinary life. The dust-soiled Jaripatka shone forth again; the old drums which had almost forgotten their martial music were practising again the forgotten military airs; and the regal seals seemed to be eager, extremely eager. The eyes of Shrimant Nana Sahib, “excited like those of a tiger, brilliant and fierce,” since the arrival of Azimullah Khan, flashed more fierce from injured pride and shone more brilliant as he drank inspiration from the words of Shri Krishna, “Therefore, get ready for battle.” Every
30 Lord Roberts has come across a genuine letter from Azimullah to the Sultan
of Turkey about the oppression in Hindusthan. He says regarding this “There were
numerous letters from his English fiancees and two from a Frenchman …. It seems
probable that ’les principales choses’ to which Lafont hopes to bring satisfactory
answers were invitations to the disaffected and disloyal in Calcutta and, perhaps, the
French settlers in Chandernagore to assist in the effort about to be made to throw off
the British yoke. A portion of the correspondence was unopened and there were several
letters in Azimullah’s own handwriting. Two of these were to Omar Pasha of
Constantinople and told of the Sepoy’s discontent and the troubles state of India
generally.” – Forty Years in India, p. 429.
corner of Brahmavarta echoed with those eternal words, Tasmat yuddhaya yujyaswa. For, in Swadesh, even in their own Hindusthan, the people have been reduced to be slaves and have foreign masters : the Swaraj is no more, they have lost their natural rights of liberty! All the attempts to win back the country and its independence by conciliation and by money, and by appeal, had so far failed; hence, be ready for war. “If you are killed, you will get to heaven; if you win, you will enjoy the earth; so, be ready for war; you will not be committing any sin thereby” - it was such heavenly inspiration that gave to Nana’s eyes extraordinary brilliance!31 He studied the conditions of his country, saw the sufferings of his countrymen, noticed the destruction of his religion and, diagnosing all these chronic symptoms, he came to the conclusion that nothing but the sword could cure that terrible disease of slavery. Though it is not clear what was the ultimate ideal which he set before himself, still, it would appear that, in his opinion, the first thing to do was to drive the English out by unsheathing the sword and thus get independence; and then, to set up an Indian Government under the banner of the united authority of all the Indian princes. Before his eyes rose clear the history of how Swadesh fell into slavery through the turmoil of internecine quarrels. Before him, on one side was the portrait of Shivaji Maharaj, on the other of Baji Rao, his father. By seeing these two pictures side by side, he could well contrast the past glory and the present shame! And, hence, Nana’s programme was first to fight a united fight, to make India free and, by removing internecine warfare, to establish the rule of the United State of India which would, thus, take its rightful place in the council of the free nations of the earth.
31 “Nana’s object, then, was to lay the foundation of his future sovereignty at Cawnpore. The mighty power
exercised by the Peshwas was to be restored; and to himself, thearchitect of his own fortunes, would belong the
glory of replacing that vanished sceptre. There can be no doubt that some such thoughts influenced him.” -
Trevelyan: p. 133.
He, also, felt that the meaning of “Hindusthan” was thereafter the united nation of the adherents of Islam as well as Hinduism. As long as the Mahomedans lived in India in the capacity of the alien rulers, so long, to be willing to live with them like brothers was to acknowledge national weakness. Hence, it was, up to then, necessary for the Hindus to consider the Mahomedans as foreigners. And moreover this rulership of the Mahomedans, Guru Govind in the Panjab, Rana Pratap in Rajputana, Chhatrasal in Bundelkhand, and the Maharattas by even sitting upon the throne at Delhi, had destroyed; and, after a struggle of centuries, Hindu sovereignty had defeated the rulership of the Mahomedans and had come to its own all over India. It was no national shame to join hands with Mahomedans then, but it would, on the contrary, be an act of generosity. So, now, the original antagonism between the Hindus and the Mahomedans might be consigned to the Past. Their present relation was one not of rulers and ruled, foreigner and native, but simply that of brothers with the one difference between them of religion alone. For, they were both children of the soil of Hindusthan. Their names were different, but they were all children of the same Mother; India therefore being the common mother of these two, they were brothers by blood. Nana Sahib, Bahadur Shah of Delhi, Moulvi Ahmad Shah, Khan Bahadur Khan, and other leaders of 1857 felt this relationship to some extent and, so, gathered round the flag of Swadesh leaving aside their enmity, now so unreasonable and stupid. In short, the broad feature of the policy of Nana Sahib and Azimullah were that the Hindus and the Mahomedans should unite and fight shoulder to shoulder for the independence of their country and that, when freedom was gained, the United States of India should be formed under the Indian rulers and princes.
