History of Hindu Mahasabha

OUR PAST

It spens superfluous to dwell on the achievements of the Hindus in the History of nations. Lord Curzon who cannot be accused of synpathy with Indian aspirations said in his address at the Delhi Durbar in 1901: “Powerful empires existed and flourished here, while the Englishmen were still wandering painted in the woods and while the British colonies were still a wilderness and a jungle. India has left a deeper park on the history, the philosophy and religion of mankind, than aty other terrestrial unit in the universe.’’ Prof. Max. Muller in his well-known book, “What India has to Teach (s,” says, “If I were asked under what sky the human inind has more fully developed some of its choicest gifts; has thought must deeply on the problems of life and has found solutions of some of them, which will deserve the attention even of those who have studied Plato and Kant, I should point to India; if I were to ask myself how we here in Europe may draw the corrective which is most wanted in order to make our inner life more perfect, more univarsal, in fact more truly homan, again I should point to India”:

In fact, the Hindus were not only the earliest people who developed a high type of civilisation and disseminated it to the various parts of this earth but were the first great colonisers of the world. There is enough evidence to show that they colonised Babylon, Assyria, Egypt, Greece and on the other side they spread so far as the Phillipine Islands.

In spite of the destructive march of the Mohamma dan conquest and propaganda, Hindu influence is traceable in Arabian lands, in Persia, in Afghanistan. The buried cities and villages in Central Asia deserts are yielding proofs of Hinduism in those centres of population, now depopulateri. Tibet, China, Corea, and Japan were greatly indebted to Hindusthan. The literature extant in Java and Bali was born of Hindu influence and relates to the Sanskrit epics and the Purans. The Hindus had thus, in fact, attained the high position of Jagatguru.

From such heights they fell into the depths of slavery and foreign subjection. The fall was really a terrible fall. During these days of alien rule, the history of Hindusthan, is & tragic account of Hindus, slain, of the intolerant measures, of the temples razed, and mutilated, of forcible conversions and marriages, of proscriptions and confiscations, of murders, massacres and of the sensuality and drunkenness of the tyranta who enjoyed them.

OUR VIRILITY

We faced all those national disasters. How nicely Swatantrya-vir Bar. V. D. Savarkar, in his presidential address at Ahmedabad Session summarises the situa tion, saying, “But each time we rose and tided them over. The Greeks under Alexander, the great, came conquering the world but they could not conquer Hindusthan. Chandragupta rose and we drove the Greeks back inflicting crushing defeats on them, military and cultural. Three centuries after, the Huns came on us like an avalanche. All Europe and half Asia lay at their feet. They smashed the Roman Empire to pieces. But after some two centuries of a life and death struggle against them we vanquished them in the end under our Vikramaditya, the Great. The Shakas also fared no better. The mighty hands of Shalivahan and Yashodharman beat them a chip. Where are those of our enemies–the Huns and the Parthians and the Shakas–today? Their very names are forgotten! Gone, effaced from the face of Hindus than and the world as well. The virility and the staying out power of our race triumphed over them all.

Then centuries after Mahommedans invaded Hindusthan and carried everything before them. Their kingdoms and Empires seemed to reign supreme !

Though Hindus were divided and disintegrated, suffered defeats and courted humiliations but for full six hundred years throughout the Muslim Ascendancy they carried on a life and death struggle to regain their national honour and glory. At last the Sikh sword in the North, Maratthas in the South and the Rajputs in the Central Hindusthan conipletely shatter ed the Moghal Empire and re-established Hindu sway all over Hindusthau right up to the bank of Attak.” Veer Savarkar further goes on to say, “But we rallied again and ever since the day that Shivajee was born, the God of War has sided with us. Battle after battle we beat the Moslems in a hundred fields, their Kingstons and Empires, their Nawabs and Shalas and Badshabas were brought to their knees by our warriors till at last Bhausahib, the Commander-in-Chief of the Hindus, as if symbolically raised his Hammer and literally smash ed the very Imperial throne of the Moghals at Delli to pieces; Mahadajee Shinde held the imbecile Moghal Emperors as prisoners and pensioners in his custody aud Hindu supremacy was once more re-established all over the land.”

In the meanwhile, before we could recover froni the struggle of ernturies with Moslems, the English faced us and won on all points. We could not even find time to consolidate what we had heroically snatched from the Muslims’ hands. We fell an easy prey to the British sword. But, not long afterwards, once again the people of Hindusthal rose against the British Domination. This time they suffered a heavy defeat and Hindusthan went completely under the British sway.

ADVENT OF CONGRESS

The British brought with them the Western system of Government, and an alien faith in the form of Christianity. They opened schools and colleges to impart education which was meant to enslave the very convictions of our people. This all resulted in comp leta Westernization of Hindusthanees. But all this could not check the growing national consciousness of our people and a sort of dis-satisfaction was assuming the form of an under current in the political future of Hindusthan. At this moment, the British contrived another trap, the secret of which Mr. Hume, the founder of the Indian National Congress revealed to Lord Auckland Colvin in a letter thus, “A safety-valve for the escape of great and growing forces, generated by the British connexion was urgently needed and no more efficacious valve than the Congress could be devised.” The few select persons who undertook to guide the political destiny of Hindusthan at that time, had very little knowledge and experience of the antecedents and inclinations of different peoples inha hitinn the mountry and like the old-world philosophers of Greece, they first fixed upon a political theory of building up a new nation out of the heterogeneous elements to be found here, and then thought of setting up a machinery to carry that theory into practice. The ideal of a new nationalism was set up before the country; and the newly created educated class and the newly established press were made its advocates, For the last fifty years and more, this ideal of national ism has been moving the whole country and has been our most cherished possession. Our one aim has, there fore, been to form ourselves into a nation, fit to take charge of and control our destinies. The new political theory looked very bright and very attractive at first. The spirit of nationalism had grown up in European countries, and had been working wonders for the last two or three centuries in the creation of new nations of Europe. Naturally we were led to think why we could not become a nation like those of Europe. Where do we stand after a continuous labour of more than fifty years ? All the efforts of the Congress school of political thought have ended in utter failure, and the present does not hold out any better promiso for the future. We have not succeeded in reaching our goal, as yet and it is even today as farther away from us as over. On the contrary, the state of affairs, we find ourselves in, at present, is subs tentially much worse than what it was, when we first began to march on the road of nationalism. At one time we hugged the illusion that we were to reach our goal soon, but the next inoment we were made to feel that our destination was as remote as ever, and that all our race had been in vain.

