07 CH6 DURING DECLINE OF PESHWAS

The echoes of the Mahratta disaster at Panipat were heard in contemporary Portuguese documents. On January 31, 1762, the Viceroy wrote to Portugal that the utter rout of the Mahrattas at Panipat caused Nanasaheb’s mental disequilibrium and in a few days he die.1In this battle, a trained military force of the Mahrattas was destroyed and a number of experienced generals died in action. The ample tributes from the North that the Mahrattas were getting were stopped. In another letter, the Viceroy wrote that due to the deaths of Bhausaheb, Vishwasrao and Nanasaheb, the Mahratta State sustained an enormous loss. 2

The Municipality of Daman in 1766 appealed to the Viceroy to win back Bassein territory. In that appeal he mentioned the Panipat losses of the Mahrattas : It was said that over a lakh of horses, over 800 elephants, more than 500 captains, 500 guns and other armaments and some scions of the Peshwa family were lost.3. In a letter written to the King of Portugal on January 31, 1763, the Viceroy said, “I wrote to you about the situation of the Mahratta Government of Poona last year. I imagined that the hydra would not raise its head again. But during my stay in Bardez, the Mahratta armada at Vijayadurg daringly pursued a Dutch ship as far as Aguada. The ship engaged in a combat with the Mahratta armada but had ultimately to sail away to Goa for safety. Nanasaheb’s son, Madhaorao has conciliated his uncle Raghoba and both of them have made friends with the Nawab of the Deccan and that has caused me some anxiety.”4

At the beginning of 1764, Conde de Ega wrote that though the Mahratta power has declined due to the loss at Panipat, they are still quite powerful.5 Goa always found the proximity of the Mahrattas in Ponda rather irksome. So the Viceroy was making efforts to extern them from there. The Portuguese had entered into a secret pact with the Bhonsla whereby he had agreed to send at least 1,600 soldiers to the help of the Prince of Saunde.6It was agreed between the Prince of Saunde and the Portuguese that the prince should lead with 2,000 men and the Portuguese should give him substantial help in a secret way and thus capture the Ponda fort.7 The Peshwa’s officers Ramaji Hari, Raghoo Savant and Bapujipant Muzumdar had gone over to the Portuguese.8

That there was going to be some commotion in Mardangad was known to the Peshwa Madhaorao is apparent from his letter dated 22, May 1763 written to the Goa Government.9 This letter admonishes the Portuguese for not acting in accord with the terms of the treaty

and asks that the Dutch ship captured by Anandrao Dhulap be made over to Anandrao. The letter also warns that none should create trouble in the vicinity of Mardangad.

In May 1763, 700 Portuguese soldiers invaded Ponda under the command of Bispo de Halicarmaco. The Sardesai of Ponda, Narba Naik Prataprao, joined him with 70 of his men.10 The troops of the Prince of Saunde did not join them.11 But Jiwba Sabnis took the risk of displeasing the Peshwa and sent over 500 men of the Bhonsla commanded by a Portuguese captain to Ponda to help the Portuguese.12 The Portuguese troops from Goa also entered Ponda and gathered near the temple of Kapileshwari and all of them besieged Mardangad. There were about 700 soldiers in the fort. When the siege was laid, 150 of them joined the besiegers.13 For thirteen days the remaining soldiers in Mardangad resisted but it was not possible for them to hold out longer for want of water supply. On the 14th day, they hoisted a white flag on the fort indicating surrender and on May 31, 1763 finished all talks of surrender. On June 1, 1763, the Portuguese hoisted their flag on the fort. There were 427 Mahratta soldiers in the fort whom the Portuguese wished happy journey to their homes.

Viceroy Conde de Ega has written that when he visited Ponda the people there cordially welcomed him and he assured them that he would take care of them like his own progeny.14 On June 5, 1763, he made a declaration in Portuguese and Marathi that the people of Ponda (Antruj), Jambavli (Panchmahal), Canacona (Advot) and Kholgad, (Rama’s Cape) should behave according to their respective religions.15 After capturing Mardangad, the Viceroy razed it to the ground and no remnants of it are now seen on that site. The Portuguese took 27 days to demolish completely this fort, built by Chhatrapati Sambhaji. Conde de Ega has described in detail this fort.16 He said : Now that Mardangad has been destroyed, there is no reason left for any prince in Konkan to capture it.” Janardanpant was the last Subedar of the fort appointed by the Peshwas.

From a manuscript No. 172 in Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, it is obvious that Jivba Sabnis had allied with the Portuguese in the invasion of Mardangad. Not only did he send men to join the Portuguese, but also he supplied some secrete information about the fort to the Viceroy that he had in his possession. From this manuscript, it is also clear that the Portuguese paid Rs. 14,000 or 28,000 asurpis to some officers in the fort for handing over the fort to them. Even some Marathi documents contain information about the Bhonsla having helped the Portuguese in this campaign. In a letter written in the middle of February 1766 to the Goa Government, the Bhonsla says : “We supplied you men while you marched against Mardangad. We induced Gopalrao to yield and that has led to the Peshwa threatening us.”17 In another such letter, the Bhonsla says : We are still being blamed by the Mahratta court at Poona, because Gopalrao Barve reported that in taking Mardangad, the major part was played by our men. We stopped Gopalrao’s march by keeping him at Sanquelim and

stopping Bajirao Barve, his brother up the ghat with his army. They are brothers-in-law of Raghoba Dada.”

There is a further mention of the Bhonsla’s men having taken part in the Mardangad campaign in his letter to the Secretary of the Goa Government dated August 21, 1764. He says : “Many men and vatandars joined the Portuguese at the time of taking Mardangad from the Peshwa. Gopalrao Barve was at Sanquelim at the time. It was explained by us at the time that those who joined the Portuguese were only mercenaries. Just as some have gone to the Peshwa, some have gone to the Portuguese.”18 Even Peshwa Madhaorao came to know about this but beyond writing despatches of protest, the Peshwa does not seem to have done anything.19

In a letter sent by the Peshwa to Anandrao Dhulap on December 19, 1763, the following account is seen : “The Portuguese have broken all decorum, such as no Europeans so far have, by encroaching upon Sindhudurg sanctified by Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. The market was burnt and their guns bombarded its fortifications. When you were so near, you could not obstruct them. Does it mean that just as Jiwaji Vishram made common cause with them, you too walked into his footsteps? It will not be tolerated if hereafter you do not take steps to chastise the Portuguese. Letters of protest have been sent to the Portuguese also. We shall shortly be going to Miraj.”20 This assault on Sindhudurg by the Portuguese also figures in a report that Conde de Ega sent to Portugal on January 25, 1764.21

A trading ship of the Portuguese coming from Masambi was captured by the Captain of Malvan. The Government of Goa knew about it on November 1, 1763 and Goa immediately protested against it and demanded it. As no reply was received, the Portuguese sent their armada to Sindhudurg under the command of Colonel Jack Filipe de Landresley on November 8, to take forcible possession of it. This armada contained two frigates, two corsarios, one pala, one biate, 12 manchuas and over 20 small boats. On November 10, it reached Sindhudurg and the Portuguese landed on Malvan shore. They burned 50 boats that were in the creek and the market. One Portuguese ship that was in the creek was also burnt. Near the Sindhudurg, on a small fortress, there were 200 Mahrattas and six guns. The Portuguese took possession of it and resorted to arson and pillage all around. Not a temple or a mosque was spared. The guns showered fire on the fort through their guns. Nineteen of their men died and many were wounded. For a week this battle went on. The Portuguese armada returned to Goa on 16th November. Conde de Ega informed Portugal that he had received letters from the Peshwa and the Ranee of Chhatrapati Sambhaji and requested him not to molest the Captain of Malvan any more on this account.

After the Portuguese had taken Mardangad, the Prince of Saunde entreated them to hand over Ponda Panchmahal to him. Conde de Ega replied that he had conquered it from the Mahrattas and the prince had given him no help whatever in that undertaking. Even then he was prepared nominally to recognise his dominance over it, on the condition that Portuguese army would be stationed there for its protection and its expenses should be borne by the Prince of Saunde. A written agreement to this effect was signed by both.22

A few days later, Haider Ali conquered Saunde’s territory and the prince Savai Inodi Sadashiv stayed at Bandoden on January 11, 1764 as a protege of the Portuguese. Haider Ali captured Ankola, Shiveshwar and Sadashivgad forts and marched on Kholgad in December 1763.24 Even this fort would have gone to him but the Portuguese had already taken possession of it. Consequently Haider Ali’s troops left that place on March 1, 1764.25 The Viceroy has written that Haider Ali’s army was about to march on Kholgad but it retreated.26

Madhavrao Peshwa found fault with the Portuguese for having marched on Mardangad and demolished it and made efforts to regain it with restraint. Several envoys were sent to Goa in pursuit of this aim. On January 20, 1764 (Rajab 16) Madhavrao wrote a letter to the Viceroy demanding the return of Mardangad and the Danish ship that the Portuguese had carried off and to achieve this object, he appointed Janoji Dhulap.27 But the Poona court did nothing more than this. The reason for inaction is obvious. The Peshwa was to campaign against Haider Ali and he probably thought that the Portuguese co-operation in the task could be enlisted.

On August 3, 1764 Madhavrao wrote to the Viceroy : “In view of the alliance between us, it is strange that Mardangad was taken by you and razed to the ground. Such is the account we hear. If it is true, you should keep in view our friendship, you should hand over administration of Ponda to our officers. This will be in keeping with our friendship. Haider Ali has started disturbance and he needs to be brought to his senses. You should give material and military help to our troops and that will highly please us.”28 What is important is that far from giving any help to the Mahrattas as against Haider Ali, the Portuguese took possession of Supem fort and stationed their force for the protection of the passes and sealed Digi and Tinai to prevent the Mahrattas from coming down.29

In October 1764, a battalion of Janoji Dhulap’s army had camped at Sanquelim and the Bhonsla had written to Goa that its object was to march on Mardangad.30 But when Madhavrao sent Janoji Dhulap to recapture the places and forts taken by Haider Ali in Konkan, Janoji was warned that he was to behave in a conciliatory spirit with the Portuguese

and see to it that they became serviceable to the Peshwa’s cause.31 In December, 1764, Pandurang Murar came to Goa to carry on talks regarding regaining Mardangad.32 Goa also

continued talks in this connection with the Peshwa through Prabhakar Bhat Shastri at the beginning of 1765.33

In 1760 April, an envoy of Peshwas, Vamanji Mahadeo went to Goa and presented on June 23 a despatch from Vesajipant alias Yesaji Ram requesting Goa to rebuild Mardangad and equip it properly and return it. The despatch also said that they should return Jambavli and the revenue recovered from it.34 On July 29, Yesaji Ram wrote to the Secretary of the Government of Goa that he was going to take back Mardangad under orders of the Peshwa. His 6,000 horsemen were ready and he had asked the help of the Bhonsla. The Portuguese had information about this in March 1768.35 But the Mahrattas did not implement this threat

even at this time.

