08 CH7 SUMMING UP

The history of the Portuguese began in Goa and near Bassein, about a hundred years before Shivaji the Great was born. They had already established their hegemony in the Indian Ocean. Before the Portuguese power found firm roots in Goa, their principal seat was at Cochin in Kerala. Goa was honoured with that position from 1521 onwards.

Most people in Tiswadi, Salcette and Bardez had been converted to Roman Catholicism before the rise of Shivaji the Great. The Portuguese had destroyed all Hindu temples without an exception. On their ruins they erected magnificent churches. They built up the townships in Goa, Daman, Chaul and Bassein in the western style and had their engineers to construct big fortresses in Gujarat and Konkan. The hospital (espital) that they erected in Goa was reputed to be the best in the whole world in the sixteenth and the seventeenth century.

The Portuguese won victories over the Adilshahi, Nizamshahi and Gujarati Sultans several times. Since the voyage of Vasco da Gama, numerous Portuguese ships landed on Indian shores. It is on record that during the first hundred years of the event, about 800 ships reached India.1 It is under the influence of the Portuguese maritime power that the Portuguese word armada found a habitation and a name in Marathi as armar.

The Portuguese founded factories to produce gunpowder, guns and cannons as well as docks to construct naval ships at Goa and Bassein. The gun-powder factories were called ‘casas de polvora’. Though the principal artisans in these factories were naturally Portuguese, quite often Goan Hindus were employed there to do a number of jobs. In 1665, one Krishnashet2, a Goan Hindu, was the chief of manufacturing cannons who was designated ‘Mestre da fundicao da artilharia’.

There were excellent artisans in Goa in the first half of the sixteenth and seventeenth the Portuguese employed for their work.3In 1513, Albuquerque had sent a Hindu artisan to Portugal who made very satisfactory guns. In 1518, a Goan goldsmith had also gone to Portugal.4 The brilliant tradition of Goan goldsmiths as skilled workmen continued down to the eighteenth century.5 Even in the Goan mint, the Chief artisans used to be Hindus. It is on record that some beautifully made bells as well as the wooden and ivory images in the churches were turned out by Hindu craftsmen. Even the reputed painters of the sixteenth

CONTENTScentury were Hindus.6 Vice-roy Don Juan de Castro’s portrait drawn by a Hindu artist in 1547 was hung in the Palace da Idalco of Panaji till very recently.7

When Albuquerque captured Goa, Yusuf Adil Khan had already started building naval ships there. The Portuguese found in the dock 40 big and 26 small ships. They also found 40 cannons, 55 guns and a good deal of gun-powder.8 Albuquerque greatly improved this plant. The Portuguese designated it Ribeira Grande or Ribeira da naus and subsequently Arsenal de Marinha. Between 1567 and 1580, a number of ships were built in this Goa dock. Before this, the Portuguese used to build their naval ships at Cochin, because they used to secure suitable wood and skilled artisans there at comparatively less cost. A number of ships belonging to the Portuguese were built at Daman and Bassein after 1650. They found serviceable for long were. Santo Antonio da Tana, the well-known man-of-war having nine cannons was built in the Thana Creek near Bassein in 1681.10 Shivaji the Great employed a number of artisan trained under Portuguese masters to build his own ships.

In about 1774, the chief mestre of the Portuguese in charge of constructing ships at Daman was a Hindu, Kalyan by name. He was designated ‘Construtor regio’. The Portuguese have showered encomiums on him.11 After Kalyan, one Sadashiv Keshav occupied the same position.12 He was paid a salary of 1,200 pardao or Rs. 600 per year. It has already been mentioned that Shivaji the Great made the beginning of the Mahratta navy with Portuguese help and co-operation.

There were some Portuguese employees in the service of the navy of Kanhoji Angria. The Viceroy of Goa wrote in his letter dated January 12, 1718 that some Portuguese absconded and accepted service in a neighbouring state.13 In a letter dated 13 December 1721, the Viceroy wrote that Portuguese soldiers deserted their own navy and took up jobs with the Angria and other princes.14

Kanhoji Angria has mentioned a Portuguese sardar having been in his employ in a letter dated 27 April 1718, to the Portuguese Governor Bon.15 One Dom Lourenco, a sailor soldier, is recorded to have been killed in a skirmish between the Portuguese and the Angria in the Goa Archives. He was in the employ of Kanhoji Angria.16 Captain Abraham Anslem has mentioned that a Portuguese gunner was in the employ of Sambhaji Angria’s navy. Mercaise da Tavor, a Viceroy of Goa, has stated in a letter dated 1 January 1751 that a Portuguese artillery man was employed by the Angria.18 His name is stated as Louis and he was formerly a ‘soldado’ in the Corpo de Artilharia. He deserted his post and sought shelter, with the Angria and revealed some secrets about the new system of cannons manufactured by the Portuguese, thinking that the Angria had similar cannons made as stated in this letter of Marcais de Tavor. In 1750, the Angria had a cannon of this type.

Viceroy Marcais de Tavor has recorded that Marcaise de Alorna told him about this on the same day (27-9-1750) on which he reached Goa. The Portuguese artillery man, Louis, probably took up service with Tulaji Angria after the death of Sambhaji Angria. About 1775 the captain of the Portuguese Armada, (Capital de Mar e Guerra da Armada ligoira) was a Maratha sardar, Raghoo Savant Desai. He had under his command ten small ships fitted up with nine cannons each. He took up employ under the Portuguese at the time of the invasion of Mardangad by Viceroy Conde de Yega. Before Raghoo Savant Desai, Ismail Khan, a brave Muslim, commanded the Portuguese Armada.