TWO PROPHECIES

Even in 1909, men like R. B. Lala Lal Chand in the Punjab and Lt. Col. U. N. Mukerji in the Bengal after witnessing the activities of the Indian National Congress evel for a period of about fifteen years, came to these bitter but correct conclusions. “My objections against the Congress,” observes R. B. L. Lal Chand, “however, are of a different hue. In the first place and this is the strongest and most serious objection–the Congress proceeded on a wrong assump tion of a united nation. The result was that it entirely ignored the Hindu aspect of public and political ques tious. This fallacy was taken allvantage of by the other community to press their vantage point, and, in the end the Hindus lost heavily. They incurred the whole odium for the distasteful work from the Govern ment point of view, and when the time came for rewarding the labours a little, the substantial portion of the reward was assigned to the other community. Not only this, but they were given a political import ance which they never possessed before, while Hindus were lowered in the scale from the position which they had already occupied. And with all these events passing before their eyes, the Congress through its mouth piece, the Indian Congress Committee, moved not a little finger to render support or help to the Hindu cause. Nay it did not even condescend to give an encouragement to the community in the struggle. On the other hand, its main exponent tried to gag the Hindu mouth against even raising a lament. A move ment is judged by it results, just as a tree by its fruits. A tree, however, bright and beautiful it may be in form and figure, yet if it bears bitter or poisonous fruits will be shunned and avoided. The Congress may possess very high ideas of a united India, admirable to look at from a distance, but if the result be bitter I cannot conceive how a Hindu, who has the least spark left in him of warmth of Hindu feeling and patriotism, can help and join the movement.

“Even apart from the question of political loss or gain, my objection against the Congress is that it makes the Hindu forget that he is a Hindu and tends to swamp his communal individuality into an Indian ideal, thus making him break with all his past tradi tions and past glory. I regard this as a very heavy price to pay. The conversion tu the new ideal means worse than the effects of foreign invasions that have hitherto hammered the Hindu community. During these times, in spite of very oppressive circumstances. the Hindus have maintained intact their communal organisation, and why they should now voluntarily surrender and abandon the same passes my comprehen sion. Moreover, the other community has steadfastly refused to join hands, and under the circumstances it appears to me to be pure imbecility and cowardliness to appear under a united flag. The idea therefore, set up by the Congress was not only, erroneous to start with, but it lias become impossible under the dec lared hostile attitude of the other community. The only possible, nay honourable, course under the cir cumstances in fact is to start anew on a fresh basis, abandoning, if nnt pulling down, the fabric which instead of giving political shelter and refuge has exposed the community to winds and hailstorms from every quarter.“

Lt. Col. C. N. Mukerji has also thus depicted a very sad tale, in his book, ‘A Dying Race: “We, Hindus, are most ridiculously, most contemptibly ignorant. We have no idea about ‘what is going on around us. Others are not quite so ign rant. In the course of his reply to the All India Moslem League, referred to before the Secretary of State for India told the deputation: ‘I know very well, that any injust ice, any suspicion that we are capable of being unjust to the Mohammadans in India would certainly 12

have a very severe and injurious reaction in Cons tantinople. I wonder how many Hindus understand the significance of this utterance. A few days later he took the opportunity to proclaim from his place in the House of Lords that ‘all the demands of the Mohamm adans will be met with in full. This was practically at the bidding of two Mohammadans, one of whom could scarcely be an Indian. But the English statesmen knew that at the back of these two individuals there was the solid mass of nearly 70 millions of Indian Mohammadans who were waiting for the reply

“How do the two communities stand to-day? The Mohammadans have a future and they believe in it we Hindus have no conception of it. Time is with them-time is against us. At the end of the year they count their gains, we calculate our losses. They are growing in number, growing in strength, growing in health, growing in solidarity, we are crumbling to pieces. They look forward to a united Mohammadan world–we are waiting for our extinction.

“The wages of sin is death. We Hindas have sinned deeply, damnably, against the laws of God and nature; and we are paying the penalty.

“In our treatment of our co-religionists lies the germ of our self-destruction. This is the history of the Hindus.” The same process is going op around us.”

It is, however, a pity that the Bengal Hindus, who vre now in a very sad plight, ignored the note of warning given by Col. Mukerji, just as the Hindus of the Punjab ignored the warning of late Lala Lal Chand.

THE PRO-MUSLIM POLICY

Soon after the partition of Bengal and the establish ment of the Muslim League a pro-Muslim policy was initiated by the Government. Riots by Mohammedans became the order of the day with the result that Hinilus, men and women, were maltreated and out raged. None of our leaders did anything to mitigate the sufferings of their Hindu brethren. They were busy with hatching schemes for and producing er panded Legislative Councils. They believed that these were the sole remedies for all Indian sufferingx. The result was that Hindu nationality and Hindu sentiments were gradually obliterated and thrown in the back-ground. The origin of Hindu national more ment can best be described in the forceful worls of Shri Bhai Parmanandji when he goes on to say, “To understand the genesis of the Hindu National Move ment we must go back to 1909, the year of the inauguration of the Minto-Morley reforms. In 1906 the Moslem League was established at Dacca and for the first time in British Indian History, communal representation for the Muslims found statutory enact ment in the reforms of 1909. That year which future luistorians will consider as fateful in Indian history, saw the beginning of a policy of increasing disregard for Hindu interests by the Government and the dis appearance of the feeling of unity on the part of Muslims with their Hindu coutrymen). The Congress on that occasion, even as it does to-day, considered tho attitude of the Muslims as a temporary phase in their political evolution. R. B. Lal Chand had the proud distinction of being the first in this country to foresee that it was not a temporary phase. It has lasted nearly twenty years and the anti-national philosophy of the Muslims is daily gaining ground. R. B. Lal Chand disccrned in the mist of political forces which surrounded him, the direction in which the Congress was drifting. He clearly perceived that although the Congress was mainly composed of Hindus, yet it strove, under a inistaken view of Muslim psychology, against Hindu interests. In politics it was a tragic act of self abnegation on the part of the Hindus..

THE FIRST HINDU CONFERENCE

In 1911, at the first Hindu Conference held under the auspices of the Punjab Hindu Sabha at Amritsar, R. B. Lal Chand was elected Chairman of the Recep tion Committee. The Conference was attended by nearly every Hindu of importance in the Punjab and it was only during the War that the activities of the Hindu Sabha ceased.

In 1912 R. B. Lal Chand, to whom the Hindus owe an incalculable debt of gratitude for the work he did for them and for the unfailing guidance he gave them, died.

It was the Punjab that kept the flame of Hindu nationalism burning upto 1917, until the repressive policy of the Punjab Government during the time of the great War placed a check on almost every move ment in the Punjab.