How to achieve this ideal was the one all-absorbing thought of everyone in the place of Brahmavarta. Two things were necessary for the success of this terrible war that was to be waged to win back freedom. The first thing was to create a passionate desire in Hindusthan for this ideal; the second was to make all the country rise simultaneously for the
purpose of achieving it. To turn India’s mind into the channels of freedom and to guide India’s hand to strike for freedom, these two things it was necessary to accomplish; and this in such a manner that the Company’s government should not suspect anything while the scheme was yet unripe. Not forgetting historical experience but guided by it, a secret organisation was resolved upon and, at once, started at Brahmavarta.
To obtain all information, about this secret society, either now or in the immediate future, is as difficult as it is to obtain the information about any other secret society. But upon the facts that occasionally come to light, one cannot but admire the skill of the organisers.32
A little before 1856, Nana began to send missionaries all over India to initiate people into this political ideal. In addition to sending missionaries to awaken the people, Nana also sent tried and able men to the different princes from Delhi to Mysore, to fill their minds with the glorious ideal of the United States of India and to induce them to join in the Revolution. These letters which were sent into every Durbar secretly, clearly pointed out how the English were playing the game of reducing India to insignificance by annexing Swadeshi kingdoms under the pretext of “no heir”, how those states which were spared yet would soon be reduced to the same fate as the others and how, under the yoke of slavery, country and religion were both being tramples under foot; and they concluded by exhorting the princes to work for the Revolution which was to make them free. Direct evidence is available that messengers and letters from Nana were sent to the states of Kolhapur and Patwardhan, to the Kings in Oudh, the princes of Bundelkhand, and others. The English arrested one of such messengers at the Durbar of Mysore. The evidence given by this man is so
32 Trevelyan says in reference to this : “No society of rich and civilised Christians who ever
undertook to preach the gospel of peace and goodwill can have employed a more perfect system of
organisation than was adopted by these rascals whose mission it was to preach the gospel of sedition
and slaughter.” - Cawnpore, p.39.
important that we give it word for word below :- “Two or three months before Oudh was annexed, Shrimant Nana Sahib had begun sending letters. First, no one would reply, for no one hoped for any success. After Oudh was annexed, however, nana began a regular battery of letters and, then, the opinions of Nana began to appeal to the Sirkars of Lucknow. Raja Man Singh, the leader of the Purbhayas, was also won over. Then the Sepoys began to organise amongst themselves and the Sirkars of Lucknow began to help them. No replies to letters were received till Oudh was annexed; but as soon as that was accomplished, hundreds of people came forward boldly and replied confidentially to Nana. Next came the affair of the cartridges and, then, the disaffection was so great that letters were simply showered on Nana”.33 This very agent has given a long list of the letters sent by Nana to the various Durbars.
While agents of Nana were moving from one Durbar to another from Delhi to Mysore in order to draw them into the War of Independence, it was in the Dewan-I-Khas of Delhi, more than in any other Durbar, the seeds of Revolution began to take root. The English had not stopped at merely taking away the Padshahi of the Padshah of Delhi, but had recently decided even to take away the title of Padshah from the descendants of Babar. The Emperor, though reduced to such an extremity, and Zinat Mahal, the beloved, clever, and determined Begum of the Emperor, had already decided that this last opportunity of regaining the lost glory should not be allowed to go by, and, if dying was the only resource, then, they should die the death which would only befit an Emperor and an Empress. At this juncture, the
33 For months for year indeed, the had been spreding there network of intrigues all over the country. Fron one native court to another, From one extremity to another of great continent of India, the agents of the Nana Saheb had passed with overtures and invitations discreetly, perhaps mystreously, worded to princes of chief of different races and religions, but most hopefully of all to the Mahratthas….There is nothing in my mind more substantiated than the complicity of Nana Sahib in widespread intrigues before the outbreak of the Mutiny. The concurrent testimony of witnesses examined in parts of the country widely distinct from each other takes this story altogether out of the regions of the conjectural.” Kaye’s Indian Mutiny, Vol.I, pp.24-25.
English were engaged in a war with Persia. Seeing that a simultaneous rising in India would be a help, the Shah of Persia began to open diplomatic correspondence with the Emperor of Delhi. In the Declaration of the Emperor of Delhi, it had been made quite clear that a confidential agent had been sent to Persia from the Delhi Durbar. While this intrigue was going on at the Durbar of the Shah, right in the city of Delhi agitation was started to stir the public feeling to its very depths. For this work, even public Proclamations were sometimes posted up on the wells of the town. In the beginning of 1857, a Proclamation couched in the following terms appeared boldly : “The army of Persia is going to free India from the hands of the Feringhis. So, young and old, big and small, literate and illiterate, civil and military, all Hindusthanee brothers should leap forth into the field to free themselves from the Kaffirs.34 Though these Proclamations were ever and anon posted in public places, still the English could hardly trace the persons who posted these Proclamations; and Indian newspapers used to publish these Proclamations and to criticise them in mysterious language. The various Shahzadas and their retainers in the palaces of Delhi openly and secretly spread disaffection, and were engaged in weaving a net-work of conspiracies. In the grounds of Prince Nawab Bakht, for six years, Sergeant Fleming’s son had been practising riding. But when, in the beginning of April 1857, this English youth went to the residence of Vizier Mahbub Ali, the prince, excited beyond measure, said, “Away, get away from here, I boil with rage when I see the face of any Feringhi!” So saying, the Prince spat on him!35 Other people were working more secretly and quite differently from
34 Kaye’s Indian Mutiny, Vol.II, p.30.
35 Military Narrative (p.374): “Jawan Bakht commenced abusing, declaring that the
sight of the Kaffir Feringhi disturbed his serenity, spat in his fact, and desired him to
leave.”