Several Portuguese served in the armies of the Adilshahi, Nizamshahi, Kutubshahi and Moghul Kings. Burhan Nizamshah had in his service one Sanxo Perris as an artillery man (bombardeiro), holdin high office. He used to be called Firangikhan.19 The brothers, Diago de Melo and Francisco de Melo, two Portuguese from Bassein, were in the employ of Aurangzeb.20 Viceroy Conde de Vidigeiro has recorded in his letter dated 9 February, 1627, that he had got murdered a Portuguese man who was working at Bijapur for manufacturing big guns for Adilshah.21

Even in the army of Shivaji the Great, there were some Portuguese and on this account Mirza Rajah Jaisingh had protested to the Viceroy, Antonio de Melo Castro.22 Also in the army of the Peshwas, since the days of Balaji Bajirao alias Nanasaheb, there were many Portuguese and Goan Christians.23 During 1777 and 1798, a Portuguese sardar, born in Goa and named Don Manuel de Noronha made a great name under the Peshwas. He was called Mussa Naran in Marathi. (Monsieur Noronha). The modi script of Marathi led scholars like Rajwade, Parasnis and Sen to decipher his name wrongly.25

A battalion under Don Manuel de Noronha was in the service of the Peshwas and his two sons, Don Yenriki de Noronha and Francisco Saraivo de Melo e Sampayo were sardars.26 In the battle of Talegaon (January 1779) Don Manuel de Noronha was wounded.27

Like the battalion under Noronha, there were two battalions in the artillery of the Peshwa in 1788, under the command of Manuel Taixeir and Jose de Silva e Melo. Both these Portuguese were Goa-born.28 In 1795, the Poona Durbar made a demand on Goa to send some trained artillers. Accordingly in the month of March of that year Possidonio Jose de Matus e Sequeira as Captain and three under him were sent to Poona.29

Vithal Valavalikar who was the consul of the Portuguese at the Poona Durbar since 3 August 1795, has mentioned in a letter this Sequeira who is reported to have earned encomums for an artillery demonstration in the presence of the Peshwa.30 This captain was paid 150 ashrafis or Rs. 75 per month and 70 ashrafis or Rs. 35 was paid to those under him

order of the Peshwas as stated by Valavalikar. Nana Phadnis had kept this captain Sequeira under Raghupant.31

Among the Goan Christian Sardars who were employed in the Peshwa’s army, it is necessary to mention prominantly Jose Antonio Pinto and Joaquim Luis Antonio Vaz. From Valavalikar’s frequent mention of them in his letters, it would appear that they were particularly in the Peshwa’s favour.32

These are the two men whom Rajwade33 calls Musa Peet and Musa Vas. Pinto was educated at Candolim (Goa) and Rome. Vaz was born at Diwadi and educated in Lisbon. Both of them went to Poona via Bombay after their return from Europe in about 1789 and took employ under the Peshwas. They were well made as soldiers. Pinto spoke besides his native Konkni, French, Italian, Marathi and Hindustani.34

In a Portuguese letter dated March 8, 1796, Vithalrao Valavalikar writes : “Bajirao and Chimnaji, two sons of Raghoba have camped on the banks of the river Ladki on the 4th of the current month. On the 5th, Friday, Nana called upon them and did not leave till Saturday morning. In the evening Nana came again and with the permission of the Peshwa invited members of the ministry and all sardars to pay their homage to the Peshwa. Among the Topikars (Europeans) who called, were Don Manuel de Noronha, Joaquim Antonio Vaz and Jose Antonio Pinto.”35

In 1788, there were about 100 Portuguese and over 200 Goan Catholic Christian soldiers in the army of the Peshwa. Peshwa Madhaorao granted a sanad for the construction of a church in Nana Peth, because they had no place of prayer.37 Later in 1792, a church was built there.

The consuls and ambassadors that the Portuguese stationed at the Peshwa’s durbar were usually Hindu. Occasionally, Portuguese Padres or officials holding high positions were sent but they were accompanied by Hindu assistants, because the Portuguese did not know the Mahratta durbar customs and manners nor did they know the Marathi language.

Written instructions were given for their guidance to these state representatives and they were fairly detailed. Among those who were at the durbar of Shivaji the Great, was the Jesuit padre Gonsalo Martins (1667), Ramoji Shenvi Kothari (1667), Pedro Roise (1673) and Raghunath Ramoji Shenvi Kothari (1678). The durbar of Sambhaji was attended by Manuel Saraev de Albuquerque (1684) and Augustine Padre Frei Antonio de Sant Joseph (1684). Ramkrishna Naik Barve accompanied these padres.

Among the vakils sent at the Court of the Peshwas by the Portuguese were Santu Shenvi Dangi (1740), Tomas Jose Codmore (1759), Jack Philipe de Landrasey (1759), Vithalrao Valavlikar (1771) and (1791 to 1808), Narayanrao Shenvi Dhume (1774 to 1790) and others.

Similarly, Shivaji the Great sent Sakopant in 1667, Vithal Pandit in 1669, Naro Gopinath Pandit in 1670, Pitambar Shenvi Gulgule in 1678, Jivaji Shenvi in 1678 and Ganesh Shet in 1679, to the Goa Court.

Sambhaji despatched Ramoji Naik in 1684, Sidoji Farjand and Rangaji Lakshmidhar in 1684 to Goa.

The Peshwas sent Yesaji Rangaji in 1735, Balaji Mahadeo in 1737, Ragho Ganesh in 1756, Mahadaji Keshav 1758, Vamanji Mahadeo 1767, Pandurangpant in 1768, Govindrao Lakshman in 1784, Gopal Ramchandra in 1786 and Prabhakar Mukund in 1791 as vakils at the Portuguese court in Goa.

Rangaji Lakshmidhar among these knew Portuguese but most of the Mahratta State representatives did not know the Portuguese manners and way of life. So they had to depend on some respectable Hindu interpreters from Goa who knew both Portuguese and Marathi. Usually they were Saraswat Brahmans who were loyal to the State whose citizens they were. Some of the interpreters of the rules of Goa were as follows : Anju Naik (1610 to 1626), Kagu

Shenvi (1620), Krishna Shenvi Bhende (1667 to 1714), Bahugoon Kamat Vagh (1719 to 1751), Anant Kamat Vagh (1752 to 1793), Sakharam Narayan Vagh (1807 to 1844) and others.40

There used to be an appropriate ceremony according to a well-defined procedure at the Portuguese Viceroy’s court for the reception of representatives of foreign states. Some of them held a high position, others a lesser position. After the battle with Chhatrapati Sambhaji, the Goa Durbar decided to accord the same honour to the Mahratta Vakil as was given to the Vakil of the King of Karnatak.41 The Portuguese had condified procedures for such occasions.