The contemptible Lucknow Pact came into being in 1916 recognising the existence of various separate communities whose interests could only be safe-guarderi by proposing communal electorate and weightage in representation to Muslims in their minority provinces with acceptance of permanent statutory Moslem majority in the Punjab and Bengal. Such a step was taken by the Congress to bait the Muslim conmunity for coalescing their separate entity into Indian national unity.

ORIGIN OF THE HINDU MAHASABHA

It was in the same year that Pandit Dev Ratan Sharma returned from the Lucknow Session of the Congress. He had been to the Punjab in the days of R. B. Lal Chand- foremost man in the Punjab, of sterling worth and clear political foresight and deep devotion to the Hindu Cause. He saw how the Cong ress and its leaders deceived the Hindus by their for inal acceptance of the principle of nationalism and joint electorates whereas in practice they proved so cowards, weak and timid that their own pens signed the principle of national clisintegration and allegiance to separate electorates.

The Hindu lethargy, as usual was a hard nut to crack. The Lucknow Pact at least opened their eyes and in 1918–19 we find the Hon’ble L. Sukhbir Singh working as the General Secretary and Pandit Deva Ratan Sharma working as the Secretary of che Akhil Bharatiya Hindı Sabha at its Annual general meeting held at Hardwar.

The necessity of such an organisatitn has been keenly felt for several years past. In December 1910, at a meeting of the leading Hindus held. at Allahabad, it was decided that an All-India Hindu Mahasablia should be formed with its headquarters at Allahabad. The objects and the rules of the Sabha were settled, the office bearers were elected, but owing to diverse reasons no practical steps could be taken to make the Sabha a reality.

The Hon’ble R. B. Shadi Lal (now Sir) in the course of his inaugural address delivered by him at the 2nd Punjab Hindu Conference held at Delhi (it being a pared of the Punjab in those days) in 1912, urging the nere cessity of an All India Hindu Sabha, remarked “Suffice it to say that the events of the past four or five years proved beyond the shadow of donbt that with a body which could speak with the authority of the entire Hindu Community behind its back and resist jegy the aggressive action of the Muslim League, the Hindus would not have been in the plight in which they find , themselves at present.

“I appeal to the Hindus of the Punjab, to the Hindus of Hindusthan, to conbine and consolidate forces for the future good of the country.”

From the record, which we have been able to trace, we only find that the organizers of the Hindu Maha . Sabha used to call annual sessions of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Maliasabha at Hardwar, generally on the occasions of certain annual fairs. The Head . Office of the Hindu Mahasabha was located at Hardwar.

The fifth Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Conference was held at Delhi under the distinguished presidentship of the Hon’ble Raja Sir Rampal Singh K.C.I.E, of Kurri Sadhauli on the 26, 27 and 28th December, 1918. The Subjects Committee formed consisted of repre sentative gentlemen belonging to different provinces of the whole of Hindusthan.

INDIFFERENCE OF THE CONGRESS

The annual session was over but it brought home to the people one bitter truth. Those who attended clear ly realised the apathy and indifference of the Congress towards the Hindus. The Congress, the only political machinery in the country would not take up their cause because from the very commencement it had assumed to itself a sentimental ideal and was now afraid to climb down, happen what may, even though the situation may result in disaster to the Hindus. The Hindu leaders and the Hindu Press were then (and are even now) wedded to the Congress cry and equally hesitant to advocate purely Hindu interests. The Hindu Sabha Movement with various vicissitudes-rises and falls, continued, though, the Hindu remained spectator of his own ruin.

THE NON-CO-OPERATION AND KHILAFAT MOVEMENTS

In 1920, side by side with the introduction of reform in the Government of India, we meet with two different movements. The first is the non-co operation movement, started by Mahatma Gandhi and taken up by the Indian National Congress, and second that of the Khilafat aiming at bringing the Mohamn dan community round to make common cause with the Congress. The underlying idea of the Khilafat movement was to preach to the Mohammedan community in Hindusthan that the destruction of the Califate meant the destruction of Islam and that for this the British Government were responsible. The non-co operation and the Khilafat movements held the field for a period of about two years.

By this time Tilak had died. The reigns of the leadership of the Indian National Congress passed into the hands of Mr. Gandhi. Moderate in his views even up to the Amritsar Congress, he grew extremist. He plunged himself whole-heartedly in the Khilafat Movement, hugged by the illusion of Hindu-Muslim unity which he was burning to purchase at any cost to turn the Satanic Government out of Hindusthan. He held a promise to the Indians to win Swarajya for them within a year, if they would blindly follow him. More than a crore of rupees were collected. Civil Disobedience was started and Mr. Ganhhi so wedded himself with the Khilafat Movement that he attended their all India Conferences, guided their deliberations and in his earnestness was instrumental to send a pious invitation to Amanullah the then King of Afghanistan to invade and conquer Hindusthan for the Muslims. But his dreams remain ed unrealised. He failed and failed miserably.’ .

The crisis had beep reached by the end of the year 1921 and the beginning of 1922. The Bardoli programme and Mass Civil Disobedience had been sus pended as a result of the Chauri-Chaura Riot and wide-spread reaction had begun to set in throughout the country on account of the postponement of the Swaraj expected within the year. But Mustapha Kemal had saved Turkey and raised the dignity of the Islamic world, and Indian Mussalmans fully roused and organised were seeing the visions of Pan-Islamism, Muslim Federation and a chain of Islamic territories with India in it. Just then a spark was let in the extreme South which was but the precursor of great events to follow in quick succession leading to the present (Hindu) Renaissance.

THE MOPLA ATROCITIES

The fanatic Moplas of Malabar, who as a result of the intense Khilafat propaganda carried on amongst them, had been dreaming of Khilafat Raj throughout the year and preparing for the same, at last declared that the Khilafat Raj had come. And, in keeping with the usual Islamic history of the past, in order to inaugu. rate the Khilafat Raj, they began forcible conversions of Malabar Hindus on large scale, lopping off tufts of hair on their heads, forcing circumcision, looting Hindu houses, raping Hindu ladies and perpetrating blood-curdling atrocities of the most inhuman and shameful type. 22

This was the first great shock to the thinking Hindus during the period of the Congress and Khila fat boom and the reminder of the early achievements of the Khilafat during its palmy days in Hindusthan. But if one Jallian-wala tragedy and the shocked conscience of Mr. Gandhi were needed to rouse the semi awakened Indians into full consciousness; not one Mala bar but a series of Malabars and the shocked dis-illusion ment of an inspired Malaviya and Shraddhanand were needed to rouse the sleeping consciousness of the great Hindu Nation-dulled, deadened and suppressed within two centuries by the disappearance of that constant terror and direct social and religious humiliation com bined with politiral servitude which was the character istic of the previous rule, and very nearly killed by the mistaken guidance of its own great patriots and leaders.

