For us there is but one choice. We have made it. Woe be to the man or groups of men that seek to stand in our way in this day of our high resolution when every principle we hold dearest is to be Vindicated and made secure for our salvation.
President Wilson
After nine long years of separation, Mr. Tilak joined his old comrades at the Congress of Lucknow (1916). What a change ! In 1907, the nation was on the eve of a relentless campaign of repression. Now in 1916, the country was throbbing with the expectation of a vast political transformation, which Mr. Tilak had worked so laboriously to bring about. No wonder therefore, that when he stood to address the 2350 ex###pectant delegates and thrice as many spectators he was accorded an enthusiastic ovation. He said : —
" I am not foolish enough to think that this reception is given to my humble self. It is given, if I rightly understand to those principles for which I have been fighting, principles which have been embodied in the resolution I have the honour to support. I am glad to say that I have lived these ten years to see that we are going to put our voices and shoulders together to push on the scheme of Self-Government. We are now united in every way in the United Provinces."
Without depreciating the efforts of several leaders who worked hard to accomplish the Hindu-Moslem Unity, it may be said that Mr. Tilak’s foresight and generosity in substantially conceding many of the demands of the Mahomedans gratified them beyond all measure. They had been taught to believe that Mr. Tilak was anti###Mahomedan, that in the Hindu-Moselm controversies of 1893-94 he had been unfriendly to them and that his Shivaji and Ganapati festivals were instituted with the sole object of irritating their community. They were, therefore, doubly glad to find that Mr. Tilak was in favour of an enormously big percentage of repre###sentation to the Mahomedans in the Legislative Coun###cils. To those of his more theoretical and hence less compromising brethren who looked with alarm at these concessions, Mr. Tilak said : —
It has been said that we, Hindus have yielded too much to our Mahomedan brethren. I am sure, I re###present the sense of the Hindu community all over India, when I say that we could not have yielded too much. I would not care if the rights of Salf-Govern###ment are granted to the Mahomedan Community only. I would not care if they are granted to the Rajputs. I would not care if they are granted to the lower classes of the Hindu population. Then the fight will not be triangular as, at present, it is.
This is the language, not only of magnanimity but of statesmanship also. By making this concession, Mr^ Tilak successfully accomplished his object entertained ever since his return from Mandalay of winning over the Muslims. Influences were at work to keep the Mahomedans away from the Hindus ; for Sir James Meston had publicly advised them to place communal considerations over the National. It was at this critical time that Mr. Tilak threw the whole weight of his advice and influence over to the side of the Muslims and secured their lasting co-operation.
In criticising (October 1916), the " Memorandum of 19 " Mr. Tilak had said that the demand made therein was pretty well so far as it went but that it was neces###sary that the succeeding instalments of Self-government should be definitely determined and announced toge###ther with the time-limit for complete realization of all our aspirations. He tried his best to press the inclu###sion of this limit in the resolution of Self-Government. The Hon’ble Mr. Shastri also was of opinion that we should not " hesitate to demand that Responsible Government should be worked up to in the course of the next thirty years." But the stalwarts of the Con###gress did not favcur this view and for the sake of unity Mr. Tilak, dropped the matter. The Congress of 19 17 made good this mistake and included a definite time###limit in the resolution of Swaraj.
For the sake of unity, Mr. Tilak allowed his scheme of a small and compact Congress Executive to be shel###ved. The All-India Congress Committee, the tim.e###honoured Executive of the Congress was found to be quite unwieldy and the new body proposed by Mr. Tilak was merely a supplem.entary body and never aimed at usurping the functions of the old one. Doubt###less, Mr. Tilak took his cue from the War-Cabinet of three or four members which Mr. Lloyd George institu###ted in order to save the inevitable delays of the Cabinet When we remember that even Mr. Lloyd Goerge in times of extreme emergency and national peril could bring about this change only by creating a split in the Cabinet and driving out of office his old chief, we are not surprised that Mr. Tilak was unsuccessful. Pre###judices and prepossessions die hard. Mr. Tilak would however brook no compromise on one point. He wanted the Congress to call on the Home Rule Leagues and other public Associations to carry on continuously a vigorous propaganda. " If the Congress " he said " would not lead a national agitation, let the Home Rule Leagues at least do the work." It was with evi###dent ill-grace that the veteran Moderates allowed the Resolution to be passed. Even Mr. Jinnah and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya voted against it. This reso###lution was only the thin end of the wedge and Mr. Tilak trusted time to make the National Congress lead the National movements.