Between 1764 and 1772 Madhaorao marched on Hyder Ali four times. On each of these occasions, the Portuguese tried to maintain neutrality. While going on the expedition against Hyder Ali in 1771 in Karnatak, the Peshwa tried for passage through Ponda; the object behind this being to capture it incidentally. It was also at the back of his mind to get Mardangad rebuilt from the Portuguese.36 There were about 10,000 men in the Mahratta army and it was under the command of Visajipant Keshao Lele. Besides this army, the Mahratta navy had anchored near Masure in which there were 17 palas and 85 galvetas.37

The forces of the Bhonsala had joined the Mahrattas and the combined army had camped at Bicholim. Ali an adequate idea about the policy of the Bhonsla can be formed from the letter of Deoba Shenvi Sabnis written on January 19, 1771 (Saban 2) to Goa. This letter says : Visajipant has come here with his army and met Som Savant Baba and Krishna Savant Baba. A number of ships have also come in Karli river. The Savant said that their Chief was in Savantvadi and Visajipant should settle everything with him. Jivba’s plan was upset by some intruding Darbaris who brought Visajipant here and if way was not given to him, it would have meant picking up a quarrel with the Peshwa. We want to prosper in company of the Estada de Portuguese. Send some clever spokesman to whom the whole position would be explained. This letter should be destroyed.”

Visajipant intended to force his way to Ponda, if the Portuguese did not willingly give way. He had given a clear warning that if Goa did not agree, the invasion on Hyder Ali would be postponed and Goa properly tackled which would lead to ruin of both, but he was prepared for it.39 Goa also made vigorous preparations and closed all ways to the enemy. Really speaking it was impossible for the Portuguese to face Visajipant’s army and they knew it well. Past experience pointed to the same conclusion. So Goa sent Vithal Goraksha Valavalikar and Prabhakar Shrotri Dikshit to the Peshwa and pleaded with him that if the Portuguese allowed the Mahratta army to pass through Ponda, it would mean that they would

CONTENTShave to be prepared to fight with Hyder Ali whose envoy had camped in Goa for several months to watch Portuguese moves.

At this time, Frei Liandro de Madri de Deos, a Portuguese Padre was treating Madhao Rao with his medicine in Poona. The Portuguese doctors had entered the Peshwa household many years before.40 In the diaries of Balaji Bajirao, Madhaorao and Savai Madhaorao published by Vad, references to this Portuguese padre occur. He has been mentioned variously because of failure to decipher Modi calligraphy but the person mentioned is one and the same. This padre was a great favourite of Madhaorao. Goa used his mediation and secured an order from Madhaorao on Visajipant that he should leave the Portuguese alone.41 Accordingly Visajipant removed his camp from the vicinity of Ponda on March 21, 1771.42

Prabhakar Bhat Shrotri informed Goa that the Peshwa had directed Visajipant to march on Hyder Ali by a way which was out of Goa’s influence and nearer. The relations with the Portuguese were not to be spoilt. All future plans were to be made without disturbing this relationship and by maintaining friendship with them.43 Parasnis has said that Portuguese physicians had entry into the Peshwa’s palace. The name of the physician who treated Madhaorao was not known but one was there whose medicine the Peshwa was taking.44 This Catholic physician is no other than Frei Liandro de Madre de Deos and he was a member of the Franciscan Church. In a letter written to his mother Gopikabai, on October 8, 1771, the Peshwa said that he was taking the medicine of a Portuguese doctor.45

In compliance with the request of the Peshwa, one more physician was sent to Poona by Goa whose name was Don Manuel Francisco Gonçalves. He reached Poona on October 23, 1771 and came back at the beginning of next year. So the mention made in Madhaorao’s letter to his mother must be that of Frei Liandro Madre de Deos. Letter No. 29 in the volume

called Peshwekaleen Samajik ani Arthic Vyavahar, edited by Prof. R. V. Oturkar must be about him.

At the time of Madhaorao’s death Padre Frei Liandro was present.46 A messenger came to Goa with a letter from Padre Frei Liandro dated November 20, 1772 who gave the following account of Madhaorao’s passing away. “On November 18, 1772 Madhavrao expired at Theoor. On the same day his body was consigned to flames at noon. His wife (Ramabai) burnt herself with his body. Frei Liandro was present on that occasion. Raghoba, Narayanrao, Sakharambapu, Moropant and other statesmen and Trimbakrao Mama Pethe (Peshwa’s material uncle) were also there at Theoor.”47 Frei Liandro was with Madhaorao at Nasik also in June 1771, there is a reference to this in the letter dated June 24, 1771 sent by Vithalrao Valavalikar from Poona. He said : “On June 19, the Peshwa went to Nasik. He was accompanied by Govind Shivram, Haripant Phadke, Gopikabai and Ramabai. There were,

besides, 3,000 horsemen, 25 elephants, 75 camels 100 oxen, one gun and 25 palanquins. The padre physician has also gone.”48

The Portuguese have written that after the sullen departure of Visajipant from Ponda, Sardar Trimbak Suryaji attempted to take possession of Ponda Panchmahal. The Chief colleague of his in this effort was one Govind Shenvi of Bori. He kept in finding one battalion in Ponda Mahal in May 1771. In this effort, the Desai of Gulelu, Rayaji Naik Borkar, Bharne of Marcaim, Gopal Shenvi of Sanquelim and others participated. Of them, Gopal Shenvi went over to the Portuguese and informed Goa about everything regarding this plot. The Portuguese immediately besieged the forest of Kudal and arrested 109 Mahrattas. The Portuguese arrested Gopal Shenvi also who later died in prison. Govind Shenvi (Borkar) was hauled up in court and on September 20, he was hanged. The judge had ordered that before beheading him one of his hands should be cut off and then his body should be cut in four parts. Accordingly his head was placed on a mount at Kodal and other parts of the body thrown at Bori in the river. His hand, however, was not cut off, because he was converted to Catholicism before death and so obtained this concession. After baptism he was named Caitano.49

An event creditable to the Mahratta armada took place in March 1772. Janoji Dhulap had made a vow that during the year he would capture at least one European ship. Therefore, superior officers of the Portuguese had cautioned their armada to be careful if it met the Mahratta armada.50 Even then on March 19, 1772, Dhulap arrested a Portuguese frigate called

Santana. The Mahratta armada consisted of 14 palas and 32 galvetas according to a Portuguese document dated January 3, 1781.51 But this appears to be an exaggeration. Because in a contemporary news-letter, it is mentioned that the armada consisted of five palas of three-masted ships, two Gurabas of two masts and 17 miscellaneous ships. It was commanded by Janoji Dhulap and under him was Sardar Kushtaji Naik Jaitapurkar. This news-letter also says that Fatehjung, the principal ship (Capitania) had 28 big guns, besides seven or eight small ones and 175 to 200 sailors. The other four palas had 16 to 20 guns and 75 to 100 sailors.

Every Guraba has eight to ten guns and 50 to 75 men. Every galveta has 30, 40, 50, men. The men all told may be over 1,500 but less than 2,000. In the first naval war with the Portuguese two sarangs of the Mahrattas died. One was on board the Fatehjung whose name was Mahomed Sarang. About 200 of the men must have died or been injured. Santana fought well. Shells from it killed many of the enemy’s men. Of the two Portuguese Chalupas, one fought creditably.

The name of the captain of Santana was Francisco de Costa Ataide. The Santana was accompanied by two small Chalupas and a trading ship of one Luiz Jose. This armada was on his way to Manglore. It was equipped with 40 guns, 20 gunners and 120 musketeers. There were 60 sailors besides. The chalupas were fitted up with 14 guns and necessary ammunition and men. Even the trading ship was equipped for a battle. Dhulap’s armada and this Portuguese armada met near Kalyanpur. Dulap had captured a number of trading ships from the south. One of them belonged to a Portuguese trader of Macao. Within two hours, the Mahratta armada arrested the two chalupas and the trading ship of Luiz Jose. A flock of 19 ships sailing under Portuguese protection was also caught. After this there was a battle between Santana and the Mahratta armada. Many of the Portuguese died or were badly burnt. The mouth and hands of Captain Francisco de Costa were also burnt. After being helpless, it surrendered.

After this became known at Goa on March 22, the Portuguese despatched an armed ship called Penha de Franca in the direction of the Mahratta armada. On the 26th it met the Mahratta armada on the coast of Salcete in Goa all of a sudden and there was a furious battle. The Portuguese recovered many of their ships but Santana was not recovered. It had gone far ahead. That ship and its crew were taken to Vijayadurg. When the Government of Goa complained to the Peshwa about the capture of Santana, the reply received by it was, noteworthy. The Peshwa writes to the Governor of Goa on May 4, 1772 :54 “You sent friendly despatches which were reciprocated in the same spirit. While our relations were friendly, you behaved strangely in respect of Mardangad. Last year you did not allow passage to our army while it was marching on Hyder Ali. Who broke the trust is known well to you. We pay in the same coin. We esteem friendship but tit for tat is our policy.” The Portuguese have described the prowess of Penha de Franca in glowing terms.

The Government of Goa sent a physician called Tome to give medical aid to the Portuguese prisoners kept at Vijayadurg in a private capacity in April 1772. Letters were addressed to some prisoners through this doctor. One Lourenco Paulo also accompanied him. A report written by him is in Goa Archives. It says : “It was night when we reached Vijayadurg. So we were kept under vigil. Next morning we were produced before Anandrao Dhulap. We were closely examined to find out if we had concealed any letters. The letters that they recovered were taken by a Mahratta officer and after they were read by an interpreter, they were handed over to Francisco de Costa, Captain of Santana and he gave them to their owners. The letter from the wife of this captain to him was not traced by the Mahrattas because we had kept it very very stealthily. After the inspection of the letters, there was inquiry as regards who had sent the doctor. He said that it was his profession to go wherever there were ailing persons. This physician is treating the Portuguese prisoners.”

This Portuguese doctor reached Vijayadurga on April 19. Three days before that, the Mahratta armada had gone out cruizing. It had a three-masted pala frigate, six gurabs and 15 galvetas, Janoji Dhulap, Kushtaji Naik and many sailors had gone with it. Only four palas with three masts, and two galvetas had remained at Vijayadurga. Only the hull of the Santana was there. The palas had twelve guns on either side but they were small. A peon of this physician mentioned above was staying at the house of the Sarang. From his wife this peon learnt that in the two battles with the Portuguese on 19th and 26th March, one hundred men of Dhulap died and 125 were suffering from their injuries then.55 In a letter written in Portuguese on June 3, 1772 from Vijayadurg it said, “In this fort there are 208 prisoners of the Portuguese and 108 of them are Portuguese. Anandrao Dhulap had given permission to all of them of write letters home. They had to be given to a Mahratta officer for censoring after they were written.”56 This is given here as a specimen of Mahratta censorship.