the manner of this abusive prince. Mrs. Aldwell says in her evidence, that she had personally heard Mahomedan mothers asking their children to pray that the English should be destroyed root and branch.36 Mukund Lal, Private Secretary of the Emperor of Delhi, says :- “Sitting at the doors of the royal palace, used to discuss the Revolution openly. The Sepoys would rebel soon; the army of Delhi would rise against the English; and then, all people, along with the army, would throw off the Feringhi yoke and enjoy Swaraj - such definite opinions were current. All people were inspired with the hope that, when once the Raj was won, all power and all authority would remain in their own hands.” Thus, the every cellar, in every house in Delhi, the disaffection only awaited for a spark which should explode everything up.
Like the capital cities of Delhi and Brahmavarta, Lucknow also, the capital of Oudh, the last victim that had fallen a prey to the greed of Dalhousie, began to catch fire from the flames of the War of the Revolution. The Nabob of Lucknow and his Vizier were now residing near Calcutta. To all appearances, the Vizier of Lucknow looked as if he was wasting his time in luxury; as a matter of fact, however, Vizier Ali Nakkhi Khan was as much absorbed in his dangerous conspiracy near Calcutta as Nana Sahib himself was. One cannot help feeling wonderstruck at the schemes - secret, extensive, and daring - which Ali Nakkhi Khan was weaving to seduce the Sepoys in Bengal and to prepare them to join him at the right moment already fixed upon. Confidential agents were sent by him, in the garb of Fakirs or Sanyasis, to preach ‘sedition’ to the Sepoys. He opened correspondence with the Indian officers in the army to make them understand fully what immense advantages Swaraj could confer as compared with the service of the Company. How the English had committed an unpardonable crime in annexing Oudh, how the royal family of the Nabob had been treated with insult, and how the very Queen and Begums were expelled with violence from the palace - pictures of such heart-rending
36 Trial of the King of Delhi.
tyranny were drawn with such pathos that the brave Sepoys began to weep profusely. And, then and there, the Sepoys would take the water of the Ganges in their hands, or would swear by the Koran, that they would live only to achieve the destruction of the English rule. When Subahdar Majors, Subahdars, and Jamadars and the bigger officers were all sworn in, the whole regiment was naturally bound over. The Vizier of Oudh, by the use of such tactics, won over the whole army in Bengal.37 In Fort William itself, in Calcutta, the Revolutionary agents of Ali Nakkhi Khan moved silently. After sending letters to the various Durbars from Brahmavarta, Nana exerted himself thoroughly to awaken all the latent power of the people. Wshen Brahmavarta, Delhi, Lucknow, Satara, and such other big and prominent princes figures conspicuously in the Revolutionary Organisation, how could this organisation suffer for want of money ? To preach to all those who were a power among the people, thousands of Fakirs, Pundits, and Sanyasis were sent out in an incredibly short time. It is not true to say that all these Fakirs were true Fakirs; for, some of the Fakirs and Sadhus lived with the grandeur of Amirs. Elephants were given them for travelling. Guards armed to the teeth travelled with them, and every stage on their way was a regular camp. Provided with such paraphernalia, they could influence and impress the people better, and the Sirkar also had fewer reasons to suspect them. Influential and noble Moulvies were appointed to preach the political Jehad, and they were rewarded with thousands of Rupees. Through towns and villages, these Moulvies and Pundits, these Fakirs and these Sanyasis began
37 Some of the letters of the Sepoys of Barrackpore fell into the hands of the Ednglish. Kaye adduces the following letters as evidence for the above. “The second grenadier said that the whole regiment is ready to join the Nabob of Oudh.” “Subahdar Madarkhan, Sirdar Khan, and Ram Shahi Lal said, “that in treachery no one could come up to the level of the “Beti-choot” Feringhis. Though the Nabob of Oudh gave up his kingdom, he could not even get a pension.” Many other letters, like this, the English came across afterwards.—Kaye’s Indian Mutiny, Vol.I, p. 429. (These regiments consisted of the sepoys from Oudh, Agra, and were only stationed in Bengal.— Author’s note).