The memorable 1917 dawned and found Mr. Tilak busy with his Home Rule Propaganda. During the whole of this eventful year, Mr. Tilak toured from one end of the country to the other. He delivered lectures at Calcutta, Delhi, Mathura, Nagpur, Akola, Godhra, Surat, Jalgaon, DhuUa, Belgaum, Thana, Sholapur, Satara and other places too numerous to be mentioned in detail. It is estimated that he delivered over 100 lectures to audiences varying from 4 to 20 thousand. He exhorted his countrjnnen to be up and doing ; he wanted them to strike while the iron was hot. His cherished plan of sending a Home Rule Deputation to England was approved of everj^-where and people gladly paid large sums of money to meet the expendi###ture.
During the earlier course of the war, the Bureaucracy 16
242 LOKAMANYA TILAK
had to hold the dog of repression in leash. But when the Home Rule Leagues were started, the officials felt that something must be done to arrest the tide of enthu###siasm. With this object in view, they tried to overawe Mrs. Besant and Mr. Tilak. But the proceedings against both failed to accomplish the purpose. Then came the Lucknow Congress ; and the unique combination of zeal and wisdom, of dash and caution, of idealism and practical statesmanship which the session revealed con###vinced the Government officials that a New India was really born. The Bureaucracy set itself a###thinking. Even as early as March 19 16, Lord Hardinge had cautioned India not to hold any extra###vagant hopes and to remember that even in the now Self-Governing Colonies, the step of progress had been slow. Lord Chelmsford too had raised his voice against what he called catastrophic changes. About March 19 17 " the Government of India issued a Circular to Local Governments outlining the policy to be pursued by the latter in connection with the Indian demand for reforms.’ Circulars, prohibiting students from attending political meetings, especially those convened by the Home-Rulers or where Home Rule was likely to be discussed were issued. In May 1917, the Governor of Madras and the Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab made " pronouncements which betrayed by their similarity of tenor and phraseology, a common source of inspira###tion. In these pronouncements, .these heads of two provinces exaggerated the nature of Indian demands, deprecated them in strong language, enjoined the people to abstain from all agitation and threatened them with repressive action if they did not do so,'
•’ RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT *’ 243
Next to Maharashtra, Madras was the most active pro###vince in the cause of Home Rule; unfortunately its Satrap -was extremely anxious to loom in the lime-light. He therefore carried out his threat of repression by issuing Internment orders against Mrs. Besant and two of her colleagues. He had expected that the internment of Mrs. Besant would cow down the people. He must have been surprised to find his tyranny met with defiance. The whole country with one voice condemned his action. It was feared that this was only the first of a series of repressive measures contemplated by the Government. There was a widespread alarm that the internment of Besant was meant as a blow to her Home Rule League and that the Government would crush the Home###Rule Leaguers first and the Congressmen afterwards. Viewing the situation from this standpoint, even the Moderate leaders thought it their duty to join the Home Rule Leagues. (The Hon’ble) Mr.M. A. Jinnah and several other leading Congressmen and Muslim-leaguers in Bombay joined the Home Rule League immediately after the publication of the internment order.More important still was the attitude of the Moderate leaders at Allahabad, who at this most momentous crisis joined hands with the Home Rulers and championed their cause. When we remember how, so far as the Punjab at least was concerned, the deportation (1907) of Lala Lajpat Rai had ademorahzing effect on the people, we can appreciate the awakening that had now come over the people, in that they refused to take this gratui tous act of repression with anything like fear or submission.