Descriptions of some such ceremonies are available in Portuguese records.42

Portuguese State representatives were also respectfully treated at the Mahratta court. A detailed account of the reception accorded to the Portuguese representatives at Kelshi after Vyankatrao Ghorpade’s invasion of Goa and the treaty talks that followed is to be found in a Portuguese report of Bahuguna Kamat Vagh while in the Mahratta account of that event is briefly given a letter by Dadajirao Bhave Nargundkar in the Peshwa Daftar as follows : “There

is a village called Keloshi on the bank of a small river, where the Portguese arrived. Dhondiba, Govindpant and Mahadaji Vithal brought them to the camp.”

The Portuguese Government used to find suitable accomodation for the vakils of the Mahratta Durbar after arrival in Goa and allot a fixed sum for their maintenance. The Goa daftar records that in 1794 one Prabhakarpant was given 10,000 ashrafis.44 The Portuguese vakils were similarly entertained at the Mahratta Durbar. There was an agreement to pay Rs. 500 per month to Narayan Vithal Shenvi Dhume, the Portuguese vakil at Poona.45 In 1791, Vithalrao Goraksha Valavalikar was appointed as Portuguese ambassador at Poona. In a letter written on January 20, 1791 by Vithalrao to the Secretary to the Government of Goa, there is the following information.46 “I reached Poona on January 13. Two days more than expected were required for the journey. I informed Bahiropant Mehendale about my arrival. He received me well and made arrangements for my residence and that of my retinue. On the

15th we met each other at leisure. I presented papers and clothes which he received respectfully. On the 17th he arranged an interview with Nana Phadnavis, whom despatches and presents were handed over. He promised to arrange for a meeting with the Peshwa and I left his presence.”

The Portuguese had a fixed methodical procedure in regard to such matters. Whether the Mahrattas had done so is not known at least to the author. *

In order to maintain friendly relations with the Mahrattas, the Portuguese Government often allowed them to purchase ammunition, guns and cannons from Goa. During the reign of Shivaji the Great or Sambhaji, such deals do not seem to have taken place. There is no mention of such matters in the treaty entered into with Shivaji the Great by the Portuguese in 1667 nor in the one in 1670. There is no such mention even in the treaty with Sambhaji in 1684. But such mention is found in the treaties with Chhatrapati Sambhaji in 1716 and with Bajirao in 172247 as also in a treaty of 1731-32.48

The Portuguese used to import expert mestries and machinery from Portugal in order to produce such ammunition as was produced in Portugal. That necessary improvements were made in the ammunition factory in Goa in 1748 is recorded in the rare Portuguese book Epanaphora Indica.49 Ammunition of several varieties was produced in the Goa factories and

stocked in the arsenal.

The Portuguese Government at Goa handed over 30 boxes of such ammunition to Anandrao Dhulap from the Goa arsenal at the request of Madhavrao Scindia on 12 December 1793.50 A letter from Vithalrao Valavalikar51 shows that Nana Phadnavis had asked for permission of the Goa Government to purchase 200 khandis of ammunition in May 1794. Next

year the Goa Government sent 20 khandis of ammunition to the Peshwa at the Poona Durbar’s request.52

Bahiropant Mehendale writes to the Secretary to the Government of Goa in this behalf in a letter dated 4 January, 1795 as follows.53 “The friendship between the Peshwas and the Portuguese is there and should increase. Prabhakarpant will speak in detail. We need men in the artillery and 24 khandis of ammunition which may be made over to him. The price of the same would be sent afterwards.”

In 1758, Maharani Tarabai of Kolhapur demanded of the Goa Government 2,000 guns for Nawab Samsher Jung Bahadur.54 In 1798, the Peshwa asked from Goa one thousand guns and four cannons as is on record.55 Several times ammunition, guns and cannons were sent even as presents to the Peshwa by the Portuguese.56

In a letter dated October 20, 1734 written by the Portuguese Viceroy, it is stated that 5 cannons, five Tuvad sword-blades and a bottle of Brazilian snuff were sent to Bajirao Ⅰ as presents.57 It is clear from a Portuguese manuscript, Breve tratado ou Epilogo dos Vice-Reis in the National Library, Paris that such sword-blades were very costly in India. They were called Jamdads.

The Portuguese Power was really gradually on the decline since the days of Shivaji the Great. Their economy became shaky after Bassein was captured by Chimaji Appa. But its pomp was maintained. The biographer of Marcaizes de Tavora has stated that the income from Goa was not enough to balance even expenditure when his rule began in 1751.58 But what is surprising is that the descriptions of State ceremonies placed on record by Portuguese writes of those days remined one of the glorious days of the Portuguese in the sixteenth century.

One such festive occasion was celebrated in December 1751 in memory of the accessaion to the throne by the Portuguese King Don Jose Ⅰ. A contemporary account of it is available.59 This celebration went on for a whole week. The Viceroy was present in person in a boat in the Mandavi at night to watch the illuminations on both its banks on the city of Goa. Hindus also participated in this jubilation in a competitive spirit at considerable expenses. On this occasion a stage was improvised in the Palace at Panaji and two plays were staged on the 5th and 7th December. On the first day La Tragedie de Porus by Monsieur Cornneille, a French play, was produced. The main theme of this play is the victory won by Alexander over Porus. The Indian costumes of Porus and his retinue were remarkable. But the poetic French language of the play went over the heads of the audience. So next day the Portuguese playlet Adolonymo em Sydonia was presented.

The biographer of the Viceroy has not stated what his possible object was in staging a play around Alexander’s victory over Porus. But the Portuguese were certainly smarting under their defeat at Bassein and they were unable to take revenge for it. Who can say that the staging of this play was not an expression of the dormant and hidden feelings of the Viceroy.?