Bispo de Halicarnaco has given the following information about the Mahratta armada in his manuscript Systema Marcial Aziatico written 1772 : The Mahrattas immediately raised their armada at Bassein and Arnala after they had captured the Bassein province (llha de Vacas) and in 1761 since they captured Vijayadurg, they have three naval centres. Today they have over 100 ships among which there are palas and galvetas. Several of the palas have

three masts. Madhaorao Peshwa gets an income of six lakhs of rupees from each of the Bassein, Arnala and Vijayadurga forts and now this income has increased. The Malvan fort belongs to Chhatrapati Sambhaji of Kolhapur. An armada is stationed in this fort in which there are three palas and ten galvetas. Since Vice-Rei Marquez de Alorna destroyed the armada of the Bhonsla, he has only a few galvetas left with him. In a letter of the Goa Government December 16, 1768, it is mentioned that on that date fourteen palas and 45 galvetas of the Mahratta armada were cruising in the sea.57 Don Pedro de Menezes, a general of the Portuguese armada, writing about the Mahratta armada, in his letter dated January 19, 1769 says : “At Bassein there are 14 palas and over forty galvetas. At Versova, there are three palas and over 50 galvetas, but all of them are small.”58

On August 30, 1773, Peshwa Narayanrao was murdered. In a writing called Brief history of the Peshwa family in Portuguese on April 15, 1780 it is said that Raghoba brought about this murder under instigation of his wife.59 In another Portuguese chronicle, it is said that Raghoba was under detention, and it was at the instance of Sakharambapu that this murder was brought about. The name of this chronicle is Noticias de Reino, Situacao forcas e Costumes do Marata and it was written in Goa in about 1777. The Governor of Goa, Don Jose Pedro de Comara says Raghobadada managed to effect this murder at the instigation of

Hyder Ali.60 Goa received information from a number of Mahratta sardars and especially from Frei Liandro de Madri de Deos who was living in Poona.

Don Jose Pedro de Comara has said that Hyder Ali openly took the side of Raghoba but his object in it was not that he should be the Chief of the Mahrattas but the elimination of Brahman negemony.61 In his intrigues against the Poona court, Raghoba tried to enlist the support of Hyder Ali by sending Vithalrao Vishram and Bajirao Rane as his emissaries to him.

This was after the murder of Narayanrao. A letter by Vithal Vishram to the Secretary of the Government of Goa was translated in Portuguese and is available in Goa Archives. It says that there is great friendship between Raghoba and Nawab Hyder Ali.62 The original must have been written somewhere in March 1775. About this time, Hyder Ali sent an envoy named Jivajiram to Goa and wrote to him that Goa should send an army and capture their former northern territory of Bassein and added that Raghobadada was in favour of such a move.63

Fakir Savant Bhonsala and Ramaji Naik Sattam of Achra were making efforts from December 1774 to induce the Portuguese to capture Vijaydurg with their assistance and to carry on talks in this behalf with the Portuguese, Govindbhat Paradkar and Appaji Khanderao were camping in Goa. A record of the statement made by this Appaji Khanderao on December 27, 1774 is available in Goa Archives. He told the Governor of Goa : “The people of Vijayadurg are passing their days in penury and misery under the Mahratta rule and so seeking the shelter of the Portuguese. Fakir Savant Bhonsala and Ramaji had 700 men under them. Fakir was an officer at the time of the Angria. Between them they will raise a force of 2,600 people. They desire to capture Gheria (Vijayadurg) with this force and others and the Portuguese. In the fort itself, they have fifty people. They will rebel when we attack the fort. They are trying to win over Janoji Dhulap, Chief of the armada to their side. But if that is not possible, they will try to anchor all the armada in the river. At present there are two palas of three masts and seven galvetas. Under the command of Dhulap, the rest of the armada has gone to the north and it consists of one pala of three masts, seven gurabs and ten galvetas. In a few days we shall know what transpires from the overtures with Janoji. Fakir Savant and Ramaji Naik have authorised me to negotiate with you and even to stay here as a hostage.”

On February 10, 1774, the Prime Minister of Portugal left for the guidance of the Governor of Goa instructions in which it was said about the Mahratta armada at Vijayadurg that there were three palas of three masts fitted up with 20 to 24 guns and that it was not difficult for the Portuguese to destroy the same.65 Even the Rani of Fatepur like Hyder Ali had written to the Governor of Goa for taking back those villages from Daman which the Mahrattas had taken in terms of the treaty of 1740.66 All the same, the Portuguese did not desire war or conflicts with the Mahrattas. If by persuasion and conciliation anything could be secured, they were for it. With this object in view, they had appointed an envoy at the Poona court from January 1775 whose name was Narayan Shenvi Dhume. At the very start he was instructed to be guided by the counsel of Frei Liandro de Madre de Deos and Don Manuel de Noronha. In November 1775, the Portuguese ship Santana which was kept under arrest at Vijayadurg was

made over to the Portuguse under the orders of the Peshwa. The masts, guns and other material had already been removed by Dhulap and only its hull remained. The court of Poona assured the Portuguese that compensation for the same would be given.67

Help from the English of Bombay to Raghoba having stopped in keeping with the treaty of Purandhar (1-3-1776), he tried to negotiate with the Portuguese at Daman through the Surat Portuguese factor Jeronnimo Rebeiro Nevice and to go there on March 31, 1776. Raghoba alias Dadasaheb informed the captain of Daman that the Portuguese should give him military help and in exchange they should get their old northern territory of Bassein and Salcette; Some of it was captured by the English and so to compensate for it, some other area from the Mahratta state of equal revenue should be given to them. The Daman Portuguese refused to give Raghoba military help but allowed him to stay within the limits of Daman on certain conditions. Having received a setback at Daman, Raghoba sent Trimbak

Krishna to Goa and beseached Portuguese help from there.

Raghoba did not think that he was safe at Surat and so on August 10, 1776 he left Surat and reached Daman on August 25.69 The Governor of Daman writing to the Governor of Goa on September 1, 1776 says that Raghoba had one thousand soldiers including horsemen and footmen, eleven elephants and 100 camels. Dada Saheb requested him that in the event of his enemy attacking him the Governor should give shelter to Raghoba and his retinue of 20 persons. Raghoba wished to proceed to Goa from there in a warship.70 The Governor of Goa wrote back to say that Raghoba should be fed on hope for the time being, but he should not be admitted in Daman fort. If he found himself in danger he should be allowed to get in with 20 persons only and sent to Goa in a well furnished warship.71 It was not possible for the Portuguese to give military help to Raghoba for fear of invasion of Daman by the Court of Poona. That Raghoba could not realise this for a long time was surprising.

In a letter dated November, 2, 1776 written to the Governor of Goa, Don Jose Pedro de Comara, Raghoba writes : My envoy Trimbak Krishna who is there writes that you are making preparations and sending a ship here in which you might be sending orders to the Governor of Daman. I am now in much financial difficulty. I used to get something from Balsad where the enemy has come. Your Governor here has no orders to help me. So I have come to Tarapore and put in order the fort and carried on for some time. I am waiting for your aid. So send help including guns and war material soon. I have relied on you and taken shelter with you as I you are honest. You should be proud of this and promote your glory by aiding me…”

Raghoba has said in this letter why he left Daman and went to Tarapore. This shows that it was not because of the pressure of the Poona Barbhai court that the Daman

Portuguese turned him out as Dr. Sardesai says.74 But it is true that as desired by the Court of Poona, the Portuguese did not give him shelter at Daman, nor military help. From August 25 to October, Raghoba was harboured by the Portuguese at Daman. Afterwards he fled to Bombay. On the day following the day on which Raghoba sought shelter at Daman i.e. August 26, Narayan Shenvi Dhume wrote from Poona that the Court of Poona was prepared

to pay Rs. 66,454 and wood worth Rs. 3,000 to the Portuguese as compensation for the damage done to Santana. Dhume also wrote that the Poona court also intended to make over a village of 12,000 revenue near Daman.76 The Poona court had given territory of 12,50,000 revenue to Nizam Ali to win him over to its side. The Poona court followed the same policy in respect of the Portuguese.

Raghoba had no faith in the English. He expected help from the Portuguese, but they were merely marking time and cheating him.77 Dadasaheb wrote to the Queen of Portugal on December 2, 1778 and appealed for help. This letter was sent with Jose Francis de Britto, Captain of a Portuguese frigate to Lisbon.78 On May 26, 1779 Don Frederico Gillerme de Sousa came to Goa as Governor. On May 4, before that, Narayan Vithal Dhume had made a treaty of friendship with the Poona court, but it was not signed. The new Governor confirmed it on January 11, 1780. Mahadaji Scindia took much interest in this treaty being concluded.79 According to this treaty, the compensation for Santana and ceding of a villages of 12,000

rupees revenue were included in the agreement that was made. These 72 villages are in Nagar Haveli. The Portuguese took possession of 65 villages of these on June 10, 1783, the other seven were taken on July 22, 1785.81

The Portuguese envoy, Narayan Vithal Shenvi Dhume, played an important part in connection with this treaty and earned encomiums from both Poona and Goa. The Poona Court gave him two villages as Jagir. After the death of Dhume on May 12, 1790, Vithalrao Goraksha Valavalikar was appointed envoy at Poona. The background of the treaty of 1780 is well explained by a letter that Vithalrao wrote from Poona on June 1, 1791. Vithalrao says in substance : “I have been doing my best since I came here to serve my master’s interests. During the days of Don Jose Pedro Comara, two ships came from Portugal to stay in Goa for ever when Narayanrao Peshwa was murdered; that was done in order that Raghoba should succeed him as Peshwa. Savai Madhaorao was a baby in the cradle. A number of Mahratta statesmen came together and Nana Phadnavis took up their leadership in the name of Savai Madhaorao and turned down Raghoba. He went over to Hyder Ali, the English and Nizam Ali for help. It was so uncertain an hour that there was no knowing who would rise, when and where. Goa was of divided mind. Jivaji Vishram wrote from Savantvadi that Portuguese ships were equipped for going up to Vijayadurg on the excuse of avenging the Santana disaster. Two envoys were sent to Poona but their errands were to go over to Raghoba or Savai Madhaorao according to exigency. Before we reached Poona, Bhonsla had given news of our

arrival. The Poona envoy reached Goa on the same day on which we reached Poona. We were halted six miles off and inquiries about myself (Vithalrao) and Narayanrao Dhume were made. We concealed the letter intended for Sawai Madhaorao. But they held a close inspection; an atmosphere of fright prevailed. Coming to know about his Moroba Phadnis called us at night and told us that the Portuguese should side with Raghoba and not with Savai Madhaorao and write accordingly to Goa. Our orders were to take that side which was powerful and likely to succeed. So we kept on good terms with Nana Phadnis. The situation being uncertain, it took time even to do small things in the interests of the Estado (Goa). But a few days later Santana was returned; compensation for materials on it was given; villages were ceded; figures of damages were called for. We said if they were to be paid, they should be paid in full or not at all. The Poona court said it was conquered properly and yet was being generously returned and compensation for harm done was being; given so, we were told that it would be honourable for both to come to a settlement. So we gave a full list of the cargo and stated its amounting value as Rs. 70,000. There were the prayer utensils of the men and muskets twice the real number and guns as they were. On the whole, we gained all our points. I was in the charge of the negotiations. But when I was difficult to get and they would ask for surety wood was secured. Narayanrao was under detention. He was released and we did everything to put this matter through by staying at Poona and Saswad. Rs. 25,000 as saranjam for the fort of Daman was secured on the plea that from everywhere, evil eyes were cast on the child Peshwa but the Governor of Goa will be a friend. We made it a condition that the fine teakwood in Bassein province should not be given to anybody else but to the Portuguese. At last compensation for Santana and saranjam of Rs. 25,000 for Daman fort were agreed to and the treaty concluded. I was here for a year. Narayanrao fell ill and died. I asked for permission to go to Goa but brought word about proceeding to Pandharpur. I did everything but Narayanrao took 15 years to show that he did them. As a matter of fact neither he nor I could do anything. It is all the credit of the master.”