244 LOKAMANYA TILAK
At the meeting (July 28th and 29th) of the All- India Congress Committee, Mr. Tilak’s voice reigned supreme. He expressed his gratification at the united and strong protest made by the people against the internment of Mrs. Besant. He heartily thanked those of the Moder###ates who, at the call of duty, stood by Mrs. Besant and the infant Home Rule Leagues. But he was not content merely with the protest, howsoever strong and united it might be. He called for action. What are we to do ? Our first duty was, he said, to efiect the earliest possible release of Mrs. Besant and her two associates. If the Bureaucracy took the hint and did the needful, — well and good. If however the fetish of prestige held the powers that be from recognizing their mistake, we must compel them to come to terms. Passive Resistance (or Civil Disobedience) was he said the only weapon which would rouse the slumbering conscience of the authori###ties. The Bureaucracy was on the war-path.It would not even allow us peacefully to protest against the intern###ment orders. If a meeting convened by a leader Hke Dr. Rash Behari Ghose was prohibited, what guarantee was there, that liberty of expression and action would be allowed to us? Mr. Tilak, therefore, called upon the All-India Congress Committee to give a definite lead to the people.
The Moderates were in a sore fix. There was not a single bright speck in the political firmament on which they could rely. On occasions when the spirit of en###thusiasm is abroad, * wisdom ’ is at a discount. * Fore###sight and reasoned judgment ’ are synonyms for timi###dity. The Nation thinks not with the bram but with aa overheated heart. Who can say whether in the
?’ RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT " 245
long run such discarding of all caution and moderation leads to success or not ? It is only in the throes of tumult that Nations are born. It is exactly at this time that the moderate leaders, terrified at the narrow line which separates them and the people from utter destruc###tion cry halt. Their gray hair, their long and faithful services to the country fail to evoke anytking like rever###ential obedience. But what can the people do ? Is not the maxim " nothing venture, nothing have " tme in pohtics also ? Does it not perhaps become the only honourable and probably successful course on such occa###sions ? Unfortunately these are questions for the iuture historian and not for the soldiers in fight.
In the manly representation made mainly under the inspiration of Mr. Tilak by the All-India Congress Com###mittee to the Viceroy and the Secretary of State, the re###presesive and reactionary policy of the Government of the day was condemned and the urgent necessity of ■the immediate grant of a substantial instalment of Swaraj was established. It was plainly stated that unless a Roysd Proclamation regarding the early fulfil###ment of all our aspirations was issued and Mrs. Besant and the Ali brothers were forthwith set free the prevailing discontent would not be allayed. The Congress Com###mittee also testified to the unexceptionable and satis###factory work done by the Home Rule Leagues. It wiM thus be seen that the representation of the Committee was a statesmanlike document which profoundly in###fluenced the course of future events.
Though Mr. Tilak was anxious to get the All-India Congress Committee pass a resolution recommending the adoption of Passive Resistance, still he was more
246 LOKAMANYA TILAK
anxious to carry with him as many Moderates as he pos###sibly could. Instead, therefore, of insisting upon an immediate passing of a resolution to the effect, he wil###lingly supported the idea that all the Provincial Com###mittees should in the first instance be called upon to submit their views on the subject. He knew that time was with him and that sooner or later Passive Resistance was bound to be adopted. He could afford to wait, being convinced of the ultimate result.
Mr. Tilak disagreed with all those who sought to bring about the release of Mrs. Bealsant merely by prayers and petitions. " If we want to prove how keenly we feel for her," " let us elect her President of the coming Congress." Released or unreleased, Mrs. Besant must be President. This was both sentiment and statesman###ship. In accordance with this suggestion, the various Pro###vincial Congress Committees nominated Mrs. Besant for the Presidentship of the Calcutta Congress. This atti###tude was in direct opposition to the conduct and policy of the Moderates. Their policy was not to provoke the displeasure or anger of the Bureaucracy by calling upon persons disliked by Government to preside over the de###liberations of the Congress. With that object in view, was Mr. Tilak ’s name repeatedly set aside, and when at Calcutta, his election seemed fairly certain, the Grand Old Man of India was invited (1906) for the honour. With that object in view, was Lala Lajpat Raikept from the Presidential chair, when the Nation with one voice demanded his election at Surat (1907). The Hon’ble Mr. Gokhale while opposing the election of the Lala had said " we cannot flout the Government. The Govern###ment will throttle our movement in no time. “..What
" RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 247
would have been Mr. Gokhale’s surprise, had he been living in 19 17, to learn that the overwhelming majority of the Nation had determined to flout the Government by electing Mr. Besant and Mr. Mahomed Ali for the Presidentship of the National Congress and Muslim League respectively even when they were in intern###ment ?