In the latter half of the eighteenth century, the Portuguese power in Goa had just so much army as to enable it to protect itself. But its navy was still quite notworthy till 1,800.60 The Portuguese archives are replete with descriptions of their many victories over the Mahratta navy.61

The Peshwa had often requisitioned the aid of the Portuguese armada. On 14 January 1740 Bajirao Ⅰ opened negotiations with the Portuguese for a treaty through Captain Inehbird. One of the items of the treaty stipulated that whenever the Peshwa had a conflict with the Angria, the British and the Portuguese should give him their naval help. In the treaty concluded on September 18, 1740 also it was agreed that the Portuguese should go to the help of the Peshwa when he attacked the Angria.

Savantvadikar Bhonslas and Hiroji Naik indulged in acts of piracy near Goa. The Portuguese destroyed their ships.62 The Portuguese possessions, Daman and Diu, were often molested by Umabai Dabhade and Sangan. So in 1750, the Portuguese assaulted the fort of Kanja near Navabandel and destroyed all the naval ships under its shelter.63 Seven gulivats and three palas of Dabhade’s navy attacked a Portuguese pataxo at the end of 1751 but they did not succeed against the bombardment of the Portuguese. Apaji Gopal, the Mahratta

naval Chief died in this skirmish. The Portuguese records say that about 500 Mahrattas were killed. The wife of Apaji performed sati i.e. burnt herslef on the pyre of her husband’s dead body.64

After the destruction of Tulaji Angria’s armada, the Portuguese were not prepared to find out what fighting ships there were with the Mahrattas as a navy or armada. (such contempt they had developed for it.) The author came across a few pages of a hand written Portuguese report written in 177365 which is preserved in the Archivo Historico Ultramarino, Lisbon. It is said in it that the navies of the Angria and Bhonsla were no more. The English had destroyed Angrias’ navy and the Portuguese that of the Bhonsala. Now only the Mahratta (Peshwa) navy remains, in which there were about a dozen pals and a number of machvas (manchuas). This was described so pompously as the Mahratta navy. It never went out in the sea for cruising and such of it as did was only for the purpose of looting on behalf of the contractors. These contractors took Government permits at fixed rates and sent out some ships to loot foreign ones. These contractors had to return the ships to the Government in tact.

The Portuguese Prime Minister, Marcaize de Pombal, wrote to the Goa Government in 177466 giving some directions. He said, the trade and navigation on the sea is impeded after the Mahrattas (Peshwas) had captured the fortress of Gheria, (Vijaydurg) only 52 miles from Goa because of the imbecility of Goa Government. And this only when the Mahratta navy consisted of only three pals of three sails equipped with 24 cannons and seven pals equipped with four to six cannons. “After giving this information Marealze de Pombal says, “The Mahratta navy does not know how to use the mariner’s compass and so it cannot stray very far from the coast. It has its eyes always fixed on land. So poor it is. We should have no difficulty whatsoever in completely smashing it.”

The Goa Government provided the Mahratta sardars and Peshwas with Portuguese or Goan Christian physicians on numerous occasions.67 In 1684 May, when Kavi Kalasha was ill, the Goa Government had sent him Portuguese medicines. What is remarkable is that these Portuguese physicians took the help of Hindu Vaidyas. In 1724, Bajirao Ⅰ had requested the Government of Goa to send a doctor who could cure a bullet wound.69 In 1747, the Viceroy of Goa had sent a Goan Christian physician Cosme Pinto of Diwadi to Sadashirao, the Peshwa’s cousin.70 In a letter dated 18 March 1749 Chhatrapati Sambhaji of Kolhapur had requested that a Portuguese doctor should be sent to him.71

Dr. Cosme Pinto was called by Nanasaheb Peshwa in 1757 to Poona through the Viceroy of Goa. In a letter dated 26, April, 1758 he wrote to the Viceroy of Goa to say that the said physician was being sent back to Goa after he had rendered excellent service and that his services should be further appreciated.72 Nanasaheb Peshwa seemed to have formed a very good opinion about Portuguese doctors. He had made a demand for such a doctor after Sardar Antoji Yadav had been administered poison by somebody. In a letter dated 26 April 1747 addressed to the Viceroy of Goa, he spoke highly of the ability of Portuguese doctors and hoped that they knew of antidotes against poison.73

Dr. Cosme Pinto mentioned above was recommended by Nanasaheb and Bhausaheb to Nawab Mohamed Ijjat Khan of Malva who came to Mashel near Goa in 1758 to benefit by his treatment. The Nawab has written to the Governor of Goa in a letter dated October 16, 1738 that Dr. Cosme Pinto had served Trimbakrao Pethe (Peshwa’s maternal uncle) and was called by the Peshwa to Poona of whom Nanasaheb and Bhausaheb spoke highly and he was serving the Nawab at the time of writing this letter.74 Sardar Trimbakrao Pethe had camped at Ponda in December 1756 and on request from him, the Goa Government asked Pinto to treat him.75 In a letter of the same year, Pinto is mentioned as treating Raghunathrao, the Peshwa’s uncle.76 Like Timbakrao Pethe, Sardar Gangadharrao Raste also was camping at Sanquelim in February 1767 for medical treatment. He wrote in a complimentary way to the Governor of

Goa.78 In 1763, Raghunathrao alias Dadasaheb Peshwa had written to the Viceroy Conde de Yego to send him a Portuguese physician.79

Maharani Jijabai of Kolhapur requested for the services of a Portuguese physician in 1764 and one was accordingly sent.80 In January 1781. Akubai Ghatge, daughter of Khem Savant Ⅲ used to be treated by Don Catarin Manuel de Menezes, a lady physician.81 On December 21, 1818, a Portuguese physician, Francisco de Paul Fernandes was sent to Savantvadi by the Portuguese Viceroy at the request of Durgabai Bhonsale.82