to travel, from one end of the country to the other, preaching secretly the war for political independence. Just this start was wanted, for this same trick was begun independently by other groups of the Revolutionary Organisation. After these paid missionaries came volunteers. Begging from door to door, they began to sow, in all directions, the principles of independence, patriotism, and love of Dharma - for the awakening of strength among the people. This work of preparing for revolutionary rising was done so cautiously and secretly that not much inkling of what was going on could reach even such cunning people as the English, until the explosion actually took place. When such a Fakir or a Sanyasi went to a village, a strange agitation and an unrest began in that village, and of this the English were sometimes cognisant. Whisperings went on in bazaars; ‘sahibs’ were refused water by the Bhishtis,Ayahs left English homes without permission; Baberchis purposely stood before the Mem-Sahibs half-dressed; and Indian messanger boys walked insolently and slovenly before their “masters”, when sent out.38 These Fakirs and Pundits used to walk round and about the military cantonments more particularly. From Barrackpore to Meerut, Umballa and Peshawar, they started secret societies and, more than that, practically surrounded every military cantonment. The Hindu and Moslem Sepoys in the army being very devoted to their religious teachers, the Sirkar, though they might suspect them, could hardly proceed against them. For, they feared that the Sepoys would find in it another grievance against the Government. And, if the Sirkar did, by any chance, suspect them, these political Sanyasis sowed the seeds of the Revolutionary War in the very houses of the Sepoys in the neighbouring village. The authorities at Meerut were at last compelled to ask a Fakir, who was lodging near the Meerut military cantonment, to move away. As soon as this order came, like a simple, innocent man, this grand person left the camp on his elephant, only to go to a neighbouring village and establish himself securely in the houses
38 Trevelyan’s Cawnpore.
of the Sepoys!39 That patriot Moulvie Ahmad Shah, whose sacred name has cast a halo round Hindusthan, whose glorious achievements we shall have to describe very soon, began similarly to tour through the country preaching the Revolutionary War. At last, when he began to preach in Lucknow itself, to thousands and tens of thousands in open meetings, that the hearers the martial craving for war. This heroic material song, sung with spiritby minstrels, would cause the arms of the hearers tingle and itch for battle, and their blood would begin to boil on listening to the exploits of their ancestors; then, the subject would
To instil into every heart the one great desire for indedpendence, and rouse it to action, there could be no more effective weapon than poetry. When the mass of the people are possessed by an idea which struggles for adequate expression, the poet, who realises the idea more intensely than the rest, gives it a beautiful expression, which at once touches their hearts and
makes them love the idea still more. Hence the great part that national songs play in all revolutions. The national songs are an expression of the national sour under the sway of a strong ideal. They unite the hearts of the people with ease. When the soul of the land of Bharata was swayed by an intense passion for liberty, for the protection of Swadharma and the attainment of Swarajya, strange indeed would it have been if the heart of the nation did not burst into song. The principal court bard of the Emperor of Delhi had himself composed a national song which was to be sung by every throat in Hindusthan, and the Emperor of Delhi, in person, had ordered that this should be sung on all occasions of public ceremony. It described the heroic deeds of the past and painted a pathetic picture of the present fallen state. In that national song was echoed the cry of the nation that those persons, whose heads had been crowned but yesterday with imperially aggressive independence, should be reduced to the condition of slaves to- day, that their religion which yesterday was the state religion should to-day
39 The Meerut Narrative be unprotected, and that heads crowned recently with glory should, alas, be trampled to-day under the foot of the foreigner.40
While the national song was educating the people about their past glory and their present fall, a prophecy, that emblazoned the star of future hope and encouraged all, was heard, in the land. Prophecies are the leaps of the mind into the future. As soon as the heart of India began to long for Swaraj, the prophecies too began to point to Swaraj. From the northern snows to the extreme south, young and old circulated the prophecy that, thousands of years ago, a holy, ancient sage had foretold that the Feringhi Raj would end exactly a hundred years from the date of its creation! Indian newspapers gave wide publicity to this prophecy and interpreted it to mean that the Company’s Raj would fall to pieces on the 23rd of June,1857. This one prophecy led to the performance of such wonders in Hindusthan that it may safely be asserted that, but for this prophecy, several portions of this history would have to be written in a different way altogether. The year 1857 was the centenary of the Battle of Plassey and the
Company’s rule would end in that year - this idea created a strange hope and an extraordinary inspiration which moved every part of Hindusthan since the beginning of 1857. After a considerable heated discussion between various English historians as to who foretold this, it has at last been decided beyond doubt that it was the stratagem of the Hindus, since it was according to their almanacs that the 100th year of Plassey fell in the year 1857. By this national prophecy, the impression of which is indelibly indited on some of the most important pages of this history, an
40A mandate had, of late, gone forth from the palace of Delhi enjoining the Mahomedans, at all their
solemn gatherings, to recite a song of lamentation indited by the regal musician himself which
described in touching strains the humiliation of their race and the degradation of their ancient faith,
once triumphant from the northern snows to the southern straits but now trodden under the foot of
the infidel and the alien.- Trevelayn’s Cawnpore.
extraordinary wave of agitation came over the hearts of the yound and old, and every one began to be ready to turn the prophecy into an actual fact.