In 1785, there was again a pact whereby the Hindus secured religious freedom in Nagar Haveli, cow-slaughter was stopped, Hindu temples and customs were protected. The Peshwa laid down these conditions and the Portuguese conceded them.88 One clause in the 1780 treaty was that the Portuguese should not help the enemies of the Peshwa in any way89 and in keeping with this condition, the Portuguese could not shelter Raghoba. Another important clause was that deserters of either should be arrested by the power concerned and made over to the former master.

According to this condition, the Peshwa made a request that Tulaji Pawar, the murderer of Narayanrao should be delivered to the Peshwa by the Portuguese in 1780. The Portuguese complied with the request in December, 1780.90 In compliance with the treaty of Purandhar, Raghoba removed Tulaji from his service. He went to Hyder Ali. When there was a

treaty between Hyder Ali and Nana Phadnis. Hyder dismissed him and he went to the Bhonsla of Savantvadi. The Bhonsla sent him to Goa and requested the Governor to send him to Raghoba at Surat, from where Tulaji intended to go to Bombay.91 But the Governor delivered him to the Poona Court. He was eventually put to death.

On February 10, 1781 Goa came in contact with Raghunathji Angria, the son of Tulaji Angria. On that day, five armed manchuas suddenly sought shelter near Aguada fort. A battalion of Hyder’s navy under the command of Raghunathji was pursuing them. Raghunathji pleaded with the Governor that those manchuas were plundering trading ships from Hyder’s territory and so he was watching them. They had escaped and taken shelter with the Portuguese and therefore they should be made over to him or sent to Sadashivgad or Manglore. The Governor of Goa said that those manchuas were from Vijayadurg and since Goa’s relations with Poona were of friendship, it was only proper to give them harbour, Raghunathji’s opinion was that they were not from Vijayadurg but pirate ships. On February 12, 1781 Raghunathji wrote to Goa : “These ships do not belong to the Peshwa. We are also Mahrattas. Even though a Mahratta, I am serving for the last ten years the Nawab Hyder.”92

On inquiry the Portuguese found out that the manchuas were from Vijayadurg and engaged in piracy to the south of Goa. They had plundered four small ships of some Goa traders also. So the Governor arrested the captains of those five manchuas and their 183 crew. Raghunathji Angria also wrote to the Secretary of the Government of Goa that the armadas of Hyder Ali and the Portuguese should combine and destroy the Mahratta armada but the Portuguese did not fall in with the suggestion. Without firing a shot they had got Nagar-Haveli by mere negotiation. Also, by a number of tricks they took the Bhonsla’s Bhatagram, Sanquelim and Pernem Mahals. All this has a moral.

It has already been stated before that the Portuguese obtained Salcete and Bardez mahals from Ibrahim Adilshah in 1543. These being open territories, they were often invaded. As long as the Bhonsla of Savantvadi and the Prince of Saunde were willing to take a subordinate position, the Portuguese did not find it risky that were on the border. But when Hyder Ali conquered Saunde’s territory and took possession of all his posts south of Kholgad, the Portuguese were obliged to keep in their hands Ponda Panchmahal as far as Kholgad.94 Similarly, for the protection of Bardez they need Sanquelim, Bicholim, Maneri and Pernem

mahals of the Bhonsla.95 As the Bhonsla was a sardar of the Poona power, the Government of Portugal had instructed the Governor of Goa to take possession of these on suitable pretexts and suitable occasions.96 He got the opportunity to take Bicholim and Sauquelim in 1781. This year the Bhonsla of Savantvadi started a war against the Chhatrapati of Kolhapur and laid siege to his Rangna alias Prasiddhagad. The Khem Savant Bhonsla requested the Governor of Goa to help him by sending troops and ammunition.97 Seeing that the Bhonsla Savant was

engaged in battle with Kolhapur, the Governor sent troops to Bicholim on August 24, 1781 under the command of Brigadier Errice Carlos Errices near Mayem. On the 25th he marched over Bicholim and took possession of the fort. There was a skirmish between the Portuguese and Bhonsla’s men, two of whom died and eight were wounded.

After taking the fort of Bicholim the Portuguese proceeded to Sanquelim and besieged the fortifications of the Vithoba temple. For 14 hours the inmates held out but ultimately surrendered. In this battle two Portuguese soldiers died. Kushtoba Rane and Jaitoba Rane gave good help to the Portuguese in conquering Bicholim (Bhatagram) and Sanquelim (Satari). The Portuguese Government made a declaration that the people of these mahals would have full freedom to follow their customs and observe their social and religious ceremonies.98 Also the vatans of all vatandars would be preserved.99

The Savant-Bhonsla did not put up any resistance to this aggression for a year. In the meantime, he sent an envoy to Goa and requested the Portuguese to return all the territory they had occupied.100 The Government of Goa told the envoy that the Savant-Bhonsla did not deserve the terms of the treaty previously made and he had not paid the annual tribute due since 1774 and had besides caused much damage.101 So the Portuguese were compelled to take Bicholim (Bhatagram) and Sanquelim (Satari) mahals. Frederico Gillerme de Sousa also informed the envoy that he had informed the King of Portugal about these developments and he would abide by the orders he would receive. The Bhonsla-Savant realised that the

Portuguese had deceitfully captured Bicholim and Sanquelim. He fancied that the Portuguese troops were on their way to help him. Perhaps such a canard was spread by the Portuguese themselves. The Governor of Goa had the sanction of the Government of Portugal to behave in this way.102

The Bhonsla-Savant kept his restraint and patience for a year somehow or other but after that period he could not control himself and on October 1, 1782 he took possession of Gululem, which the Portuguese had captured by marching on it with a force of 1000 men. In this way, there was war again between Savantvadi and Goa.103 In a rare publication, published

in Lisbon in 1785, there is mention of this development104 In the following words : “Erao constantes as diligencias que fazia o Bonsulo por socorro de gente e disheiro, e que o esperava com brevidade de Sagra, dos cunhados, e do Dessai de Evalem desejando recuperar a dessota de Sanquelim e poder continuar a guerra a que dizia o precisava o insulto, que havia recebido do Estado tomando-lhe por sorpreza a praca de Bicholim e fortaleza de Sanquelim nao so estando em paz com elle, mas com tratado para socorro.” The substance of this passage is that the Bhonsla was constantly trying to get help of men and materials and he felt that he would get it from his mother-in-law, brothers-in-law, the Desais of Hewale. The object was to avenge the defeat of Sanquelim and continue the war.

CONTENTSThe Bhonsala was saying that be must fight the Portuguese and punish them for their crime of using the forces he sent for help according to agreement for suddenly capturing Bicholim and Sanquelim, while his relations with them were friendly.

The despatches of protest that the Bhonsla Savant sent to the Governor of Goa wherein he charged Brigadier Carlos Errice Errices with deceitful conduct by pretending to come to help with an army while his army was engaged in the siege of Rangna are available.105 They give a fair idea of what tricks and contrivances the Portuguese employed for capturing Bicholim and Sanquelim. On November 9, 1782, the Bhonsla attacked a brigade of the Portuguese at Mulgaon after taking possession of Gululem, Maneri, Menkure, Sal and Dhumase and on November 16 he besieged the fort of Sanquelim. At this time, there were 5000 footmen and 300 cavaliers in his army. On December 6, 1782, the Governor of Goa sent aid of men to the army at Bicholim. There were about 2400 men. Next day, on Saturday, the Portuguese army started for Sanquelim. The Bhonsla’s army threw shells on it at Keri and Kodal but the Bhonsla had to retreat before the discilined army of the Portuguese and on the same day, it entered Sanquelim fort at about 11 in the morning. The Captain of this fort was Tenente Antonio Barbosa, a Portuguese.106 This war between the Bhonsla and the Portuguese went on till April 1783 by fits and start. The Bhonsla attacked many posts occupied by the Portuguese in Bhatagram and Satari.107

On March 24, 1783, the Portuguese invaded Pernem and on April 2, 1983 hoisted their flags on both the forts of Alorna. On the fifth day, they demolished the towers of these forts. In this way, the Portuguese, this time, captured a considerable part of Pernem.108 They wanted the whole of Pernem for themselves; because they believed that it was the natural boundary for the protection of Pernem. ‘A Provincia de Pernem e a melhor barreira e a mais

natural da provincia de Bardez’ says the Governor of Goa, Don Frederico Gillerme de Sousa.109 This means that Pernem Mahal is the natural fortification for the protection of Bardez.

Being convinced that the Portuguese would take the rest of Pernem also, the Bhonsala started negotiations for a treaty with them. The Governor of Goa called a truce by acceding to the request of the Bhonsla, taking into consideration the possibility of his getting assistance from the Peshwa.110 But he did not return the territory captured from him. On the contrary he took care to see that Portuguese rule there should be stabilised. In May, the Bhonsla sent an envoy to Goa for treaty talks. An envoy from the Poona court also came to settle the strife between the Bhonsla and the Portuguese. His name was Govind Lakshmanrao.