In the eighteenth century, members of high families in Maharashtra used to be treated by Portuguese and Goan Christian doctors in this way. Even widows from these high families were among them, Sakhubai Shinde, mother-in-law of Khem Savant Ⅲ used to be treated by Caitano Goraj of Narvem in October 1772.83 Similarly Radhabai, widow of Peshwa Nanasaheb used to take the medicine prescribed by Dr. Manuel Francisco Gonsalves in 1771.84

On the recommendation of Nana Phadnavis, the Goa Government had sent Dr. Jose Manuel Antonio to Sardar Parshurampant Patwardhan at Miraj in 1789.85 In 1815, Trimbakrao Raghunath had requested the Government of Goa to send Dr. Herculano de Noronha to him.86 In the Purandar Daftar one who has been mentioned as Saloo Phirangi is probably

Salvador, a physician. 87

In a letter dated 29 May 1803, Anandrao Abaji Vishalgadkar wrote that Salvador, a Portuguese physician was with him whom he had sent to Goa to bring medicines. In 1780 a physician called Salvador Baptista Gonsalves da Piedade was in the employ of the Government of Goa. He probably was retained in the service of the Patwardhans of Miraj.

Like Portuguese physicians, mangoes from Goa were also sent to Poona as presents to the Peshwas and their sardars. In a letter sent from Poona, Vithalrao Valavalikar pointed out that Goan mangoes were very highly prized in the Poona court and therefore no merchants should be allowed to export them to Maharashtra. If that was done, the presents of mangoes to the Durbaris would be still more appreciated.88 No private traders could export mangoes from Goa without special permission.89

The Portuguese had cultivated a number of quality varieties of mangoes in Goa and given them Portuguese names.90 Alfonso and Nicolav Alfonso are well known. Many others, besides, called Bisp, Carel, Colaco, Costa, Daurado, Fernandine, Bencurade, Malcurade, Malgesta, Monserate, Papale, Peris, Salgado, Secreti, Temud, Xavier, Ilariyo etc. But presents sent to princes and potentates were necessarily Alfonso. Some times even Fernandine mangoes were also sent.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Alfonso mangoes reached as far as Delhi.91 The Portuguese and the Bhonsalas of Savantvadi sent these presents to the Nababs of Delhi.92

The Portuguese imported and planted a number of fruit plants from Brazil and Portugal to Goa. In the reign of the Viceroy Constantine de Braganza (1558-1578) was brought the pineapple in Goa.93 Even the cashewnut plants were brought from Brazil during 1563 to 1578, first to Cochin and thence in Goa.94 Pineapples or cashew packets were sent as presents to several Hindu vakils but no other fruit than mango was sent to the Poona court or the Satara Court. Mangoes were sent to Poona at the end of April or beginning of May and the Portuguese vakils there presented them to the Peshwa and other dignitaries.95 In 1747, one thousand and five hundred fruit were sent to Satara by the Viceroy of Goa which cost 22 ashrafis or eleven rupees as recorded.96

Tea from Macao, Chinese dolls, a number of curios from Portugal, fragrant articles like ambar, knives and sword blades, pistols, binoculars, guns, cannons, eye-glasses, clocks and watches, Brazilian snuff and balsam were sent to Poona as presents from Goa. From 1766, tobacco began to be imported from Brazil and that was also added to the list of presentable articles.97 In 1760, Colonel Landrasey was the Portuguese ambassador at the Poona Court. Among the presents that he brought to Poona for the Peshwa was a barrel of Vinho anizado and eight bottles of aguardente anizada, a scented brandy.

In 1771, Vithalrao Valavalikar was sent to the Poona Court as vakil, when Peshwa Madhaorao was ruling. He took, with him some Chinese dolls, a box which looked like a book some curios and an Arabian horse as presents to the Peshwa. In his letter dated 17 May 1771, sent to the Governor of Goa, Vithalrao writes as follows in substance : That he was allowed an audience with the Peshwa in his garden accompanied by Ramjibava Chitnavis and Padre Frei Landrasey de Madre de Deus.100 After salutation, all the presents were shown. The horse was taken in and examined. He was found to be 17 years old but was not pronounced as excellent and apparently was not considered as genuine Arabian. The books and box were closely examined. The vakil was then dismissed and the Peshwa went in. Nana Phadnavis

was much pleased with the Chinese doll and asked Liandro if many more of the kind were procurable. A little later they may be available. It appeared that all were disposed in a friendly way towards the Portuguese.

As soon as the Governor received Valavalikar’s letter he sent half a dozen Chinese dolls to Poona.103 A number of Curios from all parts of the world, mainly from China and Portugal arrived in Mormugao Port in those days for sale.104

CONTENTSAfter the invasion of Goa by Vyankatrao Ghorpade (brother-in-law of Bajirao Ⅰ and Chimnaji) simultaneously with the attack on Bassein by Chimnaji Appa in 1739, Chhatrapati Shahu was of the opinion that Goa should remain with the Portuguese. His reason was that a number of curios and commodities came from abroad to Goa by sea. In a letter written to the Secretary of the Government of Goa in June 1741, Shivajipant Devji says105, in substance, that

within 13 days of leaving Goa he reached Satara and acquainted the minister of Shahu with news from Goa. The Chhahtrapati was very well disposed towards the Portuguese and said that the port of Goa was very good and it should not be allowed to deteriorate. It should remain with the Portuguese, beause they managed to import a number of articles from abroad through the port.