If a Das and Nehru were needed to give impetus to the movement inaugurated by Mr. Gandhi Lajpat, Bhaiji, Moonje, Kelkar and Jayakar were auto. matically dragged into this Renaissance giving to it the full lustre of their name, support of their influence and the vigour of their activity.

To return to Malabar- The Moplah atrocities resulted in awful suffering, humiliation and indignity to the Malabar Hindus. There was no All-India organisation to look to the Malabar Hindus in their distress and raise a word of protest or appeal on their behalf. Arya Samajists from the Punjab, however, went to Malabar and offered relief. There was more over one Hindu heart into which the dart pierced into the hearts of the Malabar Hindus was felt with the same poignant anguish. It was that of Dr. Moonje. He proceded straight to Malabar to see thing# with his own eyes and find out if the woeful tale of the atrocities perpetrated by the Moplahs was really true. And what Dr. Moonje saw on reaching there moved him to tears and affected him deeply. He found that all that had leaked out for the papers of the country. was but a small fraction of the horrible sufferings which the Hindus there had to undergo and, that the Congress Enquiry Committee had busied itself more with white washing the entire affair than scolding the Moplahg and administering relief to the looted, oppressed, humiliated and forcibly converted Hindus. Unfors tunately to suppress the details of this tragedy, was also considered politic in national interests. The Malabar tragedy thus opened the eyes of a veteran Mar hatta Hindu Nationalist one of the chief lieutenants of the Lokamanya and a stalwart of the Congress and Swaraj in Maharashtra–to the cause of the Hindu Renaissance. But the Renaissance was just beginning and much had yet: to follow. After the Malabar tragedy the Hindus slept on and the Congress Hindu leaders resumed their complacence. But this was not to be.

Hindu self-oblivion had nearly reached the point of self-extinction and the Unseen Hand begun to share the course of events in order to awaken those whose sleep it could no longer tolerate.

THE MULTAN TRAGEDY

Malabar was followed by Multan where also worst excesses were perpetrated by the Mussalmans over the helpless Hindus whose life, honour and property-none considered too sacred nor spared. But, there was no Hindu organisation to look after its people, and to speak, agitate, or fight on their behalf. The only great organisation–the Congress—appointed again a Committee of Enquiry and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, Babu Rajendra Prasad and some others proceeded to the spot in the company of Hakim Ajmal Khan and other Mohomedan leaders.

The details of the Multan tragedy could not be hushed up like that of Malabar which was far removed from Northern Hindusthan nor could the full blaze of publicity be avoided. Not only the Hindu Congress leaders whose enquiry might be considered prejudiced because they happened to be Hindus but, Hakimji and All the Mohomedan leaders on the spot had to openly and unhesitatingly admit that the fault lay entirely with the Mahomedans and had to hang their heads with shame at the fiendish excesses of the Multan Muslims.

NEED OF SANGATHAN

During the course of their Enquiry and verification Pt. Malaviya and the Hindu leaders came across inci dents too heart-rending and humiliating to mention, They then clearly and unhesitatingly declared to the Hindu and Mussalman Congress leaders that there was no other remedy for such regrettable happenings when Hindus were invariably found unable not only to save their property but even their honour and religion than “Hindu Sangathan”–the organisation and solidarity of the Hindus, Not conteut with foretelliag the clawn of this Renaissance, Pt. Malaviyaji actually ushered and fathered it at Multan by addressing the Hindus there and making this solemn declaration.

Time after time has Pt. Malaviyaji along with Swami Shraddhanandji, lalaji and all the prominent leaders of the Renaissance been maligned and attacked by the Mussalmans and the Congress-minded Hindus. They were charged with sinister and selfish motives. They, however, have remained cool, calm and firm.

But an outburst of Muslim fury in Multan was followed by Saharanpur where the same tales of woes and sufferings were repeated.

Each succeeding nail driven into the Hindu heart kept the Hindus aghast and helpless. But this was the first and simply a mild phase of the Renaissance. It needed more violent eruptions of nature to shake them up from deep lethargy.

THE DAWN OF RENAISSANCE

The third and active phase or the real tangible dawn of the Renaissance began with the year 1923 in it manner and out of an incident which was neither foreseen nor dreamt of. We shall depict the picture in the following words of Shri Swami Shraddhanand himself with whose entry henceforth begins the Renaissance :

In the litt werk of 19?9 A. D., while the anni versaries of the Indian National Congress, the Khilafat and its accessories were being held with great eclat in the pro-sence of thousands at Gaya, the All India Kshatriya Mahasababha went quintly at Agra and without any fuss passed a resolution approving of the taking lack of four and a half lakhs of Muslim Rajputs within their brotherhood The Kshatriya Mahasabha in its sitting on 31st December 1922 under the guidance of Sir Nahar Singh, K.C.I.E., the Rajadhiraj of Shahpura of Mewar passed the above resolutions. But all these resolutions had an academic value only. Early in January 1923, a Hindu Weekly gave the simple news that four and a half lakhs of Mahomedan Rajputs had applied for reconversion into Hinduism and that the Mahasabha had granted their application. +++(5)+++

“The Mahomedans were rnused to action. The first, protest meeting, that I know of was held in Patti Villa je in the Lahore district. Maulvies made fiery speeches and threatened to dash the Hindu Muslim unity to pieces if the Hindus dared to tamper with the Malakana Rajputs’ adherance to Islam. A report of the Patti meeting appeared in the Mahomedan daily Vakil of Amritsar in its issue of 17th January, 1923. By the fourth week of that month some dozens of Muslim preachers belonging to refferent proselytising loulies were at work in the different Malakana villages of Ayra, Muttra and Bharitjur. By the winning of February morn than Jo Mondavits were at work and they had all organised themselves into a strong body of ulemas.

It was then and then only that the Hindu (mm) unity was shaken to its bones and begin to open its sleepy eyes. Less than half a dozen Rajput and other volunteers went round to see the actual state of affairs and a conference of the representatives of the different Hindu and Rajput Sabhas was called for 13th February 1923. To that Conference I too was invited. The Bharatiya Hindu Suddhi Sabha was established and a Managing Committee was constituted, of which I was elected the president.

I left Agra for Delhi the same evening with ins tructions to draw up an appeal for inen and money and to place it for approval before the first meeting of the Managing Committee. I drafted an appeal and went to Agra to place it before the Managing Commit tee in the meeting which was to take place in the evening of 20th February, 1923.

