cāmar ājanagara veṇkaṭaramaṇa śāstri
śubhamastu
Kādambarī Saṇgraha Granthamāla No. 43
Madhuravāṇī Press
Mais ūru, 1919
Plate 3: Portrait believed to be that of ¯
Asthāna MahāvidvānSōsale Garaḷapurī
Śāstri (1822–1877). The original painting is in the possession of Mr Sandeep Sastry, great-great-grandson of Garaḷapurī Śāstri.
Preface
BiographiesarecertainlyrareinKannaḍaliterature. ṀṢPuṭṭaṇṇa’s biography of Kuṇigala Rāmaśastri made clear to me the desirability of more such works in Kannaḍa, and I began by writing a biography of my grandfather, Srīkanṭha Śāstri of Cāmarājanagara.35 I then determined to write a biography of his in-law Sōsale Garaḷapurī Śāstri, and as I collected the relevant material, I approached his second son Sōsale Ayyā Śāstri for assistance. He provided much information, placing great faith and confiidence in me. I have been able to publish this book only with his help. I plan to follow up with a biography of Rāmaśāstri of Cāmarājanagara.36 I hope to continue these efforts, publishing the biography of a great (Kannaḍa) scholar each year in the Kādambarī Saṇgrahamonthly. Readers supportive of my intentions may send me other biographies they may come across of scholars. I plan to begin work soon on the biographies of AḷiyaLiṇgarāja Arasu, who was a student of Garaḷapurī Śāstri, and of the well-known Basappa Śāstri.37 There is no doubt that the number of such works of signifiicance will grow in proportion to encouragement by Kannaḍigas.
April 17, 1919
Publisher
Cāmarājanagara
35This biography of Cāmarājanagara Śrīkaṇṭha Śāstri is the second biography incuded in this volume, and Puṭṭaṇṇa’s biography of Kuṇigala Rāmaśāstri, fiirst published in 1910 C.E., is the third. ṀṢPuṭṭaṇṇa (1854–1930 C.E.) and Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s second son Ayyā Śāstri (1855–1934 C.E.) were both noted literary fiigures of the time. The families were connected by marriage, Ayyā Śāstri having married Śrīkaṇṭha Śāstri’s daughter Lakṣmīdevamma, and Ayyā Śāstri’s third son Rāmasvāmi Śāstri having married Puṭṭaṇṇa’s daughter Sītamma.
36CāmarājanagaraRāmaśāstri’sbiographyappearedinŚāstri[1925b]. Thoughthisworkis substantial, it is far from being a succinct account of Rāmaśāstri’s life and work, and contains a great deal of incidental and supplementary material.
37These biographies, assuming they were published, do not appear to have survived. The two individuals named, however, fiigure in the biography of Garaḷapurī Śāstri that appears in this volume.
3
Chapter One: The Narrative of Vijayanagara
nāgēṣvarkē niyamita·śakē śālivāhasya yātē
dhātary’abdhē suguṇa·sahitē māsi vaiśākha·nāmni |
śuklē pakṣē suraguru·yutē saumya·vārē sulagnē
saptamyām śrī·vijayanagaram nirmamē dēśikēndrah38
*. *
∥
Vidyāraṇya Svāmi founded Vijayanagara on Wednesday,theseventh day of the śuddhafortnight in the month of Vaiśākha, in the Dhātu year 1258 of the Śāḻīvāhana era, corresponding to the year 1336 of the Christian era.39
38The translator has found several sources for this verse, which is clearly of importance.
Row [1905, p. 10] claims that this verse is a temple inscription in Hampi. It has not been possible to trace the original inscription. A version appears in the *Guruvaṁśakāvya *(6:8)
[Śāstri 1928], dated to c. 1735 C.E.: “nāgeṣvarkairmita iha śake śālivāhasya yāte dhātaryabde *śubhasamucite māsi vaiśākhanāmni | śukle pakśe suguṇapitr̥bhe sūryavāre sulagne saptamyām śrīvijayanagarīm nirmane nirmamendrah. ∥”*This verse seems to have been traditionally known, and appears in a document dating to 1809 C.E., called the *Kaifiyattu Kurugōḍu *[Kalburgi 1994, p. 449], part of the Mackenzie collection of *Kaifiyats.*The Archeological Department of Mais ūru [1932, p. 111] references this verse via Row [1905]. This chronology is also referenced by Sastry and Venkataramanayya [1946, p. 15]. The version in this biography is a variation of the version in the Introduction and Chapter 1 of Row [1905].
“Nagashwarkay, Namitasakay, Salivahasyayata, Dhaturyabday, Sugunasahi-tay Masa Visaki Namny Suklay Pakshay Suraguruyutay Soumya Varay Su-lagnay Saptamyam Sri Vijayanagaray Nirmamay Nerinamendra.”
The following chronogram is critical to this verse. Nāgeṣvarke: dvandvacompound of the masculine locative singulars nāge+iṣau+arke, encoding the date. Row [1905] uses the encoding nāga=8, iṣu=5, arka=12, matching those of Sircar [1996, p. 230], and Monier-Williams
[1899], who gives nāga=7 or 8, iṣu=5, and arka=12. The “reversal” formula aṇkānaṁ *vāmato gatih. *[Sircar 1996] leads to the date Śālivāhana 1258, or 1336 C.E. The following translation (after Row [1905]) is adequate for our purposes.
“On Wednesday, the seventh lunar day of the bright half of Vaiśakha, in the year Dhātu, Śāḻīvāhana śaka 1258, in an auspicious time with Guru (Jupiter) in the rising sign (lagna), I, the prince of ascetics, have constructed this city in Vijayanagar.”
39Vidyāraṇya is a deeply revered fiigure for his scholarly and political accomplishments.
He helped the brothers Hakka (Harihara I, 1346–1357 C.E.) and Bukka (Bukka Rāya I, 1357–
1377 C.E.) establish the Vijayanagara kingdom, and served as mentor and inspiration for its 4
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5
A Muslim torrent had raged uncontrolled through our Bhārata before the founding of Vijayanagara. Tossed about in this flow, now sinking, now rising, undefended, at imminent risk of extinction, were pious sects, ancient temples, and great repositories of learning.40 At such a time it was that a titan named Vidyāraṇya checked this torrent, founded Vijayanagara, and restored sanātana dharma.41 Vijayanagara, indeed, was the kingdom that protected all Hindus of the south when the Muslims had grown strong, and threatened their āryanways and freedoms. Vidyāraṇya, indeed, was the august fiigure who delivered such succour by halting the spread of impious ways. But for his founding of this kingdom, all peoples of the South would have become Muslims, ceding to them this Bhārata of ours, and wiping out all traces of the great āryanpeople they once were.
The celebrated kingdom of Vijayanagara occupied a vast expanse on the southern bank of the Tuṇgabhadrā river, near the city of Hosapēṭe in the region of Baḷḷāri. On the northern bank of this river is the city of Ānēgondi.
According to tradition, this is the renowned city of Kiṣkindha,42 dating to the times of Śrī Rāma. It had been ruled by great kings from āryandynasties for seven hundred years.43
early kings. The kingdom even appears to have been called Vidyānagara, in his honour. He was also a profound scholar, and with his brother Sāyaṇa, ranks among the most authoritative Vēdiccommentators, especially on Advaitaphilosophy. Vidyāraṇya is believed to have become pontiff of the Śr̥ṇgēri Maṭha around 1375 C.E.
40A reference to the extensive destruction of temples and libraries by the Muslims, and forced conversions to Islam.
41“Eternal/ancient dharma”, the traditional and correct name for “Hinduism”. It is certainly true that Vijayanagara’s existence helped preserve Hindu traditions and culture.
While we have no insights into the minds of its founders, Vijayanagara’s later kings and their Muslim rivals appear not to have been motivated purely by religious considerations.
See page 367.
42The kingdom of the vānaraking Vāli. En route to Rāvaṇa’s capital Laṇkā, Rāma slew Vāli, and forged an alliance with his brother Sugrīva.
43This statement is initially baffling, given the preceding allusion to Kiṣkindha’s great antiquity. The present author, however, is merely echoing a line from Farishta [Briggs 1829], which is also quoted by Row [1905, p. 4]: “Chiefs of Anagondi had existed as a ruling family for seven hundred years prior to the year 1350.” Farishta saw Vijayanagara as a continuation of the Cāḷukyan empire, which spanned seven centuries, and included three dynasties which, albeit unrelated, shared a name. The fiirst, based in Bādāmi, was founded in 543 C.E.; the others, based in Veṇgi and Kalyāṇa, lasted till around 1189 C.E. Farishta’s error, however, is understandable. The Āravīḍus, Vijayanagara’s last dynasty, and usurpers of the throne from the Tuḷuvas, had promoted this theory to claim illustrious descent. Sources such as
6
sons of sarasvatī
Vidyāraṇya, ascending the throne of Vijayanagara, ruled it with great devotion for twenty years, creating prosperity akin to that of Rāmarājyaby the grace of the goddess Bhuvanēśvarī,44 and handing it over to Bukkarāya in the year 1363 of the Christian era,45 corresponding to the Śubhakr̥tu year 1284 of the Śāḻīvāhana era, attained transcendence after 32 years of deep contemplation. SvāmiVidyāraṇya is known to have been a Smārtabrāhmaṇa belonging to the Hoysaḷa Karṇāṭakasect.46 A poet has had this to say about how he imbued our world with virtue:47
Kōnērinātha’s Bālabhāgavatam, the Basava Purāṇa, and an inscription from Dēvanahaḷḷi
[Rice 1879, p. 252] claim that the Āravīḍus were descendants of Vijjala, the Kaḷacūriprince who usurped the Cāḷukyan throne (see Plate 39). These works use titles such as as Cāḷukya *Cakravarti *(Cāḷukya emperor), *Cāḷukya Anvaya Bhava *(Cāḷukya by descent), and Cāḷikki *Nārāyaṇa *(Cāḷukya Nārāyaṇa) for members of this family, including the regent Rāma Rāya (1484–1565 C.E.) and his grandfather Tirumala. This Cāḷukya connection is dismissed by Eaton [2005, p. 94], but a deeper irony arises from this claim. The Muslim Deccan Sultanates and Vijayanagara had been engaged in a complex dance of warfare and shifting alliances. Kalyāṇa had been under Muslim rule for at least two centuries before Rāma Rāya’s time, but his preoccupation with it caused him to ensure that the city always remained under the control of the Muslim kingdom currently allied with him. Such moves likely caused frustration among the four Sultanates, as well as the perception of treachery, strengthening their resolve to join forces against Rāma Rāya, ultimately causing Vijayanagara’s fall in 1565
C.E. See the prelude to Tāḷikōṭe starting page 367.
44Bhuvanēśvarī is a manifestation of Durgā or Pārvatī, and the patroness of Vijayanagara. Vidyāraṇya was a devotee of this deity. Rāmarājyais Rāma’s 10,000-year reign after his return to Ayodhyā following his victory over Rāvaṇa, as described in the *Rāmāyaṇa *(Yuddhakāṇḍa 128:99–106). Rāmarājyarepresents the Utopian ideal not merely of good and just governance, but also of the action of dharmain sustaining order in the world, where everything in the personal, societal, and natural realms functions in perfect mutual harmony, and in consonance with the order of r̥ta.
45See footnote 562 for clarifiication on Vidyāraṇya’s role as ruler of Vijayanagara. The dates and many particulars pertaining to Hakka and Bukka are unresolved. See page 390.
46 Smārtabrāhmaṇas are devoted to the study and preservation of the *smr̥tis *(the “remembered” corpus). The smr̥tisinclude the six Vedāṇgas, the Itihāsas, the Purāṇas, the Dharmaśāstras, the S ūtras, the Kāvyas, and the extensive corpus of commentaries. The śmr̥ticorpus is regarded as pauruṣeya, or of human creation, in contrast with the śruti, the “heard” or revealed corpus of ancient Indian oral tradition, seen as apauruṣeya, not of human creation.
The śrutisinclude the Vēdas, the Brāhmaṇas, the Āraṇyakas, and the *Upaniṣads. *
47The metre is Śārd ūlavikrīditā. See page 394 for a translation. The suggestion is that the kingdom flourishes because of mādhava. There is wordplay here on mādhava, which refers to Vidyāraṇya, but also connotes the season of spring. If the word is taken to mean spring, the verse treats the kingdom metaphorically as a tree, which puts out branches, shoots, and flowers, and thrives in the season of spring. If taken to mean Vidyāraṇya, the kingdom flourishes because of his skills in statecraft. A series of metaphors reference the classical
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prajñā·m ūla·mahī vivēka·salilaiḥsiktā balopaghnikā mantraiḥpallavitā viśāla·viṭapā sandhy’ādibhis.’ṣaḍguṇaiḥ|
śaktyā korakitā yaśas’surabhitā siddhyā samudyat’phalā samprāptā bhuvi bhāti ṉīti·latikā sarvottaraṁ mādhavaṁ ∥
In this verse is described how the vine Statecraft, using the most excellent and omniscient Mādhava (Vidyāraṇya) as support, grows to bear fiinest fruit.
In the period after the departure of this august fiigure
Early–mid 1400s
from Vijayanagara, there was at the court of Ānēgondi, a
capable minister engaged in the duties of governance. His
descendants, over the generations, continued in this ministerial role. Minister in the fiifth generation of his heirs was the famous Tammaṇṇa Śāstri.48
techniques of statecraft. These techniques are a set of six guṇasenumerated as follows in Kauṭilya’s ArthaśāstraVII.1 : “saṁdhi vigrahāsanayānasaṁśrayadvaidhībhāva śāḍguṇyam *ityācāryāḥ|” *, and elaborated further as “tatra paṇabandhaḥsaṁdhiḥ| apakāro vigrahaḥ|
upekṣaṇamāsanam | abhyuccayo yānam | parārpaṇam saṁśrayam | saṁdhivigrahopādanam *dvaidhībhāvaḥ|”*The fiirst statement, in light of the second, translates to: “The learned teachers say that the six forms of state policy are are *saṁdhi *(treaty, or rapprochement), *vigraha *(warfare), *āsana *(forbearance, or neutrality), *yāna *(expedition), *saṁśraya *(asylum), and *dvaidhībhāva *(sowing dissention).”
48The translator has located a manuscript in the hand of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s son Ayyā Śāstri, giving a genealogy identical to that in this biography. See page 344. The genealogical account that has come down to us lacks dates, but the translator’s analysis suggests that Tammaṇṇa Śāstri was born around 1600 C.E. (see page 67). If we reckon 30–40 years per generation, the fiirst of his ministerial ancestors would have been born about 150–200 years before this date, that is, in the early-to-mid 1400s C.E. This date is later than that assigned to Vidyāraṇya, and is consistent with the narrative in the biography, which places this person after Vidyāraṇya’s departure from Ānēgondi. Tammaṇṇa Śāstri’s remote ancestors likely came to Ānēgondi from the Hoysaḷa regions during Vidyāraṇya’s time, and assumed ministerial roles a little later. See footnote 49.
Chapter Two
Tammaṇṇa Śāstri was a Smārtabrāhmaṇa of the Hoysaḷa Karṇāṭaka sect.49 He was born into the Kāśyapa gōtraand belonged to the Drāh-yāyaṇaschool of the Sāmavēdictradition.50 This distinguished administrator was also a great Vēdicscholar. Tammaṇṇa Śāstri had two sons: Śaṇkara Śāstri and Paṭṭābhirāma Śāstri.51 The king held the illustrious Śāstri in high esteem, and relied on his able counsel in all matters.
The paths of history are indeed tortuous; Vijayanagara now entered a decline as remarkable as its glorious ascent. The strength of the Muslims began growing by the day all over Hindustan. Confiirmation appeared to be at hand of the impermanence of all creation. The Muslims of Haiderābād now cast their cruel sights in Vijayanagara’s direction. Not contented thereby, they besieged Vijayanagara with huge armies.52 How long indeed, could small numbers of Hind ū soldiers, mere water droplets, hold out against the Muslim hordes that surged on like ocean waves? Yet, could these āryanoffspring ever yield? Each Hind ū hero killed Muslims by the hundred as he won his place in the heaven for heroes. In the end, the Muslims, with their 49See footnotes 46 and 536. The family’s oral history holds, according to Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s great-grandson ṢR̥Śivasvāmi, that Tammaṇṇa Śāstri’s remote ancestors migrated to Ānēgondi from D ōrasamudra, the Hoysaḷa capital, where also they held ministerial positions.
50 *“kāśyapasagōtrōtpanna”*in the source. The gōtrais often taken to be kāśyapasa. But by Pāṇini ( 4.1.162): *“apatyam pautraprabhr̥ti gotram” *, the grandson’s name defiines the gōtra.
The progenitor r̥ṣiKaśyapa’s grandson being Kāśyapa, the gōtraname should be kāśyapa, not kāśyapasa. Either *“kāśyapa·gōtrō’tpannah.” *, or *“kāśyapa·sagōtrah. *” may have been better.
51The name appears as Śaṇkarabhaṭṭa, rather than as Śaṇkaraśāstri, in the genealogical manuscript by Ayyā Śāstri. *Śāstri, bhaṭṭa,*and śarmaare equivalent qualifiiers, all connoting brahminhood. Members of the Liṇgāyataor Vīraśaivacommunity do also adopt the qualifiier Śāstri. An excellent example would be Basappa Śāstri (see footnote 132).
52Vijayanagara was destroyed in the aftermath of the Battle of Rakkasa-Taṇgaḍi (also referred to as Tāḷikōte), January 26, 1565 C.E. Contemporary writers give various reasons for the defeat, including betrayal by the Gilani brothers, Muslim defectors from ‘Ali ‘Ādil Śāh I,
who commanded large Vijayanagara forces. The city was sacked by the combined forces of the Deccan Sultanates. In the present account, however, the attackers are specifiically identifiied as Haiderābādī Muslims. The battle being referenced here is almost surely different from Tāḷikōṭe. See pages 367 and 380 for further discussion.
8
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far more numerous armies, were the ones to fiind favour with Jayalakṣmī.53
Vijayanagara fell to the Muslims. They now proceeded to exact vengeance for their many long-standing envies of the Hind ūs. They began to enter and loot every home, directly after having gained the kingdom. Boundless wealth fell into Muslim hands. Many began to flee in the face
1565/1638
of this calamity. Cries of distress everywhere! Dreadful sights everywhere! Many Hind ū residents, abandoning all they had,
fled to foreign lands. Nobody knew what became of the king.54
We are drawn to describe the state of mind of Tammaṇṇa Śāstri at this time of anguish. This noble, gentle fiigure remained composed even at the loss of all his material possessions. The Muslims had spared his palm-leaf manuscripts, more precious to him than his own life, thinking them to be kindling, or otherwise worthless. Rejoicing at this, the Śāstri loaded them on to buffaloes, the popular transport of the time, and departed with his family for the province of Anantaśayana.55
En route, he arrived at a town called Ānēkallu, part of Mais ūru, our
realm.56 The local pāḷeyagārawas engaged in building a strong fort around this town.57 Astonished at the arrival of Tammaṇṇa Śāstri, who was 1639
traveling with eight buffaloes, and deeply anguished by his narrative, he conducted the Śāstri with great respect to his home, and 53The godess Lakṣmī has the following eight manifestations, representing various aspects of wealth or well-being: ¯
AdiLakṣmī (primæval form), DhanaLakṣmī (wealth), Dhānya Lakṣmī (grain), GajaLakṣmī (sovereignty), SantānaLakṣmī (progeny), VīraLakṣmī (valour), JayaLakṣmī (victory), and VidyāLakṣmī (learning).
54This reference to the king’s disappearance is meaningful if we grant the erroneous suggestion that this was the battle of Tāḷikōṭe, causing Vijayanagara’s fall in 1565 C.E. (footnote 52). Sadāśiva Rāya was nominally king, but his regent AḷiyaRāma Rāya, a distinguished general, held the reins of power, and led the Vijayanagara forces, despite being 80 years old.
Rāmarāya was captured and beheaded at Tāḷikōṭe, causing the Vijayanagara army’s collapse.
Rāmarāya’s brother Tirumala is known to have rushed back to Vijayanagara after the battle was lost, and immediately fled to Penukoṇḍa with enormous treasure. See pages 367–374.
We will see, however, that this was most likely a different battle, fought around 1638 C.E.
55Anantaśayana is modern-day Tiruvanantapuram, Kerala [Sircar 1971, p. 92].
56That is, Ānēkallu was part of Maisūru in 1919 C.E., not at Tammaṇṇa Śāstri’s time.
57See page 344 for the original source of this information. A *pāḷeyagāra *(or pāḷyagāra) is a tributary chieftain ruling a pāḷya, which may vary in size from a hamlet to a large district.
This allusion to a fort’s construction in Ānēkallu is crucial, and allows us to date Tammaṇṇa
Śāstri’s arrival to after 1638 C.E., much later than Vijayanagara’s fall in 1565 C.E., following the battle of Tāḷikōṭe. See pages 351–362 for a detailed discussion.
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sons of sarasvatī
urged him to settle in his domain. Unable to decline his entreaties, the Śāstri graciously accepted his gift of ten vr̥ttisand a house, and settled down there.58 He lived there contentedly for some time, and passed on into the next world.
After Tammaṇṇa Śāstri’s passing, his son Śaṇkara Śāstri remained in
Ānēkallu for some time, then moved to Māgaḍi, where he settled down.
The second son continued in Ānēkallu. Śaṇkara Śāstri had two children,
Veṇkaṭarāmābhaṭṭa and Tammaṇṇabhaṭṭa by name. Veṇkaṭarāmābhaṭṭa came to the village of Sōsale in the province of Tirumak ūḍalu-Narasīpura, and remained, fiinding support from many families there.59 Veṇkaṭarāmābhaṭṭa’s son was Timmappa Śāstri, whose son Veṇkaṭadāsappa was well known by the name of Sōsale Aṇṇayya Śāstri.