Among the articles that were sent as presents to the Portuguese at Goa were shawls and chaddars, headwears of an ornamental character, cloth with gold and silver borders etc. Madhaorao Peshwa once sent a few dancing and singing birds. In 1752, Maharani Tarabai of Kolhapur presented to the Viceroy Marcaise de Tovar’s enlightened wife four domesticated deer as recorded in a contemporary Portuguese publication.106 Animals presented in this way

were often exported to Portugal. It is on record that an Indian rhenoceros was sent to the Portuguese King by the then Viceroy of Portuguese India in 1515.107 A little before this he had also shipped an elephant to Lisbon.108

The impact of Mahratta-Portuguese relations is noticeable on the correspondence of the Mahratta rulers. The author has published a number of treaties in Marathi from the Goa archives in a Goan Marathi monthly periodical, Bharatamitra which are fairly rich in Portuguese vocabulary. In the several volumes of the Peshwa Daftar, edited by G. S. Sardesai, there are a number of such words to be met with. They are among others : Viceroy, Geral, Captitao, Capitao mor, padre, feitoria, reinol, dons, soldados, senhor, real santomes, igrejas, batarias, libra, holandez, frances, pedreiro etc.109 In the Marathi documents of Shivaji’s days Cadeira meaning chair is to be found. In the historical papers collected by Parasnis ‘bacamar’, a Portuguese word occurs. Similarly ‘muro’ meaning wall is also seen in these papers.

In the treaty between Shivaji the Great and the Portuguese concluded in 1667 Conde Visorey, Novembro and Dezembro are Portuguese words.111 In a letter from Bajirao I dated January 20, 1735, Secretario, Virsoey, Geral112 and such words are found. In the Chronicle of Salcette ‘reinois’ meaning Portuguese soldiers is mentioned. Chimaji Appa in one of his letters mentions Portuguese soldiers as dons.113

Dadajirao Bhave Nargundkar described the forts in Bardez by the Portuguese term forte.114 Similarly the northern province is referred to as forte in Marathi documents.115 Dadajirao

mentions the Arch Bishop of Goa as Arasbhishma.116 In a letter of Nanasaheb Peshwa dated March 28, 1741 the Portuguese word Bispo has been corrupted as Bhishma.117 Recibo and Rezma have occured in a letter by a sardar of Peshwa written in 1740. The Portuguese word Feitoria is noticeable in Mahikavatichi Bakhar and Kavyetihasasangraha. Naro Chimnaji, the Chief Subedar of Ponda mentions balanv to mean a boat, in a letter written in 1740.119

In a chapter entitled ‘sources of history of Goa’ published in Itihasa sangraha one frequently comes accross such words as Estado, Seohor, Assignado, Juiz, Notificar, termo, auto, Citar etc. in somewhat corrupted versions. In a document of the Communidade in Ponda of 1767 Ordem, Livro, Partes, Regimento etc. have made their appearance.

Similarly a number of Marathi words found their way in Portuguese and in the correspondence of officials. For instance in a Portuguese epistle of 1759 Meta and Swari are used.121 Parpotekar is the corrupt form of Marathi Paripatyagar i.e. one who vindicates a cause or takes revenge for a wrong or inflicts proper punishment for an offence.

In the correspondence of Vithalrao Talavalikar, the ambassador of Goa at the Poona Durbar uses a number of Marathi words in his Portuguese letters like Kotuval, (cotual), Mankari (manecares), Huzure (uzure), Sarkar (Sarcar), Karkun (Carcunos), Dastak (dastaca), Har (aru), Swari (suarim) etc.

There are books written by the Portuguese in Marathi and Konkani. In 1802, a grammar of Marathi language was published in Lisbon in Portuguese, entitled gramatica Marastta of which the author of this book has a copy. It was first published in Rome in 1778.

The Portuguese, the Dutch, the French and the English founded kingdoms in India. The Portuguese were the earliest to reach here and the last to leave India’s shores. In 1510, they captured the island of Goa and ruled there for 450 years. In this long period, they came in contact with several ruling dynasties in India. The whole of this history is worthy of study and the sources for the pursuit of such study are also ample.