The Malkanas were taken back to the Hindu fold by their Hindu brethren in the presence of a thousand of guests from outside.

This is liuw the great Swami Shraddhanand, the hero au idol of Delhi duriuy the Non-co operation days-just on his release from jail after his incarceration in comection with the Guru-ka Bagh affair-Was suddenly and inadvertently drawn into a new mission which on the one hand was destined to be one of the prime and immediate causes of the Hindu Renaissance. Men and money began to flow for Shuddhi work from all sides.

Not only the Mussalmans of all types from the Khilafatist and the Muslim Leaguer down to the rabid Moulavi and the man in the street were pravoked, hut Hindu leaders of the Congress were equally irritated beyond limit. Mr. Gandhi was in Jail and so he could not speak. But almost all other prominent Congress men and even nationalist papers cursed Swamiji and the Shuddhi work, which they held, was becoming responsible for disturbing the smooth atmos phere of Hindi-Muslim unity so necessary for the speedy attainment of the national goal. Raj gopalachariar declared that he cared not though all the Hindus became Mussalmans if only freedom could be attained.+++(5)+++ Others spoke in stronger and more recriminating tone. So far as the Muslim world was concerned, it was agitated to the highest degree and henceforth there was no more odious person than Swamiji in their eyes against whom open and secret propaganda of hate was carried on by the Ali Brothers alike ending in his cowardly inurrier tliree years later hy a fanatic Mussalma), set up acruriling to all concurent signs and informations by a secret Muslim organisation.

In the meantime months had rolled on after the special session of the Gaya Hindu Malarallia hoki thereum on and it was feared that Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviyaji may not forget to fulfil the promise he had made at ??? of convalling in the near future i most representative session of the Hindu Mahasabha. Malaviyaji was requested and reminded anjongst others by Swamiji himself and at last preparations for holding the memorable Benares Session of the Ilindu Malia. sabha in the nionth of August 1923, began.

THE FATEFUL BENARES SESSION

The Benares Session of the Hindu Mahasabha was held in August 1923 in the great compound and specially decorated pandal of the old Central Hindu College. For the tirst time during the history of the last two hundred years did the real Hindu ‘Chetanja? seem to have rousel to its utmost depths after its deep un long slumber of self-obliviou. 1,500 delegates besides thousands of visitors had assembled from etery corner of the country to pay their homage to the rising sun of the Renaissance. The Siklis, the Jains, the Buddhists, the Parsies, the Sapatanists and the Arva Samajists–the Pandits, the non-Pundits, the princes and the poor vied alike in their enthusiasm, affection and resport for raising the dignity of the Hindus. Really, for once, the Hindu “chetana’ had been roused and the great Renaissance ushered in that holiest of holy city of the Hindusthe Kashi Punyadham’. The Parsi Mr. Nariman was there, the famous Buddhist monk and leader Anagarika Dharmpal was there, the Akalis and the Udasis amongst the Sikhs were there, the great Pandits of Madras and the Punjab, Mysore and other places, besides those of Benares, like the Hati bhai Sastri, Pandit Girdhar Sharma, Pandit Dindayal Sharma and others were there. Those who were cons picuous by their absence were the great Hindu leaders of the Congress. The Maharaja of Benares was the Chairman of the Reception Committee and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya was the President. Rules of the Mahasabla were amended and draft resolutions were prepared. Proposals for the appointmeut of Committees to arrive at authoritative and progressive conclusions with due regard to the need of the times, mainly on the questions of removal of untouchability and reconversion or Shuddhi were carried.

Provincial and Branch Hirdu Sabhas now began to be organised. Hindu conferences took place in different parts of the country and Hindu opinion now began to be educated and organised everywhere. Shuddhi work, now formally and finally sanctioned by the assenablage of the entire Hindu Society, received great impetus and began to be pushed on with still greater vigour.

THE FIRST BOMB OR THE BENGAL HINDU MUSLIM PACT

While Hindu life-blood thus began to flow into the veins of the Hindu body politic, the first bomb thrown at it was the Bomb of the Bengal Hindu Muslim Pact entered into by the late Deshbandhu O. R. Das on account of his own political expediencies. By this Pact 60% representation in services in the Corporation was reserved for the Muslims. This forced, sudden and injurious Pact, ushered through the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee by the over powering personality of Deshbandhu Das came as a great outrage upon Hindu feelings and the whole of Hindu’s Hindusthan was beside itself with wrath.

Lala Lajpat Rai was in jail but he wrote a long letter to Mr. C. R. Dass before he went to preside at the Gaya Congress. In this he wrote as follows:- There is one point more which has been troubling me vory much of late, and on which I want you to think carefully; and that is the question of Hindu-Mohamme dan unity. I have devoted most of my time during the last six months to the study of Muslim History and Muslim Law, aud I am inclined to think, it is neither possible nor practicable. Assuming and admitting the sincerity of the Mohammadan leaders in the Non-co-operation movement, I think their reli gion provides an effective bar to anything of the kind You remember the conversation, I reported to you in Calcutta, wbich I had with Hakiin Ajaml Khan and Dr. Kitchlew, There is no finer Mohammadan in Hindusthan than Hakim Sahib, but can or any other Muslim leader override the Quarn ? I can only hope that my reading of Islamic Law is incorrect, and nothing would relieve me more than to be convinced that it is so. But if it is right, then it comes to this, that although we can unite against the British, we cannot do so to rule Hindusthan on democratic lines What is then the remedy? I am not afraid of seven croras of the Mussalmans, but I think the caven crores in Hindusthan plus the armed hosts of Afghanistan, Central Asia, Arabia, Mesopotamia and Turkey will be irresistible. I do honestly and sincerely believe in the necessity or desirability of Hindu-Moslem unity. I am also fully prepared to trust the Moslem leaders, but what about the injunctions of the Quran and Hadis? The leaders cannot override them. Are we then doomed ? I hope not. I hope your learned minds and wise heads will find some way out of this difficulty.”

KOHAT TRAGEDY, THE LAST STRAW

Soon came the Kohat Tragedy as the crowning incident in the way of the Renaissance and convinced more than ever most of those who had yet remained unconvinced of the imperative necessity of immediate and effective oraganisation amongst the Hindus. The Kohat tragedy is not unique for since then Muslim fanaticism has repeated such history again and again within the annals of recent history & whole population of 20 thousands looted, pillaged, and plundered, moving and migrating, leaving its lands and avocations behind, to another area for food and shelter, under a Government most organised and up-to-date and equipped with all available forces and weapons for maintaining law and order.