These two envoys tried their utmost for the return of the territory captured by the Portuguese. But it was unfruitful. The Governor of Goa said that he could do nothing unless he had orders from the King of Portugal. The Bhonsla wrote to the King of Portugal for return of the conquered territory but in vain. In August 1784 the Poona envoy Govindrao Lakshman died in Goa. In the next month came the order from the King of Portugal that the conquered territory should be annexed to Goa State. In this way the last curtain fell on this affair. A contemporary biographer of Marquez de Alorna, Monteiro Mascarenhas, has said that all Portuguese statemen felt that the territory of Bhonsla should be incorporated in Goa state for ever.111

In his letter dated March 16, 1785, the Governor of Goa, Don Frederico Gillerme de Souza, wrote to Portugal that the Court of Poona was taking the side of the Bhonsla and Nawab Tippu was likely to take aggressive steps and so he had postponed the taking of the rest of Pernem but he would carry out the task at the appropriate time.112 He got the opportunity in 1785. The Khem Savant Ⅲ had got the honour of Morchele and the title Rajebahadur from the Emperor of Delhi. He received the same with great ceremony on May 12, 1785, Akshaya Tritiya of 1707 shake.113 The Khem Savant Bhonsla was tributary of the Chhatrapati of Kolhapur and so he looked upon this step taken by the Bhonsala as his own denigration. Since the Bhonsla had besieged Rangna, their mutual hostility had already become obvious. But when the Chhatrapati knew about Bhonsla’s new title and the kingly emblem of morchels, Kolhapur declared a war on Savantvadi.114

With a view to enlisting Portuguese support in this war or at least to ensure Portuguese neutrality, an envoy from Kolhapur came to see the Governor of Goa. When the Savant knew about it, he also appealed for Portuguese help through his envoy Visaji Mahadeo who was in Goa. The Portuguese considered it necessary to protect the Savant for the protection of Goa. The Portuguese Government had never forgotten that the inclusion of Savantvadi in Kolhapur was a danger to Goa. But on one plea or another, the Portuguese wanted to annex the whole of Pernem mahal to Goa. So the Kolhapur envoy was very cordially. treated and he was informed that Goa was prepared to hold talks with him. The position of the Savant-Bhonsla was very precarious at this hour. Kolhapur had captured the Nevti fort, Bharatgad and Vengurla and besieged the fort of Redi. He had no ammunition nor money to buy it in his treasury. In such a situation, if Goa helped Kolhapur he would be nowhere. Realising this he asked for Portuguese help and in exchange agreed to make over the whole of Pernem mahal to them. But the Portuguese were not content with this much. They made it a condition that the Bhonsla must abandon his claim to all the previously conquered territory for all time. Being helpless. the Bhonsla accepted this condition also. At last, a treaty was made between them on January 29, 1788 and on February 4 and the Portuguese took possession of the rest of Pernem. There was a secret clause in this treaty

which said115 that the Portuguese would give full support to the Bhonsla in his our of need and would write to Portugal about the return of his conquered territory. Therefore a copy of this clause was made over to the Bhonsla.

What is noteworthy is that it was quite in keeping with the policy of the Government of Portugal that Bicholim, Sanquelim and Pernem were captured by the Goa Portuguese who wanted these mahals for the protection of Bardez. It was not, therefore, easy that the Bhonsla would get them back. Mahadaji Seindia himself intervened in 1794 in this matter and requested the Portuguese to return these mahals to Savantvadi.116 In 1795, Bakshi Bahadur Jivbadada Kerkar offered to Goa Rs. 2 lakhs in exchange of the mahals.117 Even Nana Phadnavis took interest in this affair several times. On March 29, 1794, Vithalrao Valavalikar, the envoy of the Portuguese at the Poona Court, wrote to the Secretary of the Government of Goa (Barroco) that it was not only the Scindia but also the Poona Court was anxions that the three mahals of Bicholim, Sanquelim and Pernem should be returned to the Bhonsla by the Portuguese.118 But in spite of efforts in this direction by Mahadaji and Daulatrao Scindia and the Poona Court, the Portuguese never released these three mahals from their possession. Govindrao Lakshman was sent as envoy to Goa by Poona to mediate between Goa and Savantvadi and later Gopalrao Ramchandra Pednekar was sent to Goa in the same capacity in 1786.

At this time the Mahratta campaign against Tippu was in progress. Gopalrao opened talks with the Portuguese under orders of the Peshwa that he, Bhonsla-Savant and the Portuguese should combine and march against Tippu.119 Ten thousand Mahratta troops were camping at Banda under the command of Jivaji Gopal at the time. The Peshwa was prepared to gift to the Portuguese Tippu’s Sadashivgad and Kurmangad (Simpi) for their help.120 But the Portuguese suggested that the territory of Saunde 10 miles long and 60 miles broad should be given to them, in addition to what other favours the Peshwa would do.121 Writing about this Raghunath Mahendale wrote to Nana Phadanavis on March 8, 1786 that the Portuguese had raised several objections to our suggestions which meant that they did not want sincerely to help. Instead of refusing to come outright, they made alternate proposals, possibly believing that they would not be accepted.122

The Goa Portuguese really had no strength to fight against Tippu.123 They had no land army nor money. Their whole strength lay in their armada124 and the Peshwa also needed only that help. In 1787, there were 7,140 men in the Portuguese army of whom only 2,590 were Portuguese from Europe.125 Between 1776 and 1800, the Portuguese navy in India had 23 ships, one of which was a big armed ship with 60 guns and seven frigates with 26 to 42 guns. In all there were 382 guns and 3,118 sailors.126

Sultan Tippu hated the Portuguese.127 He arrested 13 padres from Karnatak and sent them to Goa and banished 40,000 Catholics from there. The Portuguese always feared an attack on Goa from Tippu. So they had to keep an army ready for the protection of Goa. Therefore, in February 11, 1788, the Portuguese brought back even the troops that were sent to the help of the Bhonsala against Kolhapur. Narayan Shenvi Dhume wrote to Goa on September 30, 1787 from Poona that Tippu was planning to take Goa with French help.130 The Portuguese anxiety was augmented because Tippu had sent his envoys to Paris in 1788.131 Rivara says that some Christians in Goa had plotted against the Portuguese. This conspiracy came to light in 1787 and the accused were found guilty and awarded severe sentences. The Goa Portuguese suspected that there was Tippu’s hand in this conspiracy.132 Cunha Rivara is of the opinion that this suspicion of the Goa Government was well-founded.133 A contemporary Englishman has also recorded that two Goan padres had said that if the Goa Government did not redress their grievances satisfactorily, they would invite Tippu Sultan to invade Goa.134 Under such circumstances, it is no wonder that the Portuguese maintained neutrality in the Mahratta-Tippu war.

On March 12, 1787, the Governor of Goa wrote to Portugal that the envoy of the Poona Court saw him and requested help in war against Tippu. He also said that the friendship of the Bhonsla should be regained by returning to him Sanquelim, Bicholim and the captured part of Pernem. Besides, he wanted that the Portuguese should allow the Prince of

Saunde to send an emissary to Poona for talks.135 Nana Phadnavis called on the Portuguese envoy at Poona Narayan Dhume on August 29, 1787 and made inquiries about the Prince of Saunde and asked Dhume to write to Goa suggesting that the Prince of Saunde should be sent to Poona. Nana said what the Portuguese had done for Saunde prince was clear but he wished to do him a good turn and see to it that he got his own territory.136 Gopalrao Ramchandra Pednekar, the envoy of the Court of Poona was then in Goa. Before this Nana Phadnavis had sent Narayan Dhume to Goa in order to make himself well equainted with the Portuguese stand in regard to Savant-Bhonsla and Tippu.

Dhume prepared a detailed list of the tasks assigned to him by the Court of Poona in Portuguese and presented it to the Government of Goa. The clauses were as follows.137 (1) To collect necessary information to decide the dispute between Savantvadi and Goa. (2) To secure for the Court of Poona from the Portuguese Government some big and small guns of bronze of new style. (3) To secure Portuguese help to the Court of Poona in the war against Tippu. (4) To collect information about the English, the French and the Dutch including what was taking place in their European capitals. (5) To recover the arrears from Goa merchants

due to the Court of Poona through Vithal Vishram Sabnis and Sadashiv Ramchandra Malhar. Also to look into Kavle accounts.138

Dhume was in Goa for four months. There is evidence to show that he returned to Poona on May 23, 1787. The Portuguese informed the Poona Court through Dhume that there was sufficient cause for the Portuguese who had declared war against Savantvadi. A detailed note in support of their stand was submitted to the Poona Court by the Portuguese through

Dhume.140 The Portuguese not only did not participate in the war against Tippu on behalf of the Peshwa but also captured Sadashivgad on January 3, 1791 on behalf of the prince of Saunde.141 Four leading sardars were partisans of the prince and they were not prepared to fight against him. In this way without shedding a drop of blood, the Portuguese captured this fort.142 The Prince of Saunde was then living in Goa as a dependent of the Portuguese and in accordance with a treaty signed on January 17, 1791 he had passed over his right on Sadashivgad and Kurmagad (Shimpi) to the Portuguese.143

The Mahrattas had taken Kurmagad from Tippu on January 24, 1791 and had made overtures to the captain of Sadashivgad for taking it over.144 A Portuguese sardar has written that on January 23, 1791 two big palas of three masts, four gurabas and over 20 galvetas had anchored in the neighbourhood of the two forts.145 Baburao Salokhe was the commander of this armada and subedar Sakopant Ramachandra was the commander of the land forces. Seeing that Sadashivgad like Kurmagad would pass into the hands of the Mahrattas, the Portuguese general hastened to capture it and took possession of it.146

When the news or the capture of Sadashivgad by the Portuguese reached Poona, Nana Phadnavis called their envoy at the Court (Vithal Valavalikar) for interview and chastised him for the Portuguese having captured Sadashivgad by breach of faith. In a letter written to Goa by Valavalikar in this connection, he says that he was unable to write the words that Nana uttered in the interview.147 In a letter written by the Peshwa on March 20, 1791 to the

Governor of Goa, Francisco de Cunha Manezes, he says : “While we had sent our army and armada on Sadashivgad in Saunde Panchmahal, you sent your people and took possession of it. This is highly improper in the face of the treaty between us. So you had better hand over the fort and remove your posts. Jairam Babaji and Ramchandra Parsharam have gone there who will take charge of it. This must happen if the treaty between us is to last and such excess should not be indulged in again.”

Bahiropant Mehendale was present when Nana Phadnavis called Vithalrao Valavalikar for interview. A Marathi letter written by him to the Secretary of the Government of Goa is available in which he has reported this interview and said a few words about Savai Madharao Peshwa : “… the Peshwa has now come of age and attends to details of administration. So all including the chief administrator try to please him consistently with their self-interest. Gangadharpant and Parsharampant have left nothing unsaid in their letters to him in regard to Sadashivgad…”.149 In a letter written on June 1, 1791 Vithalrao Valavalikar writes to the

Secretary, Government of Goa : At present this Peshwa has no enemy from Hindustan to Pataam. There are no fratricidal quarrels. So he has become a proud person. The custom was that after conquering others and taking tributes from them, they should be stabilised. But there is no desire to do this. The policy is to bow before the strong and kick the weak without taking care of them. This is what is in vogue now. But the Portuguese State and its navy can destroy this. The Durbar knows well that the fort captured by the Portuguese could not be taken but makes a demand for it because its army is there in the proximity. My duty is to inform whatever happens. Yesterday, I pointed out how the fort can be given but now I do not know how it can be done. It is Bhati durbar (Brahmanical). There is no consistency in talk and no note of what is said before. I have to set my sails according to the wind. It will be friendly to the Portuguese as long as it is strong. This is the way of the Mahratta durbar.150

On June 1, 1791, a fire broke out in Shaniwarwada. Three out of the seven stories were affected and the store of grains and other furniture were burnt down. Vithalrao wrote about this to Goa at the suggestion of Bahiropant Mehendale and requested Goa to write a letter of sympathy in this calamity.