Even from childhood, Aṇṇayya Śāstri immersed himself in our ancient learning, and after his *upanayana,*devoted himself to Vēdicand literary studies. Those times were indeed unlike our own. Each person preserved his own traditions with great solicitude. Even when brāhmaṇas pursued occupations for their livelihoods, they never neglected their daily devotions, even by oversight. The pañcamahāyajñassanctifiied
*Late 1700s–early 1800s. *
the residence of every householder. Our śāstrictra-
ditions require every married brāhmaṇa to perform
the *pancamahāyajñas.*The pancayajñasare: worship of the *dēvas,*worship of the *r̥ṣis,*compassion for all creatures, rituals for departed ancestors, and solicitude for guests. Knowing these to be important to well-being in both worlds, ancient sages codifiied them as nityarituals, and enjoined their daily performance on all brāhmaṇas.60 Our ancestors performed them with devotion, and ensured the continuance of this tradition.61
58A *vr̥tti *(“living”) is a unit of largesse or endowment to a brāhmaṇa, typically comprising land, a home in an *agrahāra,*and means of sustenance, such as a well and cattle. Such grants were crucial to observant brāḥmaṇas, since Manusmr̥tiiv, 2–6 permitted them only certain livelihoods. The grant of as many as ten vr̥ttisto Tammaṇṇa Śāstri indicates extraordinarily high esteem on the part of the pāḷeyagāra. See footnote 240 for the value of vr̥ttisin 1821.
59 Ānēkallu is at 12.7 ◦ N, 77.7 ◦ E, Māgaḍi at 12.97 ◦ N, 77.23 ◦ E, and Sōsale at 12.23 ◦ N, 76.92 ◦ E.
60These are nityaor mandatory daily rituals. We see in Manusmr̥ti3 (69–71) : “tāsām krameṇa sarvāsām niṣkr̥tyartham maharṣibhiḥ| pañca kl¸ptā mahāyajñāḥpratyaham gr̥ha-medhinām ∥ adhyāpanam brahmayajñaḥpitr̥yajñam tu tarpaṇam | homo daivo balir bhauto nr̥yajño atithipūjanam ∥ pañca etān yo mahāyajñān na hāpayati śaktitaḥ| sa gr̥he api vasan nityaṁ s ūnādoṣair na lipyate ∥”
61See page 324 for an example from the early 20th century of solicitude for guests. Indeed,
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In Aṇṇayya Śāstri’s time, 120 years before the present, brāhmaṇic traditions flourished everywhere in forms tangible and incarnate. As a householder, Aṇṇayya Śāstri rose at dawn each morning, and after bathing and fiinishing his daily rituals, engaged himself in acts of service. He was skilled in practical matters. He founded a large agrahārain Sōsale, which was home to many brāhmaṇas.62 This was known as Aṇṇayya Śāstri’s Agrahāra.63
His home was well attended by servants. Guests were always welcome and well served. He was kindly and generous, always treating everyone as his own.
*atithi,*the word for guest, literally refers to one who arrives without warning. Well into the 20th century, such hospitality was the norm, and mandatory. See *Yājñavalkyasmr̥ti (*5.105 ):
*“bālasvavāsiṉīvr̥ddhagarbhiṇyāturakanyakā | sambhojyātithibhr̥tyāṁṣca dampatyoḥśeśa-bhojanam ∥”*meaning: “Having fed children, married daughters, the old, the pregnant, the ill, unmarried girls, guests, and servants, the couple may then partake of what remains.” Also see *Yājñavalkyasmr̥ti (*5.111 ): “adhvaṉīno’tithijñeyaḥśrotriyo vedapāragaḥ| mānyāvetau *gr̥hasthasya braḥmalokamabhīpsitah. ∥”*meaning: “Travellers are to be seen as guests. The śrotrīyaand the one learned in the Vēdasare both to be honoured by the householder who wishes to attain the regions of Brahma.”
62An agrahārais a settlement of brāhmaṇas, usually resulting from a charter or a grant of land. The granting of agrahārasis an ancient tradition, as MahābhārataIII 65.3 illustrates: “asmin karmaṇi niṣpanne vijñāte niṣadhādhipe | gavām sahasram dāsyāmi yo vas tāv
*ānayiṣyati | agrahāram ca dāsyāmi grāmam nagarasammitam |” *
63Aṇṇayya Śāstri’s Agrahāra no longer exists. As of August 2010, only a handful of brāhmaṇa households remained in Sōsale. Apart from three or four Ayyaṇgārfamilies, there is the family of Mr V. Narasiṁha M ūrti, the resident priest at the old location of Sōsale’s Vyāsarāya Maṭha, and that of Mr Narendra Bābu, a Baḍaganāḍubrāhmaṇa of the Ātreya *gōtra.*Aṇṇayya Śāstri was a Hoysaḷa Karṇāṭakabrāhmaṇa of the Kāśyapa *gōtra,*so it appears that none of his male descendents remain in sōsale. Such migrations of brāhmaṇas to larger urban centres in search of opportunities is not unusual. According to the Indian Census of 2011, over 63% of the 7,260 residents of Sōsale were engaged in marginal occupations providing livelihood for at least six months of the year, and 80% were from the Scheduled Castes or Tribes of India.
Chapter Three
AṇṇayyaŚāstrihadtwosons,VeṇkaṭarāmāŚāstriandTimmappaŚāstri by name. They were both excellent Vēdicscholars and kind-hearted.
Even from an early age, they were erudite and righteous, and benefiited from the good advice of their parents, always treating them with godlike respect.
Another son was born to Aṇṇayya Śāstri in the Citrabhānu saṁvatsara (1822 C.E.).64 This was the renowned Garaḷapurī Śāstri.65 It is from this luminary that we have learned of the positions of high esteem held by his ancestors. This son was the object of special affection on the part of Aṇṇayya Śāstri. Even from the age of three, he called him to his side every 1822
day, teaching him words from the Amara Kōśa,66 as well as grammatical formulæ. Garaḷapurī Śāstri quickly learned everything he was taught. By the age of eight, the Śāstri had already attained profiiciency in poetry, and was ready for more advanced study. He had also completed his upanayanaby this time.67
Recognizing the brilliance of this child, and wishing to further his learning at the hands of a great scholar, his father and older brother took him to Rāmāśāstri, an eminent scholar in the town of Tirumak ūḍalu. Welcoming them with respect, and learning of their intentions, Rāmāśāstri evaluated the boy, and accepting him with great enthusiasm, said “Let Garaḷapurī remain here, studying while living with us”; Aṇṇayya Śāstri responded: “He will arrive from Sōsale every day for his lessons,” and returned with his son 64This date comes from Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s son Ayyā Śāstri. As the only reliable date in this biography, it is one of our anchors for dating the rest of the genealogy. See the discussion following page 344.
65The correct form is Garaḷapurīśa, meaning Śiva, the lord of Garaḷapurī, a town better known as Nañjanag ūḍu, and famous for its Śiva temple. The fiinal śaof Garaḷapurīśa becomes assimilated into the initial syllable of Śāstriupon vocalization, and the name is articulated as Garaḷapurī Śāstri. Sandhirules require Garaḷapurīśśāstri, but the doubled śa would be hard to discern in speech.
66A thesaurus, by Amara Siṁha of the 4th century. It is written in verse in the Anuṣṭhubh metre, and comprises 10,000 words arranged in categories. It is traditionally memorized by children.
67The *upanayana *(“taking near”) is the ceremonial initiation of a boy into Brāhminhood, and is a traditional ritual prerequisite to starting one’s formal tutelage under a guru.
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to sōsale.68 Aṇṇayya Śāstri possessed the great virtue that while lavish in his generosity and hospitality to all, he did not accept unwarranted favours from others. He paid no heed to the strain of physical exertion.
1830
That he too should adopt and practice this ideal, going back and forth each day between sōsale and Tirumak ūḍalu, was agreeable to Garaḷapurī Śāstri. He never acted against the wishes of his father or brother.
The idea of going to Tirumak ūḍalu for advanced study with his brother now also occurred to Timmappa Śāstri. Aṇṇayya Śāstri and Veṇkaṭarāmā Śāstri approved of the idea, and bade Timmappa Śāstri do so, feeling that the brothers would be mutually supportive; the two now began to travel back and forth enthusiastically to Tirumak ūḍalu each day.
The river Kāvērī flows between Sōsale and Tirumak ūḍalu. Tirumakū-ḍalu is a noted place of pilgrimage in the South, akin to Kāśī in the North.
The temple of Agastyēśvara here is well renowned, just as the temple of Viś-veśvara is in Kāśī. The holy Gaṇgā is ever present in Agastyēśvara’s hair.69
This is a place of pilgrimage of infiinite sanctity and benefiicience. Tirumak ūḍalu is ringed by the Kapilā and Kāvērīrivers. “Tirumakūḍalu” means the confluence of three holy bodies of water. Saṁskr̥taworks refer to it as Trimakuṭa or Trimakuṭi.
Prayāga is the site of the confluence of the Gaṇgā, Yamunā, and Sarasvatī rivers. Here is the site of the confluence of the Kapilā and Kāvērī rivers, and the Sphaṭika lake. The Sphaṭika is invisible to our eyes. A stone pillar stands in the middle of the Kāvērī. This pillar is said to mark the middle of the Sphaṭika lake, which is the region around it. Tradition enjoins us not to question the origins of gods, of rivers, or of *r̥ṣis.*70 Indeed, the Purāṇashold that nobody has apprehended the origins of this lake, and we are obliged to take this as the truth.71 At the site of confluence in Tirumak ūḍalu is a stone staircase. Sitting on these stairs, we may behold the Kapilā flowing to our right and the Kāvērī to our left. Wherever we may sit, the meeting of these great rivers is a thrilling sight.
68In the traditional gurukulasystem, the student lived with the guru during his education. Garaḷapurī Śāstri would have likely traveled 3–4 km each way to Rāmāśāstri’s house.
69A hollow atop of the Śiva liṇgain the Agastyēśvara temple is said to collect water, an effect that the faithful attribute to the waters of the Gaṇgā, which Śiva is represented as bearing in his hair.
70See Garuḍapurāṇa1.115.57 : “nadīnāmagnihōtrāṇāṁ bhāratasya kulasya ca | mūlānvēṣō *na kartavyō m ūlāddoṣēṇa hīyate ∥” *
71The possibility of the Kāvērī having subsumed a lake in early times is an obvious one.
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Casting our sights on the banks of the Kapilā, we behold the Guñjā-narasimhasvāmi temple. If we extend our gaze farther along the bank, we perceive a *ghāt..*This is called the Jñānavāpī Tīrtha. At the edge of this *ghāt.*is the temple of Anādi Mūlasthāneśvara. If we cross the stream and proceed to Narasīpura, we may visit the deities of Narasiṁhasvāmi and M ūlasthāneśvara. Our eyes and hearts long for more, no matter how long we remain at this *saṇgama.*If we now tear ourselves away, and ascend the steps, we behold a giant aśvatthatree. All around this aśvatthatree are consecrated innumerable *nāgaśilas.*72 Upon circumambulating this aśvattha tree and proceeding further, our eyes are gratifiied by an image of Agastyēśvara with P ūrṇamaṇgaḷa Kāmākṣi.
This town is thick with the residences of śrōtribrāhmaṇas.73 The Purā-ṇashold this place as no less than Kailāsa on earth, with its fiive liṇgasSōmēśvara, Hanumantēśvara, Pātāḷēśvara, Agastyēśvara, and Mūlasthānēśvara, representing the fiive aspects of Īśvara. This is regarded as an important place of pilgrimage in our country of Mais ūru.74 One may reach this place by an overnight journey by cart from Mais ūru. The distance between Mais ūru and here is eighteen miles.
Rāmāśāstri lived here, a pure vaidikabrāhmaṇa, ever observant of tradition, and ever engaged in worship and devotion.75 His scholarship in litera-72The aśvatthatree is Ficus religiosa, sometimes called the *pippala *(peepal) tree. It holds great religious signifiicance. Nāgaśilāsare granite plaques with carved images of the snake god *Nāgēśvara,*and are quite commonly seen in South India.
73 *Śrōtris (śrōtrīyas)*are especially profiicient vaidikascholars (see footnote 75), devoted to preserving *śrutis,*the “heard” texts, traditionally transmitted only orally. The following verse from Śaṇkara’s commentary on Kālidāsa’s Śākuntalashows the high regard śrōtrīyas command: “janmanā brāhmaṇo jñeyaḥsaṁskārair dvija ucyate | vidyayā yāti vipratvam *tribhiḥśrotrīya ucyate ∥” *(By birth is derived the status of brāhmaṇa, by sacrament that of the twice-born. By learning comes the status of vipra, and by all three that of śrōtrīya.) 74Maisūru was still a kingdom in 1919 C.E., with the city of Maisūru as its capital. This kingdom formed the basis for the state of Karnāṭaka, which was called Mysore till 1973 C.E.
75In contrast to *laukika *(worldly) brāhmaṇas, vaidikabrāhmaṇas devoted themselves to Vēdicstudies and traditional learning, eschewing other more lucrative occupations. See, for instance, Bhandarkar [1933]: “. . . But a more important class of Bhikṣukasare Vaidikas, some of whom are Yājñikasas well. Learning the Vedasby heart, and repeating them in a manner never to make a single mistake, even in the accents, is the occupation of their life. The best R.gvedi Vaidikaknows by heart the Saṁhitā, Pada, Krama, Jaṭā, and Ghanaof the hymns or Mantraportion of the Veda, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇaand Āraṇyaka; the Kalpaand Gr̥hya Sūtraof the Āśvalāyana, the *Nighaṇṭu, Nirukta, Chandas, Jyotis. *, and Śikṣa, and Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyīon grammar. A Vaidikais thus a living Vediclibrary…” It should be no surprise that Vaidikasare especially respected. See the episode recounted on page 323.
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ture and grammar was unequalled. GaraḷapurīŚāstri now began his tutelage under him. A proverb says “The tender shoot foreshadows the full-grown crop”;76 delighting in the brilliance of Garaḷapurī Śāstri, Rāmāśāstri was content that his great learning had found fulfiillment in the instruction of a student of such merit.
The flow in the river being greatly diminished between the months of Mārgaśira and Vaiśakha, Garaḷapurī Śāstri and Timmappa Śāstri waded through it each day en route to Tirumak ūḍalu.77 When the river was in flood, they would cross it by boat, returning to Sōsale after their lessons.78
76This is a literal translation. This proverb has equivalents in many Indian languages, but there appears to be none in English.
77The shallow Kāvērī crossing at Sōsale has played a pivotal role in shaping the history of Mais ūru, through events that Aṇṇayya Śāstri is sure to have witnessed. In its advance on Śrīraṇgapaṭṭaṇa during the Fourth Mysore War, the campaign that led to T.ippu Sultān’s death, the British army under Major General George Harris abruptly turned south after an engagement with T.ippu’s troops at Maḷavaḷḷi, and forded the Kāvērī at Sōsale on March 30, 1799 C.E., in a manœuvre that outflanked the Sultān’s forces, which were deployed in anticipation of a crossing at Arakere. Intending to use Sōsale as a supply depot, T.ippu had stock-piled vast stocks of provisions at the village, which all fell into British hands. A ruined brick hut, which the locals attribute to T.ippu, still stands on the Kāvērī’s banks directly to the west of sōsale. The river was about three feet deep and three hundred yards wide at the Sōsale crossing [Groves 1887, Hook 1832], and the place had 15,000 head of cattle and large stocks of fodder and grain, which the British commandeered. The attacking forces, the largest British army ever assembled in India, must have presented quite a spectacle at sōsale, consisting of 15,076 infantry, 2635 cavalry, 608 gunners, 104 pieces of artillery, joined by 10,157 infantry and 6000 horse belonging to the *Nizām *[Murray 1853]. The supply train included 60,000
oxen, carrying suffiicient supplies for several monthṣsōsale’s economy must have been devastated by the passage of such a large force, since the British armies tended to preserve their supplies, living off the land in their conquest of South India. Nonetheless, Sōsale benefiited greatly from T.ippu’s miscalculation. Had he expected the Sōsale crossing, he would have devastated the surrounding countryside to deny the British forage and shelter, as he did the countryside between Maḷavaḷḷi and the expected crossing near Arakere. Every dwelling there was torched, and not a blade of grass left intact. The supplies secured at Sōsale were vital to the British success, since the march was rigorous and the cattle, used as draft and pack animals, were driven mercilessly. In fact, the assault on Śrīraṇgapaṭṭaṇa was forced on May 4
by impending starvation in the British camp, and the death of almost all its cattle [Dundas 1800, p. 279].
78Coracles, called teppasin Kannaḍa, are widely used for crossing rivers and streams in the region. Teppasare circular baskets of bamboo and reed, measuring 5–8 feet in diameter and often covered on the outside with hide and tar. They are propelled and steered with a single paddle, and accommodate about six passengers. Steel teppasare now commonly used for transportation, since these accommodate up to a dozen people (or goods), and are more robust to bottom scraping in shallow water. Bamboo teppasare still used by fiishermen, being cheaper, lighter, and more manœuvrable.
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The rain, wind, cold, or the sun would frequently be cruel and merciless, but they continued their studies with dedication and enthusiasm, heedless of these discomforts, recognizing that the cycle of the seasons followed the patterns of Nature.
By the age of sixteen, Garaḷapurī Śāstri had attained profiiciency in the subjects of *campū,*79 dramaturgy, poetics,80 and grammar. Upon hearing of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s scholarly achievements, his great virtues, and his śrōtric heritage, Veṇkaṭasubbayya of Hulluhaḷḷi81 in Nañjanagūḍu district 1838
approached Aṇṇayya Śāstri with a proposal for marriage with his eight-year-old daughter Subbamma.82 Veṇkaṭasubbayya’s also being an illustrious heritage, this alliance met with mutual approval. Garaḷapurī Śāstri accepted the duties of a householder at an auspicious time.
Aṇṇayya Śāstri had a son before Garaḷapurī Śāstri, whom everyone called Rāmappa. Having an unusually sluggish intellect, he had been unreceptive to learning as a child. The father and older brothers had made great efforts to ensure an education for this brother, but had remained unsuccessful. They were fiinally resigned for this to remain his fate in this birth.
Though Rāmappa was not learned, he was extremely virtuous. Everyone had great compassion for him. In his case too, Aṇṇayya Śāstri ensured the timely completion of all such rituals as upanayanaand marriage.
79A complex literary form, which treats a subject in both rhythmic prose and poetry.
80The word used is alaṇkāra, which literally means tropology. As will become clear shortly, he was also a profiicient poet.
81This name appears inconsistently as Veṇkaṭarāmayya in subsequent references.
82Subbamma, eight years Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s junior, must have been born in 1830 C.E.
Chapter Four
GaraḷapuriŚāstriremainedinSōsaleafterhismarriage. Atthetime, Sōsale too, was home to great scholars. The grand maṭhaof the great Mādhvaguru Vyāsarāyasvāmi is in Sōsale.83 Many scholars were attached to this *maṭha.*Among them was the great scholar Tammayyācārya.84 This stalwart possessed a deep mastery of logic. Wishing to study logic with him, Garaḷapurī Śāstri ventured to approach Tammayyācārya to make his wishes known. The ¯
Acāryaaccepted him gladly. Applying himself assiduously to the study of logic, the Śāstri attained great profiiciency in this fiield as well.85
83This *maṭha,*originally called the Pūrvādi Maṭha, is named after ŚrīVyāsarāya (1460–
1539 C.E.), who became its head in 1476 C.E. This Mādhvasaint was guru to Vijayanagara kings such as Kr̥ṣṇadēvarāya, and is often held as being second only to Madhvācārya, the founder of the Dvaitabranch of Vēdanticphilosophy. The poet-composers Purandaradāsa and Kanakadāsa were his students. After being damaged by the Kāvērī floods of 1924 C.E., this maṭhawas relocated to Vyāsarājapura, just north of Sōsale, and again in 1981 C.E. to a new site at the saṇgamain Tirumak ūḍalu, next to the temple of Agastyēśvara. Thereafter, the old maṭhalocation remained shuttered for many years, but was reopened in 2008, with Mr V. Narasiṁha M ūrti of Baḷḷāri as its resident priest. Activity at this location was limited at the time, but it remained accessible to visiting devotees.
84The records of the Parakāla Maṭha in Maisūru indicate that Tammayyācārya of Sōsale’s Vyāsarāya Maṭha welcomed ŚrīŚrīnivāsa Parakālasvāmi with *kāṇikas,*fruit trays, and shawls upon the Svāmi’sreturn on May 24, 1859 C.E. from a trip away from Mais ūru, and that he received phalamantrākṣatefrom the *Svāmi *[Desikāchārya 1949, p. cxxxvii]. Garaḷapurī Śāstri appears to have moved to Mais ūru around this time, and may have been by his guru’s side on this occasion.
85According to the information on page 336, it appears that Garaḷapurī Śāstri also taught logic to his students. A Dēvanāgarimanuscript the translator has discovered in Kavitāvilāsa is an extensive *krōḍapatra *(scholium) on the Sāmānyanirukti, a treatise on Navya Nyāya logic by the well-known Gadādhara Bhaṭṭācārya. The colophon credits it to a Śrīpurīśa in the saṁvatsara Krōdhin, or 1844 C.E., when Garaḷapurī Śāstri would have been 22 years old. We can be confiident that this Śrīpurīśa is none other than Garaḷapurī Śāstri from the fiinal colophon in his Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīyam: “iti śrīpurīśakr̥tau kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīye alaṇkāraśāstre *śabdālaṇkāra prakaraṇaṁ saṁpūrṇaṁ” *. His profiiciency in Navya Nyāyais clearly evident in his defiinition of alaṇkārain his Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāliyam: “. . . śabdārthacārutvātiśayahētutvam *ca śabdārthānyataraniṣṭhā yā viṣayitāsaṁba ˙ndhāvacchinnā camatkr̥tijanakatā tadavacchēdakatvam” *. This technical and precise defiinition uses a cascade of formal constructions and technical concepts from Navya Nyāya, such as hētutvam, viṣayitā, avacchinna, and avacchedakatvam. The use of Navya Nyāyaconcepts in defiining alaṇkāraswas pioneered by the well-known Jagannātha Paṇḍita in works such as the Rasagaṇgādhara. The Kr̥ṣṇabhū-pāḻīyamfollows Appayya Dīkṣita’s treatment of alaṇkāras, but Garaḷapurī Śāstri was clearly familiar with the work of Dīkṣita’s rival Jagannātha.
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Timmappa Śāstri had trained, with his brother, to the extent of dramaturgy under Rāmāśāstri, but no further in literary fiields. Nonetheless, like his brother, he was accomplished in literature, and tutored many students in his home.