With the Moderates’ opposition to the adoption of Pas###sive Resistance and to’ the election of Mrs. Besant for the Presidentship of the Congress, it was clear that a crisis was approaching and that the unity, which the Nation had shown in formulating the Congress-League scheme and in conducting vigorously the Home Rule agitation, was terribly strained. The loose organisation of the Congress threatened to be wrecked on the rocks of serious party differences. But the timely appointment of Mr, Montagu as Secretary of State for India consider###ably improved the situation. The historic declaration of August 20 th soon followed. Another announcement still — Mr. Montagu was to come over to India to study the question of Constitutional Reforms ! The situ###ation at once changed. The cry of Passive Resistance was dropped ; and every set of politicians began to for###mulate the pohtical reforms to be sought at the hands of the new Secretary of State.
If there was any politician in India whose pro###gramme of work was not materially altered by the an###nouncement of Mr. Montagu’s visit, it was Mr. Tilak ; with his unerring judgment, he clearly saw that what###ever concessions Mr. Montague would be inclined to make would, to a considerable extent, be negatived by the reactionary forces at work in India and England ;
248 LOKAMANYA TILAK
and that the only way of not only strengthening the hands of the Secretary of State for India bur also of sti###mulating his generosity and sense of justice was an effective appeal to the British Democracy. There were those who argued that this was hardly the time to thrust our grievances upon the attention of our distracted and well-nigh disappointed rulers. Mr. Tilak begged to differ from them. Though not prepared to hold that” " England’s difficulty is our opportunity " he saw nothing wrong in drawing Britain’s urgent attention to the easiest way of enlisting India’s vast man-power in their cause. Side by side, therefore, with the work of organizing our resources and formulating the demands to be placed before the Viceroy and the Secretary of State, he continued unabated the still more important task of awakening the people to a full consciousness of the supreme importance of his plan of campaign.
Mr. Tilak’s triumphant Home Rule tour was twice in###terrupted to suit the work of the moment. On November 26th, the joint deputation of the Madras and Poona Home Rule Leagues waited on Lord Chelmsford and the Secretary of State and on the following day Mr. Tilak had a long interview with Mr. Montague. He was ex###tremely well-received and is said to have created a deep impression on the mind of the Secretary of State. May we add that the efforts of the latter to secure Mr. Tilak’s full support to the impending reforms were all unavail###ing?
f;!*, The Calcutta session of the National Congress under the Presidentship of Mrs. Besant called forth all the statesmanship of Mr. Tilak. The Declaration of August 20th, 1917, had in a sense, created a great muddle in the
•* RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT " 249
political situation. The Congress-League scheme was drawn up on the basis of an irremovable executive. In all our agitation we had supported the Congress###League scheme. To change, even in one essential, the scheme which was formulated with great care and caution would have opened a flood-gate of amendments and the unity of the Congress would have been weaken###ed by dissensions. Mr. Tilak, therefore, suggested that until the Government scheme of Reforms was out, we should stick to the one which had evoked the unani###mous support of the people. There was time enough to decide, after the Government published its report on constitutional reforms, whether in the light of the official proposals, the Congress-League scheme should be modified or not.
A welcome step in advance was the insertion of a time-limit in the Resolution of Swaraj.