Nana Phadnavis sent another envoy known as Prabhakarpant to negotiate the return of Sadashivgad. The Governor of Goa has written that this envoy came to Goa in September 1791 somewhat arrogantly.151 He had been to Vijayadurg and Savantvadi and had discussions with Gangadharpant and the Bhonsla before he came to Goa. The Governor met Prabhakarpant on December 24, 1791 and appointed the Secretary to carry on talks with him. In the meanwhile another envoy, called Dhondo Krishna had also come from Parsharambhau. The arrogant letters that he wrote to the Government of Goa are in Goa Archives. In a letter dated November 23, 1791, Dhondo Krishna writes.152 “You have taken Sadashivgad and other posts from this Saunde province. Please hand them over as well as Ponda Panchmahal for we want to rebuild Mardangad which you have demolished. Give over all the Savkars from Tippu’s territory to us. No making of any conditions will be tolerated. Please understand this well.” In another letter dated July 26, 1791153 he said : “Please write whether you are giving up Ponda Panchmahal and the provinces of Bhonsla-Savant that you have taken. If you convey agreement in reply, well and good. Otherwise our army and guns are in readiness at Dharwar”. In a letter dated May 20, 1791.154 Dhondo Krishna wrote to the Secretary of the Government of Goa : “As ordered by the Government of Poona take away ammunition and your people and give up Sadashivgad. If you continue to trot out excuses, please take note that I shall have to execute my Government’s orders.”

The Governor of Goa succeeded in pacifying Dhondo Krishna by making efforts through Bahiropant Mahendale and nothing came out of the embassy of this envoy as regards Sadashivgad. The fact of the matter was that Goa merely wanted to mark time, because, the

Governor of Goa had already learnt from Poona that the Court of Poona was not going to keep Sadashivgad in terms of the treaty with Tippu that was in the offiing.155 The Portuguese had secured the mediation of Mahadaji Scindia regarding Sadashivgad who wrote to Nana Phadnavis on December 21, 1791 : “The friendship between the Portuguese and the Peshwa is of long standing and the fort is on their side. Please see that the cavalry that has gone there should be instructed that no harm should be done to the fort and it should remain with them as at present.”156 Mahadaji Scindia sent a similar letter to Ramoji Patil who was his representative at the Poona Court.157 As the Portuguese expected the question of Sadashivgad was set aside by the Poona court. Ramji Patil Jadhav sent a letter to Mahadaji Scindia on May 14, 1792 : “Your letter was delivered to Nana Phadnavis and I requested him as ordered. He replied that a treaty with Tippu was concluded whereby Saunde taluka was returned to him and Sadashivgad is part of that Taluka. The Poona Court has nothing to do with it. The Portuguese should settle the matter with Tippu.”158 The Governor of Goa kept the fort with him for a year. Tippu demanded it back and in keeping with the policy of the Government of Portugal, the Captain of the fort was ordered to hand over its possession to Tippu on March 3, 1793. The Sadashivgad matter was settled but the Portuguese did not return Sanquelim, Bicholim and Pernem to Savantvadi till the last. The Poona Court, Mahadaji Scindia and Daulatrao Scindia all failed.

While the negotiations for taking over Sadashivgad from the Portuguese were in progress, Parsharambhau had sent an emissary to Goa to purchase lead and gunpowder. The Governor informed Bhau that there was no gunpowder on the market but he sent 35 khandis of it as a present. Nana Phadnavis did not think it proper to take it free of cost. He asked Parsharambhau an explanation of it. Bhau writes to Nana in a letter dated April 25, 1791; “The Portuguese took Sadashivgad while the Poona Court was campaigning for it. At such a time it is not proper to take gunpowder as a present without paying its cost. So I said no gunpowder from them should be taken at all. But it was badly required at Dharwar and it had to be taken.”159

In August 1792, the Poona Court asked for Portuguese help through Haripant Phadke in order to conquer Danda-Rajpuri fort of the Saddi.160 The Government of Goa did not have the approval of Portugal to extend this help. But the Governor of Goa played the game of delay, the object being that the Poona Court should not attend to the Bhonsla-Portuguese dispute.161 In a letter dated March 12, 1793,162 to Portugal the Governor of Goa said : “The Peshwas extended the limits of their State far and wide but they regreted that the temple of the gods of their ancestors was still in the territory of the Siddi. They tried so many times to take Danda-Rajpuri, but they never succeeded.” In 1794 also, the Mahrattas did not march on Danda-Rajpuri. Vithalrao Valavalikar, in his letter dated March 29, 1794 informed Goa that the Poona Court had postponed the Danda-Rajpuri project.

In 1808, Valavalikar died in Poona. His son Lakshiminarayan was appoitnd envoy at the Poona Court but in 1811, the Portuguese embassy at Poona came to an end. This envoy supplied Goa with many minute details of the Poona Court. Specially, the Portuguese letters that he wrote from Poona are of great historical importance. Nana Phadnavis used to get information from Europe and other places through the envoys of the Portuguese. Vithalrao

has said in one of his letters written in 1793 that Nana Phadnavis complained that he was not getting such information as before.163 The English envoy informed Nana about the French having killed their King. Nana had asked for more details about this event from the Portuguese as mentioned in this letter.

In order to get inside information of the Mahratta Court, the envoy of the Portuguese had to use different devices. Bahiropant Mehendale, secretary for Foreign Affairs under Nana Phadnavis knew important policy matters. The Portuguese Governor wanted information about Nana’s Goa policy of next three or four months. Vithalrao informed the Governor that the Portuguese half dobras were rated very highly in the Poona court and so the Governor should present 14 such coins to the newly wed wife of Bahiropant Mehendale and also send a congratulatory letter to him. The Governor readily acted upon the suggestion of Vithalrao. Mehendale later made a necklace of these coins from a Goan artisan. Goa often got important information through Bahiropant.165 Besides the envoys, there were procuradors of the Portuguese at the Poona Court and Bahiropant was one of them. After him Moropant Godbole was appointed as procurador. He was followed by Lakshmanpant Chakradeo. In 1807, the post of a procurador in Poona Court was vacant.

Mahadaji Scindia died on February 12, 1794 at Vanavdi. The envoy of the Portuguese at Poona got the news on the 15th at night.166 He immediately informed about it to the Secretary of the Government of Goa.167 In his letter dated March 7, 1794 Vithalrao informed Goa that Daulatrao Scindia was appointed to succeed Mahadaji on March 6, 1794 by the Peshwa. He wished to do this in April but did it expediously for fear of a rising by Nizam Ali.168 Vithalrao also wrote that a farewell would be given to Daulatro in April. In a letter dated March 29, 1794 to Goa, Vithalrao said, “The other day i.e. on March 27, Daulatrao had a discussion with the Peshwa about the tasks that Mahadaji wanted to decide with the Peshwa’s approval. On that occasion Doulatrao requested the Peshwa to write to Goa about the return of ‘Savantvadi Bhonsla’s Mahals in the possession of the Portuguese. On October 27, 1794 Vithalrao informed Goa that Jivbadada Kerkar, Chief Commander of the Scindia (Cabo General) was coming to Poona with 20,000 troops consisting of cavalry and infantry. His camp was then 10 miles off Poona.

In 1795, the battle of Kharda was fought. In his letter dated May 9, 1795, Vithalrao writes to Goa : “Jivba Kerkar asked the permission of the Peshwa to go on an invasion of

Goa with 2,000 men to liberate the Bhonsla’s territory usurped by the Portuguese and give him only 200 horsemen of the Peshwa as aid. This he asked as a reward for the success over the Nizam in the battle of Kharda. Nana said in reply that he would decide the matter next day. Nana spoke about it to Bahiropant when as instructed by me Bahiropant told him that friendship with the Portuguese should not be disturbed and Jivbadada’s wishes should be respected by initiating negotiations in the matter and not by war.” In his letter to Goa dated June 6, 1795 Vithalrao says, “The Prime Minister of the Peshwa, Nana Phadnavis is circumspect in his work and since he knows that the Portuguese will do him no harm he wishes to maintain friendly relations with them. Bahiropant does it only in self-interest. If Nana shows openly his proclivity towards the Bhonsla it is only to please the patrons of the Savant

Bhonsla. As a matter of fact, everybody knows how difficult it is to fight with European nations.”

In his letter to the Secretary to the Government of Goa dated August 11, 1795, Vithalrao says : “As Nana was not really inclined to lose the friendship of the Portuguese for the sake of the Khem Savant, Jivbadada Kerkar lost confidence in Nana and requested Baloba Pinge to make such a treaty with the Portuguese as would be of advantage to the Khem Savant. Baloba Tatya Pagnis was also known as Balaji Anant Pinge. In the letter written on May 29, 1796, Vithalrao wrote that on Thursday the 27th, Bahiropant Mehendale came with clothes and stamps for Chimaji Madhaorao Pantapradhan whom the widow of Savai Madhaorao had adopted as son that morning. He accepted presents and clothes from other ministers and Mankaris. In the evening the Peshwa had darshan of the Parvati temple and at hight about Rs. 25,000 were distributed to poor Brahmans as dakshina. On the same day, Daulatrao Scindia was given the jagir of four lakhs for his participation in the battles against Nizam Ali and a jagir of Rs 35,000 to the Minister of Scindia. Daulatrao also got the money he had spent. In the place of Nana, Parshurampant was appointed Dewan and Trimbakrao Parchure as Phadnavis.”

In the letter written on June 25, 1796, Vithalrao said “Baloba Pagnis was ill and so I went to see him on the 22nd last. While taking his leave, he told me that Goa should no more correspond with Nana as he had fallen in disfavour of the new Peshwa. “On July 8, 1796 Vithalrao said, “Baloba Pinge invited me and asked me to write to the Governor of Goa that he should send his armada to that part of the coast where Nana was and prevent him from going out to the sea, but if he insisted on gonig be should be placed under arrest and made over to him. The Goa Government would be adequately compensated for this task. I told Pinge that the sea was closed at the time for any ships to go out. He said first of all Goa’s consent to this should be brought and action could be taken in September.”