Garaḷapurī Śāstri had a natural and innate talent for poetry. This is not an ability that can be taught. Following the example of his illustrious guru Rāmāśāstri, an exceptional poet, who would frequently compose exquisite verses on Agastyēśvara and other deities, he too would often compose splendid ślokason various topics. Shortly after his marriage, according to an anecdote of his childhood that has survived, his father-in-law Hulluhaḷḷi Veṇkaṭarāmayya,86 reciting the following ślōkain praise of Rāma87
*vāme bh ūmi·sutā puraś’ca hanumān paścāt sumitrā·sutah. *
śatrughno bharataś’ca pārśva·daḷayor vāyvādi·koṇeṣu ca |
sugrīvaś’ca vibhīṣaṇaś’ca yuvarāṭtārā·suto jāmbavān madhye ṉīla·saroja·komala·ruciṁ rāmaṁ bhaje śyāmalam ∥
before his household deity, asked: “Garaḷapurī, what do you think of this *ślōka?*Do you happen to know it?” The Śāstri, listening with great respect and devotion, answered that it was a mere prayer *ślōka.*His father-in-law then asked: “Could you compose a similar ślōkaon Īśvara?”88 Rising to the challenge, the Śāstri promptly composed the ślōka 89
vāmāṇke girijā puras’tricaraṇaḥpaścāc.’ca nandīśvarō herambaś’ca guhaś’ca pārśva·dalayōr vāyvādi·koṇeṣu ca |
*caṇḍīśo’pi ca bhairavas’savinayo bāṇas’tathā rāvaṇah. *
tan’madhye sphuṭa·puṇḍārīka·ruciraṁ śrī·ṉīlakaṇṭhaṁ bhaje ∥
86This name appeared inconsistently as Hulluhaḷḷi Veṇkaṭasubbayya on page 16.
87This is a well-known ślōkain the Śārd ūlavikrīditāmetre. Many South Indian household shrines include paintings or pictures depicting deities surrounded in this fashion by attendants and devotees. The image described in this ślōkais a common image, and generally referred to as Śrīrāma paṭṭābhiṣēkaṁ, or Śrīrāma’s coronation. The imagery reflects the description of Rāma’s coronation in the Yuddhakāṇḍa:128of the *Rāmāyaṇa.*See page 394
for a translation.
88Given the imagery in the ślōka, the challenge was likely not simply to compose any Śiva ślōkasimilar to the Rāma *ślōka,*but to compose one describing an image of Īśvara in Hulluhaḷḷi Veṇkaṭarāmayya’s household shrine.
89See page 395 for a translation.
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Overjoyed at hearing this, Veṇkaṭarāmayya declared, “Garaḷapurī, you are destined for great fame!” to which the Śāstri respectfully responded, “These are merely the fruits of your blessings.”90 The poetic muse had favored him even as a student. The meaning of the saying “kavitā vanitā caiva *svayamēvāgatā varā”*91 was exemplifiied in him. His poetic abilities were well known to his fellow-students, but not to either Tammayyācārya or the Śrī Svāmi.92 These came to light through a remarkable episode.
A scholar of ordinary merit and without poetic talent once arrived in Sōsale from elsewhere, craving to be rewarded for a ślōkaof his own composition, though it lacked integrity of meaning or structure. He met the Śrī Svāmiwith the help of offiicials from the Maṭha. Upon his indicating that he had composed poetry, which he would gladly present at the Svāmi’s behest, the Svāmiarranged for a large audience.93 The poem was recited. In the audience that day were Tammayyācārya, his student Garaḷapurī Śāstri, as well as many other scholars. Out of politeness, and a sense that criticism would amount to rudeness, everyone was content to merely acknowledge the work. Sensing this, the Śrī Svāmiremained silent, and respecting all mutual courtesies between scholars, saw off the scholar with proper deference.
Garaḷapurī Śāstri, who was in the audience, was greatly saddened at the lack of criticism of a work so shoddy and lacking in poetic merit. He sat silently, however, out of regard for his guru Tammayyācārya, not wanting to anger him. The sadness, however, remained with him, even after he returned home and went to bed. He did not sleep well. Rising before dawn the next morning, he went to the river for his ablutions. A stone maṇṭapastands en route to the river from the Maṭha.94 While returning 90The traditional response to a compliment from an elder.
91“Of maidens and verses, they alone are most excellent, who come of their own accord.”
A couplet expressing a similar sentiment says: “kavitā vanitā caiva svayātā rasadāyiṉī |
*balādākr̥ṣyamāṇā cet sarasā nirasā bhavet ∥” *
92The honorifiic title of the head of the Vyāsarāyasvāmi Maṭha. SrīVidyāpūrṇa Tīrtha was the head of this maṭha1824–1872 C.E. These events date to 1842 C.E. See footnote 98.
93Footnote in original: “These verses do not appear here, having been lost. Likewise, many poems of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s childhood have been lost with him.”
94 Maṇṭapais the Kannaḍa form of maṇḍapa, a ceremonial pavilion or structure. The maṇṭapareferenced here no longer exists. Mr V. Narasiṁha Mūrti, resident priest at the Sōsale maṭhain 2010 C.E., was aware of a maṇṭapagurus had used for meditation in the past.
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from the river, he wrote the following ślōkaon the walls of the maṇṭapain Dēvanāgari script, reflecting the sadness within him.95
anāghrāta·vyaṇgyair aparicita·śabdārtha·racanair
abuddhā’laṇkārair’anavagata·bhāvojjvala·rasaiḥ|
*yaśo·mātr’āṇk ūrān’nava·nava·durāśaiḥkukavibhih. *
duradhvē vyākr̥ṣṭā bhagavati vipannāsi kavitē ∥
The meaning of this ślōkais as follows: O beautiful muse of poetry, how tragically have you been drawn down the path of ruin by base poets, who are unacquainted with vyaṇgya, unskilled in poetic composition, and ignorant of poetic tropes and devices!96
95The metre is Śikhariṇī. See page 395 for a translation.
96 Vyaṇgyais the poetic device where subtle meaning is revealed through suggestion, inference, or implication in context, rather than from the overt meanings of the words. Poetic meaning can be construed at three levels: vācyārtha, lakṣyārtha, and the vyaṇgyārtha, corresponding to the word-meaning, metaphorical meaning, and suggested meaning. Effective use of vyaṇgyarequires great subtlety, and represents the highest form of accomplishment in Indian poetics. Consider the following verse from Kālidāsa ( *Kumārasambhava,*6:84) : evaṁ vādini devarṣau pārśve pituradhomukhī | ḻīlākamalapatrāṇi gaṇayāmāsa pārvatī ∥, which translates to “As the divine sage (Aṇgīrasa) spoke thus, Pārvatī, by her father’s (Him-
ālaya’s) side, lowered her gaze and began counting the petals of the lotus she was playing with.” Aṇgīrasa has just asked Himālaya to give his daughter Pārvatī in marriage to Śiva.
Kālidāsa paints a picture of a bashful but willing Pārvatī, without ever explicitly using words suggesting these sentiments. Vyaṇgyacan operate in very subtle ways in the hands of an accomplished master. Consider, for example, Kālidāsa’s invocation of Śiva and Pārvatī in the justly celebrated fiirst verse of his Raghuvaṁśa: vāgarthāviva saṁpr̥ktau vāgarthapratipattaye |
jagataḥpitarau vande pārvatīparameśvarau ∥
Kālidāsa never explicitly mentions the conjoined Ardhanārīśvaraform of Śiva and Pārvatī, but readily reveals his intention by using the word *saṁpraktau *(commingled) to describe the pair. Having thus prepared the reader’s mind, he deploys such an astonishing variety of subtle grammatical, philosophical, and poetical devices to reinforce this image as to leave one breathless. Thus, at the grammatical level, Kālidāsa is implicitly invoking the vārttika “ivena *nityasamāso vibhaktyalopaḥpurvapadaprakr̥tisvaratvaṁ ca” *, which declares vāgarthāviva (“as are word and meaning”) to be a nityasamāsaor inseparable compound, which we cannot separate into *vāk *(word) + *artha *(meaning) + *iva *(as are), though these components are clearly apparent. This evokes the inseparability of the couple in their Ardhanārīśvaraform.
In his commentary, Mallinātha takes note of an even subtler evocation of this inseparability at the semantic level, through the *vārttika “siddhe śabdārtha sambandhe” *(“eternal are word, meaning, and their relationship”), the very fiirst commented upon by Patañjali in his
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21
The Śāstri returned home after having written this *ślōka.*Now, it was the Śrī Svāmi’spractice to perform japaat this maṇṭapaafter bathing in the river each morning.97 When the Svāmiarrived at the manṭapaas usual for his *japa,*his eyes fell upon the ślōkawritten on the wall. When the Svāmiread it, he wondered who could have composed a ślōkaof such del-icacy, surmising that it had to be the work of some great poet from times past. While the other scholars accompanying the Svāmiwere tending to the same opinion upon reading it, the Svāmicalled out to Tammayyācārya, and asked, “ ¯
*Acārya,*where is the ślōkaon the wall from?” A number of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s fellow-students, who were around, now suggested to the Svāmi that this was very likely to have been the work of Garaḷapurī Śāstri. At this, the Svāmiand Tammayyācārya, summoning Garaḷapurī Śāstri, asked him “Garaḷapurī, do tell us, who from the maṭhais likely to have composed this ślōka?”. The Śāstri, unwilling to speak anything but the full truth in the presence of his guru, acknowledged that he had composed 1842
and written the *ślōka,*and explained his reasons. The Svāmiand the scholars present were full of praise for his abilities. The Svāmi blessed the Śāstri, saying “Śāstri, you will go on to be a great poet; this is truly the result of divine favour.” Such was the extraordinary extent of the Śāstri’s accomplishments, even by the age of twenty.98
GaraḷapurīŚāstri knew all fiive of the Nāgara, Dēvanāgara, Grantha, Telugu, and Kannaḍa scripts. He could write in an elegant hand in each of these scripts, and used them all as he wrote in his books.99
When Aṇṇayya Śāstri passed on, his sons completed his last rites, and divided their paternal property amongst themselves. Since the youngest brother Rāmappa was the least intellectually accomplished, the three eldest brothers gave him the largest share.
Mahābhāṣya. Similarly, *pitarau *( mātā ca pitā ca pitarau) is an ekaśeṣa dvandvacompound, in which only pitāremains when mātāand pitāare compounded, again evoking the oneness of the conjoined form. And so on. This is vyaṇgya, indeed, for the profoundly erudite.
97 Japais a form of meditation involving repetition of a word, phrase, or idea.
98Making 1842 C.E. the date of this episode.
99Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s surviving manuscripts are indeed in a beautiful calligraphic hand.
Chapter Five
Afterthistime,TimmappaŚāstriandRamappalookedaftertheirre-
spective lands, living on different sides of the courtyard of the large house in Sōsale they had divided between themselves. Veṇkaṭarāmāśāstri, the eldest, having always had a knack for practical affairs, enjoyed the confiidence of people in surrounding villages, and was frequently called upon to adjudicate various matters arising between them. As head of the joint family, he made his residence in the great hall upstairs in the Sōsale house, and continued looking after his lands.
Now, when his father-in-law Giribhaṭṭa, royal r̥tvikat the Palace,100 impressed by his great skill in practical matters, appointed him head of his jōḍi village of Duddagere,101 he brought about great improvements in this village, and receiving particular assistance and resources from his father-in-law, built a large house just north of the temple of Gargēśvara Svāmi.102 This house still stands.
In the month of Māgha each year, as a mark of deep devotion, his father Aṇṇayya Śāstri conducted a generous santarpaṇafor a thousand brāhmaṇas and a thousand of their womenfolk, in a grove near the river in Sōsale.103
It was quite diffiicult to accommodate so many brahmaṇas and their womenfolk in the village in a single day.104 Arrangements had therefore been made for brahmaṇas and their wives to arrive from various places, such as Tirumak ūḍalu and Narasīpura, on different days. Brahmaṇas and their wives would continue to arrive from all over, for as many as fiive or six days, 100Offiiciating priest at Vēdicrituals. It is unclear who this Giribhaṭṭa is. A reference to the work Saṁskāra Kaumudiby a Giribhaṭṭa appears in Pandey [1998, p. 288] without a date or publisher.
101Duddagere is about 16 km east of Maisūru. A jōḍivillage is a freehold or leasehold grant by royal decree, obligating the recipient only to some nominal taxes. The types of ināmland grants in Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III’s reign were sarvamānya, ardhamānya, jōḍi grāma, jōḍi agrahāra, bhaṭamānya, dēvādāya, dharmādāya, koḍagi inām, and *kere bandi *[Rice 1877a, pp. 686–691]. See George [1970] for a discussion of the land revenue system in Mais ūru.
102The temple referenced appears to be in the village of Gargēśvarī, not in Duddagere.
103See page 326 for a fiirst-hand account of a *santarpaṇa *(literally “satiating”) from the early 1900s. An anna santarpaṇasuch as this was supposed to accrue great merit.
104In 1876 C.E., Sōsale had 536 houses and 2,716 people, Narasīpura had 82 houses and 444
people (Tirumakuḍalu-Narasīpura had 1,650 people in 1891 C.E.), Hulluhaḷḷi had a population of 1,277, and Mais ūru itself had 11,618 houses with 57,815 people [Rice 1877b].
22
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23
until their count reached a thousand. Many relatives of theirs would come along as well. Cooks and servants were not readily available in those times.
Family members and relatives helped out, participating enthusiastically in cooking and other such activities. As a result, the santarpaṇasproceeded with grandeur. Well pleased, brahmaṇas from the neighbouring villages and their wives bestowed their blessings on Aṇṇayya Śāstri’s household.105
After Aṇṇayya Śāstri’s time, Veṇkaṭarāmāśāstri continued this tradition with great devotion. Since the country was prosperous in those times, the essentials for *santarpaṇas,*such as grain, flowers, fruit, milk, yoghurt, ghee, and vegetables were readily and cheaply available; it was also usual for the residents of one village to send such essentials to the residents of another village, when the need arose. Consequently, santarpaṇasproceeded with great splendour.
From time to time, Garaḷapurī Śāstri accompanied his guru Tammayyā-cārya, paṇḍitaat the court, on his trips to Maisūru to see His Highness regarding matters concerning the *maṭha.*On one such occasion, Tammayyā-cārya took his student Garaḷapurī Śāstri to the court with him.106 His Highness always treated Tammayyācārya, great scholar that he was, with enormous respect. Such pillars of scholarship as Dādāśāstri,107 Rāmaśēṣāśāstri,108
Kavi Varadācārya, Sajjayyācārya, Kuṇigala Rāmaśāstri, VyākaraṇaNarasiṁhaśāstri, Kāśī Timmaṇṇācārya,109 and Kumbhakōṇa Śēṣācārya110 graced the court. Garaḷapurī Śāstri decided to move to Maisūru upon witnessing this 105See footnote 276. The āśīrvādaor blessing is an essential and integral component of any ritual, and occurs at the end.
106See footnote 84.
107From the Kannaḍa caption in the painting shown in Plate 25b, it appears that Dādāśāstri was in fact none other than Tryambakaśāstri, who fiigures prominently in Kuṇigala Rāmaśāstri’s biography.
108It has been argued [in Lakshminarasimhaiya *et al.,*1970, p. 140] that the Rāmaśēṣā-śāstri appearing in ṀṢPuṭṭaṇṇa’s biography of Kuṇigala Rāmaśāstri should be identifiied with Kaśi Śēṣa Śāstri. These authors also note [on p. 22] that Kaśi Śēṣa Śāstri established a school of Saṁskr̥tagrammar in Maisūru, and list a number of famous scholars of the time, who are claimed to have become eminent professors under his “guidance”. This list, however, is excessively broad, and includes several great scholars, such as Garaḷapurī Śāstri and Kumbhakōṇa Śēṣācārya, who defiinitely were nothis students. (See footnote 110.) This erroneous information has been reproduced, as by Naidu [1996]. In fact, when Śēṣa Śāstri died on April 26, 1860 C.E., Garaḷapurī Śāstri, himself a mature thirty-eight, had likely just moved to Mais ūru. See page 179 for an illustration of Rāmaśeṣaśāstri’s prodigious intellect.
109See footnote 594.
110Kumbhakōṇa Śēṣācārya lived in the Ramāvilāsa *agrahāra,*and was a guru of Garaḷapurī
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sons of sarasvatī
constellation of scholars, the great regard they were held in by His Highness, and the grandeur of the capital city, and with support from Kempu Rāmāśāstri, who was his sister’s father-in-law and physician at the court, he moved with his family from Sōsale to Mais ūru, and took
1859
up temporary residence in Kempu Rāmāśāstri’s home.111
The
Śāstri’s brother-in-law Subbaṇṇa was studying medicine at this time. Kempu Rāmāpaṇḍita, who later became principal of the Maisūru
Āyurvēdic College, was none other than his son.112 Kempu Rāmāśāstri arranged to have his eldest son Subbaṇṇa receive instruction from Garaḷapurī Śāstri on the *Vāgbhaṭa,*a book on medicine.113
Śāstri’s son KavitilakaAyyā Śāstri. In December 2010, the translator had the great privilege of meeting Śēṣācārya’s grandson, Kaulagi Śēṣācārya, then a hundred years of age, living at 5/1 Sītāvilāsa Road, opposite Marimallappa’s Junior College. Despite his advanced age, he remained astonishingly robust, and in full possession of his mental faculties. Not only was he able to recount his various memories of Ayyā Śāstri from over eighty years past, he instantly remembered all of Ayyā Śāstri’s children in birth order. He also correctly pointed out that the name was properly “Ayya” Śāstri, not “Ayyā” Śāstri, as it is pronounced by Ayya Śāstri’s surviving relatives. The present work uses the form “Ayyā” Śāstri, so this pronounci-ation was clearly acceptable to Ayyā Śāstri himself, although it appears as “Ayya” in his own works. Kaulagi Śēṣācārya also strongly refuted the claim [in Lakshminarasimhaiya et al., 1970] that his grandfather Kumbhak ōṇa Śēṣācārya had been one of Kāśī Śēṣa Śāstri’s students. Incidentally, the “Kumbhakōṇa” in his name can mislead. Śēṣācārya’s ancestors were in fact Marāṭhi-speaking immigrants. The family still speaks an archaic form of the language.
Regrettably, Kaulagi Śēṣācārya passed away in 2011.
111No date is given for Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s move to Maisūru. However, a biography of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s son Ayyā Śāstri (b. 1855 C.E.) written by his son Kr̥ṣṇasvāmi Śāstri (see page 335) indicates that Ayyā Śāstri moved to Mais ūru with his father and his family at the age of about six or seven. This account places the year of his move to around 1861–1862
C.E. Among Ayyā Śāstri’s papers, the translator found an anonymous manuscript biography
[Sāstri 2012], likely also to have been by this biography’s author, of Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya (b. 1847 C.E.), which states that he was 12 when he became Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s student, placing Garaḷapurī Śāstri in Maisūru by 1859 C.E. Perhaps Garaḷapurī Śāstri moved to Maisūru fiirst, and his family followed a few years later.
112See Plate 17c for a portrait of Kempu Śāstri. The following depicts the family’s known genealogy.
Kempu Śāstri
Kempu
(Kempu Nārā-
Kempu
Subban
Rāmāpaṇd
Rāmā
. ṇa (mar-
. ita
→yan
→Rāmā →ried Garal
*→ *(married Garaḷapurī
Śāstri
. a Kavi), born
.apurī
1773, author of
Śāstri
Śāstri’s sister)
Śāstri’s 2nd daughter
Mudrāmañj ūṣa
Sītamma)
A more complete genealogy of Kempu Rāmāpaṇḍita’s descendents has been prepared by Professor ṬV. Venkatachala Sastry of Mais ūru.
113The adjectival form Vāgbhāṭīyawould be more grammatical, but the author’s name is
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25
The father of this Kempu Rāmāśāstri was Kempu Śāstri, also known as Kempu Nārāyaṇakavi, the author of the *Mudrāmañj ūṣa,*114 a Kannaḍa literary work. After some time, GaraḷapurīŚāstri decided to move into a house of his own, and made his intentions known to Kānkānhaḷḷi Subr-
> 1864
ahmaṇyācārya,115 paurāṇikaat the royal court, who lived in the vaṭhāraof VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya’s house,116 close to Kempu Rāmāśāstri’s home in Mais ūru’s Old Agrahāra, and to his younger brother Guṇḍācārya. These brothers approached VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya’s son Vīṇe Śēṣaṇṇa, Vīṇā Bakṣiat the court, who then arranged to have Garaḷapurī Śāstri occupy a house that had become vacant in the vaṭhārawhere he himself resided.117 It was generally not the practice at that time to charge rent.
Garaḷapurī Śāstri and his family lived contentedly in this house, which, by being used here as a metonym. GaraḷapurīŚāstri, though not trained in medicine, clearly had the scholarship in Saṁskr̥tato interpret the text. Indian scientifiic treatises were generally written in poetry or as terse aphorisms, requiring facility in Saṁskr̥ta. The Aṣṭāṇgahr̥daya and *Aṣṭāṇgasaṁhitā (Vāgbhaṭa)*are attributed to Vāgbhaṭa. Caraka, Suśruta, and Vāgbhaṭa were the three classical writers on Āyurvēda.
114This landmark work of Kannaḍa literature dates to 1823 C.E., and is based on a study of Viśākhadatta’s *Mudrārākṣasa *(a play of the 9th century C.E. on Candragupta Maurya), the Mudrārākṣasa Kathāby Mahādēva Tirtha and Mudrārākṣasa Kathāsāraby Ravikartana (both 16th century C.E.). Professor ṬV. Venkatachala Sastry has prepared a modern critical edition of this work [Śāstri 1999].
115Kānkānhaḷḷi Subrahmaṇyācārya was the father of the celebrated vocalist Mysore Vāsudevācārya (1865–1961 C.E.), to whom we owe Nā Kaṇḍa Kalāvidaru, a treasury of fiirst-hand accounts of musicians of the period [Vasudevacārya 1994]. In childhood, Vāsudēvācārya would have known Garaḷapurī Śāstri. See footnote 118.
116A vaṭhārais a community of families living in a cluster of houses within a walled enclosure. VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya (1750–1838 C.E.) was a well-known vīṇāplayer who wielded enormous political influence. See Plate 18a. Contemporary British accounts pillory him as a corrupt offiicial who was qāziat the court when Liṇga Raj Arasu (not AḷiyaLiṇgarajē Arasu) was *Dīvān,*and who was even convicted of corruption [Gopal 1993]. Veṇkaṭasubbayya’s residence was a palatial mansion within the Mais ūru fort, protected by seven guards with swords drawn [Vasudevacārya 1994, p. 6]. The house referred to here was clearly among his other properties.