Help and sympathy flowed from the farthest Hindu corners. The Punjab Hindu Sabha headed by Bhai Parmanand and others and the Rawalpindi Hindu Sabha rendered most organised and effective relief sarvice. Organised Hindn awakening, not raised even by Malabar, Multan and Saharanpur, was for the first time indignantly raised loud in protest against the Kohat tragedy. Pandit Malaviyaji, Bhai Parmanadji and other Hindu leaders proceeded to Kohat. had an accurate map prepared of the havoc wrought there and an appeal for the Kohat Hindu Relief Fund was made which met with ready and enthusiastic response.

THE NEED OF SANGATHAN

Lala Lajpat Rai was on board the ship nearing Bombay on his return journey from foreign travels, when he read the thundering news of the Kohat tragedy in the “Bombay Chronicle” and other Bombay papers. This tragic news greatly affected him and as he himself described later on many occasions in private conversations he was once for all convinced for the necessity of organising the long disorganised Hindu nation to be able to protect its life, honour and religion from those at least, who were as well or as ill-equipped for an attack or quarrel as the Hindus.

Henceforth, L. Lajpat Rai, ever great in his patriotism and equally sincere in his feelings for the Hindu Nation-was another great convert to the cause of the Hindu Renaissance which with the four great and earnest leaders at its top now, i. e. Pt. Malaviya, Swami Shraddhanand, L. Lajpat Rai and Bhai Parma nand and the awakened consciousness of the Hindu Nation shocked and smitten again and again by the happenings of tragic incidenta-bore down all opposition before it and carried the Hindu Nation onward to its goal of progress.

A few months after the Benares Session of the Hindu Mahasabha, another grand and special Session of the Hinda Mahasabha was held on the banks of the Ganga at Prayag. Babu Rajendra Prasad ( now in the Congress) and L. Lajpat Rai also participated in it.

The Kohat tragedy had deeply affected Mr. Gandhi and rudely shaken his confidence in the professed friendship and unity of the Musalmans. Mr. Gandhi felt the responsibility of having weakened Hindu. feelings completely by his activities and of having made them repose blind faith in and make the heaviest Bacrifices for the religion of the Musalmans-in return for which rewards had quickly followed from Malabar to Kohat.

The Hindu Congress leaders anxious to retain the confidence of Musalmans have always thought it necessary to tabbo their own Hindu organisations and keep studiously aloof from them, whereas the Musalman has never cared for, nor dreamt that a Hindu could get offended at his actively joining his own Muslim organisation and has himself always openly and actively done so from Ali Brothers, Azad, Ansari down to the ordinary Khilafatist or Muslim Leaguer. Not only this but at the merest news of a Hindu Congressman joining his own Hindu organisation the Congress has cursed and blamed him and declared him as communal and anti-national.

The Hindu Mahasabha leaders, then, felt the necessity of having their own Press, because without a strong Press they could not approach the imagination of the masses. Delhi, being the Capital of Hindus than, was selected to be the fittest place. So ‘Hindus than Times’ in English, ‘Tej’ in Urdu, and ‘Arjun’in Hindi were started as daily papers. The only object of these journals was to propagate the principles of Hindu Sangathan, Shuddhi and Achhut Uddhar. Even the Hindu Mahasabha, Vide Resolution No. 6 of its Working Committee, dated March 13th, 1927 granted a handsome loan to the managenient of the Hindusthan Times.

The work of the Renaissance, however, now went on with added vigour. The various riots ending with the shocking Kohat tragedy, the awakening created by Shuddhi and the dawn of the Renaissance from the momentous Benares Session had completely awk kened the whole Northern Hindusthan. The Punjab, Delhi, U. P., and Behar were now going on ahead. Shuddhi work was proceeding in parts of U. P. and the Punjab and near about Delhi while work amongst the untouchables was being carried ou under the guidance of Swami Shraddhanand and L. Lajpat Rai through different organisations.

The deeply affected Hindu heart of Shreeman Seth Jugal Kishore Birla had begun to place its unbounded generousity in the cause of the Hindu awakening at the disposal of Swami Shraddhanaud, Pt. Malaviya and I. Lajpat Rai.

In Behar the first Provincial Hindu Conference was held under the presidentship of the recently released Jagatguru Shankracharya, Swami Bharati Krishna Tirtha. Provincial Sabhas were formed in Agra and Oudh and in both these provinces prominent Rajas like Raja Sir Rampal Singh, Lt. Col. Raja Durga Narain Singh of Tirwa, Raja Meheva and others began to take active interest. L. Lajpat Rai, Bhai Parma band and Dr. Gokalchand Narang began to re-organise the Punjab Hindus. The Punjab Hindu Sabha organised a number of Provincial Conferences within a period of a few years. A Provincial Conference was organised at Lahore under the presidentship of Pt. Malaviyaji. Pt. Din Dayal presided at the Provincial Hindu Conference, held at Kangra and Dr. B. S. Moonje at Ambala. Barring the non-Bangali Hindus of Calcutta proper, the provinces of Bengal, Assam, Burma and Madras had yet been very little affected except by the Kohat tragedy which too produced only a temporary impression on their minds.

A NEW DANGER

In the meanwhile Khwaja Hasan Nizami of Delhi had brought forth a sensational book (<10 FRA) which purported to teach the Musalmans the quickest and most comprehensive ways of converting Kafirs to Islam. He sketched out how every Musalman from the lowest to the highest, from the fallen prostitute to the Vakil, the Doctor, the Zamindar and the great Nawab could help the cause of Islam, i. e. the conversion of non Muslims to Islam. The prostitute was required to exert her influence on her Hindu paramours for bringing them round to Islam, the bangle-seller was required to seduce Hindu girls, the Ekka driver to seduce away Hindu ladies and orphans, the Vakil and Doctor to influence their Hindu clients, the Zamindar and Nawab by their various influences to bring round the Hindu tenants under them to the cause of Islam.+++(5)+++ Strange to say, this mischievous book with its most wretched and fallen devices of propagating Islam which should have been torn to shreds, denounced and discountenanced by the sensible Muslim leaders, found silently the largest sale in the Muslim community for it fitted in with the mentality of the high and the low alike amongst the Musalmans, who had already begun to work on the lines enunciated by it. The shrewd Khwaja was now an apostle of Islam and was seated high in the hearts of the Muslim community. The Nizam of Hyderabad fixed an allowance for him and other Muslim States and Zamindars followed suit. Instances after instances of Mohamedan Deputy Magistrates, Police and Excise Inspectors, Zamindars and Nawabs acting on these lines were discovered soon after.