The Governor of Goa explained his difficulties to Pinge in a letter written on August 6, 1796. At the same time he wrote that he was ready to act as Daultrao Scindia directed but the expenses and damages would have to be paid by the Poona Court. In this connection a letter written by Balaji Anant Pagnis alias Pinge is available in Goa Archives. It is dated October 9, 1796. The letter says that the letters received by Vithalrao were seen by him and assurance of continued friendship was given. It was pointed out that the plan of arresting Nana was premature since he was still then up the ghats. If he went to the coastal side, Goa would be informed about it.

In the letter written on October 29, 1796, Vithalrao wrote to Goa : “In the early hours of Thursday, 27th under the orders of Daulatrao Scindia, his Chief Minister, Baloba Pinge, his colleagues and relatives Dhondoba, Jagannath Tatya Arondekar Pandoba Lad and those connected with the gunnery were arrested. Only Bajiba Modi and his son were arrested and handcuffed. As soon as Parshurampant knew this, he went to the palace and ran away with Chimnaji to Junnar. He had with him 1,500 cavalry, his two sons, a son of Bahiropant and some assistants. Government’s cavalry followed him and besieged him at Junnar. Owing to this revolution the power of the Durbar passed into Nana’s hands. Bahiropant was also trying to run away after Parshurampant. He was arrested and hand-cuffed for two days. The same happened to his brother Bachajipant. The other prisoners were Madojipant Kale, Ganpatrao Karambalikar, Ancha Abhyankar, Vithalrao Gore, Ramchandrapant Paranjpe, Shivrampant Modak, Dajiba Limaye, Ganpatrao Joag, Haripant Joag, Apajipant Joag and others. Narayanrao Kerkar, Rayaji Patel, and Kushta Namak Hugur made this palace revolution. All these are in Scindia’s service. Their colleagues were Trimbakrao Parchure, Govindrao Pingle and Naropant Chakradeo. They promised to pay two crores of rupees on behalf of Nana. Of this sum, 50 laks were given to Scindia, Nizam’s jagir of 25 lakhs was returned and Rs. 25 lakhs were given in cash to Holkar.”

In the letter written on December 15, 1796, Vithalrao wrote to Goa : “On the 4th of this month, at midnight, Bajirao accepted the insignia of Peshwa sent by the Chhatrapati from Satara. They consisted of clothes, a stamp and a diminutive sword.” Most of the letters sent by Vithalrao Gorakshakar from Poona are worth perusing. The author has published extracts from them elsewhere.169 On February 13, 1800. Nana Phadnavis died. The Governor of Goa at that time was Francisco Antonio de Veiga Cabral. In a letter he wrote to Portugal on May 8,

1800 he expressed the following opinion about Nana :170” a confusao, causada presentemente pela morte do celebre Nana Fornis, acontecida em 13 de Fevereiro proximo passado em que deixou de river o Gentio de maiores talentos que se tem conhecido entre elles, capaz de discorrer com acerto sobre as materias mais arduas de huma imaginacao fecunda, e resolucao prompta, disfarsador, e sofredor dos mayores trabalhos e adversidades…” The gist of this is that much confusion prevails at present on account of the death of Nana Fadnavis on

CONTENTSFebruary 13 last : He was recognised as a man of acute intellect among Hindus. His brain could fathom accurately even very difficult subjects. His imagination was powerful and he was prompt in taking decisions. No one could guage the working of his mind and he had a capacity for hard work and facing adverse situations.

Ou April 16, 1800 Vithalrao has written the following to Goa : “This darbar is suffering from paucity of funds. Mahratta Sardars are at sixes and sevens. All of them have plundered these territories. They recognise the Peshwa but obey his orders only if it suits them. The officers of this Government and the Scindia complain that they do not receive their salaries.

Only three brigades of the Scindia are an exception. The envoy of the English here spends much money and makes rich presents to the Peshwa. People here generally say that the English will very soon occupy and capture all this country.

What happened subsequently is well known to all. The English not only captured Maharashtra and liquidated Peshwa rule and the Mahratta power, but conquered the whole of India and subdued all princes, making them tributaries and protectorates of the British. Goa was left alone by them, with the other Portuguese possessions of Daman and Diu. A few

French possessions including Pondichery also were left alone. But when they left India in 1947 and political power passed into Indian hands India became a free and sovereign country. All the princely states were abolished as inconsistent with the Republican constitution. The French showed the wisdom of quitting like the British and making over their possessions to India. The Portuguese had to be compelled to do so with show of military power, all conciliatory methods having failed. Today Goa, Diu and Daman have been restored to India, which was their natural and inevitable destiny.

NOTES

• (1) Pissurlencar, PM, Ⅵ, p. 48.
• (2) Ibid.,
• (3) A. F. Moniz, Historia de Damao, Ⅱ, p. 95.
• (4) Goa Archives : MR, 135 B, fls. 549.
• (5) Vice-Rei’s letter dated 20-1-1764 : “… Marata ainda que decadente e bastantemente poderoso.” (6) Biker, Tratados, Ⅶ, p. 296.
• (7) Joaquim Pedro Celestino Soares, Documentos Compravativos, Ⅲ p. 144-145.
• (8) BNL. Ms. 172. Papers concerning Bispo Halicarnco.
• (9) Goa Archives : Marathi documents.
• (10) Celestino Soares, documentos comprovativos, Ⅲ p. 145.
• (11) ibid.,
• (12) BNL. Ms. 172.
• (13) Celestio Soares, Documentos Compravatios, Ⅲ.
• (14) Ibid., p. 151.
• (15) B. P. E. Bandogeral, que dere ser publicado a som de instrumentos bellicos nas 3 Provincias de Ponda, Zambaulim e Canacona conforme o uso e costume praticado nos mesmas escripto em os Indiomas Marata, e Portuguez no mesmo papel. This declaration has 17 clauses. In the copy in the Biblioteca Publica de Evora only the Portuguese portion has been cited. Filipe Nere Xavier has published the Portuguese portion of this declaration. (Collecao de Bandos… das Novas Conquistas, Pangim 1840, p. 1-8) Zambaulim alias Panchmahal contained five mahals of Astagrahar, Hemadbarshe, Balli. Chandravadi and Kakode. Canacona is part of Shiveshwara alias Advot. Khol is included in the precinets of Kholgad.
• (16) Pissurlencar, O Enigma da Morte de Vice-Rei Conde de Alva. p. 2.
• (17) Goa Archives : Marathi documents No. 2862.
• (18) Goa Archives : Marathi documents.
• (19) Goa Archives : Letter from Peshwa Madhaorao to Khem Savant dated December 10, 1763 (Translation into Portuguese of Marathi letters).
• (20) Goa Archives : Marathi letters (copy).
• (21) Goa Archives : MR 138, fls. 676; RI 17, fls. 53.
• (22) Letter of Viceroy Conde de Ega dated 20-1-1764. (Celestino Soares, Documentos Comprovativos, Ⅲ, p. 142).
• (23) Biker, Tratados, Ⅷ, p. 57, The Descendanto of the Saunde prince live at Babdode in Ponda Mahal. For some time, the Portuguese kept them at Morlem in Goa island. While coming to Goa from Saunde, Sanvai Imodi Sadashiv brought with him 400

bundles of silver and a number of ornaments (Nova a curiosa relacao de him grande regulo usurpador de reynos alheos. Que novamente se leventou na India, p. 12, 13 (Lisboa 17). The Portuguese treated the Saunde prince respectfully.

• (24) Khare, collection of historical writings, 391, 411.

• (25) BNL, Ms. 172, 172, fls. 42.

• (26) Goa Governor’s letter dated December 18, 1764 (Pissurlencar Antigualhas, p. 157).

• (27) Goa Archives : Portuguese translation of Marathi letters No. 1106.

• (28) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.

• (29) Vice-Rei Conde de Ega’s letter dated 25-1-1764. (Pissurlencar, Antigualhas p. 139.

• (30) Goa Archives : Portuguese translation of Marathi letters No. 1129.

• (31) Peshwa Daftar : Part 37 No. 42.

• (32) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters No. 1134.

• (33) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters No. 1156.

• (34) Goa Archives : Portuguese translation of Marathi letters Nos. 1249, 1251, 1252 and 1255.

• (35) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters No. 1310.

• (36) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters No. 1255. 1310, (Letter of 25-3-1768). (37) Pissurlencar, ADP. p. 395.

• (38) Goa Archives : Marathi letters No. 2290.

• (39) Goa Archives : Visajipant Lele’s letter 27-1-1771 (MR. 147, fs).

• (40) Pissurlencar, contribution a I’Etude de 1’ Historie de la Medecime Portuguese dans l’Inde (Arquivos da Escola Medica de Goa, 1927); um Frade Capucho na corte de Punem (Boletim Institute Vasco da Gama No. 24. 1934); Portuguese Physician of Madhaorao Peshwa (Bharata Mitra, November 1933).

• (41) Pissurlencar, um Frade Capucho, p. 27.

• (42) Goa Archives : MR 149A.

• (43) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.

• (44) Parasnis, Historical Notes (Historical collections, Part Ⅱ p. 28).

• (45) Parasnis, Historical Notes part Ⅱ p. 19 and part Ⅳ p. 6.

• (46) Pissurlencar, um Frade capucho, p. 27.

• (47) Ibid .,

• (48) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters No. 1401.

• (49) Goa Archives : MR 149, ft. 64; co 54, ft. co 55, fls. 26.

• (50) Goa Archives : RI (1771-1774). fl. 31 (Letter dated February 28, 1772).

• (51) Goa Archives : MR 161 B, fl. 557.

• (52) Goa Archives : Papeis avulsos (Information given by Abdul Razak).

• (53) Goa Archives : MR 150 B, fls. 565; MR 152 A, fls. 175; MR 161 B, fls. 540, 553, 557. AHV, Caixa 32, India, avulsos. (54) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.

• (55) Goa Archives : Papeis avulsos.

• (56) Ibid.,

• (57) Goa Archives : RI 18, fl. 30.

• (58) Goa Archives : MR 149 B, fl. 472.

• (59) Pissurlencar, PM. Ⅵ, p. 54, 55.

• (60) Pissurlencar, PM, Ⅵ, p. 99 (Governor’s letter dated March 29, 1776).

• (61) Ibid.,

• (62) Goa Archives : Portugese translations of Marathi letters No. 2339.

• (63) Pissurlencar, P.M. Ⅵ, p. 91.

• (64) Pissurlencar, P.M. Ⅵ, p. 76.

• (65) Claudio Lagrange, Instrucao de Marquez do Pombal, p. 46.

• (66) Pissurlencar, PM, Ⅵ, p. 98.

• (67) Pissurlencar, P.M. Ⅵ, p. 99-100.

• (68) The author has given all important correspondence between Raghoba and the Portuguese in Portugueses e Maratas, part VI. He also read an essay on the same subject entitled Some Unknown Dealings between Raghoba and the Portuguese in the Nagpur senion of the Historical Records Commission (1928) See Rajwade Marathyancha Itihasachin Sadhanem part 12, p. 127.