117 *Bakṣi *(properly baḳhśi, from the Persian baḳhśidan, “to bestow”, but often encountered as the droll variant bhakṣi, related to bhakṣa, “to consume”) was a title derived from Mughal administration, where it referred to an executive position, including the function of paymaster. In Mais ūru of the time, however, it was an honorary administrative title given to heads of departments at the Palace, with status equivalent to that of Assistant Commissioners in the State Government [Ikegame 2007, p. 24]. The Śēṣaṇṇa referred to would be *Doḍḍa *(the elder) VīṇeŚēṣaṇṇa, VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya’s adopted son [Subramanian 1985, p. 71; Vedavalli 1992, p. 55]. Doḍḍa VīṇeŚēṣaṇṇa became Vīṇā Bakṣiat the Palace after the death of CikkaRāmappa in 1864 C.E., who had himself been appointed to the post after the
26
sons of sarasvatī
providence, they were able to obtain so quickly. This *vaṭhara,*and the mansion in it, survives to this day.118 The lower floor of this mansion contains a large hall. This hall served as Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s classroom. Schools, by themselves, did not exist in those times. The homes of great scholars served as schools.
At this time, some ten or twelve students, some local, some from elsewhere, came to study with the Śāstri. Some studied poetics, while others studied *campū.*The Śāstri would include newly arriving students in these same classes. His students numbered about twenty, after a year or so. Gradually, the number of students studying subjects such as poetics, *campū,*and dramaturgy with the Śāstri reached thirty or thirty-fiive. Among them were many advanced students, such as Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya, the principal of Mais ūru’s Sadvidyāśāla,119 Narasiṁhasvāmi of Mahādēvapura, Nārāyaṇa Sōmayāji, and K ūḍli Subbarāya Śāstri. That three-fourths of these students became great scholars in their own right is even now well known to many.
Over time, the Śāstri’s great scholarship, poetic abilities, nobility of nature, reputation, and generosity with learning came to the attention of His Highness Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III,120 who called him to court through Bakṣi death of his guru VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya in 1838 C.E. Interestingly, CikkaRāmappa’s son was *Cikka *(the younger) VīṇeŚēṣaṇṇa (1852–1926 C.E.), himself a celebrated vīṇāplayer, and a student of DoḍḍaŚēṣaṇṇa and the vocalist Sadāśiva Rāv. DoḍḍaŚēṣaṇṇa’s son was the equally celebrated VīṇeSubbaṇṇa (1854–1939 C.E.). At any rate, the text’s allusion to VīṇeŚēṣaṇṇa as Bakṣiallows us to date Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s move to VīṇeŚēṣaṇṇa’s vaṭhāra to after 1864 C.E.
118Subrahmaṇyācārya’s son Vāsudēvācārya (1865–1961 C.E.) has recorded his clear memories of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s house having been within the walls of the Maisūru fort, in apparent conflict with the information here [Vāsudevācārya 1962, p. 39]. Kempu Rāmāśāstri’s house, Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s initial residence in Maisūru, is stated above to have been close to Veṇkaṭasubbayya’s vaṭhārain the Old Agrahāra, which is itself outside and to the south of the fort. Subrahmaṇyācārya died in 1868 C.E., so Garaḷapurī Śāstri must have moved into his own residence in the vaṭhārabefore this date. He appears to have continued living here till around 1873 C.E. (see footnote 138), so it is unclear when exactly he would have lived within the fort.
119Tirumalacārya was only 12 when he became Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s student (see footnote 111). The Sadvidyāśāla, founded in 1870 C.E. by Tirumalācārya, still flourishes in Maisūru.
Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s son Ayyā Śāstri (b. 1855 C.E.) a student of Tirumalācārya, was the school’s vice-principal in 1871 C.E.
120Reigned 1799–1868 C.E. He was a child of fiive when installed king by the British, with P ūrṇayya as *Dīvān,*after the defeat and death in 1799 C.E. of T.ippu Sultān, whose father Haidar ‘Ali had usurped the Mais ūru throne from the Voḍeyars. Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III held
Plate 4: *S.aḍaracakrabandha *(six-spoked wheel scheme) citrakāvyacomposition from Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīyam. Ten concentric circles are each divided into six equal sectors by the three diameters. The wheel’s hub houses the single *akṣara “khi” *, its rim houses 18 akṣarasdistributed in radially symmetric positions, and the segment of each spoke between the rim and the hub holds 8 akṣaras, the outermost always being a conjunct consonant. Traversing the vertical, horizontal, and diagonal diameters, and the rim, in that order, yields the following verse in praise of Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III:
bhartā manmathavigrahassakhidhare śreyaskaram janma te
sasnehādr̥tabhogadhīrakhiladigrājatrapākr̥dyuvā |
dagdhārātibhujaprabhassukhiṣu saṇkhyeyassakr̥ṣṇassvayam yam śakrābhamupāsate sadavanam te mānavāssuśriyam ∥
Further, going clockwise around the third and sixth rings yields the benediction *mahārāja kr̥ṣṇavibho jayajaya. *
This cakrabandhacomposition matches the structure of *Śiśupālavadha *(19.120).
Plate 5: *Nāgabandha *(serpentine scheme) composition from Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s *Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīyam.*Tracing the coils of the “snake”, starting at top left, we obtain the following verse in praise of Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III:
bhadram śrīkr̥ṣṇa tubhyam vitaratu naḷinakhyātijaitrasvapādā śakrādi vyomageṣu prakr̥tisarasatām yā saviśvāsameti |
sā caṇḍī pāpahantrī ditijagajavimardeṣu hetussuyānā ramyā sarvatra vācam yamaśamavaśagā hanta mahyāmamudram ∥
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Narasappa,121 and pleased with the acclaim of the scholars at his court for the Śāstri’s scholarship, he bade the Śāstri visit the court regularly.
After this time, the Śāstri continued his teaching, paying occasional visits to the court. There were frequent discussions among the scholars assembled at the court on various scholarly topics. Poetics and poetic tropes would be the topic of discussion on some occasions. Wishing to demonstrate his poetic abilities and scholarship in poetics to His Highness, Garaḷapurī Śāstri composed the *Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīyam,*a work on tropology.122 Greatly pleased with this accomplishment, His Highness formally appointed the Śāstri as a scholar at the court, at a monthly salary of thirty *Haṇas.*In those times, a salary of thirty Haṇashad a value far exceeding that of a salary of even thirty R ūpīstoday.123
the title of Mahārāja, was entitled to the style “His Highness”, and as of the 1861 darbar at Allāhābād by Lord Canning, was entitled to a 19-gun salute. At the time, only the Nizām of Haiderābād had higher status, with the style “His Exalted Highness”, and a 21-gun salute.
In 1867, Mysore was elevated to the status of a 21-gun salute state.
121A distinguished public servant, chief executive offiicer to Kr̥ṣṇarājaVoḍeyarIIIandadvi-sor to his successor Cāmarāja Voḍeyar X. He retired following Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III’s death in 1868, and died on or around August 27, 1878 [Venkataramayya 1905, p. 270]. He had played an important role in Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III’s attempts to secure the succesion of his adopted son, as well as the restoration of his rule, which ultimately occurred in 1881 C.E. Despite the central role he had in the administration, surprisingly little information is available about him. He received the title Rāi Bahād ūron January 1, 1877 at the Delhi Darbār.
122Meaning “Of the Emperor Kr̥ṣṇa”, a reference to Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III, his patron.
The work expounds on 107 different alaṇkāras, generally mirroring their treatment in Appayya Dīkṣita’s Kuvalayānanda, but illustrating them with 187 verses of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s own composition, all in praise of Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III. This is hence a yaśobh ūṣaṇacomposition, a form pioneered by Vidyānātha in his Pratāparudrīya. The three fiinal verses illustrate the citrakāvyaforms *padmabandha, cakrabandha,*and *nāgabandha *(Plates 4 and 5). Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s son Ayyā Śāstri had the work published in 1931 C.E., with the help of a royal grant of Rs. 310. No date is given for the manuscript, but in 2008, the translator was able to identify and rescue the original manuscript, which is in Kannaḍa script. The paper is watermarked 1850, so the manuscript is subsequent to this date, matching the dates given in footnote 111. The manuscript remains in the custody of Mr Sandeep Sastry, son of Mr ṢK. Dwarki.
123All Palace employees were paid in Kaṇṭhīrava Haṇasand Pagōḍasduring Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III’s reign, and in British-issued currency after his demise [Rao 1936b, p. 16]. A Kaṇṭhīrava Haṇawas a gold coin weighing an eightieth of a Troy ounce [Sircar 1966, p. 74], and valued at 7.489 Pence [in Buchanan 1807, p. 88]. Thirty Haṇaswould have contained 3/8 ounces of gold, and at the time of Buchanan’s travels in 1800 C.E., would have been worth just under £ 1. After 1868 C.E., a Haṇawas worth 4 Annasand 8 *Pais,*so that 30
Haṇaswere worth about 9 *Rūpīs,*or just under £ 1, using the 1868 C.E. valuation of the Mysore crown jewels [in Bell 1882, p. vi] as a benchmark.
Chapter Six
HisHighnessKr̥ṣṇarājaVoḍeyarIII,whowashimselfverylearned,
convened daily discussions among the scholars at his court on matters such as the *Vēdas,*the *Purāṇas,*the *Itihāsas,*and poetics.124 On one such occasion, the scholar VyākaraṇaNarasiṁhaśāstri recited a ślōkahe had composed in praise of the king, which had four metrically identical quarters in an unusual metre. His Highness was very appreciative. At once, the scholar Kavi Varadācārya declared loudly: “Your Majesty, the structure of this verse is entirely opaque, and does not correspond to any known poetic metre.”
At this, His Highness turned to Garaḷapurī Śāstri, and bade him examine this matter and judge the soundness of the verse. Accordingly, the Śāstri analyzed the verse closely, and having determined, by the rules of prosody, which subclass of which poetic metre it belonged to, presented a manuscript on the matter to His Highness.125 When it was read, the assembled scholars all concurred on the correctness of the verse, whereupon VyākaraṇaNarasiṁhaśāstri promptly composed the following verse, rose to his feet, and loudly declaimed:126
nr̥simhākhyē gaṇḍa·śailē varadākhyo mahāmaṇiḥ|
nipatya khalu tatraiva vyaśīryata sahasradhā ∥
124Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III was well versed in Kannaḍa, Marāṭhi, and Hindustāni, which were all languages current in Mais ūru, as well as knowledgeable in Persian and Saṁskr̥ta.
He also knew some English [Rao 1936a, p. 605]. After having been relieved of administrative responsibilities for his kingdom in 1831 C.E., he was able to devote himself to scholarly and cultural pursuits. In Ayyāśāstri [1916], we see the following works attributed to him: Śrītattvanidhi, Gaṇitasaṇgraha, Svaracūḍāmaṇi, Saṇkhyāratnakōśa, Saugandhikāpariṇaya, Śrīkr̥ṣṇakathāsārasaṇgraha, Āryārāmāyaṇa, Mahākōśasudhākara, Cāmuṇḍēśvarītriśati, Śrīkaṇṭhēśvaratriśati, Mahāviṣṇutriśati, and Gaṇapatitriśati. He is also credited with the S ūryacandrādivamśāvataraṇa, Daśarathanandanacaritra, Grahaṇadarpaṇa, and the Caturaṇgasārasarvasva. Many may have been composed in his name by scholars at court.
125See page 330 for a humourous example of such a debate. Saṁskr̥taprosody is complex.
A verse may comprise unequal divisions or pādas, each an aperiodic sequence of the eight possible trisyllabic groups ( gaṇas) of long and short syllables. The last gaṇamay be short.
Verses are chanted or sung, not just read, so cæsuræ ( yatis) are specifiied for each pāda. Some 600–700 meters are distinguished by name, with many dozen in general use [Deo 2007].
126The metre is Anuṣṭhubh. See page 395 for a translation.
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31
Meaning: The great jewel Varadācārya, falling down upon the rock Narasiṁha Śāstri, was broken asunder into a thousand pieces.
Upon hearing this, His Highness, with great composure, declared: “It was altogether proper for Varadācārya to critique a verse of obscure structure, as it was for Garaḷapurī Śāstri to research the issue and determine the soundness of the verse, as it was for Narasiṁha Śāstri to compose the second ślōkafor satisfaction that his fiirst composition was judged sound,” and by gifting expensive shawls to all three,127 ensured that no ill feelings developed between them.
Garaḷapurī Śāstri was held in ever greater regard after this episode. At this time, Liṇgarāje Arasu,128 who was son-in-law to His Highness, and had himself been born into great wealth, used to engage himself in the melodious recitation of works such as the Kannaḍa Jaimini Bhārata,129 as well as in the study of Saṁskr̥taworks such as Raghuvaṁśaand that of Māgha,130
and having a talent for poetry, in creating new compositions, such as short *yakṣagānas.*131 Impressed with the scholarship and poetic skills of Garaḷapurī Śāstri, and wishing to study Saṁskr̥ta campūworks under his guidance, he received the Śāstri with great respect, and made his wishes known.
The Śāstri agreed, and began visiting the Palace in the evenings, systematically tutoring him in campūworks. Basappa Śāstri,132 under Liṇgarāje Arasu’s care from childhood, also participated in these lessons. He made 127A traditional way of honouring scholars.
128A noted literary and musical fiigure (1823–1874 C.E.). See Plate 20. Since he was born posthumously to *Doḍḍa *(senior) Liṇgarāje Arasu, Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III himself performed all neonatal ceremonies, named him after his deceased father, and subsequently ensured his proper education and nurture. His sobriquet *Aḷiya *(son-in-law) derives from his marriages to the princesses Kempunañjammaṇṇi and Kempadēvājamaṇṇi [Arasu 1993, p. 75]. Aḷiya Liṇgarāje Arasu’s three-story mansion was located on “H ūvina Bīdi” street within the old Mais ūru fort [Arasu 1993, p. 77]. Also see footnote 185 for the precise date of his death.
129The Kāvyavācanaand Gamakatraditions of musical poetry recitiation continue in Karṇāṭaka. Rabīndrasangītis an example of this tradition in Beṇgāli. The Jaimini Bhārata is a work based on the Mahābhārataby the Kannaḍa poet Lakṣmīśa (16th or 17th century).
130The Raghuvaṁśais an epic poem by Kālidāsa on the dynasty of Raghu, to which Rāma belonged. Māgha is the author of the celebrated Saṁskr̥tawork *Śiśupālavadha,*and is held in very high regard for his well-rounded poetic abilities. A measure of this regard is indicated by the well-known *ślōka: “upamā kalidāsasya bhāraverarthagauravam | danḍinah. *
*padalālityam māghe santi trayo gunāh. ∥” *
131An operatic folk art prevalent in Karnāṭaka.
132Also called Basavappa Śāstri (1843–1891 C.E.). He became a dominant literary fiigure, often referred to as Abhinava Kālidāsadue to his extraordinary facility in both Saṁskr̥ta
(a) Old Mais ūru Palace, before its destruction by fiire in 1897 C.E.
(b) Parade on ceremonial occasion before the old Mais ūru Palace.
Plate 6: Views of the Old Palace at Mais ūru as Garaḷapurī Śāstri would have seen it. Courtesy the British Library. See footnotes 352 and 384 for descriptions of the interior and environs of this palace.
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33
excellent progress, absorbing even more of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s instruction than Liṇgarāje Arasu did. Towards the end of his studies in dramaturgy and poetics, Liṇgarāje Arasu had also attained suffiicient expertise in music and Saṁskr̥tato put them to good use in his works in Kannaḍa. He had, in fact, become a substantial scholar.
Basappa Śāstri and he were both strong Kannaḍa scholars. Liṇgarāje Arasu continued his cordial and selfless patronage of Garaḷapurī Śāstri and Basappa, his ward from childhood; with their encouragement, he also composed many excellent yakṣagānasin Kannaḍa, and arranged for their performance on a stage built at his residence, with many children and youths under his patronage serving as actors. He also authored many excellent musical compositions in Kannaḍa and Saṁskr̥ta. Garaḷapurī Śāstri too, gained considerable scholarship in Kannaḍa through this association, and from his resulting contact with classical and contemporary Kannaḍa literature.
In poetic matters, Garaḷapurī Śāstri and Basappa were as the right and left arms of Liṇgarāje Arasu. They critiqued all his poetic compositions, and Kannaḍa, and his translations of Kālidāsa’s plays into Kannaḍa. Śāstri [1949] provides the following information: “He belonged to the Vīraśaiva community. His ancestor was Muruḍu Basavasvāmi, maṭhādhikāriof the Rudrākṣi Maṭha Vīramāhēśvara sect, located in the Nārusandra village of Beṇgaḷūru district. His son was the well-known Vēdicscholar Mahādevaśāstri, who had been named chief priest in the Sammukha division of the Palace by the great patron of scholarship Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III. Basavappa Śāstri was born to him in the Śubhakr̥t saṁvatsara, that is, in 1843 C.E. Having lost his father in infancy, he grew up under the care of the well-known poet AḷiyaLiṇgarāja Arasu, and attained great scholarship in Saṁskr̥ta, Kannaḍa, and various arts, including music, under the tutelage of great scholars. As an accomplished scholar even by the age of eighteen, he composed the Bilvavr̥kṣapūjāvidhiin Saṁskr̥taand the campūwork Kr̥ṣṇarājābhyudayain Kannaḍa, upon Her Highness’s bidding. Subsequently, he became teacher to Śrī Cāmarāja Voḍeyar, and later, a poet at his court. He acquired the title Abhinavakāḷidāsaowing to his poetic skills. His works include the plays Śākuntala, Ratnāvaḷi, Vikramōrvaśīya, Mālatīmādhava, *Caṇḍakauśika,*and Śūrasēnacaritre, a translation of Shakespeare’s *Othello.*His wrote many works for children in simple style, such as Bhartr̥hari’s Ṉītiśataka, Śr̥ṇgāraśataka, and Vairāgyaśataka, the Śaṁkaraśataka, Ṉītisārasaṇgraha, Sāvitrīcaritre, and works for scholars, such as the campū Damayantīsvayaṁvara, Śrīharṣacarite, Rēṇukāvijaya, and in Saṁskr̥ta, Śivabhakti Sudhātraṇgiṇī, Āryāśataka, Nakṣatramālikā, Ambāṣōḍaśamañjarī, Aṣṭamūrti Tanayāṣṭaka, Dakṣiṇāmūrtyaṣṭaka, Śivāṣṭaka, Sadāśivāṣṭaka. He passed away in the Vikr̥ti saṁvatsaraon Saturday, the thirteenth śuddha tithiof Māgha.” The tithiof his passing corresponds to February 21, 1891 C.E.
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pointing out shortcomings, and editing them to make them more generally accessible.133 Over time, Liṇgarāje Arasu matured as a poet. Resolving to undertake a major poetic work, similar to the *Jaimini,*in the Vārdhaka S.aṭpadimetre, he began the *Prabhāvatīsvayamvara,*completing a chapter a month. The work progressed rapidly to a stage where it lacked no more than two or three chapters; it was then already larger than the Karnāṭaka *Jaimini.*Here, the Arasu stopped his work, intending to hold a grand maṇgaḷa, and a celebration.134 The poetic flow, the richness of sentiment, and the rhetorical ornamentation in this work are especially praiseworthy.
Liṇgarāje Arasu treated his guru Garaḷapurī Śāstri with the greatest respect, always rising to his feet to lead him to his seat as he welcomed him to his home every day.135 His gifts to the Śāstri were bestowed without his ever being asked. Thus freed from material concerns, the Śāstri could devote himself to gifting his knowledge to others at home, and sometimes visiting the Palace, and sometimes Liṇgarāje Arasu’s home. Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s small house became inadequate as his own family grew;136 determining that he needed a larger residence, he composed a *ślōka,*and recited it to Liṇgarāje Arasu, when he went to his house, as usual. The Arasu wrote it down respectfully. The ślōkawas as follows:137
133Sarōjā Veṇkaṭarām, the only daughter of Rāmasvāmi Śāstri (1894–1973 C.E., Ayyā Śāstri’s third son) recalls the statement of her mother Sītamma (1904–1993 C.E, the daughter of ṀṢPuṭṭaṇṇa), that the well-known composition Śr̥ṇgāralaharīin rāga Ṉīlāmbarī, though generally attributed to Liṇgarāje Arasu, was actually the work of Garaḷapurī Śāstri.
The two may well have collaborated, especially on the Saṁskr̥talyrics.
134A maṇgaḷa isaceremonyofbenediction. ProfessorṬV.VenkatachalaSastryofMaisūru indicates that a boxed Royal Edition of the Prabhāvatisvayamvaraexists in the library of the Kuvempu Institute of Kannaḍa Studies, University of Maisūru.
135There appears to have been a warm friendship between GaraḷapurīŚāstri and Liṇgarāje Arasu. According to the biographical manuscript referenced in footnote 111, they were both great chess affiicionados, and spent a great deal of time playing chess.
136His eldest son was Aṇṇayya Śāstri (see the front matter for Śāstri 1891), his second son Ayya Śāstri (“Ayya” was a term of endearment, his real name being Veṇkaṭasubbaśarma), and his third son Rāmasvāmi Śāstri (referred to in Ayya Śāstri’s will). Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s fiirst daughter was Nañjamma, and his second was Sītamma. Nañjamma married Hemmanahaḷḷi Kr̥ṣṇabhaṭṭa [Śāstri 1925a], and Sītamma married Kempu Rāmāpaṇḍita (footnote 112). Attiguppe Kr̥ṣṇaśāstri (1873–1924 C.E.), a well-known member of the Maisūru Representative Assembly, was Nañjamma’s son. As a child, he lived and studied in GaraḷapurīŚāstri’s house.
His biography has been published by Veṇkaṭaramaṇa Śāstri [Śāstri 1925a].
137The metre is Mālini. This slōkaapparently gained some renown at the time. Attiguppe Kr̥ṣṇaśāstri reports that he had accompanied Garaḷapurī Śāstri to the Palace on one occasion
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
35
tvam’asi rasika·madhye maṇgaḷa·svāna·ramya·
s’samara·mr̥dita·śatruḥkiñca rambhā·ratī’cchuḥ|
dara·dhara·hr̥dayō’ham nēśvara·śrīr jitō’nyaih
mama vitara samr̥ddhyai mandiram kā kṣatis’tē ∥
Meaning: (My lord, inferred address) *tvamasirasikamadhyē maṇgaḷasvānaramyah. *—with melodious voice are you resplendent amidst connoisseurs, and *samaramr̥ditaśatruh. *—you are he whose foes have been crushed in battle; *kiñcarambhāratīcchuh. *—moreover, your righteousness makes you properly deserving of heaven and desirous of amorous sport with the heavenly nymph Rambhā; daradharahr̥dayōham—my heart is fearful since I live in someone else’s house; *nēśvaraśrīh. *—and I am penurious; *jitōnyaih. *—I am scorned by all, having no house of my own, and hence— mamavitarasamr.-
ddhyai mandiraṁ—give me prosperity by bestowing upon me the syllables man, di, and ram; kākṣatistē—what indeed, do you lack?