NOTES

(1) Luis de Figueiredo Falcao, Livro em que se contem toda a Fazenda a Real Patrimonio dos Reinos de Portugal, India a Ilhas adjacentes e outras particularidades, Lisboa, 1859, page 194.
(2) Goa Archives R. Ⅴ. 2 (1662-1668) fls. 4. Manuel Teixeira, Os Bocarros in Actaw do Congresso Inter nacional de Historia dos Descobrimentos, Vol. Ⅴ, Parte Ⅱ, page 359.
(3) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 2.
(4) Ibid.,
(5) The well educated wife of Marquez de Tovar, in a letter to her son dated 24-11-1752 to Portugal says : “aqui as obras de ouro em que trabalham excellentemente”. This means excellent gold articles are made here. (C. Castelo Branco, Narcolicos Ⅱ page 114).
(6) Pe. Silva Rego, Documentacao, Ⅶ, Pe. Wicki. Documenta, Ⅰ page 86, Ⅳ, page 324.
(7) Luiz Gonsalves, Telas e Eseulpturas, Bastora, 1898, page 49-50.
(8) Gaspar Correira, Lendas da India, Vol. Ⅱ page 176 Commentarios do Grande Affonso de Albuquerque Parte Ⅱ Cap. ⅩⅪ; Joao de Barros, decada Ⅱ Livro Ⅴ cap. Ⅳ.
(9) Letter dated 22-2-1585 (Archivo Ⅲ page 46, -448-49).
(10) C. R. Boxer, The Carreira da India, page 41.
(11) Claudio Barbuda, Instruccoes com que El-Rei D Jose I mandou passar ao Estado da India, 1841, page 28, 31. (12) Goa Archives : Livro de Damao No. 1, fls., 44.
(13) Goa Archives MR 83, fls. 18.
(14) Goa Archives MR 87, fls. 52, 115.
(15) Dr. S. N. Sen, Military System of the Marathas, p. 129.
(16) Goa Archives MR 71 fl. 265V.
(17) Dr. S. N. Sen, Military System of the Marathas.
(18) Goa Archives Co 39 fl. (Letter to Geral Columbano Pinto de Silva).
(19) Garcia de Orta, Coloquios, Lisboa, 1895, page 306-9.
(20) Pissurlencar, Assentos Ⅳ, page 147; P. M. IJ. Sarkar, Shivaji P, 106.
(21) BNL. Ms F. G. 1975, Cartas Diversas fl. 181.
(22) Biker, Tratados Ⅳ, page 126.
(23) Dr. S. Sen, Military System of the Marathas p. 120-21.
(24) Dr. Germano Correa, Historia da Colonizacao Portuguesa no Oriente, Vol. Ⅵ.
(25) Dr. Sen. Military System of the Marathas, page 121. *Rajwade, Marathyanchya ltihasachi Sadhane, Khanda 7, page 15 (Musa Jaranj), Parasnis (Musa Naranj) Sarkar, Fall of Moghul Empire, Vol. Ⅳ, page 125 (Musa Naras).
(26) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 580, PM Ⅵ, page 132.
(27) Pissurlencar, P. M. Ⅵ, page 131.
(28) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 581.
(29) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 441, 443, 445.
(30) Pissurlencar, page 601.
(31) Vithal Valavalikar’s letter dated January 28, 1796.
(32) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 600-601.
(33) Rajwade, Marathyanchya ltihasachi Sadhane, Khanda 7, page 15; Dr. S. N. Sen, Military System of the Marathas, page 134.
(34) Miguel Vincente de Abreu, Nocao de alguns filhos distintos da India Portuguesa, page 79-82; Cunha Rivara, A Conjuracao de 1787 em Goa, page 153-155.
(35) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 603.
(36) Pissurlencar, ADP page 580.
(37) Lokahitacadi, Aitihasik Goshti ani Upayukta Mahiti, page 78.
(38) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 589.
(39) Goa Archives Livro de Chaul no. 1 fls. 47 (Pero Roiz, que mundo por eoviado a Sivagi Raze, 3-3-1673). (40) Pissurlencar ADP, page 8081.
(41) Biker, Tratados Ⅴ, page 12-13.
(42) For example, Relacao de Embaixada que o Sunda depois de vencido das armas Portuguesas mandou a … Marquez de Tavora, page 8.
(43) Peshwa Daftar, Bhag 16, page 115.
(44) Goa Archives, Livro de registos gerais No. 8, fls. 18v.
(45) Parasnis, Pararashtranchya Darbarantil Marathi Vakil, page 43.
(46) Goa Archives, Marathi letter of Vithal Goraksha Valavalikar.
(47) Biker, Tratados Ⅵ page 11.
(48) Biker, Tratados Ⅵ pages 2-3-177.
(49) Epanaphora Ⅲ page 14.
(50) Goa Archives : Marathi Letters.
(51) Goa Archives : Valavalikar’s Portuguese letter dated May 16, 1794.
(52) Pissurlencar ADP. pages 441, 443, 445.
(53) Goa Archives—Marathi Letters.
(54) Biker, Tratados Ⅶ page 126.
(55) Pissurlencar ADP. page 481.
(56) Biker, Tratados Ⅸ page 181.
(57) Goa Archives. CO 19 fl. 68.
(58) Francisco Raymundo de Moraes Pareira, Annal Indico-Lusitano.
(59) Ibid, page 38-61.
(60) Celestino Soares, Bosquejo das Possessoes pages 138-142.
(61) E. Balsemao, Os Portugueses no Oriente Ⅲ Feliz Feliciano da Fonseca Relacao de him grande Combate, e victoria, que contra o genito, a arabio coseguio a armada que do porto de Goa sahio de Guarda-Costa em Julho 1753, commandada pelo valeroso Ismalcam, Commandante de dez Galias. BPE Ms Relacao da batalha naval que a nome N. S. da Victoria teve a Costa do sul etc.
(62) J. F. de Monterroyo Mascarenhas, Epanaphora Parte Ⅲ page 26-28; F. R. de Moraes Pereira, Annal Indico-Lusitano, Lisboa 1753, page 15.
(63) Relacao da victoria, com que a Divina Providencia se servio de abencoar as armas Portuguesesas contra o Regulo Mouro, situado na Naubandel alcancada no dia 21 de Dezembro, Dr. F. R. D. Moraes Pereira, Relacao da Viagem que Marquez de Tavora …… Lisboa 1751 page 7.
(64) F. R. de Moraes Pereira, Annal Indico-Lusitano Lisboa 1753, page 79-80; Dr. S. N. Sen, studies in Indian History, page 180. Goa Archives MR 124 B, files 276 (The Viceroy’s letter dated 2-2-1752).
(65) AHU. Maco 32, India avulsos.
(66) Claudio Barbuda, Instrucoes com que el-rei D Jose Ⅰ … Pangim 1841, page 46.
(67) Pissurlencar, Contribution a I’Etude de l’histoire de Ia Medecine Portuguese dans l’Inde, 1927; Um Frade Capucho na Corte de Pernem In Bol. Inst. Vasco da Gama No. 24 (1934); Goa Pre-Portuguesa atraves das Escritores Lusitanos dos seculos ⅩⅥ e ⅩⅦ; os Pandotos our Medicos Hindus, in Heraido, Goa.
(68) BA. 31-Ⅸ-Ⅰ Cartas da India, fl. 406.
(69) Goa Archives MR 90, fls. 174.
(70) Pissurlencar ADP, page 250.
(71) BNL. Caixa Ⅹ-1-15, Ms. Noticias da India desde Jan de 1749 ate Jan. de 1750.
(72) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.
(73) Ibid.
(74) Ibid.
(75) [Ibid., Pissurlencar, ADP. page 255.
(76) Dr. P. M. Joshi, Revival of Maratha Power page 162. This doctors has been mentioned as Conde Pinto Manad by Dr. P. M. Joshi. But it is an error. lt should be Cosme Pinto Malar.
(77) Goa Archives : Marathi Letters.
(78) Ibid.
(79) Ibid., Translations into Portuguese of Original Marathi Letters.
(80) [Goa Archives : Marathi letters.
(81) Ibid.]
(82) Goa Archives RV 21, fl. 36-36v. Durgabai Bhonsle Sardesai had requested the services of a Portuguese physician from Goa for Babajirao Khanvalkar of Savantvadi (Goa Archives Marathi letter No. 2506).
(83) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.
(84) Pissurlencar, ADP, page 276.
(85) Goa Archives : Narayan Shenvi Dhume’s Portuguese letter dated 15-8-1789.
(86) Marathi letters No. 2460.
(87) Purandare Correspondence, Part Ⅰ page 181. Goa Archives RV. 15 fl. 1.
(88) Pissurlencar ADP. page 584.
(89) Goa Archives : Translations into Portuguese of original Marathi letters No. 1475.
(90) Manucel, Storia do Mogor, Ⅱ page 169.
(91) BA 51 Ⅷ-53.
(92) BA 51 Ⅷ-53, Livro que Contem cousas do governo do Almotace Mor em Pernambuco, Babia e India : e o governo nella de Luis de Mendonca Furtado. Khem Savant’s letter dated April 25, 1701 saying ten Kavdis of mangoes were being sent to the Moghul Emperor at Delhi. They should be allowed to pass without detention (page 152).
(93) Dra Virginia Rau and Maria Fernandes Gomes de Silva, Os Maniscritos de Arquivo da casa de Cadaval respeitantes ao Brasil 2 volumes, Coimbra, 1956, page 325.
(94) Conde de Ficalho, Coloquios … de Garcia de Orta, Vol Ⅰ page.
(95) Pissurlencar, ADP. pages 451, 469, 470, 478, 480.
(96) Goa Archives CO 36 fls. 84.
(97) Pissurlencar, A Pressenca do Brasil no Arquivo Historico de Goa (Ⅲ Coloquio Internacional de Estudos-Luso, Brasileiros, Vol. Ⅱ page 356.
(98) Biker, Tratados, Ⅶ page 215.
(99) Goa Archives : Marathi Letters.
(100) Frei Liandro de Madre de Deus had good influence in the Peshwa’s court. In 1755-56, he was given Rs. 25 and some paddy from Revdanda Suba as inam. In 1764, the padre applied for an oart being given as inam to his deity for a nine day festival of it. He asked for two salvos of gun instead of one. He was given three by Peshwa Madhaorao. He was allowed to construct a church at Korlai (Avlaskar’s Angrekalina Ashtagar page 13). The Peshwas had also allowed him a palanquin-Y. N. Kelkar in Amrit, October 1964, pages 200, 216.
(101) Livro menasa book in Portuguese.
(102) Boceta means a box in Portuguese.
(103) Pissurlencar, ADP., page 398.
(104) Relacao do novo Caminno que fez por terra e mar vindo da India para Portugal no anno de 1663 o Padre Manuel Godinho, ed 1944, page 25 Fr. Loao dos Santos, Ethiopia Oriental, 1609 (ed 1891) page 271 BNP. Found Portugais No. 1, Resende, Epilogo dos Vice-Reis.
(105) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.
(106) Dr. Baltazar Manoel de Chaves Annal Indico Historico, 3a parte, Lisboa, 1754, page 3.
(107) A Fantoura da Costa, Deambulacoes da Ganda de Modafar, Rei de Combaia, de 1514 a 1516 Lisboa, 1937. (108) Pe Jose de Castro, Portugal em Roma Vol. page 160-169, C. C. Branco Narcoticos Vol. Ⅱ p. 188. (109) Peshwa Daftar Parts 16, 24, 26, 30, 34, etc.
(110) Shivacharitra Sahitya Part 10 page and Pissurlencar Mahratta invasions of Goa.
(111) Pissurlencar, P.M. Ⅰ Shivaji Souvenir.
(112) Pissurlencar, Bajirao and Portuguese (Sahyadri May 1940).
(113) Sardesai, Aitihasik Patrabodh.
(114) Peshwa Daftar part 16 page 115.
(115) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.
(116) Goa Archives Marathi letters.
(117) Goa Archives Marathi letters.
(118) Goa Archives (Sardar Rangajipant’s letter dated 27-11-1740).
(119) Goa Archives Marathi letters.
(120) Goa Archives : Livro de registo das oreens da Communidade de Bandora, nol. fls. 74 (1767).
(121) Goa Archives : CPA 178, fls. 68 (“queimar, destmir e saquear hos repetidos suarins onze aIdeas e muitas metas”). (122) Pissurlencar ADP.