The secret organisation of the Revolution, which was first started in Brahmavarta was now growing at a tremendous rate.41 By this time, nuclei had been established in various places in Northern India and regular communication had been established between them. Rango Bapuji was trying hard to create nuclei of this organisation in the Deccan. The palace at Brahmavarta was the focus of the activities at Cawnpore; the same function was performed for Delhi by the Dewan-I-Khas of that premier city. The great and saintly Ahmad Shah had woven fine and cleverly the webs of Jehad - the War of Independence - through every corner of Lucknow and Agra. Kumar Singh, the hero of Jagadishpur, had taken the leadership of his province and, in consultation with Nana, had been busy gathering materials for war. The seeds of the Jehad had taken such root in Patna that the whole city was a regular haunt of the Revolutionary party. Moulvies, Pundits,
41 Malleson says at the end of his voluminous history : “Of this conspiracy, the
Moulvi was undoubtedly a leater. It had its ramifications all over India - certainly at
Agra where the Moulvi stayed sometime- and almost certainly at Delhi, at Meerut, at
Patna, and at Calcutta where the ex-King of Oudh and a large following were
residing."-Vol.V, p.292. rise ye, one and all, to drive out the Feringhi Kaffirs! They have
trampled under foot the very elements of justice, they have robbed us of Swaraj;
determined are they to reduce to dust our country. There is only one remedy, now, to
free India from the insufferable tyranny of the Kaffir Feringhis, and that remedy is to
wage a bloody war. This is a Jehad for Independene! This is a religious war for justice!
Those who fall in such battles will be their country’s shahids. Opened wide are the doors
of Heaven for the shahids. But Hell is burning fierce to engulf those wretches, whose
cowardly traitors, who turn away from this national duty! Countrymen, of these, which
would ye have? Choose now, even now!”
Zemindars, farmers, merchants, vakils, students, of all castes and creeds, were ready to give up their lives for the sake of Swadesh and Swadharma. A very prominent leader of this secret organisation was a book-seller ! Near Calcutta, the Nabob of Oudh and his Vizier, Ali Nakkhi Khan, had seduced all the Sepoys and were ready for the occasion. The Mahomedan population of Hyderabad began to call secret meetings. The coils of the Revolution began to wind themselves round the Durbar of Kolhapur. The states of Patwardhan, and the father-in-law of Nana, at Sangli, were ready to fight - with their followers - under the banner of the united nation, in the coming war. Why, right of Madras, in the beginning of the year 1857, the following Proclamation began to appear from the walls of the city: “Countrymen and faithful adherents of your religion, rise,
To link together the innumerable group of the various provinces which were workiong separately, men were employed to travel about secretly and letters were rarely used. If letters were used at all, they were written in a mysterious language, any mention of names being avoided. But when, after some time, the English persisted in opening any and every letter that appeared suspicious to them, the leaders, in order that their schemes should not come out and not even a trace should be known to others, began to carry on their correspondence in a kind of cipher; a sort of code was formed composed of dots and numbers, and this was used by them on all occasions!42
While everywhere activity of this kind was going on, the blunder as to the cartridges, born of the criminal desire to spite the religious feelings of the Sepoys, was committed by the English. This filled the cup of their iniquity! Every soldier vied with every other to fire the first short. At the proper time, in the war to be waged for the object that was foremost in the minds of all their fellow-countrymen. We have already described how Nana and Ali Nakkhi Khan had acquired perfect control over the Sepoys of every
42 Inne’s Sepoy Revolt, p.55.
regiment, and how thousands of Fakirs were sent into the regiments to seduce the Sepoys to patriotism. But after the mean and cunning trick was played by the English in respect of the cartridges, every Sepoy began, on his own account, to urge every other Sepoy to take the oath of fighting for their common country. In these two months, thousands of letters were sent from Barrackpore, in the name of the Nabob of Oudh, to the regiments stationed in the Panjab, in Maharashtra, and at Meerut, Umballa and other places. When immense bags full of letters were carried in the post, the English had their suspicions roused, and they - especially Sir John Lawrence - began to open these letters. All this time an extraordinary self-confidence had been created in the Sepoys.
The Englishmen asked the Sepoys wounded in the battle of Kali Nadi and ordered to be blown from cannon mouths how they dared to rise against them; and the Sepoys replied, “If Sepoys are united, the whites would be like a drop in the ocean.” A letter of one of these opened by the English says, “Brothers, we ourselves are thrusting the foreigners’ sword into our body. If we rise, success is assured. From Calcutta to Peshawar, there will be an uncontested maidan.” The Sepoys used to call together meetings secretly in the night. All resolutions were passed in the general meetings, and all decisions passed in the inner circles were obeyed strictly and by all. When they used to come to the secret societies, they used to conceal their identity by covering their faces completely, leaving only their eyes uncovered, and then speak about the thousand and one oppressions committed in the country by the English.43 If any one of the members was
43 “These incendiary fires were soon followed by nocturnal meetings. Men met each
other muffled faces and discussed in excited language the intolerable outrages the
British Government had committed upon them.” Kaye’s Indian Mutiny, Vol.I, p.365.