You lack nothing, and I will gain respect because of you. Transfer to me the syllable man, for you, who are *ma ˙n-gaḷasvānaramyah.*will then become *gaḷasvānaramyaḥ,*that is, resplendent through melodious speech, meaning that the euphony of scholarship will manifest itself in your speech. By the syllable man, I, who am now *daradharahr̥dayaḥ,*will become *man-daradharahr̥dayaḥ,*the one who holds Narayaṇa in his heart. That is, I will attain peace meditating upon Narayaṇa. Give me di, for then you, who are *samaramr.-di-taśatruh.*will become *samaramr̥taśatruḥ,*the one whose foes have died in battle; that is, your foes will die when you take to battle. I, who am now *nēśvaraśrīh.*will become *di-nēśvaraśrīḥ,*or luminous like the sun, meaning I will shine with happiness. When you give me ram, you, who are *ram-bhāratīcchuh.*will become *bhāratīcchuḥ,*or the one who seeks Sarasvatī, that is, a scholar. I, who am jitaon the part of others will become rañ-jita on their part, meaning I will be liked by everyone.
The main but cleverly concealed message calls for the gift of mandiram, a dwelling. Grasping the ingenious construction of the *ślōka,*the Arasu exclaimed joyously to the Śāstri, “Truly, the gift of a house is unbefiitting of (he was less than four when Garaḷapurī Śāstri died), and greatly impressed Cāmarāja Voḍeyar X by reciting this *slōka *[Śāstri 1925a]. The king, barely into his teens at the time, appears to have been acquainted with the composition.
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this feat of poetry! This merits the gift of a kingdom!” He then summoned the steward of his estates, and ordered that all resources be made available towards the construction of a house for the Śāstri, as and where he c. 1873
pleased. The Śāstri had a house constructed on a site he purchased in the row of houses in the Katvāḍipura Agrahāra.138
At this time, His Highness Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III made arrangements for the housing, board, and education of Saṁskr̥tastudents from elsewhere in the stables belonging to Sañjīvarajē Arasu, and through BakṣiNarasappa, established a school to promote Saṁskr̥talearning in the realm.139 Bakṣi Narasappa appointed Garaḷapurī Śāstri as the instructor in this school for dramaturgy and poetry. Garaḷapurī Śāstri had his current pupils join this school; they continued their advanced studies with him, along with the other pupils there.
A vaidikascholar of unsound intellect, who went by the name of Āśu-
kavi, arrived at around this time from the village of Gargēśvarī, and being an acquaintance, lodged in Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s house.140 Knowing his temperament all too well, the Śāstri welcomed him tactfully, upon which the
Āśukavi intimated that he had composed poetry in praise of the Mahārāja, and requested help in obtaining an audience.141 The Śāstri heard the fatuous and awkward poem, and seeing much humour in it, and thinking it worthwhile to arrange an audience, composed a ślōkaof his own, and placing it into an envelope, suggested that an audience might be arranged were it 138 In 2008 C.E., the translator located the Katvāḍipura Agrahāra as the 2nd Cross Road behind Lakṣmi movie theatre, passing through 12 *.*3008 ◦ N, 76 *.*651 ◦ E. See footnote 240
for the origins of this *agrahāra.*We can date the episode referenced. Garaḷapurī Śāstri still lived in VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya’s vaṭhārain 1873 C.E., the year his grandson Attiguppe Kr̥ṣṇasvāmi Śāstri was born [Śāstri 1925a]. AḷiyaLiṇgarāje Arasu died in December 1874
C.E., so the verse was likely composed in 1873 C.E. Garaḷapurī Śāstri must have moved to his new home in the Katvāḍipura Agrahāra in 1873 or 1874 C.E. An old home, perhaps dating to the time, still exists at #721 on this street. In 2008 C.E., this house was owned by Gōpayya, a brāhmaṇa who was then 84 years old. See Plate 16.
139This appears to be the Śaradāvilāsa Pāṭhaśāla, established by BakṣiNarasappa in 1861
C.E. It started as a Saṁskr̥taschool, became a general primary school in 1870 C.E., and is now a large organization running a range of institutions from the elementary to the university levels.
140 ¯
Aśumeans “quick” in Saṁskr̥ta, so an āśukaviis a poet skilled in composing verses impromptu, either spontaneously or in response to a challenge. Gargēśvarī is on the Kāvērī’s west bank, across from sōsale, which is on its eastern bank.
141Footnote in original: “This poem has not come to hand.”
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37
conveyed to Kavi Varadācārya, whereupon the Āśukavi delivered it to Kavi Varadācārya. The envelope contained a single *ślōka.*It held no other intimations or names. Kavi Varadācārya read it, and tactfully inquiring after the well-being and intentions of the Āśukavi, asked where he was lodged,
to which the Āśukavi carelessly replied that he was staying with Garaḷa-
purī Śāstri. Kavi Varadācārya, thinking amusedly, “Who else but Garaḷapurī Śāstri could have composed such a delicious ślōkafor a recommendation?”, and seeing the Āśukavi off courteously, saying that he had been pleased to
meet him and would try to arrange a Royal audience, acquainted His Highness with the episode, and upon his command, conducted the Āśukavi to
the Royal court, and after an audience, made reference to the ślōkahe had received. The ślōkawas as follows:142
niḥsvatā·yuvati·cumbana·jany’onmāda·mūla·kavitā·kr̥ti·dakṣaṁ |
sarva·loka·parihāsa·padaṁ mām ko nirīkṣya na bhavet karunārdrah. ∥
Meaning: I am adept at composing fatuous ślokās, distracted as I am from keeping company with the maiden Poverty. Who would not feel compassion for me, the object of universal ridicule? (That is, please help me.) At this, His Highness and the scholars at the court, greatly amused, inquired after the well-being of the Āśukavi, and had him recite the ślōka
he had composed in praise of His Highness. When the entire court laughed out loudly at the silly and awkward composition, His Highness, seeking to allay the Āśukavi’s discomfiiture, declared that there was no one else capable of such compositions, that he had derived great pleasure from his poetry, and bade him visit the court regularly.
When, after a few days of the Āśukavi’s attendance at the court, a refer-
ence again arose to the *ślōka “nisvatāyuvati”,*and the Āśukavi arrived home
unhappy, having seen everyone laughing to themselves, the Śāstri asked why he seemed so distracted. The Āśukavi responded unhappily: “Whatever
was it that you sent Kavi Varadācārya! As you well know, he recites this ślōka over and over again at court, his manner suggesting that I am the speaker. I appear to have become an object of ridicule at the court! All this seems to have been on your account!” The Śāstri comforted him, saying, “It is really not as you suppose. You should not feel troubled by levity on the part of 142The metre is Svāgatā. See page 396 for a translation.
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anyone. The Mahārāja has great regard for you”, but the Āśukavi insisted
on moving into Kempuśāstri’s house, and in court the following day, recited the following ślōkabefore His Highness:
garaḷapuri·śāstrī rāja·pāṇḍitya·māṉī
budha·jana·parihartrī kḥpitāṇṇayya·nāmā |
kavi·jana·karuṇārī kāśyapī drāhyasūtrī
kisalaya·salilāyām sosalē’ghrāra·vāsī ∥
When the Mahārāja, remarking that this appeared to be a new composition, bade the Āśukavi explain its meaning, the Āśukavi submitted: “Your High-
ness, anything I say appears to become cause for merriment at this court.
This ślōkais merely a composition arising from my anger at Garaḷapurī Śāstri, who appears to have been responsible for this situation. I refuse to be intimidated by these scholars.” When His Highness said: “The course you have chosen in the case of Garaḷapurī Śāstri is surely proper, but we would like to hear the meaning of this ślōkain your own words”, the Āśukavi re-
sponded: “I am incapable of diffiicult poetic compositions, and even a child would understand my poetry. The meaning of this ślōkais as follows—This Garaḷapurī Śāstri fancies himself a great royal scholar, and has little respect for scholars like me. His father’s name was Aṇṇayya. However, there remains some intrigue in this poem.”
With everyone urging him to reveal this intrigue, the Āśukavi said: “Ev-
eryone calls him Aṇṇayya Śāstri. But even he, surely, is not as great a śāstri as Garaḷapurī Śāstri, so I have left out the word *śāstri,*and said ‘Aṇṇayya nāmā’ instead, thereby marking him with a *nāmā. *”143 Everyone laughed out loudly at this, and eagerly urged him to continue. The Āśukavi contin-
ued: “Having no regard for ordinary poets like us, he has sent Kavi Varadā-cārya some secret intimation. He was born into the Kāśyapa *gōtra,*and follows the Drāhyāyaṇa sūtra. Drāhyabeing the same as *Drāhyāyaṇa,*there are no hidden allusions there. However, there is some intrigue in the fiinal quarter of the verse.”
143 Aṇṇayya nāmā means“namedAṇṇayya”in Saṁskr̥ta. InKannaḍa, however, theword nāmaalso refers to a tilaka, or mark on the forehead, in the form of one, two, or three vertical lines, worn by Vaiṣnavabrāhmaṇas. The exact form is specifiic to the sect. This type of tilaka is also called an ūrdhva puṇḍra. In colloquial Kannaḍa, to mark someone with a nāmais to play a trick on them, so this is a pun on the part of the Āśukavi. Also see footnote 440.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
39
With everyone again urging him to reveal this hidden intrigue, the Āśu-
kavi continued: “He is a resident of the Sōsale *agrahāra.*His garden has a patch of kīregreens.144 When visiting his house once, I have actually seen Garaḷapurī Śāstri, this great royal scholar, watering his kīreshoots. This is the hidden intrigue in my poem.” As the court laughed at his poem, the
Āśukavi laughed along, thinking they were laughing at the intrigue he had described. His Highness, smiling amusedly, congratulated the Āśukavi on
such a diverting *ślōka. *
The Āśukavi carried on thus every day, composing silly ślōkason the spur of the moment, suffering, no doubt, the effects of his experiences and deeds in earlier births. On one occasion, he had returned from a visit to Cāmuṇḍī hill and Kārañjī lake. When someone at the court asked him how he had found Cāmuṇḍī hill and Kārañjī lake, the Āśukavi, intending to say that the breeze on Cāmuṇḍī hill was pleasant and that the water in Kārañjī lake was excellent to drink,145 instantly responded “cāmuṇḍī parvatōvatō *kārañjīudakōpibō”,*causing great merriment among those present.146
Finally, His Highness, out of pity for this accomplished but mentally unsound brāhmaṇa, awarded him a pair of shawls and a hundred *R ūpīs. *
This gift greatly pleased the Āśukavi, who learning from others that this
had been on account of Garaḷapurī Śāstri and Kavi Varadācārya, laid aside his anger, thanked them, and departed for home.
Subsequently, when His Highness Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III took Cāmarajēndra Voḍeyar as his adopted son, he appointed Garaḷapurī Śāstri as his Saṁskr̥tainstructor when the prince was formally initiated into learning.147
After this time, Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s day was spent teaching at the Saṁskr̥ta 144The leaves of a member of the family Amaranthus, most likely *Amaranthus frumen-taceus. *
145Footnote in original: “The fate of many of the Āśukavi’s ślōkasremains unknown.”
146This utterance translates roughly into “Cāmuṇḍi mountain (is) wind, and the Kārañjī lake (is) drink.”
147Cāmarajēndra Voḍeyar (b. February 22, 1863 C.E.) was adopted on June 18, 1865 C.E., but the adoption received offiicial sanction from the (British) Government of India only in April 1867 C.E. This adoption was triggered partly by the fear of the kingdom being usurped by the British under Lord Dalhousie’s Doctrine of Lapse (see footnote 520). In a minute dated January 16, 1856, Dalhousie says: “The Raja of Mysore is now 62 years of age. He is the only Raja who for twenty generations past, as he himself informed me, has lived to the age of 60 years. It is probable therefore that his life will not be much further prolonged. . .
I trust therefore that when the decease of the present Raja shall come to pass with no son or grandson or legitimate male heir of any description, the territory of Mysore, which will
40
sons of sarasvatī
school in the mornings, tutoring the prince in the afternoons, and visiting Liṇgarāje Arasu in the evenings.
Around this time, His Highness determined to have competent scholars research and edit the medical work Aṣṭāṇgahr̥dayaby Bāhaṭācārya, all available versions of which were corrupt, intending to have it published through the lithographic press at the Palace.148 After he appointed Garaḷapurī Śāstri and Hulluhaḷḷi Nallāṁ Gōpalakr̥ṣṇācārya to this task, Garaḷapurī Śāstri reduced his tutoring of the young prince to a half-hour in the afternoons, and then worked till the evening on the premises of the Palace Press, researching Bāhaṭā’s book with Gōpalakr̥ṣṇācārya.149
Thus progressed things for some time, and when in the Vibhava *saṁvatsara,*150 time in its course claimed the aged Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III Raṇgā-cārya,151 who had just become Palace Controller, had the work published152
by the lithographic press at the Palace with the permission of Mysore State then have lapsed to the British Government will be resumed and that the good work which has been so well begun will be completed.”
148Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III established the lithographic press in the Ambāvilāsa section of the Palace in 1841 C.E. [Kamath 1996, p. 42].
149The front matter for Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s edition (footnote 152) attributes the work to Bāhaṭa, though a work called the Aṣṭāṇgaḥr̥dayais attributed to Vāgbhaṭa (footnote 113).
Hymavathi [1993, p. 49] suggests that Bāhaṭa was a Telugu author who wrote the Bāhaṭagranthaand *Aṣṭāṇganighaṇṭu.*Rao [1985, p. 89] and Bendall [1886, p. 61] suggest Bāhaṭa to be a Prākr̥tized version, popular in Southern India, of the Saṁskr̥taname Vāgbhaṭa.
A lithographed copy of the Aṣṭāṇgaḥr̥dayawas presented to the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal on June 1, 1870 by Colonel G.B. Malleson [Society 1870], who was guardian to ḤH.
Cāmarājendra Voḍeyar, July 1869–June 1877 C.E. This was surely GaraḷapurīŚāstri’s edition.
150See footnote 166.
151Footnote in original: “He became Dīvānof Mysore after Śrī Cāmarājēndra Voḍeyar was invested with ruling powers.” Voḍeyar was recognized as the sovereign on March 28, 1868
C.E., and formally crowned on September 23, 1868 C.E., but was invested with ruling powers only upon the Rendition of Mysore on March 25, 1881 C.E. C.V. Raṇgācārlu was appointed Dīvānof Mysore that same day. See Bowring [1872, p. 388] for Lady Bowring’s delightful account of the coronation. Raṇgācārlu had been appointed Palace Controller around May 1868, at a salary of Rs. 800 per month.
152Footnote in original: “Front matter for the Bāhaṭa volume: “āryā ∥ karnāṭaka jana-pada jananātha śrī kr̥ṣṇarājatanayasya ∥ śrīmaccāmanr̥pēndōranavaratam prājyamastu-sāmrājyam ∥ svastiśrī vijayābhyudaya śāḻīvāhanaśakavatsarāh. 1792 śukla saṁvatsarada śrāvaṇaśukla pancamyām śrimanmahīśūra mahārāja prāsāda samunnidramudrākṣara śālāyām śrī bāhaṭācāryēṇa carakasuśrutādyāyurvēda tantrakāramatānurōdhinātadīya m ūlagranthasārabh ūtārthā ˙nsaṇgr̥hya cikitsakānāmatyantōpakārāya ṣaḍbhissthānairudīrit-amidam aṣṭāṇgahr̥dayamnāma vaidyaśāstraṁ naikavidhalēkhakapramāda vaśādayathā-bh ūta śithilamapiprāgukta mahārājāśrita vidvajjanāntargatēna sōsale garaḷapurīśāstriṇā
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
41
Commissioner Bowring.153 After its publication, Garaḷapurī Śāstri himself tutored his son-in-law Kempu Rāmāpaṇḍita as well as Puṭṭaśyāmapaṇḍita on the entirety of the material in this book. The two of them be-1869
came very accomplished in medicine, and taught medicine at the Saṁskr̥taCollege at Maisūru.154 Later, Kempu Rāmāpanḍita became principal of the Āyurvēda College. Garaḷapurī Śāstri taught not just
literature, but also medicine to many students.
While he was still resident in the vaṭhāraof VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya’s mansion in the Old Agrahāra,155 some of the Śāstri’s advanced students, seeing that the Yuddhakāṇḍaaddendum by Lakṣmaṇakavi was stylistically quite different from the fiirst fiive cantos of the Caṁpu Rāmāyaṇaby Bhōja Rāja,156 now urged him to compose a new Yuddhakāṇḍain the style of Bhōja Rāja; the Śāstri, feeling that such an effort would be in fulfiilment *nallāṁ gōpālakr̥ṣṇācāryēṇaca yathāmatisamyakpariśōdhya mahīśūra mahārāja cīpakami-ṣanar bavaraṇgnāmakaprabhōranumatyāvimudritamāsīṭsan 1869 nē isavi agīṣtu tā∥ 12.” *
This is Saṁskr̥ta, but curiously, it includes words and phrases with Kannaḍa declensions, such as *“saṁvatsarada” *, and *“san 1869 nē isavi” *. We give the following translation:
“ ¯
Arya. May the reign of the moon Cāmarāja, the son of Kr̥ṣṇarāja, king of the Karṇāṭaka nation, be great and everlasting. In the saṁvatsara named Śukla, year 1792 of the Śāḻīvāhana era, on the day corresponding to the fifth tithi of the waxing phase of the lunar month Śrāvaṇa, in the printing press opened at the Palace of the Mahārāja of Maisūru, under the imprimatur of the Mais ūru Royal Chief Commissioner Lord Bowring, has been published this medical work called Aṣṭāṇgahr̥daya, being a compendium in six divisions created for the great benefit of physicians by Bāhaṭācārya, from the substance of original works by earlier followers of the system of Caraka, Suśrūtha and others, but which, having become altered, confused, and inexact due to inconsistencies in writing styles, has been judiciously researched and edited by Sōsale Garaḷapurī Śāstri and Nallāṁ Gōpālakr̥ṣṇācāryā, members of the community of scholars under the patronage of the monarch aforesaid. Dated August *12, 1869 C.E.” *
153This would be Lewin Bentham Bowring, Mysore Chief Commissioner, 1862–1870 C.E.
154Mahārāja’s Saṁskr̥taCollege was established in 1876 C.E. in a building called Sarasvatī Prāsāda. After moving to Sayyāji Road in 1883 C.E., it added subjects such as Āyurvēda,
music, and astrology.
155The Katvāḍipura Agrahāra was also known as the Old Agrahāra. See footnote 167.
156The remarkable Bhoja of the Paramāra dynasty ruled Malwa *c.*1000–1060 C.E., and was renowned both as a general and a literary fiigure. He is the Bhoja Rāja of legend. His substantial military accomplishments include victories over the Ghaznavid invaders. He also authored numerous distinguished literary works, including the fiirst fiive cantos of the Campūrāmayaṇa, though the colophons refer to him indirectly as Vaidarbharāja. A sixth canto ( Yuddhakāṇḍa) was contributed by Lakṣmaṇa, who according to the colophon, was from Śanagara village (Śanigaram of modern-day Karīmnagar district in Āndhra Pradēśa)
and the son of Gaṇgādhara and Gaṇgāmbikā. He is assigned to 12th–13th century C.E.
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sons of sarasvatī
of Bhōja Rāja’s own intentions, began work on a new Yuddhakāṇḍaat an auspicious time. The work was complete within a year. All students of his studying the Caṁpu Rāmāyaṇanow began studying this work.157
In later years, Garaḷapurī Śāstri devoted himself entirely to teaching advanced students, and stopped teaching beginners. Even his own children were taught by his advanced students.158 He also knew by heart every book he taught. His lessons were always lucid, enjoyable, and delivered with great facility. Many students were therefore eager to study with him. The Śāstri’s conversations with his friends, students, and his children were often humorous, inventive, and witty. I will now recount a couple of incidents in this respect—It was Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s practice to leave home after fiive every evening, and return at nine-thirty. A manservant by the name of Javara had been employed at the time to milk the cattle belonging to Kānkānhaḷḷi Subrahmaṇyācārya and Guṇḍācārya, who both lived in the same vaṭhāraas Garaḷapurī Śāstri.159 On one occasion, Garaḷapurī Śāstri returned home after nine thirty, to fiind the main door to the vaṭhāralocked. The Śāstri called out loudly for the door to be opened. Hearing this, Subrahmaṇyācārya, just settling down in front of his house after dinner, shouted back playfully:
“Who are you fellow? Javara, surely?” Garaḷapurī Śāstri responded immediately: “Indeed not, fellow, it’s I– *dvijavara! *”160 Subrahmaṇyācārya immediately opened the door, took Garaḷapurī Śāstri by the hand, and led him inside, saying: “Śāstri! How quickly you made your riposte! A dvijavara you truly are!”
157The original date of this work is not given, but is likely to have been around 1869–1870
C.E. It was published in 1891 C.E. by GaraḷapurīŚāstri’s son Ayyā Śāstri, some fourteeen years after his father’s demise. In the colophon, Garaḷapurī Śāstri alludes to himself as the fiirst Saṁskr̥tateacher of ḤḤCāmarājēndra Voḍeyar, who was born in 1863 C.E. It is unlikely that colophon was altered during publication, so the work was likely completed after 1869
C.E., in light of footnote 168, and the information on page 61 that Tirumalācārya founded the Sadvidyāśālā (in 1870 C.E.) after he had written the commentary. Other information (see footnote 184) suggesting that the work may have been complete as early as 1866 C.E may be discounted. The prince would have been only three years old at that time, too young to have received Saṁskr̥tainstruction from Garaḷapurī Śāstri.
158His son Ayyā Śāstri was a student of both Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya and Basappa Śāstri.
159Subrahmaṇyācārya and Guṇḍācārya were brothers. See page 25.