• (69) Raghoba’s letter to Goa dated 3-9-1776 (Pissurlencar, PM Ⅵ, p. 124) Dr. Sardesai writes that Raghoba reached Daman in September in Marathi Riyasat, Uttar Vibhag p. 76 but that is not right.

• (70) Pissurlencar, PM, p. 127.

• (71) Goa Archives : Livro de Damao, No. 1 fls. 72v.

• (72) Pissurlencar, PM, Ⅵ, p. 128.

• (73) Ibid, p. 172.

• (74) Sardesai, Marathi Riyasat, Uttar Vibhag 1, p. 76.

• (75) Pissurlencar, PM, Ⅶ, p. 134.

• (76) Ibid, p. 130.

• (77) Letter dated December 22, 1778 by Governor of Goa, Don Jose Pedro de Comara : “… Tenho determinado enteter esta pratica nas melhores esperancas da sua pertencao…” (PM Ⅵ, p. 135).

• (78) The author has in his possession contemporary copy of the letter of Raghoba.

• (79) Mahadaji Scindia’s letters No. 54,55,58 and 63.

• (80) In his letter dated 12-3-1787 the Governor of Goa writes : “Posto que das ditas sessnta e tres nil rupias ficou com grande aqele Ministerio” means that a large part Rs. 63,000 was kept by the Ministers for themselves. (Goa Archives : MR 168 D, fl. 1155).

• (81) [Pissurlencar, PM Ⅵ, p. 166. Goa Archives. MR 168 D, fl. 1155 (Governor’s letters dated 11-12-1783 and 12-3-1787) *Goa Archives RV 17, fls. 180.

• (82) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.

• (83) Portuguese lista.

• (84) Portuguese, missa prayer of the Catholica.

• (85) Refem—Security.

• (86) Mercador, merchant.

• (87) Madeira—wood.88. [Goa Archives : Livro de Damao No. 10, fls. 84-85.

• (88) Goa Archives : Livro de Damao No. 10, fls. 84-85.

• (89) Parasnis, Treaties and Pacts, p. 40.

• (90) Pissurlencar, ADP, p. 308, 584; Sardesai, Marathi Riyasat, Uttar Vibhag 1, p. 240.

• (91) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters 1623, 1626.

• (92) Goa Archives : MR 161 C, fls. 818, RV 15, fl. 68.

• (93) Goa Archives : Marathi letters No. 2711.

• (94) BNL. Ms. 4401 F. G.

• (95) BNL. Ms. 4401 F. G. “No. 8. Sobre a conservacao do rey Sunda nos dominios Portugueses.

• (96) In the letter dated February 21, 1782 by Governor Gillerme de Sousa it is said : “as tropas fiquem guarnecendo as ditas provincias (Bicholim, Sanquelim e Manerim) … tomando quaisquer pretextoes … permitindo usar com o Bounsulo da simulacao…”

• (97) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters No. 1662 (1-8-1781).

• (98) Biker, Tratados Ⅷ, p. 160; F. N. Xavier, Colleccao de Bandos, p. 25.

• (99) Padre Gabriel de Saldanha, Historia de Goa, Vol. Ⅰ, p. 315 (Second Edition). The Ranes of Satari have at least 22 times rebelled against the Portuguese as receorded in the history of Goa. Of them Dipaji Rane (January 26, 1852 to June 2. 1855) and Dadaji Rane (September 14, 1895 to September 9, 1896) are famous in Goa. The author has published the case of Dipaji Rane as presented to the Government of Goa in Bharatamitra Vol. 9, No. 5, September 1936. The object of the rebellion is obvious from it. Even before the advent of the Portuguese, there were frequent risings in Satari. In a Portuguese report published in 1548 it is said, “there is a Thanedari in Satari in which there are Kunbi Shetkaris living amongst the hills who are by nature militant and rebellions because the geographical situation of Satari is conducive to this attitude. These people are always inclined to rebel (Livro quetrata das consas da India e do Japao, p. 78).

• (100) Goa Archives : MR 163 A, fl. 212.

• (101) Letter by Governor Frederico Gillerme de Souza dated February 21, 1782 (Biker, Tratados Ⅷ, p. 160). (102) Tratados Ⅷ, p. 169.

• (103) Goa Archives : MR 163 A. fl. 212.

• (104) Nova e curiosa Relaçao das batalhas que os Portugueses deram na India, e das grandes victorias que alcancar contra o Bonsule. Lisboa, 1785, p. 9.

• (105) Goa Archives : Portuguese translations of Marathi letters (Shivram Jivaji’s letter dated 6-11-1782 to Governor of Goa No. 1710) and (Khem Savant’s letter to Secretary to Goa Government 15-6-1787 No. 1769).

• (106) Nova e curiosa Relacao das batalhas… 1785.

• (107) Goa Archives : MR 163 A, fls. 212 (Letter of Governor of Goa dated 10-2-1783); Nova e curiosa relacao da batalhas … 1785).

• (108) Goa Archives : MR 164 F. fl. (letter of Governor of Goa dated 16-3-1785).

• (109) Goa Archives: Ibid.,

• (110) Goa Archives : Ibid.,

• (111) Epanaphora, Ⅴ, p. 47.

• (112) Goa Archives : MR 164 F., fl. 1480.

• (113) Pingulkar, History of Savantvadi State, p. 83, Raje Khem Savant wrote to the Governor of Goa on May 16, 1785 that the Emperor of Delhi had sent him clothes of honours and morches and he received them with ceremony on Rajah 1 ie. May 11, but in the Portuguese translation of this letter the date has been given as May 12 (Vagh Daftar, Pissurlencar Collection).

• (114) Goa Archives : MR. 169A, fls. 324-340 (Governor’s letter dated 23-2-1788). Pissurlencar, ADP. p. 340; Biker, Tratados Ⅷ, p. 196; Pingulkar, History of Savantvadi state, p. 84; M. V. Gujar, History of Karavir Chhatrapati house Part Ⅲ, p. 98, Part Ⅳ, p. 139.

• (115) AHV : Livro de pazes.

• (116) Goa Archives : Vithal Valavalikar’s letter to Secretary Government of Goa dated January 5, 1794.

• (117) Goa Archives : Vithal Valavalikar’s letter to Secretary Government of Goa dated 27-7-1795.

• (118) Pissurlencar, ADP, p. 598.

• (119) Pissurlencar, Antigualhas, p. 136.

• (120) Ibid, p. 325.

• (121) Ibid., p. 322, Paranis, Maratha Envoys in foreign Durbars p. 43.

• (122) Ibid., p. 44.

• (123) Ibid., p. 326.

• (124) Celestino Soares, Bosquejo das possessoes portugueses no oriente. 1851 p. 141.

• (125) Cunha Rivara, A Conjuracao dos Pintos, p. 91-92.

• (126) Celestino Soares, Bosquejo … p. 141, 142.

• (127) Pissurlencar, Antigualhas, p. 304, 314.

• (128) Ibid., p. 314.

• (129) Ibid., p. 304, 314.

• (130) Gunha Rivara, A Conjuracao dos Pintos. * Documents in support of this information Ⅰ. Michand book (see : Histoire des progres et de Ia chute de I’Empire de Mysore sons les regnes d’Hyder-Aly et Tipoo-Saib, Paris 1801-9, p. 178, 283, 284, 343).

• (131) Cunha Rivara, A Conjuracao dos Pintos; Mohibbul Hassan Khan, History of Tipu Sultan, p. 124-128. (132) Cunha Rivara, A Conjuracao, p. 98-105—Goa Archives : Musa Naran’s letter dated 18-6-1788. (133) C. Rivara, A Conjuracao ……, p. 105.

• (134) On May 24, 1788, Honourable Roberth Salpole wrote as follows to Marquis of Carmarthan from Lisbon : “Upon my inquiry in regard to the truth of a report which has been current here upon an apprehension of an intended insurrection on Goa in favour of Tippu Saheb, moniseur de Mello stated to me, that two turbulent friars who had been sent away from hence had been taken up by order of the Governor of Goa for ambitions demands, they would invite Tippu Saib to attack the place which language had been confirmed by an intercepted letter to the same purpose. A judicial inquiry had been instituted. in order to discover the accomplies, or other measures which may have been adopted : this was all that for the present had been communicated by the Governor of Goa to this court and monsieur de Mello supposes that it will turn out to be nothing more than the intemperate language of the two friars abovementioned.” (India office Records, Home Miscellaneous services).

• (135) Pissurlencar, ADP. p. 306.

• (136) Pissurlencar, Antigualhas, p. 332.

• (137) Pissurlencar, ADP, p. 305, Biker, Tratados Ⅷ. p. 236.

• (138) About this clause, there is a reference in Bahiropant Mahendale’s letter dated March 25, 1786 as follows : There is money to be received from merchants in Goa and the Government of Goa was informed about it, but no reply was received. (Parasnis, Mahratta envoys in foreign darbars. p. 48).

• (139) Biker, Tratados, Pissurlencar, ADP. p. 314.

• (140) Ibid., p. 307-310; Biker, Tratados Ⅷ.

• (141) Biker, Tratados Ⅸ, p. 125.

• (142) Biker, Tratados Ⅸ, p. 268.

• (143) Biker, Tratados Ⅸ, p. 7.

• (144) Ibid, p. 126.

• (145) Ibid, p. 126.

• (146) Ibid., p. 129.

• (147) Pissurlencar, ADP, p. 145.

• (148) Goa Archives : Marathi letters MR. 172.

• (149) Goa Archives : Marathi letters.

• (150) Goa Archives: Marathi letters.

• (151) Pissurlencar : ADP, p. 434.

• (152) Goa Archives : Marathi letters, 2837.

• (153) Goa Archives : Marathi letters 2836.

• (154) Goa Archives : Marathi letters 2839.

• (155) Pissurlencar: ADP, p. 435.

• (156) Goa Archives : Marathi letters No. 122; Pissurlencar, ADP p. 165. (157) Goa Archives : Portuguese Translation of Marathi letters No. 1922. (158) Goa Archives : Marathi letters No. 2764. Translation No. 1930. (159) Goa Archives : Marathi letters. Biker, Tratados Ⅳ, p. 181. (160) Goa Archives : Vithalrao’s letter to Goa dated August 13. (161) Pissurlencar, ADP, p. 594.

• (162) Goa Archives : MR 174 A, fls. 250-251.

• (163) Pissurlencar : ADP, p. 593.

• (164) Ibid., p. 595.

• (165)[Ibid., p. 431.

• (166) Gorki is a corruption of Gorakha. Sardesai has called him Gholak which is wrong (Marathi Riyasat, Uttar Vibagh 2, p. 386. (167) Pissurlencar, ADP, p. 597.

• (168) Ibid.,

• (169) Ibid., p. 579-620.

• (170) Goa Archives : MR 179 B, fls. 456.

• (171) Pissurlencar, ADP, p. 618.