“On the parade ground, about 1300 men were assembled. They had their heads covered
so that only a small part of the face was exposed. They said they were determined to de
for their religion.” - Narrative of the Indian Mutiny, p.5
suspected of telling the name of the conspirators to the enemy, he was immediately put to death. In order that common deliberation should take place between the various regiments, it was arranged that on festive occasions one regiment should invite another to a feast and, on this pretext, united gatherings were carried on successfully. Meetings of select Sepoys were held in the house of the Subahdars. Though all political and religious wrongs were explained and commented on to the lowest Sepoy in the army, though every Sepoy knew about, and was anxious for, a fight with the English, still the knowledge of how to rise, when to rise, and who were the leaders of the various groups was not imparted to all. The work of deciding all these things was left to the officers, and every one was made of Tulsi, or by the Koran, that each one would do what the regiment should undertake to do. When one regiment was thus bound together, the chief committee of that regiment began negotiations with the chief committee of another regiment; each swore faithfulness to the other and they worked together. The mutual oath of the regiments, like the mutual oaths of the Sepoys were determined and decisive. Every regiment was a unit in the higher organisation. The English afterwards gathered a good deal of material to determine what this organisation was, and Mr. Wilson gives the following information about the society, in the Government report : “From the available evidence I am quite convinced that the 31st of May, 1857, had been decided on as the date for simultaneous rising. Every regiment had a committee of three members; and this committee used to do everything connected with the Mutiny. The Sepoys had no idea what decisions were arrived at. Tye mutual agreements between the various regiments simply amounted to agreeing to do what the other regiments would do. The committee had to decide on all important schemes, to do all the correspondence, and several other things. All came to the one important decision that the Sepoys should rise on the 31st. As it was a Sunday, they would be able to find a large number of European officers in church. All European officers, along with these, were to e murdered. Then all the treasuries, that would be full with the proceeds of the Rabbi crops, were to be looted. Jails were to be broken open and prisoners released. For in the NorthWestern provinces, from the prisoners alone an army of nearly 25,000 people could be formed.” As soon as the rising rook place, the power-magazines and armouries were to be taken possession of. All forts and strategic positions were to be taken, wherever possible. Such was the secret structure of the Revolutionary Organisation, and it had bound together the whole army. To supply the sinews of war to the secret organisation, the Sahukars of Lucknow, the palaces of Nana and Vizier Ali Nakkhi Khan, the Mahal of Delhi, and other heads of the Revolutionary party were sufficient. While the Sepoys were concerting their secret schemes, some secrets, now by a trifling mistake, now through a traitor, leaked out. Then, the English Government issued orders that the whole regiment about which the suspicion of disaffection arose should be at once dismissed. That, was most excellent. Why ? The Government thus actually gave to the country so many volunteer Sanyasis to spread the fire of Revolution all round. The various Durbars of Hindusthan, the ordinary people, and the military - these three divisions of the people were linked together by the indefatigable efforts of the able Revolutionary leaders. There still remains the class of civil officers. An outline of the particular part which this class played in the structure of the Revolution must be given. The coming pages will clearly show that most of the more prominent Indian civilians in Northern India had taken a leading part in the “mutiny”. From the Patel and Kulkarni of the village to the native judge of the high court, Hindu and Mussalman officers of all ranks, pleaders and clerks, had joined the Revolutionary Organisation secretly. The fact that the Government had not the least idea of the extensive organisation is easily explained; for these native officers alone are the eyes with which the Government was to see anything. But, on the other hand, it had been decided that, until the critical moment, these Government officers should not show even the least opposition to the Sirkar. Not only that, but very often it happened that, when it was necessary to arrest a Revolutionary leader, these Indian officers, who were the accomplices of this man, used to treat him as cruelly as an English officer would do, and used to sentence him to heavy punishment. When the Meerut Sepoys were tried, it was the native judges that passed heavy sentences on them; but it came to light that these very judges were scheming for a Revolution. Anonymous proclamations were posted at every square of the city of Lucknow, written invery strong language, to agitate the masses. These proclamations were couched in fiery and violent language. We give the following as a specimen. “Hindus and Mahomedans, rise unitedly and decide, once for all, the fate of the country; for, if this opportunity is allowed to slip by, not a single way will be left open to the people even to preserve their lives. This is the last chance. Now or never!” Though the English authorities knew well that proclamations were issued every day, they could to no more than tear them off; and still, every time they were destroyed, new ones were put up. The police used to declare that it was impossible for them to find out