While Mr. Tilak was straining every nerve to collect funds for the Home Rule League Deputation, the model Moderates were gradually being won over and were im###pressed with the necessity of supporting any scheme of reforms that would be placed before the Parliament. When we remember, how eager our Moderate friends are for co-operation with the Government, which sometimes means quiet submission to the bureaucratic will; when we remember how the unmeaning reforms of 1909 were praised as " generous and just/’ need we wonder that the Moderates rallied round the banner of the Viceroy and the Secretary of State ? Those who know some###thing of the inner history of Indian Pohtics during the few months preceding the pubhcation of the Mont-ford Report are well aware of the specific purpose for which
250 LOKAMANYA TILAK
the Liberal League was started at Calcutta under the presidency of the Hon’ble Mr. Surendranath Banerjea, The circulars sent by the Secretaries of the League all over Bengal, calling upon people to be fully prepared to study the forthcoming report " impartially and without any prejudice " and to accept the scheme even when it fell short of our expectations, prove beyond all doubt that many of the Moderates had determined to secede from the Congress even before the publication of the Report. In their beggarly impatience to get something without any risk, they decided to abandon the Congress, for they fully anticipated what the reception of the Report would be. Instead of calling upon the Nation to stand up, firm and strong, these Moderates began to send round mysterious whispers; and for the sake of a few crumbs of Self-Government they were willing to dis###card that unity which in spite of occasional tension, had prevailed since 1915, in the politics of the country. It was in this atmosphere of secrecy and conspiracy on the one hand and suspicion and distrust on the other that the Report, long awaited was published (July 1918).
The distrust with which the generality of the people looked to the publication of the Report was due to a number of significant events of which the nth hour cancellation of the passports of Mr. Tilak and his col###leagues was not the least important. It was daily becom###ing clearer and clearer that a reactionary element was at work, both here and in England and that it was useless to expect a satisfactory settlement of our grievances so long as these reactionaries were allowed to run amuck. People had expected that Mr. Montague would attend
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the War Conference at Delhi and make some inspiring’ pronouncement. He did nothing of the kind. To the War Conference held under the Presidency of the Viceroy neither Mrs. Besant nor Mr. Tilakwas invited. The Self-Government resolution proposed by the Hon’ble Mr. Khaparde was ruled out of order. The Conference was all an ofBcial show and hence proved a complete failure. Nor was the mistake rectified at Bombay where Lord Willingdon inflicted on his audience a severe sermon on Home Rulers, whose bona fides he called into question. Mr. Tilak was called upon to speak but was not allowed to make a mention of Home Rule and had to stop. More significant than all these were the rumoured recommendations of the Rowlatt Committee which were intended as a set off against the proposals contain###ed in the Montford-Report. The notorious Rowlatt report, so disastrous to the cause of Indian Liberty, was equally damaging to Mr. Tilak, the course of whose action against Sir Valentine Chirol it was likely to in###fluence profoundly.
The Montford-Report was condemned by the majority of educated Indians. Mr. Tilak characterized it as a *’ sunless dawn." Mrs. Besant held that the poUtical reforms indicated in the Report were unworthy of England to give and of India to take. The Hon’ble Mr. Patel showed how in certain details the report had made retrograde proposals. Mr. N. C. Kelkar prono###unced the proposals as cruelly disappointing and ** almost a wicked attempt to let Indian leaders be stewed in their own juice." The Hon’ble Mr. B. Cha###krabarty said that throughout the report, the fetish of peace, order and good Government was worshipped.
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Prof. Jitendralal Banerjea declared that the reforms were grudging, half-hearted, meagre, inadequate and hence disappointing and abortive ; while the veteran Dr. Subrahmanyam Ayer advised his countrymen not 4:0 touch the narcotic that was offered to them.
To place " the essentials of the Congress-League scheme within the frame -work of the Montague-Chelms###ford Report " so that neither the fire-eaters of the Ex###-tremist Party nor the cautious members of the Mode###a:ate Party might find reasonable cause for grumbling was an extremely difficult and dehcate work. Much of the credit of having restrained the fury of the " Ex###tremists " can be claimed by Mr. Tilak and Mrs. Besant. " If your cavalry charges a-head brilliantly, galloping on the foe, without the preparation of the artillery, with###out the support of the infantry, what will happen ? The enemy will meet them in their charge, will find -them unsupported, will mow them down separated from the main body of the host, and then, having anni###hilated the cavalry, he would advance across the grounds left empty to annihilate the infantry in its turn." Mr. Tilak was in complete accord with these sentiments of Mrs. Besant and co-operated with her in trying to pre###vent the Moderates from seceding.
Knowing that he would be required to do the work of a Peace-maker, Mr. Tilak, with rare self-effacement re###fused to accept the Presidentship of the Special Session of the Congress. Even when the Moderates definitely parted company and, in the language of Sir Dinshaw Petit " collected round them some people who never took part in politics except grind their own axes " and sought to have a separate Conference of their own, Mr.
" RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT " 2SS
Tilak was desirous of keeping the door open for their re###turn to the Congress Camp. On the fourth day of the Congress (September ist 19 18), the Resolution on the Reform Scheme was moved by (the Hon’ble) Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya in a closely-reasoned speech which will go down to future generations as a historic and statesmanlike pronouncement. (The Hon’ble) Sir Dinshaw M, Petit, the distinguished Parsi millionaire seconded the Resolution in a lucid speech which descri###bed how “the Resolution dispels the fear of some of our friends and shatters the hope of our enemies that the Congress was going to reject the seheme without discussing its merits or demerits.” Eleven leading Congressmen supported the Resolution. Pandit Motilal Nehru showed how the Congress was " able to perform the impossible feat of uniting its appreciation, recogni###tion, and in plain English, its condemnation " of the Montague-Chelmsford Report. Mr. Fazlul Haq proved how " though we hear of the change of the angle of vision, it is either an obtuse angle or an acute angle but never the right angle." Mr. Jayakar showed how the " taint of the school-master “was responsible for the “periodic examinations “set for the Indian people. Mrs. Besant wound up the discussion in an impassioned speech. Speaking to the Resolution, Mr, Tilak said : —
" What we have tried to do in the Subjects’ Com###mitee is to distil our different opinions, and it was very difficult to distil " the gourds and the cucumbers " together. It was no easy task ; even our enemies had considered it to be difficult. They believed that we were engaged in an impossible business and that by the beginning of September the Congress would be no-
:254 LOKAMANYA TILAK
where. Unfortunately for them, their predictions have not proved true. So long as the spirit of forbearance and the spirit of give-and-take pervades in the Councils of the Congress such a fatal contingency is never likely to arise.
" We were told that the Congress was going to reject ihe whole scheme. I could never understand and have ne###ver understood what it meant. We are in the midst of our negotiations. If you reject the scheme you have done with it. What are you then going to tell the British people ? " That we reject the scheme ?” I think that we have learnt enough of politics to know that it is absurd to take such a position. Fortunately for all, we have been able to place before you a reasoned document, a resolution, which combines the wisdom of one party, I may say, the temperament of another party, and if you like to call it, I do not like to call it myself — the rashness of a third party.
" The Montague Report is a beautiful, very skilful and statesmanlike document. We asked for eight annas of Self-government; that report gives us one anna of Res###ponsible Government and says that it is better than the eight annas of Self-Govemment. The whole Uterary skill of the Report lies in making us beheve that one morsel of Responsible Government is more than suffi###cient to satisfy our hunger for Self-government. We now plainly say to the Government, * we thank you for the one anna of Responsible Government but in the scheme we want to embody, not all that is embodied in the Congress-League scheme, the rails might be different but the carriages that carry passengers might be transferred from one rail to another. This is what
*’ RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT " 255
we have tried to do and we have tried to satisfy all parties concerned and a very difficult task has been accomplished. The future way is clear and I hope that what we have done will be of material help in carrying on this fight to the end.”
The moderation and good sense of the special session of the Congress disarmed all opposition and many of the seceders returned to the old camp at Delhi (December 1918) where, however, in the absence of Mr. Tilak, a variety of circumstances conspired to foment those dissensions which have, ever since, made Indian PoUtics such a hopeless tangle. Neither the rancour nor the differences bom of the Delhi Congress has been allayed or made up. On the contrary, the bitterness has been further intensified by succeeding events, — the passing of the Rowlatt Act in the teeth of Indian opposition^ the campaign of Civil Disobedience started by Mahatma Gandhi, the irresponsible acts of Government’s agents, culminating in the shocking Punjab tragedy with all its long and interminable sequal. All this while, Mr. Tilak was a passive though deeply interested observer in distant London.
While Mr. Tilak was on his way to England, he was unanimously elected President of the Delhi Congress. This was the considered reply which the Nation gave to the prohibitionary order issued by Lord Willing###don. While the Bureaucracy lost no opportunity of discrediting him, our hero was the recipient of the highest honours at the disposal of his admiring country* men.