Pics

Frontispiece of a biography of Shivaji in Portuguese

Muzaffar Jung’s letter to a Portuguese Viceroy on behalf of Tarabai. CONTENTSPortuguese assault on the Fort of Ponda (1555) (Kunsthistoriches Museum, Vienna).

A page from the daily journal of Vice-Rei Conde de Linhares containing important information
of Shahaji Raje, father of Shivaji.

Portuguese-Moghul Treaty in 1666 (Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, Lisbon)

Treaty between Shivaji and Conde de Vicente in 1667 (Arquivo Historico Ultramarino,
Lisbon).

Portuguese Musketeers (1555)
(Kunsthistoriches Museum, Vienna).

Chhatrapati Sambhaji’s Vatan document to Durgah of Pir Abdullah Khan at Ponda Fort.
(Pissurlencar Collection).

The Portuguese Viceroy who fought Sambhaji, Conde do Alvora

Portuguese Fortress in Juvem (St. Stephens) taken by Sambhaji Chhatrapati on November
24, 1683.

Letter to Portuguese Viceroy from Shaikh Mohamed, Envoy of Moghuls (Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon).

Fort of Bassein (1646) (Bibliotheque National de Paris, Paris)

Sardar Dadajirao Bhave’s letter to the Portuguese Viceroy (Goa Archives)

Sardar Dadajirao Bhave’s letter to the Portuguese Viceroy (Last Portion) CONTENTS* Portuguese invasion on Bicholim Fort (1779) (Arquivo Historico Ultramarino, Lisbon). *Map of Moghul Mahratta War (Goa Archives)

Portuguese Assault on Mardangad (1763) (Biblioteca Publica de Evora)

Portuguese Assault on Sadashivgad (1768) (Biblioteca Publica de Evora)

The statement of information regarding Chhatrapati Sambhaji of Kolhapur’s forts in South
Konkan presented to the Viceroy by Keshaw Prabhu Desai of Pernem (1683).