as to who put up these posters and when they were put up. The English came to know the reason soon after. The police themselves were the prominent members of the Revolutionary party.44 Not alone in the revolution of Russia, but in the Revolution in India, too, the police were found to be in sympathy with the people. The programme, then, of the civil officers was to join secretly in the Revolutionary organisation of their countrymen without giving up government service and, when the right time came, to work on under Swarajya, performing those very functions which they were all doing under the English government. Now that the wheels of the secret machinery of the Revolution were set in motion, it was necessary to arrange that all the various motions should be synchronised. With this purpose in Bengal, a messenger of the 44 Red Pamphlet: Part II. Revolutionaries went to the cantonments, taking a red lotus in his hand. He would give the red lotus into the hands of the chief Indian officer in the first regiment. The chief would pass it to the one next to him, and so the red lotus would pass from Sepoy to Sepoy through the hands of all the thousand Sepoys, and then the last Sepoy would return it back to the Revolutionary messenger. That was enough ! Without a whisper or a word, the messenger would pass on like an arrow and, as soon as the next regiment was in sight, he would give the red lotus in the hands of its chief officer. In this way, the organisation, so full of poetry, became impressed with one opinion, with revolution, with blood. The red lotus was the final seal of the organisation. What a tumult of thoughts must be raging in the mind of every Sepoy when he touched the red flower! That courage which it would have been impossible for the eloquence of orators to inspire was imparted in those warlike fellows by the dumb lotus flower and by the mute eloquence of its red, red colour.45 A lotus flower! The symbol, the poet-appointed symbol, of purity, victory, light! And its colour red, vivid red! The very touch of the lotus flower makes every heart bloom. When the Sepoys, hundreds upon hundreds, were passing on rapidly from hand to hand this lotus flower, the eloquence of it must have been full of wild suggestions and wilder aspirations. “The red lotus really made all the people one; for, in Bengal, both the Sepoys and agriculturists were found giving expression to this one sentiment, ‘All is going to be red!’, with a movement of the eyes which 45 “A man apeared with a lotus flower and handed it to the chief of the regiment. He handed it on to another-every man took it and passed it on and, when it came to the last, he suddenly disappeared to the next station. There was not, it appears, a detachment, not a station in Bengal, through which the lotus flower was not circulated. The circulation of this simple symbol of conspiracy was just after the annexation of Oudh.” - Narrative of the Mutiny: p.4. (The book also gives the picture of the flower.) betrayed an extraordinary, mysterious pregnancy of meaning”.46 ‘All will be red’- with what? This red lotus and this suggestive sentiment had made all “one- voiced” as far as individuals were concerned. But, it was also necessary to make all the principal nuclei one-voices through mutual visits. So Nana came out from the palace of Brahmavarta to link together into one chain the various links – nuclei of the organisation. With him started his brother, Bala Sahib, and his amiable and witty councillor, Azimullah. And why did they start? “For a pilgrimage!” Indeed! A Brahmin and a Moslem are starting together, arm in arm, to visit the holy, religious places, - an event without a precedent! This was in the March of 1857. Most essential was it now, indeed, to visit at least once the places of pilgrimage - and the first that they visited was Delhi. Only the Dewan-I-Khas or, perhaps, the atmosphere of Delhi could speak about the accents with which the consultations were carried on! At this very time, a judge of Agra, one Mr.Morel, came to see Nana. The later gave him such a hearty welcome that he did not have the least suspicion about the diffrerent kind of welcome which Nana was busy preparing for the English and which he was going to offer within a month or two. After supervising all arrangements at Delhi, Nana went to Umballa. On the 18th of April, he reached Lucknow, the important centre among the various nuclei. On that very day the people of Lucknow had followed the buggy of Sir Henry Lawrence, Chief Commissioner Sahib, and pelted him with a shower of mud and stones. And now Shrimant Nana had come there! This infused the whole city of Lucknow with an almost uncontrollable joy and excitement. Nana started in a huge procession through the chief streets of Lucknow, and a strong confidence was instilled in the Revolutionary party on seeing their would-be commander. Nana voluntarily went to Sir Henry Lawrence and told him that he had come to see Lucknow out of simple curiosity. Sir Henry issued orders to all the officers to show due 46 Trevelyan’s Cawnpore. respect to Nana. Poor Sir Lawrence! He did not know what this simple curiosity meant. After visiting Lucknow, Nana went to Kalpi. The diplomacy of Nana was actgively going on, this time with Kumar Singh of Jagadishpur who was in intimate correspondence with him about this time.47 Thus after personally visiting the leaders of the principal nuclei at Delhi, Umballa, Lucknow, Kalpi, etc., and drawing up a clear programme and a definitely outlined map of the future campaign, Nana returned to Brahmavarta about the end of April.48 While, by visiting the principal leaders, Shrimant Nana was touring to determine the date and bring about the necessary unity of purpose, a strange band of secret messengers to Revolution were going about at express speed throughout the length and breadth of India, to prepare the people for the great day. These messengers were not a new thing at all. Whenever the work of Revolution was started, these agents - Chapatees - have as a rule done the work of carrying the errand far and wide in the land. For, in the Mutiny of Vellore, too, Chapatees were used to perform the same function. These angels with unseen wings were flying through every secret corner of the country, setting the mind of the whole country on fire by the very vagueness of the message. Whence they came and whither they 47 Red Pamphlet. 