It was only when a translation of this book was incidently published that the eyes of the Hindu community were opened and they soon found that secret kidnapping, abduction and seduction of Hindu girls and orphans by Muslim in almost every town of Northern Hindusthan had become the order of the day. Hindus individually and through their Hindu Sabhas now began to exercise vigilance, detect such dirty attempts, rescue Hindu widows, girls and orphans and bring the offenders to book.

OUR COUNTER PROPAGANDA

The Bombay Provincial Hindu Sabha had been nrga nised by Raja Narayanlal Pitti, Pt. Mukunda Malaviya and others and they had come down to attend the Belgaum Sprcial Session of the Hindu Sabha which was also organised hy them. The next regular session of the Hindu Mahasabha was held at Calcutta in the month of April. L. Lajpat Rai, who had taken up the movement with the courage and earnestpess characteristic of him, was the President.elect and great enthusiasm was being felt for the Conference. L. Lajpat Rai left for Calcutta after presiding over the second Behar Provincial Hindu Conference at Muzaffarpur where thousands of people had gathered. Great enthusiasm had been created owing to the advent of Bhai Parmanandji along with Lalaji. Sir P. C. Ray was the Chairman of the Reception Committee of the Calcutta Session. The Conference was a roaring success.

Innmediately after the Calcutta Session, Lalaji reached Assam, toured the Province and entrusted the work of Hindu Sangathan to Mr. T. R. Phankan with a monthly grant of five hundred rupees. During the course of the year Lalaji visited Bombay where a Provincial Hindu Conference presided over by him was held and Mr. M. R. Jayakar, the Congress veteran - leader of Bombay, was drawn into the Hindu Mahasabha as the President of its Provincial Branch at Bombay. He next visited Burma and presided over the first Burma Provincial Hindu Conference. This visit of Lalaji created a great awakening amongst the Hindus of that province. Lalaji visited Sindh and C.P. also that year, The Sindh Provincial Hindu Sabha had been firmly organised by two of the most prominent Congress Hindu leaders of the province. Dr. Choithram and Mr. Jairamdas-formerly the trusted lieutenants of Mr. Gandhi and who have since then again gone back to the Congress-took up the work earnestly with their com panions and co-workers and made it a real, living and effective body in those parts.

The office of the Hindu Malasabha was located from this year at Delhi to suit the convenience of Lalaji and to take artvantage of the presence of the representatives of the different provinces coming tro attend the sittings of the Legislative Assembly here during its Winter Session. The two years previous to it had seen the tangible dawn of Renaissance, and this year, with the presidentship of Lalaji, was laid the foundation of the real work of the Renaissance, which has since then gone on steadily in a more and more organised shape.

On the occasion of the Cawnpore Congress in December, 1925. another Special Session of the Hindu Mahasabha was held, which was presided over by Sjt. N. C. Kelkar who had already identified himself with the cause of the Renaissance.

THE MOMENTOUS DELHI SESSION

The ninth Annual Session of the Hindu Mahasabha was held at Delhi on the eve of the departure of the members of the Central Legislatures to their homes. General sensation and curiosity was felt in political circles, specially in the Congress Camp, about the resolutions to be passed in that Session. For Bhai Parmanand, one of the most prominent and earnest Hindu Sabha leaders, whose name had been recommended for Presidentship by almost all the Provinces and who would have been certainly elected President had he not himself chosen to withdraw, had been carrying on intense agitation in the papers and on the platform asking the Mahasabha to send its own nominees to the legislatures as Congress nominees did not consider themselves responsible to the Hindu public opinion and had failed to guard Hindu interests, where As Mussalmans always guarded their own separate Muslim interests and fought for the same.

Bhai Parmanand’s arguments were cogent and forceful and based on facts too. A good section of the Hindu public opinion favoured his views while another differed from them. L. Lajpat Rai, till then the Deputy Leader of the Swarajya Party, was already disgusted with the ‘walk in’ and ‘walk out’ policy of the party but was still not prepared to allow the Hindu Mahasabha to put its hands directly in the matter. Pt. Malaviya was undecided. The dual seemed to be between Lalaji and Bhaiji. Almost all the prominent Congress Hindu leaders for the first time in the history of the Hindu Mahasabha showed their deep anxiety to be present at this Session–though only to thwart the proposals of Bhaiji. So, several Hindu Congressmen came in as delegates and entered the Subject Committee for this very purpose, while most of the more prominent among them including Sjt. Vithalbhai Patel - the Assembly President, Pt. Motilal Nehru and others chose to bring about indirect pressure upon them by their presence, persuasion, assurance, reason and so-forth.

This Mahasabha Session had therefore gathered a peculiar interest round it. The Session was presided over by Raja Narendra Nath of Lahore, & liberal and moderate in politics, but a man full of the most youthful enthusiasm for the Hindu cause inspite of his old age.

The Council Resolution– the resolution of engrossing interest during the whole session, was thoroughly discussed. Great enthusiasm prevailed. The bigs of the Mahasabha fired their shots–some on one side and some on the other. Bhaiji, Malaviyaji, Lalaji and other leaders–all spoke. Bhaiji was the chief supporter. Lalaji the chief opposer.

At last a via media was found with which almost all the leaders were some how or other satisfied except Bhaiji. The compromise was to the effect that such Congress candidates as might be considered harmful to the interests of the Hindus in the opinion of the Hindu Mahasabha should be opposed and fresh ones nominated by the Mahasabha in their place. It will not be out of place to pen here that Pandit Malaviyaji supported Bhaiji on this occasion.

The spirit of Renaissance seemed to have entered the society and was evidently lifting it up silently and effectively.

HINDU AWAKENING— A MENACE TO BRITISH RAJ

In the midst of this life and death struggle, the Hindus oould feel, though very dimly, the very first and most preliminary need to realise the importance of their individual and collective existence. With them it was a keener evolution of self-consciousness, forced, doubtlessly, by surroundiug circumstances and moved by collateral pressure. The English statesmen have ever been watchful of various tendencies of Hindu mind, The Hindu-Muslim unity may bring them, temporarily, some fear but what they dread most is not a patched up Hindu-Muslim agreement but it is Hindu solidarity and Hindu consciousness of self-organisation that concerns them very seriously. The Hindu Sabha Movement at the time was growing in strength. It had caught the fancy of the masses and appealed to their hearts. Shud dhi and Sangathan vere becoming tho watch words of the Hindus, whether high or low. The British statesmen who keenly watched the changed mentality and deeply read the sure signs of awakening among the Hindu society could not help giving vent to their feelings and expressing in an unequivocal terms this new force is a *menace to British Raj. Here we cannot so better than quote the very words from a letter of Lala Lajpat Raiji to Pt. Malaviyaji. Lalaji happened to be on the hoard of a ship with an English statesmen, who in the course of talk he had with Lalaji could not help disclosing what he really felt and believed. The letter runs thus :

“I am writing to you about his (the Englishman’s) views on our movement - I mean the Hindu movement. He seeins to be thorough anti-Hindu and holds strong view’s agaiust Shuddhi and Sangathan like Anglo Indian officials. They seem to think that the Shuddhi movement, if successful, is bound to lead to Hindu Raj. I ain begimning to think that the Shuddhi movemeut is troubling the Government for the simple reason that it threatens to spoil their plans of weakening the Hindus in numbers and influence. Their chief hopes seemed to have so far been on the chance of thinning their number with a view eventually to make them politically impotent. This makes all the more necessary for us to do all we can to push on the movement.”