160Footnote in original: “dvijavara—an excellent brāhmaṇa.” *“Dvijavara”*can be parsed as dvija·vara, dvijameaning twice-born (a brāhmaṇa), and varameaning excellent. Another parsing (not the one intended) yields dvi·javara, translating roughly as a double Javara.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
43
On another occasion, when the Śāstri’s second son returned after fetch-ing some banana-flower kari 161 from the nearby garden of Narasē Arasu, the Śāstri interrupted his cintana 162 to ask him where he had been. When the son responded that he had been to fetch (some) *kari,*the Śāstri asked him where he would tie (tether) it. When the son responded that he would tie it in the sunshine, the Śāstri chidingly asked him how tying it in the sunshine could be the right thing to do. When the son responded that he would tie it in the shade, the Śāstri smiled and asked him how he proposed 1868
to care for it. The son, realizing that the Śāstri’s elaborate discussion of so simple a matter could not be without motive, immediately recalled the *nighaṇṭu “kuñjarō vāraṇaḥkarī” *,163 and realizing the Śāstri’s meaning, responded that he would take care of it somehow; the Śāstri too, was pleased that his son, then just thirteen,164 had grasped his meaning.
This second son of his is none other than KavitilakaAyyā Śāstri,165 who is presently a mahāvidvānat the court. Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s conversations were always full of wit and humour.
Now, some time after ḤḤKr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III passed away in the Vibhava saṁvatsara,166 Garaḷapurī Śāstri, still resident in the Katvāḍipura Agrahāra,167 tutored ḤḤCāmarāja Voḍeyar X in Saṁskr̥taevery day in the Royal School specially established in a mansion for His Highness’s education;168 Raṇgācarya, who was Palace Controller at the time, witnessing 161Footnote in original: “kari—elephant in Saṁskr̥ta. In Kannaḍa, it refers to the petals of the banana flower, roasted and added to turmeric paste to give it reddish colour.” Sar ōjā Veṇkaṭarām, the great-granddaughter of Garaḷapurī Śāstri, recalls that her family would use roast banana peel to make akṣate, a pigment used to form a circular *tilaka *(itself also akṣate) in the middle of vibh ūtion the forehead. Also see footnote 378.
162Footnote in original: “cintana—deliberation over some subject of recent study.”
163A nighaṇṭuis a thesaurus or glossary, here the *Amara Kōśa *(see footnote 66). Kuñjara, *vāraṇa,*and karīare synonyms for elephant. See *Amara Kōśa *( kṣatriyavarga:35): “dantī *dantāvalō hastī dviradō’anēkapō dvipaḥ| mataṇgajō gajō nāgaḥkuñjarō vāraṇaḥkarī ∥” *
164That makes 1868 C.E. the date of this episode. Ayyā Śāstri was born in 1855 C.E.
165Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar IV bestowed the title Kavitilakaon Ayyā Śāstri in 1912 C.E.
166He died on March 27, 1868 C.E. at 10:45 pm, after a long illness [Desikāchārya 1949].
According to Bowring [1872], he had “. . . long sufferred from swellings in the legs and neck, accompanied by severe coughing, vomiting, and purging. . . ”
167The dates in footnote 138 suggest that Garaḷapurī Śāstri still lived at the time in Vīṇe Veṇkaṭasubbayya’s vaṭhāra, which must have been located in the Katvāḍipura Agrahāra.
168Colonel Malleson etablished the Royal School within two months of arriving in Mais ūru at the end of June 1869 as Cāmarājēndra Voḍeyar’s guardian. The school, situated
44
sons of sarasvatī
fiirst-hand the scholarship and virtues of Garaḷapurī Śāstri, would very respectfully invite Garaḷapurī Śāstri to his own home every day, and out of regard for him as among the most distinguished of the distinguished scholars at the court, would occasionally do him the honour of some reward.
At this time, the Śāstri composed a work called the Hariharāṣṭōttara that could be construed to have one meaning with respect to Īśvara and a different meaning with respect to Viṣṇu.169 Raṇgācārya, hearing of this work and his other works, developed a great regard for the Śāstri.
Around this same time, a missive arrived from Veṇkōbarāv and Rāmacandrarāv, offiicials of a state in the region of Mahārāṣtra,170 announcing a Bhāgavata Saptāhacelebration,171 and forwarding an invitation to the distinguished scholars of the Mais ūru court through Raṇgācārya. The invitation comprised delicate verses in the ¯
Aryāmetre. Raṇgācārya forwarded the
invitation to the Parakāla Svāmi.172 The Śrī Svāmigathered the scholars of the court around him, and acquainted them with its contents. Some verses at the beginning of the document have been lost. The rest are as follows.173
ati·rucira·bhavana·sīmani
vāk·yajñō’yam sudurlabhō’timahān |
bhagavat’kr̥p’aika·kāraṇam’
acirād’āvirbhaviṣyati mahārghah. ∥
23
ētad’ati·maṇgaḷa·tamaṁ
pavitra·tamam’adbhutaṁ manōhāri |
brahma·sabhaṁ pārāyaṇa·
gabhīram’ālōkaṉīyam’iha sarvaih. ∥
24
in a building now known as L ōkarañjana Mahal, was run by Jayarām Rāv (headmaster) and A. Narasiṁha Ayyaṇgār, both English-educated brāhmaṇas in their twenties. Jayarām Rāv apparently read Kant and Goethe in the German original [Ikegame 2009]. Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III and the British had both wished to ensure a modern education for the young prince.
169The translator has been unable to locate this work. Hopefully, it is among the inaccessible manuscripts of Garaḷapurī Śāstri currently in the possession of Mr Sandeep Sastry.
The Hariharābheda Stutiis a similar work by Appayya Dīkṣita.
170Footnote in original: “The identity of this kingdom remains unclear.”
171A week-long festive reading of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, and other associated rituals.
172The ŚrīvaiṣṇavaiteParakāla Maṭha was very important in the political and religious life of Mais ūru at the time. Śrī Śrīnivāsa Deśikēndra Brahmatantra Swatantra Parakāla Mahā Dēśikan, head of the Maṭha (1860–1873 C.E.), was accorded a 21-gun salute by the Mahārāja, and was the *rājaguru *[Desikāchārya 1949]. Raṇgācārlu was himself a Śrīvaiṣṇavaite.
173See page 410 for a translation.
(a) Ceṭṭipuṇyam Vīravalli Raṇgācārlu (1831–1883).
(b) P ūrṇayya Narasiṇgarāv Kr̥ṣṇamūrti (1849–1911).
Plate 7: C.V. Raṇgācārlu ( Dīvānof Maisūru, 1881–1883) and P.ṆKr̥ṣṇamūrti ( Dīvānof Maisūru, 1901–1906).
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sons of sarasvatī
abhyarthayāvahē_tad
yuṣmān śirasā praṇamya śatakr̥tvaḥ|
baddhāñjali bahu·kr̥payā
saptāh’ārthaṁ mudā samāyāta ∥
25
bhavati mahatāṁ samājas’
saptāhaṁ parama·durlabhatamō’tra |
bhāgavatī c.’ātra kathā
gabhīra·bhāvā pravartatē madhurā ∥
26
śrī·bhāgavata·sudhā·rasa·
pāna·vilōlā bhavanta iha sarvē |
sa·parīvārāḥprēmṇā
pada·kamala·parāgam’atra kurvantu ∥
27
arvāg’ēv’ārambhāt 174
saptāhasy’ādarād’upēty’ēha |
āsaptāhaṁ bhagavat·
kathā’mr̥t’āsvāda·lōlupais’sthēyam ∥
28
yadi jātu n’āvakāśō
dina·mātraṁ vā kṣaṇaṁ kṣan.’ārdhaṁ vā |
āgantavyam’avaśyaṁ
nānyad’itaś’śrēyasāṁ padaṁ kiñcit ∥
29
taduktaṁ śrī·bhāgavatē ∥
kiṁ pramattasya bahubhiḥparōkṣair’hāyanair’iha |
varaṁ muh ūrtaṁ viditaṁ ghaṭatē śrēyasē yatah. ∥
30
na hy’atō’nyaś’śivaḥpanthā viśatas’saṁsr̥tāv’iha |
vāsudēvē bhagavati bhakti·yōgō yatō bhavēt ∥
31
pibanti yē bhagavata ātmanas’satāṁ
kathāmr̥taṁ śravaṇa·puṭēṣu saṁbhr̥tam |
punanti tē viṣaya·vidūṣit’āśayaṁ
vrajanti tac.’caraṇa·sarōruh’āntikam ∥
32
āyur’harati vai puṁsāṁ’udyann’astaṁca yannasau |
tasyartē yaḥkṣaṇō ṉīta uttama·ślōka·vārtayā ∥
33
iti | kiṁ bahunā ∥ nigama·bhāvukāh. ∥
34
sarvē y ūyaṁ sudhiyaś’
cikīrṣatōḥkim’api durlabhaṁ kr̥tyam |
kr̥payā’vayōr’udāraṁ
manōrath’āvaniruham kuruta saphalaṁ ∥
35
174The original shows *ārvāg. . . *
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
47
yē yē’tra yad’yad’icchās’
*tē tē. . .*175 darās’tāstāḥ|
bhāgavata·kalpavrkṣāl’
labhanta ēv’āsti kō’tra sandēhah. ∥
36
kim pallavitēna ∥
āsmākīnaṁ prārthanam’
aṇgīkr̥ty’ādarēṇa pūrṇēna |
āgacchata rasikatamā
yuṣmābhir’imē’tra vayaṁ’anugrāhyāh. ∥
37
duruktam vipratīpaṁ vā rabhasāc.’cāpalād’api |
yad’asmal’likhitaṁ dhīrās’tat sarvaṁ kṣantum’arhatha ∥
38
The great scholars assembled were unanimous in their appreciation of this missive, but with no one indicating the ability to travel abroad at the time, the *Śrī Svāmi,*in accordance with Raṇgācārya’s request to arrange for a response, asked Garaḷapurī Śāstri to compose a suitable reply in the Āryāmetre; the Śāstri composed a response accordingly. It was as follows:176
*śrī vallavī·jana·vallabhāya namah. *
*vaidarbhī·praṇay’ōpabr̥ṁhaṇa·paras’satyā·smar’ōddīpanah. *
kṣībō jāmbavatī·nav’ādhara·rasād’ rādhā·parādhīna·dhīḥ|
ṉīḷā·cōla·niviṣṭa·dr̥ṣṭir’ amanāg’akrīta·dāsaḥpunar·
gōpīnām’atha yōginām’asulabhō mugdhō hariḥpātu nah. ∥ 177 1
svasty’astu sarva·jagatē
santas’santōṣa·danturās’santu |
bhuvi tatkriyāś’ca dharmyā
niṣpratyūhāḥpravartantām ∥ 178
1
175Footnote in original: “Some 7 mātrasare illegible here due to mold. *Vē *∥ Kavitilaka Ayyāśastri conjectures the missing letters to be *‘niśyaṇkamā’.*This appears likely.”
176The translator has located the original manuscript in Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s hand, in Kannaḍa script, with the heading: *“śrī rāma *| *śrī vallavījana vallabhāya namōnamah..”*This title clearly echoes the fiirst verse of Vēdānta Dēśika’s *Yādavābhyudaya: “vande vr̥ndā-vanacaram vallavījanavallabham | jayantīsambhavam dhāma vaijayantīvibhūṣaṇam ∥”*Mr Naresh Keerthi is to be credited for this observation. See page 412 for a translation.
177This fiirst verse is in the Śārd ūlavikrīditāmetre. The following verses are in ¯
Aryā.
178The text numbers these verses sequentially, marking this the second verse. However, Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s original manuscript correctly resets the numbering, marking this as the fiirst verse of the ¯
Aryāseries, the preceding being an invocatory verse in a different metre.
The manuscript also shows hemistich cæsurae (such as the | after santu) absent in the text.
48
sons of sarasvatī
asti nanu rājadhāṉī
kācana karṇāṭa·janapadā’bharaṇam |
mahiś ūra·nāmadhēyā
sva·vibh ūti·lav’āvadhīrita·tridivā ∥
2
tām’adhyāsta vitandras’
sadguṇa·sāndras’sa kr̥ṣṇa·bhūmī’ndraḥ|
*vibudha·jan’āmbudhi·candrah. *
kimanyad’anyō hariścandrah. ∥
3
tēna dig’adhīśvar’āmśa·
prabhavēn’ārthi·pradēya·vibhavēna |
pitr’ēva sapramōdaṁ
gōptrā sarvatra guptānām ∥
4
adhunā tat’pratibimba
śrīmac.’cāma·kr̥mā·maghōnā’pi | 179
tasmād’apy’aty’arghyaṁ
rakṣitrā rakṣyamāṇānām ∥
5
upaniṣad’artha·rahasya·
śravaṇa·smaraṇādy’upāya·kalanēna |
vā ˙n’manasāgōcaram’api
tattvam tat’kim’api kurvatāṁ sākṣāt ∥
6
vidyāsv’aṣṭādaśasu
prāgalbhyaṁ pratibhaṭa·trapā·kṣētram |
api bibhratām’ajasraṁ
svapnē’py’aspr̥ṣṭa·vinaya·virahāṇām ∥
7
śrī·kr̥ṣṇa·nr̥pati·dattaṁ
muktāmayam’akhila·sugraha·guṇāḍhyam |
sadvr̥ttam’agrahāraṁ
dadhatām’atha vā tamāvasatām ∥
8
pratiṣēdhē’pi spaṣṭaṁ
dhvani·bhaṇgyā vidadhatīṁ vidhiṁ kvacana |
prauḍhām’iv’ānubhavatāṁ
vanitāṁ kavitāṁ manōjña·rasām ∥
9
aṇu·mātram’api marandaṁ
sumanasa·dh ūḻīr vin’ēva puṣpa·lihām |
dōṣān’apāsya tanum’api
guṇam’abhyupajagmuṣāṁ viduṣām ∥
10
179Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s manuscript appears to show śrīmaccāmakṣamāmaghōnāpihere.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
49
śauri·purāri·pramukha
·svōpāsya·prārthanā·purassaryaḥ|
āmnāya·samāmnātāś’
śubha·bījāny’āśiṣaḥphalē·grahayah. ∥
11
āyuṣmatōr’analpaṁ
rājñāṁ mahatīṁ śriyaṁ samudvahatōḥ|
mēru·himācalayōr’iva
krcchrēṣv’api niṣprakampa·nija·dhr̥tyōh. ∥
12
padmā·pāda·payōruha·
lākṣā·mudrā’ṇka·bhadra·sadma·bhuvōḥ|
gōkṣīra·mākṣik’ēkṣu·
drākṣā’dhikṣēpa·sākṣi’vāg’rasayōh. ∥
13
ājagad’utpatti mithō·
vairiṇyōr’api bhr̥śaṁ ramā·vāṇyōḥ|
sāmānādhikaraṇyaṁ
sampādayatōs’svanaipuṇyāt ∥
14
nidrāṇa·paramapūruṣa·
tanu·ruci·santāna·kavacit’ābhōgam |
dugdh’āmbudhiṁ yaśōbhis’
svām’ēva rucaṁ punar’nayatōh. ∥
15
gurum’api saciva·pad’ōcitam’
anaghaṁ sva·svāmi·rājya·kārya·bharam |
aśramatō nirvahatōr’
akṣi·bhruva·vibhramair’ēva ∥
16
āstīrya bhakti·talpaṁ
śraddhā·guṇa·bhāji citta·ḍōḷāyām |
apitr̥kam’amātr̥kaṁ para·
m’anātham’ēkam kiśōram’upacaratōh. ∥
17
vēṇkōba·rāmacandrā·
bhidha·nāyakayōr’ maṉīṣi·rañjakayōḥ|
śrēyah.·paramparāyai
kalpantāṁ d ūra·dīrghāyai ∥
18
vibhav’ābdha·pauṣa·mās’ā·
sita·daśamī·prātar’avadhikaṁ kālam|
*sarvē vayaṁ kuśalinah. *
kōsala·nāth’ānukampayā gurvyā180 ∥
19
180 Pauṣa śukla daśamīof the Vibhava saṁvatsarawould be December 24, 1868 C.E.
50
sons of sarasvatī
bhavatōr’api bhāgyavatōs’
sa·kaḷatra·suputra·mitra·bāndhavayōḥ|
bh ūyō nēyā patrī
yōgakṣēm’āvabōdhana·vidhātrī ∥
20
saṁprati ∥
śrī·parakāla·svāmibhir’
āryair’āścarya·kara·tapaś’caryaiḥ|
sānugraham’arpitayā
patrikayā vāk’kratu·prabōdhinyā ∥
21
pāpini kalāv’api yugē
vidhitsatōḥkarma kimapi kārta·yugam |
yuvayōr’hi sāhasikyaṁ
grāhaṁ grāhaṁ prahr̥ṣyāmah. ∥
22
idaṁ’ēva hi janma·phalaṁ
prāṇa·phalaṁ vā dhanarddhi·phalam’atha vā |
pumsām sva·dēvatābhir’
yadd’harir’ārādhyatē dvijais’sārdham ∥181
23
tad’yuvayōs’satkulayōr’
anvayabhājāṁ purāṇa·puruṣāṇām |
vaktuṁ sucarita·nicayaṁ
kasya na jihrēti jihva’iva ∥
24
tatr’ānāh ūtair’apy
’asmābhir gantum’asti hi nyāyaḥ|
kiṁ punar’ētādr̥śi vāṁ
praṇayē vinayē na sāram’ayē ∥
25
kiṁ tu cir’āpariśīlita·
d ūra·pathais’sthīyatē yad’asmābhiḥ|
atr’aiva tadd’hi satyaṁ
kāṣṭha·prāyēṇa kāya·mātrēṇa ∥
26
sākaṁ samasta·bhāvaiś’
cētōbhis’tu prayātam’ēva javāt |
tasmāt kin’naḥkṣuṇṇāt
kathitā khalu bhāvanā’pi phala·dātrī ∥
27
181The partial manuscript the translator has located ends with the previous hemistich.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
51
prāripsita·vāg’adhvara·
*ramy’āvabhr̥tōtsa. . .*182 nām |
śravaṇa·sukhāya drāk’punar’
ēkō lēkhō vilēkhaṉīyas’syāt ∥
28
svata ēva sarva viduṣōs’
sadguru·caraṇābja·sēvayā ca ciram |
*vyapagata·duśśaṇkitayōh. *
kim’aparam’āśāsyam’astu tad’ap’īdam ∥
29
tava ca tava ca prasādō
bhavatu strī·pumsayōr’jagan·mātrōḥ|
yaś’ca yuvayōs’sahāyas’
sa ca rājā rāja·rājō’stu ∥
30
∥ ity’āśiṣah. ∥
The Parakālasvāmi and Raṇgācārya, very pleased with this response, forwarded it to those ministers.
At this time, when Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya, the Śāstri’s student and principal of the Sadvidyāśāla,183 wrote a commentary called the Madhumañjarīon the Campūrāmāyaṇa Yuddhakānḍathat the Śāstri had composed in the past, the Śāstri delighted greatly in having it read to him in 1866
its entirety by his student, and approved of it as having done justice to the poet’s intent. An edition of the Śāstri’s Campūrāmayaṇa with this commentary is now available, having recently been published by 182Footnote in original: “7 mātrāsare indecipherable in the worn-out sheet. Vē ∥ KavitilakaAyyāśāstri suggests that the missing characters are *‘vapravr̥ttī’.*This appears likely.”
183Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya (b. March 8, 1848 C.E.), Basappa Śāstri, and AḷiyaLiṇgarāje Arasu may rank as Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s three most distinguished students. Tirumalācārya (Plate 19) himself had many distinguished students, including Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s son Ayyā Śāstri, the philosopher ṀHiriyaṇṇa, ṀṆKr̥ṣṇarāv (later Dīvānof Mysore), and the poly-math Rao BahadurṀRangācārya. The great regard his students had for him is captured in V.ṬTirunārāyaṇa Ayyaṇgār’s report that his own guru ṀHiriyaṇṇa kept a portrait of Tirumalācārya in his study, and meditated before it with eyes closed and palms joined for a few moments every day [Sāstri 2005, p. 12]. Tirumalācārya’s works include Upāyaniśrēṇikā, Vigrahārādhana Vidhāyiṉī, Prauḍhabodhiṉī, Vr̥ddhaseviṉī, Śrī Cāmarājēndrābhyudaya, Ambujavallarīstotra, and the Sadvidyāsārasaṇgraha. As principal of the Sadvidyā Pāṭhaśālā, Tirumalācārya wrote the Bālabōdhiṉī, described in [Bendall 1893] as “A Sanskrit grammar for schools in Mysore, printed in the Devanāgarī character, with lithographed tables of other South Indian characters, and preceded by an English preface. Pt. 1. Mysore, 1880”, and the Sadvidyāsaṇgraha, described as “. . . an elementary reading book. . . , Bangalore 1890.”
52
sons of sarasvatī
the Śāstri’s second son Vē∥ KavitilakaAyyā Śāstri.184 Great poets capable of producing original works of such calibre, and scholars capable of such excellent commentaries are rare indeed in our times.
When Liṇgarājē Arasu passed away, his in-law Nañjarāj Bahād ūr took charge of managing his estate as well as the care of his son CikkaLiṇgarājē Arasu, who was then still a child. Many scholars under
December 5, 1874
the patronage of Liṇgarājē Arasu accepted the patronage
of Nañjarāj Bahād ūr. One day, Garaḷapurī Śāstri com-
posed the following carama ślōka 185
lakṣmī·śāradayōs’svaya ˙n’gr̥ha·patir’dātā dayāluḥkṣamī jāmātā dharaṇīśa·kr̥ṣṇa·nr̥patēś’śrīliṇgarāja·prabhuḥ|
bhāvābdē sahasi dvipāsya·divasē vārē śanēr’ viṣṇu·bhē śrīkaṇṭh’āṇghri·sarōruha·bhramaratāṁ āpat’tapōbhir’nijaih. ∥
and thereafter remained engaged in his appointed duties, desirous of no one else’s patronage; by this time, the young Mahārājahad reached the end of his primary education in Saṁskr̥ta. To make more time for 1876
his education in English, Raṇgācārya discontinued his Saṁskr̥ta lessons, and with the purpose of enhancing the Saṁskr̥taschool established by Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III, established a Saṁskr̥tacollege in a new building called Sarasvatī Prāsādabuilt for the purpose, wherein he appointed Garaḷapurī Śāstri a Professor of Literature.186 Garaḷapurī Śāstri taught literature to a large number of students here.