48 Nana must have gone during this tour to many other cities, but, as English historians have not expressly mentioned them, they cannot be given. The following quotation is rather important: “Afterwards, the worthy couple (Nana and Azim), on the pretence of a pilgrimage to the hills, visited the military stations all along the main trunk road and went so far as Umballa. It has been suggested that their object is going to Simla was to tamper with the Gurkha regiments stationed on the hills. But finding, on their arrival at Umballa, a portion olf the regiment were in cantonments, they were unable to effect their purpose with these men and desisted from their proposed journey, on the plea of the cold weather.” -Russel’s Diary. went, no one could say. To those alone who were expecting them these strange symbols carried the exact message and spoke with limited significance; as for those whom they took unawares, illimitable was the conversation that they carried on! Some silly Government officers tried to get hold of these Chapatees, cut them to small crumbs, powered them, and powered once more, and tried if they could give some message; but, like witches the Chapatees had to tongue when they were asked to speak. The Chapatee spoke only to those it meant to speak to. It was made from wheat or millet flour. Nothing was written on it; yet it inspired the men who knew it with a strange Revolutionary energy at its very touch. The Choukidar of every village had it. He ate a bit of it first himself and gave the rest, as Prasad, to those who asked. The same number of Chapatees were made afresh and sent to the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages. The Choukidar of the latter place would send it to yet another village and, so, this fiery red cross of India travelled from village to village, kindling with flames every village it touched. Speed on, Angel of Revolution, speed on! Go thou forth to preach the Gospel to all the dear children of India, that the country is ready for a holy war to make everyone of them free. Dash on, Messenger, to all the ten directions, not stopping even at midnight, piercing the air with the age-inspiring cry, “The Mother goes forth to the war! March on! March on!! Save her!!!” The gates of the cities are closed; still wait not thou till they open - but fly over through the air. The mountain-defiles are deep; broken are the steep ascents; the rivers are wide, the forests are dangerous; still dread thou not, but speed like an arrow with this terrible national message. On thy speed depends the life or the death of the Desh and the Dharma. Hence cover as many miles as thou possibly canst and race with the wind! When the enemies destroy one shape of thee, go, thou miraculous Angel, assuming hundreds of forms at this critical period of our national existence! In every shape and form of thy speed create for thyself a thousand tongues. Invite all-wife and husband, mother and child, sister and brother- to come with their relatives to accomplish the predestined task! Invite the spears of the Mahrattas, the swords of the Rajputs, the Kirpan of the Sikhs, the Crescent of the Islamites - invite one and all to make the ceremony a success. Call the Goddesses of War at Cawnpore! Call the Goddesses of the forts in Jhansi! Call the Goddesses of Jagadishpur. To bless the work of national Revolution, bring with thee all thy relations, drums and trumpets, flags and banners, clarionets and war-songs, thunderings and war-cries. The martial spirit of the nation is awaiting the signal. Tell them all, “The auspicious hour is soon to strike; so, be ready!” Ready! Friends, be ready! And, O unfortunate Tyranny sleeping unconsciously and proud on the green, green hills, be thou ready too! The world might believe that a hill appearing green from a distance is really green. Nor does it fully know yet what a mistake it is to trample under foot the crown of such a hill. Trample, aye, trample! Now shines forth the year 1857, and in a moment it will be clear that the description of Kalidas applies literally to India. “In those whose wealth is their penance and patience, forget not there is a concealed fire, which, if it bursts forth, can consume the whole world!” O world! Our India has certainly patience as its prominent feature; but do not, on that account, take undue advantage of it for within her heart, whose treasure is all-forbearing calmness, resides concealed, the terrible fire for vengeance too. Hast thou ever beheld the third eye of Shankar? That is calmness itself while it is closed; but from it can issue the flames which can reduce the whole universe to ashes! Hast thou ever beheld a volcano! Apparently it is clothed with soft green vegetation; but let it once open its jaws, and then all sides will begin to pour forth boiling lava. Like unto that this living volcano of Hindusthan, fierce as the third eye of Shankar, has begun to boil. Terrible streams of lava in its interior are bubbling up tumultuously. Dangerous mixtures of explosive chemicals are being formed, and the spark of the love of liberty has fallen on it. Let Tyranny take heed when it is not yet too late! Neglect it in the least, and a thunderous explosion would teach insolent Tyranny what a volcanic vengeance really means! END OF PART I