184Ayyā Śāstri had the Yuddhakāṇḍawith the Madhumañjarīpublished in 1891 C.E. It appears in Telugu script. An anonymous manuscript biography of Tirumalācārya that the translator discovered among Ayyā Śāstri’s papers (and published recently by Sāstri [2012]) recounts lore that Tirumalācārya wrote this commentary when he was 18 years of age, i.e., in 1866 C.E., suggesting that the Yuddhakāṇḍahad been fiinished by this time. This appears unlikely (see footnote 157). The front matter for the Yuddhakāṇḍaacknowledges the assistance of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s eldest son Sōsale Aṇṇayya Śāstri, the King’s brother-in-law Kāntarājē Arasu, the commentator Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya, Puṭṭaśyāmāpaṇḍita of the Royal Hospital, and Ayyanayyaṇgār, the head of the printing press at the Sadvidyāmandira.
185A carama ślōkais a ślōkaof eulogy. The metre is Śārdūlavikrīditā. See page 396 for a translation. The chronogram *“bhāvābdē sahasi dvipāsyadivasē vārēśanēḥviṣṇubhē”*yields the date of Liṇgarājē Arasu’s death: “In the Bhāva saṁvatsara, on Saturday, the fourth day *of Mārgaśira, under the nakṣatra Śravaṇa. *” This date is Saturday, December 5, 1874 C.E.
Śravaṇawas current from 11:30 am that day till 11:30 am on December 6, 1874 C.E.
186This institution was established in 1876 C.E. (footnote 154). G.B. Malleson was the prince’s guardian till June 1876 C.E.. Rangācārlu was placed in charge till August 1876, after which Major F.A. Wilson came to this position. This episode likely dates to this time.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
53
Now, after Sōsale Garaḷapurī Śāstri arranged for the marriage of his second son Brahmaśrī KavitilakaSōsale Ayyā Śāstri, now Mahāvidvāṁsaat the court, with the daughter of Cāmarājanagara Śrīkanṭhaśāstri,187 who became Dharmādhikāriat the court, he would very affectionately host his in-law C..∥ Śrīkanṭhaśāstri and his younger brother Cāmarājanagara Rāmaśāstri, who became Mahāvidvāṁsaat the court and Paṇḍitaat Mahārāja’s Saṁskr̥taCollege, during their trips to Maisūru, always delighing in erudite discussions with them, as well as in tutoring his many students.188
On such occasions, he and his younger in-law Rāmaśāstri would discuss poetry, and compose assorted *ślōkas,*sometimes together, sometimes by themselves.189 Most of these ślōkashave been lost with them. However, his son *Br. *∥ KavitilakaAyyā Śāstri happened to be present when a few were composed. We will now describe how and when these were composed.
Garaḷapurī Śāstri was resting one morning, after having just woken, when Rāmaśāstri, who had also just arisen nearby, recited the *ślōka “bālāyaṉīlavapruṣē. . . ”*during his morning prayers.190 On hearing this, Garaḷapurī Śāstri playfully challenged him, saying: “What! Must you recite such time-worn ślōkas? Couldn’t we have something new, of your own composition?”
He responded: “Indeed, tell me what sort of ślōkayou would like, and I will compose one accordingly.” Garaḷapurī Śāstri said: “In that case, I will compose a pādain the ¯
Aryāmetre, and we shall see how well you compose a
second pādato match mine,” and started the fiirst pādaas follows:191
Garaḷapurī śāstri: badhṉīmō vayam’añjali·
Rāmaśāstri: sampuṭam’avanamritē mūrdhni |
187Lakṣmīdevamma was married to Sōsale Ayyā Śāstri in her ninth year [Śāstri 1917]. In a biography of Ayyā Śāstri, his son Kr̥ṣṇasvāmi Śāstri (see page 337) says that this marriage took place in the Kṣaya saṁvatsaraof 1866–1867 C.E., when Ayyā Śāstri was fourteen. He was only twelve that year, however, so the saṁvatsarais likely incorrect, and the marriage took place in 1868 or 1869 C.E. Lakṣmīdevamma’s brother Veṇkaṭakr̥ṣṇa Śāstri was, in fact, the father of Veṇkaṭaramaṇa Śāstri, the author of this biography.
188Śrīkaṇṭha Śāstri was made Dhamādhikāriin 1913 C.E. See page 119. Rāmaśāstri was made ¯
Asthānavidvānin 1878 C.E., and later ¯
*Asthānamahāvidvān *[Rāmaśāstri 1997].
189Activities and interactions such as these were common when scholars met, and formed an integral part of the training given to students. Also see page 336.
190This should be vapuṣe, rather than vapruṣe. This ślōkain the Vasantatilakāmetre appears in the second chapter of the Śrīkr̥ṣṇa Karṇāmr̥tamby Līlāśuka Bilvamaṇgala. The full ślōkais: “bālāya ṉīla vapuṣe navakiṇkiṇīka jālābhirāma jaghanāya digambarāya | śārdūla *divya nakha bh ūṣaṇa bhūṣitāya nandātmajāya navaṉītamuṣe namaste ∥” *
191See page 397 for a translation.
(a) AbhinavakāḷidāsaBasappa Śāstri (1843–1891).
(b) MahāvidvānCāmarājanagara Rāmaśāstri (1842–1911).
Image courtesy Mahārāja’s Sanskrit College, Mais ūru.
Plate 8: Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s student Basappa Śāstri and in-law Rāmaśāstri.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
55
Garaḷapurī śāstri: dadhnā sikta·kalēbaram
Rāmaśāstri: arbhakam’ēkaṁ purāṇam’uddiśya ∥
They proceeded to compose fiive such *ślōkas.*This *ślōka,*however, is the only to have remained in Ayyā Śāstri’s memory.
When the topic of yamaka ślōkasarose on another occasion, Rāmaśāstri remarked how utterly devoid of poetic purpose a meaningless yamaka ślōka by a certain ancient poet had been, and recited it as follows:192
mukhañ’ca candra·pratimaṁ timaṁ timam
kucau ca pīnau kaṭhinau ṭhinau ṭhinau |
kaṭir’viśālā rabhasā bhasā bhasā
ahō vicitrā taruṇī ruṇī ruṇī ∥
Garaḷapurī Śāstri responded: “Well then, let me compose a *ślōka,*and you can see how it turns out,” and composed the following verse right away:193
smara·śriyaṁ yaṁ tarasā rasā’rasā
nirīkṣya gōpyō mumuhur’ muhurmuhuḥ|
anudravad’dhēnu·paramparaṁ param
tam’ēha jihvē vada nanda·nandanaṁ ∥
One is to interpolate as per *“ralayōrabhēdēnarasālasāh.”*for *“rasārasāh.” *.194
He composed the following structurally similar ślōkathe next day:195
vr̥ṣā’py’upēkṣā·priyayā yayā yayā·
v’adhaśca bhikṣāñ’jagr̥hē gr̥hē gr̥hē |
dayārdray’airāvata·yātayā tayā
vaya ˙n’galad’dainya·may’āmayā mayā ∥
192In the fourth saṁdhiof his Kavikaṇṭhābharaṇa, the 11th-century poet Kṣemendra of Kāśmīra criticises the following verse by the poet Candraka for lack of poetic merit: “stanau *supīnau kaṭhinau ṭhinau ṭhinau | kaṭirviśālā rabhasābhasābhasā ∥ mukha ˙nca candrapra-timaṁtimaṁtimaṁ | ahō sur ūpā taruṇiruṇiruṇiruṇi ∥”*The metre used is Vaṁśasthavila.
See page 397 for a translation.
193The translator has found a manuscript, in more than one hand, with several of the ensuing verses. Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s hand is readily recognizable. The other hand is presumably Rāmaśāstri’s. The manuscript shows tamēvajihvērather than tamēhajihvē. The metre used is Vaṁśasthavila. See page 398 for a translation.
194The grammatical formula *ralayōrabhedah.*declares the phonemes raand lato be allophones in Saṁskr̥ta. We are therefore to read *rasālasāh.*in place of *rasārasāh. *.
195The metre used is Vaṁśasthavila. See page 398 for a translation.
56
sons of sarasvatī
The following day, he composed two more ślōkas: 196
*tav’āmba kund’ōtkara·dāradā radāh. *
kuc.’ābham’ētan’na tu kantu·kantukaṁ |
*dr̥śōs’sakhāyō’jina·yōnayō’nayōh. *
kacō’rcitōñcan’naḷinālinā’ḷinā ∥
*pravāḷa·kānti·prakar’ākarā karāh. *
radac.’chada·śrīr’tarun.’ārun.’āruṇā |
iti sphut.’ōpāsanayā’nayā nayā·
my’ahāni sarva·kratavas’tava stavah. ∥
Having thus composed fiive *ślōkas,*he said to Rāmaśāstri: “Now, shall we hear one from you?” Rāmaśastri composed this ślōkathat very day:197
bhavēt’tavā’nugraha·dōha·dōhadō
dayā·plutō’pāṇga·lav’ālavālavān
manōratha·drur’mama nāma nā’manā·
k’phalaḥkathaṁ vā’bja·padē padē·padē ∥
After having composed this *ślōka,*Rāmaśāstri declared: “I will now compose another for you,” and remained deep in thought for some time. After a while, Garaḷapurī Śāstri asked: “It is now nearly afternoon. Do we have even a single pādacomplete?” Rāmaśastri replied: “The fiirst pādais indeed complete. However, I had intended to incorporate both ślēṣaand yamaka alaṇkārasinto the composition.198 I am now considering how to complete the verse.” Garaḷapurī Śāstri said: “Let’s hear the *pāda,*then,” and Rāmaśāstri responded:
budh’ālir’ēkā mahit’ēhitē hi tē
Garaḷapurī Śāstri replied to this pādawith
196The metre used is Vaṁśasthavila. See pages 399 and 400 for translations.
197The metre used is Vaṁśasthavila. See page 401 for a translation.
198A ślēṣais a pun. A yamakais the repetition of a set of syllables that can be parsed differently to yield different meanings in each case. In his Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīyam, Garaḷapurī Śāstri defiines a yamakaas sasvaravyañjanasamudāyasyāvr̥ttiryamakaṁ, or as the repetition of a group of syllables.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
57
tav’ābhibh ūtā sva·pad’āpadā padā
Rāmaśastri now said: “Very well, I will then compose the third *pāda;*let us see how fiitting a fourth pādayou compose,” and continued: nirasta·kalpa·prasav’āsavā savā
By itself, the fiinal vāin this pādais devoid of meaning. Garaḷapurī Śāstri now faced the task of composing a fourth pādawhose initial letters would cause this fiinal vāto become meaningful, and at the same time, would stand as a sentence with meaning fully consonant with Rāmaśāstri’s poetic intent.
After considering this challenge, Garaḷapurī Śāstri responded with g’rasaiḥpar’ābhukta·savā sa·vāsavā199
Astonished by the manner in which Garaḷapurī Śāstri had not merely fulfiilled his poetic intent, but had masterfully echoed savāsavāsavā, his yamaka from the third *pāda,*but with a different meaning in the fourth, Rāmaśāstri now exclaimed loudly: “Well done! Well done, dear Śāstri! How wonderfully you have framed this fiinal pāda!”, and praised his feat over and over again. He then remarked that the ślōkasthey had composed all had yamakas of two syllables, and that it would likely be very diffiicult to compose ślōkas with three-syllable *yamakas. *
Garaḷapurī Śāstri composed the following ślōkathe very next day:200
kamalā punātu bhava·śōka·malā·
n’avadh ūya māṁ garuḍa·yāna·vadhūḥ|
sumanā natā’vana·kalāsu manā·
g’avanamra·m ūrtir’agha·nāga·vanaṁ ∥
On another occasion, Rāmaśāstri challenged Garaḷapurī Śāstri by saying:
“Let’s have a ślōkawith a three-syllable yamakaat the start. I will begin by composing such a *pāda;*your task is to compose the next pādathat is consonant with my meaning,” and started thus:201
199The metre used is Vaṁśasthavila. See page 401 for a translation.
200The metre used is Pramitākṣara. See page 402 for a translation.
201The metre used is Indravajrā. See page 403 for a translation.
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Rāmaśāstri: vandē śivaṁ dēśikam’apy’udañca·
Garaḷapurī śāstri: d’āmōda·dāmōdara·padmayōnyōḥ|
Rāmaśāstri: mōhaṁ tamō hanta jighamsatāṁ svaṁ Garaḷapurī śāstri: dīpam nadī·pannaga·candra·bhūṣam ∥
One yet another occasion, during a playful discussion of poetry, Rāmaśāstri remarked: “It would be quite novel if a yamakaat the start of a pādain a ślōkawere to repeat at the end of that pādaas well.” Garaḷapurī Śāstri responded: “Well, we shall compose such a *ślōka,*then!” and composed the following ślōka: 202
stainyēna praṇayēna vā bhuvi sakr̥d yas’tē namas’stēnam’a·
py’amba tvaṁ paripāsi taṁ dalita·daurgatyā’hitā’tyāhitā |
padmē tvāṁ tu vayaṁ vacah.·parimaḷair āmōdayamō dayā·
m’ady’āpadya na cēt prasīdasi numaś’śrī·kāmataḥkām’atah. ∥
The ślōkascomposed subsequently by Rāmaśāstri were as follows.203
hr̥dyas’suhr̥d yas’sutarān’nidhīnāṁ
nētur’vinētur’viṣamāṁś’ca daityān |
jāyān’nijāyān’nidadhat’tanau sa
dēvō mudē vō munibhis’stutō’stu ∥
vēdyā trivēdyā’tridiva·pras ūna·
dh ūḻī·madh ūḻī·masr̥ṇā’ṇghri·padmā |
rakṣō·bhara·kṣōbhakarī śubhāni
tanvīta tanvī taruṇēndu·mauḷēh. ∥
kāma·prakāma·prahitaṁ kaṭākṣam
lōlamba·lōlaṁ bahudhā kirantī |
bhāvaṁ svabhāvaṁ sva·vaśaṁ nayantī
pāyād’apāyād’aniśaṁ bhavāṉī ∥
The ślōkascomposed by Garaḷapurī Śāstri were the following.204
202See page 404 for a translation.
203The metre used is Indravajrā. Translations appear, respectively, on pages 405, 405, and 406.
204The metre used is Indravajrā. Translations appear, respectively, on pages 407 and 407.
biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
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nānā’ṇganānāṁ gaṇaṉīya·śōbhā
dāyādadā yādava·puṇgavasya |
pāyād’apāyād’anaghā’cyutasya
jāy’ānujā yānuparōdham’indōh. ∥
*mātā ramā tārakit’ēva hāraih. *
kaṇṭh.’ōpakaṇṭhō’panata·pralambhaiḥ|
dīnān’nadīnāṁ na jahātu patyus’
tādr̥k sutā dr̥k·sudhayā’rthinō nah. ∥
Upon hearing this, Rāmaśāstri said: “A ślōkaon Pārvatī would have the ending ‘śrī kāḷikākāḷikā’; let us see if you can compose a ślōkafollowing my design.” Garaḷapurī Śāstri then proceeded to compose the following ślōka: śēṣasphāraphaṇāsahasravikasannānāpadānāpadā |
muccētrībhajatāñjitēnduśakala śrīkāḷikākāḷikā ∥
It is most regrettable that the latter half this ślōkahas not come to hand.
On an earlier occasion, while starting out his students on a work on poetics called Pratāparudrīya,205 which begins with the invocatory ślōka 206
vidyā·kairava·kaumudīṁ śruti·śiras’sīmanta·muktāmaṇiṁ dārān padmabhuvas’trilōka·janaṉīṁ vandē girāṁ dēvatām |
yat’pādabja·namaskriyās’sukr̥tināṁ sārasvata·prakriyā bīja·nyāsa·bhuvō bhavanti kavitā·nāṭy’aika·jīvātavah. ∥
205An encyclopædic work on poetics, rhetoric, and dramaturgy by Vidyānātha, a scholar in the court of Pratāparudra II (1294–1325 C.E.), who ruled from Waraṇgal over the Kākaṭiya kingdom. All examples and illustrations in the work eulogize Pratāparudra, whence the work’s name. In his own Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīyam, Garaḷapurī Śāstri uses this same device to honour Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III.
206The metre is Śārd ūlavikrīditā. See page 408.
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Garaḷapurī Śāstri explained that the word dārān, which appears with masculine plural case endings as per the nighaṇṭuformula dārāḥpuṁsi ca bhūmnyēva,207 is an adjective qualifying the noun girāṁ dēvataṁ.208 The students then asked: “If instead *dārāh.*were to appear as a substantive, must its qualifiier then appear in plural form?” Garaḷapurī Śāstri explained that adjectives must always appear in the same case and number as the nouns they qualify. Poetry is better served on some occasions, however, by using words that follow normal rules, and on other occasions by words that represent exceptions to these rules. When the students began to look for other such *ślōkas,*Garaḷapurī Śāstri said: “Do not trouble yourselves to search for other such *ślōkas.*I will compose such a ślōkafor you myself,” and immediately dictated the following ślōka: 209
śrī·vatsa·kaustubh’ālaṇkāra·sadmānō gr̥hīta·padmā nō |
kāmitam’ati·mandārāḥparamōdārāḥphalantu hari·dārāh. ∥
The students were truly delighted by the Śāstri’s work.
207The Ratnāpaṇagloss by Mallinātha’s son Kumārasvāmi has *“dārāḥpuṁsi ca bhūmnyeva”,*but see Amarakōśa6.6 *: “bhāryā jāyā_tha puṁbh ūmni dārāḥsyāt tu kuṭumbiṉī | pu-randhrī sucaritrā tu satī sādhvī pativratā ∥”*and Amarakośa2.5 : “niśāntaṁ pastyasadanaṁ *bhavanā_gāra mandiram | gr̥hāḥpuṁsi ca bhūmnyeva nikāyya nilayā_laya ∥”*In the fiirst verse quoted, puṁbh ūmnimeans “in the masculine plural”. Both dāraand gr̥hacan mean wife, but anomalously take masculine plural case endings, always.
208This maṇgalaślokaexpresses reverence for Sarasvatī, addressed as *girāṁ devatā *(“goddess of speech”, or “goddess of the Vedas”). As the direct object of the verb vande, it takes the feminine accusative singular form girāṁ devatām. A series of bahuvrīhisqualifying girāṁ devatāalso appear. Saṁskr̥tarequires perfect inflectional accord between substantives and adjectives, so these must also all be in the feminine accusative singular. The nighaṇṭurule, however, forces *padmabhuvaḥdāra *(“wife of Brahma”) into the masculine accusative plural padmabhuvaḥdārān, falsely suggesting a grammatical inconsistency or anomaly.
209Here, Garaḷapurī Śāstri avoids the suggestion of a grammatical discrepancy by making *hari·dārāh.*the subject in the sentence. All bahuvrīhicompounds qualifying *hari·dārāh. *
are in the nominative masculine plural, showing perfect inflectional accord with their external referent. In the Pratāparudrīyaverse, in contrast, padmabhuvaḥdārānstands out because of inflectional discord with girāṁ devatām. If the Pratāparudrīyaverse illustrates the anomalies arising with stems such as dāra, Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s verse illustrates how they may be used so the inflectional endings remain consistent. Mr Naresh Keerthi is to be thanked for discussions regarding this verse.
Garaḷapurī Śāstri is able to create some interesting antyānuprāsaconcordances in this verse. In the fiirst line, sandhirules change *padmāḥnah.*to padmā nō, echoing the sadmānō.
The second line echoes *dārāh. *, fiirst in *mandārāh. *, then in *udārāh. *, and fiinally in *haridārāh. *.
The metre used is ¯
Aryā. See page 408 for a translation.
Chapter Seven
Onanotheroccasion,hisyoungerin-lawRāmaśāstri,whileonavisit
from Cāmarājanagara, recited a palindromic ślōkain the course of some discussion, and playfully challenged Garaḷapurī Śāstri to compose a similar *ślōka.*Garaḷapurī Śāstri promised to have it done by dinner time the same day after he had completed his teaching and other duties, and spending the day in thought as he went about his normal routine, returned in the late evening, and calling for Rāmaśāstri’s attention, recited210
draupad’īna·nadīpa·drau māra·bhē śuśubhē ramā |
sv’āparādha·dharā’pa·svā vēda·yānini yādavē ∥
which Rāmaśāstri greatly applauded, enthusiastically shaking and nodding his head. This ślōkahas survived only because we were able to fiind the piece of paper on which the Śāstri’s second son had jotted it down after dinner.
With this ślōkawe discovered another moldy scrap of paper, on one corner of which was the following single quarter of a praśṇōttarābhinna ślōkathe Śāstri had composed on some occasion: *“pramadōrasikaśśētē”.*Here, *“pramadōrasi, kaḥ, śētē”*is the question, to which the answer is “pramadaḥ, *rasikaḥ, śētē” *.211 Unfortunately, a large number of the Śāstri’s *ślōkas,*having remained unrecorded, have been lost with him.
Around that time, after he had written his commentary on the *Yuddhakāṇḍa,*Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya founded a Saṁskr̥taschool called the Sadvidyāśāla, along the lines of an English school, and became its principal.
The school grew rapidly, and soon enrolled about two hundred students.
Many of these students studied in an English school for a half-day, and studied Saṁskr̥taat this school the other half-day. Some others attended this school alone, studying Saṁskr̥tafor a half-day. Many of the younger pupils 210The metre used is Anuṣṭubh. See page 409 for a translation.
211 Pramadōrasiis the locative singular form of pramadōras, a ṣaṣṭhī tatpuruṣacompound construed as pramadāyāḥuras, yielding the meaning “on the chest of a (wanton) woman”.
The sentence is now asking “Who sleeps on the chest of a (wanton) woman?” The answer is also given by the same sentence, if decomposed as pramadaḥrasikaḥśete, meaning “the intoxicated libertine sleeps”.
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studied Saṁskr̥taat this school for both half-days. There were four teachers at this school at the time, including its principal.212 The subjects taught included literature, poetry, *campū,*drama, *alaṇkāra,*logic, and grammar.
Now, as he was teaching the Ṉīlakaṇṭhavijayato some of his students one day,213 Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya thought of asking his guru Garaḷapurī Śāstri to write a commentary on this work, and accompanied by his fellow-student Noṇavinakere Tirumalācārya, visited the Śāstri, and made this suggestion. Garaḷapurī Śāstri responded that he had indeed planned to write such a commentary, and in light of their suggestion, would start on it immediately. He began on this endeavour, working whenever he found time.
Within a month, he had completed his commentary on half of the fiirst canto of the *Ṉīlakaṇṭhavijaya. *
212See footnote 119. According to an anonymous manuscript the translator discovered in Kavitāvilāsa (and published recently [Sāstri 2012]), the instructors at the time included Perīsvāmi Tirumalācārya, Sōsale Ayyā Śāstri, Āji Ayyanayyaṇgār, Sō∥ Śrīnivāsācārya, and Guṇḍa Śāstri.
213This is a famous campūwork in fiive chapters written by Ṉīlakaṇṭha Dīkṣita around 1637–1638 C.E. A minister in the court of Tirumala Nāyakaof Madurai, he is from what is surely the most important family of scholars of the period. Ṉīlakaṇṭha’s grandfather Acchan Dīkṣita was the younger brother of the astonishingly prolifiic poet and scholar Appayya Dīkṣita, who was reportedly patronized by the Āravīḍu kings CinnaTimma and Veṇkaṭāpati, as well as CinnaBomma Nāyaka of Vēlūr. As many as 104 works are attributed to Appayya Dīkṣita, many authoritative, in fiields as diverse as poetry, grammar, and philosophy. Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s Kr̥ṣṇabhūpāḻīyamfollows the treatment of alaṇkārasin Appayya Dīkṣita’s Kuvalayānanda, although the verses illustrating the alaṇkārasare Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s own.
Chapter Eight
Justthen,bysometwistoffate,amildlypainfulboilhappenedtoerupt
on the Śāstri’s left cheek. Since it seemed to be a minor problem, little attention was paid to it for two or three days, beyond the application of some simple home remedies; it quickly swelled up and worsened, however, requiring the Śāstri to take a leave of absence from his teaching at the Pāṭhaśāla and the Royal School.214 Upon becoming aware of this problem, Controller Raṇgācārya promptly arranged for proper treatment for the Śāstri at the hands of Dr. Jagannātha Nāyaḍu of the Palace Hospital.
This doctor, who was then renowned as a skilled physician, exerted himself to the utmost, both from respect for the Śāstri as well as in deference to the directives of authority. The ailment failed to yield, however. Many of the Śāstri’s students, relatives, and friends attended to the Śāstri day and night, helping to lighten his suffering. The Śāstri remained in high spirits, bantering in good humour with this company, and having his students read to him from the Vēṇīsaṁhāraand the Bhagavadgītā.215
Having a premonition of his own passing, however, he called together his family and a group of his foremost students on the morning of the day of the tenth bahuḷa tithiin the Caitra month of the Īśvara April 8, 1877
saṁvatsara,216 and seating them by his side and speaking many words of advice to them, asked them to arrange for
him to perform the pañcagavya prāyaścitta,217 bathed, attired himself in 214The Pāṭhaśāla is presumably the Saṁskr̥taCollege referred to in footnotes 186 and 154.
The Royal School is referred to in footnote 168.
215The Vēṇīsaṁhārais a play by Bhaṭṭa Nārāyaṇa (8th century C.E.) centering on events occurring in the Mahābhāratabetween the return of the Pāṇḍavas from exile and Yudhiṣṭhira’s coronation. Vēṇīsaṁhārameans “tying (braiding) of the hair”, and is an allusion to Draupadī’s vow not to tie her hair until it had been washed in Duśśāsana’s blood, which task Bhīma performed.
216This date corresponds to Sunday, April 8, 1877 C.E.
217A rite of purifiication and penance involving the drinking of fiive products of the cow, seen as providing exculpation from all sins and ritual improprieties committed during one’s life.
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maḍivestments,218 donned the vibhūti,219 seated himself on a maṇe,220 and with a priest in attendance, completed the pañcagavya prāyaścittain the prescribed manner, and after making many gifts, including gōdāna,221 declared his intent to remain in a state of ritual purity; he then prepared for himself a bed of darbhagrass, spreading a grass mat on it and using only maḍi clothes, and bade farewell to the many dignitaries who visited him, speaking to them of his impending departure the next day; the following morning, he had his second son perform arcana,222 partook of the tīrtha,223 and his strength having left him by this time, gestured gently towards his right ear.
Grasping his meaning, his son quickly wedged a tuḷasistalk from the arcana behind his right ear. Within two or three minutes of his doing so, the Śāstri had attained the lotus feet of Śrī Veṇkaṭācalapati.224
218 Maḍivestments are ritually pure, and in modern times connote freshly washed clothes, generally worn dripping wet to avoid any possible contamination. This echoes the ancient practice of wearing bark vestments, regarded as having intrinsic purity, even if unwashed.
Silk, also being intrinsically pure, is commonly worn during ritual. Broadly, to practice maḍi is to follow detailed norms of ritual conduct that ensure freedom from ritual pollution.
219Horizontal bands of ash across the forehead, indicative of the Smārtatradition. One dips the fiirst three fiingers in ash and draws them across the forehead horizontally.
220A wood platform, a couple of inches high, used as a seat on formal and ritual occasions.
221The gifting away of a cow, traditionally seen as the most meritorious of ritual gifts.
The dānasprescribed by the Śuddhiprakāśaat the time of death include cows, land, sesame, gold, grain, salt, ghee, jaggery, and silver, but only the fiirst eight are mentioned in the Garuḍa Purāṇa. A good death is traditionally regarded as occurring in the presence of family and loved ones, after completing the specifiied dānasand other rituals, on the ground or on a bed of darbhaor kuśagrass, and in the presence of a tulasiplant or in contact with *tulasi. *
222A ceremony of worship.
223Ritual sipping from the palm of the water used to bathe the deity during the *arcana. *
224It is impossible to accurately diagnose Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s ailment at this point, but we can make some educated guesses. The account gives few specifiics regarding the presentation of the ailment, but refers to the lesion using the Kannaḍa word *“guḷḷe” *, which suggests a boil, blister, or furuncle, most likely involving suppuration. This seems to exclude the possibility of neoplasm. The relatively rapid course of the illness is also highly suggestive of infection. Diabetes can increase the severity of any infections, and predispose the patient to skin and soft-tissue infections. However, diabetes is not known among current descendants of Garaḷapurī Śāstri. A likely scenario is that of a superfiicial infection leading to a furuncle that got out of hand, resulting in a systemic infection such as sepsis, or a secondary infection, such as endocarditis. An infection of the lymph nodes in the cheek is also a possibility. Furuncles are usually Staphylococcus aureusinfections that generally heal in a couple of weeks, but can sometimes persist much longer, and lead to secondary infections. Once a furuncle forms, topical remedies, including anti-bacterial preparations, are generally of little value in pre-empting deeper abscesses or systemic infections. Topical preparations, herbal
Chapter Nine
Following Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s passing, JahgīrdārKr̥ṣṇamūrti,225 who had been offiiciating as Controller for three months in Raṇgācārya’s absence,226 appointed Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s second son KavitilakaAyyā Śāstri as potions, dietary regimes, compresses, and surgical drainage were most likely the only treatment options available. Secondary infections and sepsis were likely much more common at the time than they are now, since antibiotics were unknown, and the infection had to be overcome by the body’s own immune response. The location of the lesion and the lack of effective painkillers would have made it very diffiicult for Garaḷapurī Śāstri to eat or drink, increasing the likelihood that he had become malnourished, and that his immune response was depressed. He appears to have remained mentally alert as well as active on the eve of his death, reducing the likelihood that the cause of death was either secondary sepsis or menin-gitis, both of which cause extreme fatigue, prostration, and frequently, mental confusion.
Secondary endocarditis remains a possibility, although the account makes no reference to fevers. Ayyā Śāstri (or the biographer) may simply have seen fever as a routine symptom, and not worth explicit mention. Garaḷapurī Śāstri also probably received much help from family members and friends in attendance during his ritual preparations on the eve of his passing. The deterioration of cardiac function in the fiinal stages of endocarditis would have been debilitating and clearly perceptible to Garaḷapurī Śāstri; it may have served as an indication that his body was giving up, leading to his premonition of death. All of this, of course, is speculation, albeit somewhat informed by current understanding of disease processes, but he seems to have died of an infection that would likely be easily cured today.
225Sir Pūrṇayya Narasiṇgarāv Kr̥ṣṇamūrti, who went on to become Dīvānof Maisūru (1901–1906 C.E.), was the grandson of the famous P ūrṇayya, who was Dīvānunder T.ippu Sultān, and continued in this capacity after Kr̥ṣṇarāja Voḍeyar III came to the throne as a minor in 1799 C.E. P ūrṇayya was granted Yeḷandūr in Camarājanagara district as a jāhgīrin 1807
C.E. P ūrṇayya died in 1812 C.E., but by 1835, the jāhgīrhad been divided piecemeal among his descendants, and largely dissipated. Cubbon was forced to intervene, and cancelled the rights of all except P.ṆKr̥ṣṇamūrti’s father Narasiṇga Rāo Kr̥ṣṇamūrti (he was the son of Śrīnivāsa M ūrti, himself the son of P ūrṇayya’s son Narasiṇga Rāo). P.ṆKr̥ṣṇamūrti would have inherited the jāhgīr.
226There is inconsistency between this account and the historical record of Raṇgācārlu’s absence. The text implies that Raṇgācārlu was present at the onset of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s illness (he arranged for treatment), but was absent at his death, and further, that he learned of his death only upon returning to his duties after a three-month absence. GaraḷapurīŚāstri died on April 9, 1877. Raṇgācārlu testifiied during an inquiry into the theft of certain Palace jewels, however, that he went on leave in July and returned in September 1877, dates which are confiirmed by Kr̥ṣṇamūrti’s testimony [Stanhope 1878, pp. 171, 173]. (For an account of the theft and the resulting scandal, see [Bell 1882].) The tithigiven for Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s death cannot be wrong, since his son Ayyā Śāstri, the primary source of information for this biography, would have performed the śrāddhafor his father each year on that tithi. Matters are further complicated by this excerpt from the short story Hāgalakāyi Mattu Tāḷehūvu 65
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a scholar at the court at a salary of three *Varāhas,*demonstrating regard for him as the son of a great scholar.227 When Raṇgācāri returned from his absence, he was greatly saddened by the news of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s passing, and considering a salary of three Varāhasinadequate for his second son Ayyā Śāstri, increased it to four *Varāhas,*and continued to maintain great regard for him. Since that time, KavitilakaAyyā Śāstri has attained great fame and stature, and has now come to be regarded by all as a truly fiitting successor to Garaḷapurī Śāstri.228
from Iddar ū Irabahuduby Ayyā Śāstri’s son Garaḷapurī Śāstri, which he says is based on real events [Śāstri 1946b, p. 2]. Veṇkaṭasubbaśāstri is being Ayyā Śāstri’s real name, it is clear that the account refers to him.
Dvādaśīpāraṇewas under way in many homes. Veṇkaṭasubbaśāstri was reading the Rāmāyaṇaaloud after having fiinished his pūjā. Being musically accomplished, his reading of it in the rāga Bilahariwas captivating. This virtuous man was a great devotee of Śrīrāma. He never missed his daily reading of the Vālmīkīrāmāyaṇa. He valued more than his very life the beautifully written manuscripts of the Rāmāyaṇain his possession. He safeguarded them in a teak-wood box he had made for that very purpose. . . Veṇkaṭasubbaśāstri was still young—just twenty-three. He lived in the vaṭhāraof VīṇeVeṇkaṭasubbayya in the Old Agrahāra. Not wishing to live with his brothers following the death of his father, he had disposed of his share of the inherited property, and set up a separate household with his wife. Following the division of property, he had been left only with his daily clothes, a silk magaṭa, and these Rāmāyaṇamanuscripts.
How was he to run a household without kitchen utensils, clothes, or foodstuffs?
He sent his wife to her father’s home for two months, worked hard to garner the essentials for a household, found a house, and brought his wife back at an auspicious time. In the meanwhile, he had secured a position as teacher in Śrīmān Tirumalacārya’s school at a salary of six Rūpīsa month. His application to be granted his father’s position in the palace had not yet borne fruit. He had unequalled scholarship in both Saṁskr̥taand Kannaḍa, and had acquired great poetic ability at an early age. On this Kārtīka śuddha dvādaśī. . .
The excerpt suggests that he had not yet been granted a position in the palace as of Kārtīka *śuddha dvādaśī *(November 17, 1877), a full seven months after Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s death.
One possibility is that Raṇgācārlu was in Maisūru at the time of Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s passing, but that Ayyā Śāstri’s appointment as a scholar at a salary of three Varāhasoccurred during the time Kr̥ṣṇamūrti was offiiciating for him. The excerpt above suggests that Ayyā Śāstri had sought an appointment as a scholar at the court. Perhaps his application was not approved, but Raṇgācārlu instead raised his salary to four Varāhas. His application may still have been pending in November 1877.
227A Varāhawas the equivalent of ten *Haṇas.*See footnote 123. Ayyā Śāstri would have been twenty-two at this time. He was honoured with the title Kavitilakain 1912 C.E.
228See page 333 for a biography of Ayyā Śāstri.
**b. 1600? **
Pradhāni Tammaṇṇa Śāstri
Śaṁkara Bhaṭṭa
Paṭṭābhirāma Śāstri
Veṅkaṭarāma Bhaṭṭa
Tammaṇṇa Bhaṭṭa
(160 years)
Māgaḍi branch
4 generations
Timmappa Śāstri
Sosale branch
**(b. 1760?) **
Veṅkatadāsappa
**(b. 1790?) **
Veṅkaṭarāma Śāstri
Timmappa Śāstri
Rāmappa
Garaḷapuri Śāstri
Veṅkaṭarāma
Aṇṇayyā Śāstri
Ayyā Śāstri
Rāmasvāmi Śāstri
Śrauti
Plate 9: The family tree as depicted by Ayyā Śāstri (see page 344). The Māgaḍi branch and the estimates for years of birth are interpolations by the translator, and are not present in Ayyā Śāstri’s original manuscript.
Chapter Ten: The Many Great Virtues of
Garaḷapurī śāstri
TheŚāstripossesedmodestyandhumilityinmeasurematchinghis
great scholarship, and always treated students with great affection.
He remained modest in the presence of other scholars. All students hence showed him great devotion. He commanded both respect and devotion from scholars, as well.
When anyone criticized or disparaged him, whether at home or elsewhere, he approached the matter gently and without anger, and handled it with humility, in a spirit of reconciliation. In consequence, he had no enemies in this world, and received great affection from all. The Śāstri had pursued the study of the Sāmavēdaand literature immediately following his *upanayana;*after acquiring a command of the Sāmavēdasuffiicient for the performance of his daily rituals,229 he had studied works on grammar along with literature. After mastering foundational works in grammar, he turned to advanced works in literature and logic, and after seven or eight years of deep study, mastered them both, developing especially strong abilities as a poet. Subsequently, through his association with physicians, astrologers, and *Vēdāntins,*he also acquired substantial scholarship in medicine, astrology, and *Vēdānta.*230
Owing to his exceptional scholarly abilities, the Śāstri had a large circle of acquaintances and friends, and close friendships with many scholars and aristocrats. Through several such associations, he acquired strong skills in chess, and an excellent knowledge of music through his friendships with many vīṇāplayers.231 The Śāstri would frequently amuse himself by playing chess with his friends.232 When the need arose to recite ślōkasin the course of conversation, he would do so melodiously, and would also read 229The Sāmavēdais sung in complex musical patterns, rather than chanted, as the other Vēdasare. Learning the Sāmavēdais no simple undertaking, since its melodies must be reproduced exactly.
230Garaḷapurī Śāstri taught literature (see page 26), logic (see footnote 761), as well as medicine (see page 24) to his students.
231See footnotes 117 and 133. Also, Rajagopalan [1992, p. 291] indicates that the musician M ūg ūru Subbaṇṇa often consulted Garaḷapurī Śāstri about the meaning of Saṁskr̥ta kr̥tis.
232See footnote 135.
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biography of sōsale garaḷapurī śāstri
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aloud the Rāmāyaṇadaily, its verses set to many melodious rāgas.233 Many were the listeners who derived pleasure from this. That such a profound scholar should also be so musically accomplished was akin to gold exuding fragrance.
The Śāstri was born with an exceptional memory. As a result, he had retained in memory everything he had learnt from his gurus. Any book he taught his students even once also became committed to memory, so that he could, with complete ease, teach the same work again without ever needing to refer to the book.234 In addition, he carried in his memory all the books he had written, the thousands of verses of his own composition, innumerable compositions of ancient poets, and a number of cūrṇikās;235 they have all been lost with him. Printing was not prevalent at his time, nor was it the practice to commit to writing most material, with some exceptions, such as works studied with a guru, new works written by oneself, and certain works required in the conduct of daily life. The practices of education had not reached their current levels of sophistication, nor were there printing presses, newspapers, or schools. One can only imagine the impact such a scholar would have had were he to have lived in our modern world.
When there were errors in the books he was teaching, the Śāstri’s deep insights into the poet’s style and design allowed him to confiidently interpolate corrections exactly matching the poet’s intent. On one occasion, when he had just moved to Mais ūru from Sōsale, he happened to be teaching the ninth canto of the Raghuvaṁśato a group of four students. One of the four had a palm-leaf manuscript, from which the other three were making their own copies. This manuscript included a commentary, but nine of the original ślōkashappened to be missing from the manuscript, leaving only the commentary intact. Considering that waiting to obtain a complete copy would amount to undue delay, he proceeded to reconstruct all 233Sarōjā Veṇkaṭarām, GaraḷapurīŚāstri’s great-granddaughter, recalls that Mr ṢG. Śāstri, Ayyā Śāstri’s eldest son, had a palm-leaf manuscript of the *Rāmāyaṇa.*This is likely the same manuscript that Garaḷapurī Śāstri had used for his pārāyaṇa, and which Ayyā Śāstri must have used in his own melodious Rāmāyaṇareadings (see the excerpt in footnote 226).
234GaraḷapurīŚāstri’s namesake grandson ṢG. Śāstri, speaking on the occasion of the cen-tenary celebration of Basappa Śāstri, recalled Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s advice to his son Ayyā Śāstri not to attempt poetical composition before fiirst committing at least ten thousand verses to memory, offering Basappa Śāstri as an example [Venkaṭasubbayya and Gītācārya 2000, p. 15]. Basappa Śāstri was, of course, Garaḷapurī Śāstri’s student and Ayyā Śāstri’s teacher.
235A cūrṇikāis a composition in rhythmic prose.
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sons of sarasvatī
nine verses using the available commentary, and taught the students accordingly. When a new copy of the work was fiinally obtained, the nine verses in it were completely identical to the reconstructed verses. Similarly, when he happened to be teaching the following verse from the sixth canto of the Naiṣadhato some students,236
candr’ābham’ābhran’tilakan’dadhānā
candr’ānavasthām’iva yatra kāntā |
sasarja kācandra samē sakhī·mukhē
tadvan’nijāsy’ēndu kr̥t’ānubimbam ∥
he noticed that the third quarter of this verse improperly followed the 12-syllable Vaṁśasthametre, instead of the 11-syllable Vajrāmetre. After some reflection, he proceeded, correcting the third quarter to read “sakhīmukhē *candra samēsasarja” *. This turned out to be the correct form when an old copy of the work was consulted.
Even from his very fiirst days in Mais ūru, Garaḷapurī Śāstri never sought anyone’s patronage, unless that person himself approached him. He refused such patronage even when offered by persons of note, unless it was also accompanied with due and proper respect. He would treat as a close friend any benefactor who treated him with genuine regard. He was always content with what support he received, and never, on his own accord, 236The Naiṣadhacaritaor Naiṣidhīyais a complex poem of about 3000 verses by Śrīharṣa, a poet and Advaitaphilospher of the 12th century C.E. It is based on the story of Nala and Damayantī from the *Mahābhārata.*It is seen as a poetical masterpiece, but also as complex and diffiicult reading, especially since its treatment reflects Śriharṣa’s philosophical disposition. The saying *“naiṣadham vidvadauṣadham” *, meaning “the Naiṣadhais as tonic for the intellect”, is often used to allude to its technically abstruse nature. Similarly, the verse “tāvad bhā bhāraver bhāti yāvan māghasya nodayaḥ| udite naiṣadhe kāvye kva māgha kva ca *bhāravi ∥” *, meaning “Bhāravi’s lustre shines bright till Māgha has risen. But of what account, truly, are Māgha and Bhāravi once the Naiṣadha has risen?” is frequently quoted to indicate the high poetic regard this work is held in. Also see footnote 130. The verse referenced here is the 62nd verse in the 6th canto. Given the age of the work, we should expect to see variations across editions. For instance, Śrīharṣa [1912] gives: “candrābhamabhrantitilakandadhāna tadvannijāsyēndu kr̥tānubimbam | sakhīmukhēcandra samēsasarja candrānavasthāmiva *kāpi yatra ∥” *, which exchanges the second and fourth quarters, compared to the version GaraḷapurīŚāstri was using, but the third quarter still matches GaraḷapurīŚāstri’s correction.
The metre is Upēndravajrā. It is technically permissible to mix this metre with Vaṁśastha (the mixed metre would be in the Upajāticlass). The mixed metre would clearly be inconsistent with the rest of the canto, however.
solicited assistance from anyone. If ever the need arose for him to make a request of some person, he would, at some proper time, make his meaning known through a clever ślōkaof his own composition. Thereby delighted, the person would fulfiil the Śāstri’s wishes unstintingly. Many people of lesser character would impose themselves on affluent patrons, and gain material benefiit by inducing a sense of obligation upon them. Garaḷapurī Śāstri could have gained enormous wealth, had this been his way. He commanded great respect from everyone, since he disdained all wealth thus acquired, and always remained uncovetous.
Having been born into a family of high standing, he was high-minded, and always conducted himself honourably, regardless of material incentive to do otherwise. He was fully content with any generosity his patrons may have bestowed upon him, of their own accord. Indeed, he had also inherited land in suffiicient measure to allow him to live contentedly, imparting learning without expectation of remuneration, and rendering material support to others in need.
He ensured that all special occasions and events in his household were celebrated with grandeur, matching the dignity and esteem that he and his family commanded. Despite such prosperity, the Śāstri lived modestly and without undue pride, conducting himself as a simple and pious vaidika brāhmaṇa, ever hard-working and virtuous, and earning great respect and acclaim from all quarters.
Śrī Kr̥ṣṇārpaṇamastu
K ādambarī Saṇgraha Grantham āla, No. 36