The remarkable and convincing proof of the chango wronght by the Renaissance in the Hindu society was to come now from a quarter least, expected, thoroughly and fully asleep and stoutly refusing to wake up.

THE CALCUTTA RIOTS AND THEIR EFFECTS

Out of the spark lit in one quarter of Calcutta on the occasion of the Arya Samaj Nagar-kirtan, grew up a communal fire and frenzy which burnt fiercely and violently, unstemmed and uncontrolled, for days send ing forth its flames in all directions, not only through Bengal but through the whole country. And out of this fire came out the Hindu gold purified, moulded and shining.

Calcutta alone would have hardly awakened the interior of Bengal but the great excesses at Patua and over such a wide area in the interior shook the very hearts of the Hindus of Bengal who, roused from their deep slumber, to a sudden and bitter Ipality of the situation now looked to the Hindu Renaissance as their immediate saviour and listened to its message with raptumus attention. Hindi Sabhas in all parts of Bengal had begun to be quickly organised now and the visits of the prominent Hindu leaders like Pt. Malaviya, Bhai Parmanand and Dr. Moonje followed and were hailed with delight.

The Congress Hindu leaders of Bengal kept almost entirely aloof and no prominent Bengal Hindu Congress leader espoused the great cause. Yet with the firmness, sincerity and sacrifice of the rank and file, supported and lielped by the Bengal Hindu Sabha and Hindu public, the Mahasabha and the rest of the Hindus in the country kept on the struggle sustained and unabated.

The Mussalmans of the whole country, including their such prominent nationalists as Maulanas Moham med Ali & Shaukat Ali and Hakim Ajmal Khan, not to speak of others, were beside themselves with rage on hearing of the Muslim reverses at Calcutta and Kharagpur and a momentous Session of the All India Khilafat Conference was soon convened at Delhi where Khilafat ists, assembled, lost all control over themselves. The Ali Brothers threw an open challenge to the whole Hindu Community. Even & cool and cautious man like Hakim Ajmal Khan lost his self-control.

Hindus were now able to learn that so long as they are the sufferers in the riots, Mussalman leaders keep quiet and by their silence and most of them even by their active connivance and secret support encourage the rioters. But when it is their own turn to saffer they cannot, like the Hindu nationalists, keep silent and watching, but will immediately stand up sword in hand to fight for their self-assertion.

Dr. Kitchlew of Amritsar, who had, on release from jail, first made pious utterances and declarations for achieving communal unity, was now working heart and soul for the organisation of the Mussalmans through his newly started “Tapzim’ and Tabligh’ movement. Not satisfied with the activities of the Mus lim League, the Khilafat, and the Jamaitul Ulema, the Doctor named and started his “Tanzim’ and ‘Tabligh’ movement as an exact reply to the “Sanghathan’ and ‘Shuddhi’ movement of the Hindus.

THE ELECTIONS OF 1926 AND THEIR RESULTS

The rest of the year of 1926, from August to November, was taken up by the busy election fights in which the whole country including the leaders, workers and the people of both the communities were utterly engrossed, either as party leaders or as candidates, supporters, can Vassers, workers, voters and 80 on. The Hindu Mahasabha had decided not to nominato its own candidates but fight the elections generally interfering only where Hindu interests so demanded. But the general dissatisfaction with the policy of the Swaraj

party and its pro-Muslim attitude lead at last to the formation of two other political parties within the Congress, allied to each other but opposed to the Swaraj party-Responsivist and Independent Congress parties–one led by Pt. Malaviya and Mr. Jayakar and the other by Lalaji. Both were opposed to the walk out’ policy of the Swaraj party and its anti-Hindu and pro Muslim attitude in all matters generally. Hindu Sabha. ites were all with Pt. Malaviyaji and Lalaji. Leaders of the Swaraj party, the Responsivist and the Independent Congress parties and of the Hindu Mahasabha, such as Pt. Motilal Nehru, Pandit Malaviya, Lala Lajpat Rai, Swami Shraddhanand, Bhai Parmanand, Dr. Moonje and others visited towns and provinces one after another. Sensation went on increasing everywhere and was at its highest, pitch during the last days of the Elections. Some of the most sensational elections like that of Lalaji in the Punjab and Seth Ghanshamdas Birla in the U. P., not to speak of many others highly interesting in their own way, were fought and won or lost by the opposite parties. The result of these elections in all those provinces, where Hindu feeling had gathered strength and where they had organised themselves, prov. ed clearly that Hindu feeling was dissatisfied both with the general policy of Swaraj party and with its attitude in matters affecting Hindu interests. Pandit Motilal’s Swaraj Párty was broken down in his own citadel, the U. P. where, both in the Councils and in the Assembly, the Responsivists and Independents or Hindu Sabhaites came out not only on equal terms but more victorious inspite of the stoutest opposition. Similar was the case in C. P., where the Independents and Responsivists won the majority of the seats. In Behar also the In dependent Congress party, formed of a small number just on the eve of the elections, won a substantial success. And in the Punjab, the Congress party o Pt. Moti Lal Nehru was miserably defeated. The Punjab Congress President, Dr. Satya Pal, forfeited even his very security. L. Lajpat Rai defeated the Congress candidates in two constituencies at a time.

Throughout the whole of Hindusthan, the Congress was defeated miserably at the polls. The late Pandit Motilal Nehru, was bold enough to have publicly admitted their defeat in these words, “We have not been defeated, rather we have been routed”.

SWAMI SHRADDHANAND’S MARTYRDOM

While the election storm had just subsided, preparations for another and the most stirring event of the time were going on in a hidden and nefari ous corner of Delhi. This was the shockiug and cowardly murder of Swami Shraddhanand which shook the whole country and the entire Hindu world from one end to the other. It was the last week of December 1926, when almost the whole of the Congress political India was busy preparing for the Gauhati Session.

The Special Session of the Hindu Mahasabha also met at Gauhati for two days and was presided over by Pt. Malaviyaji. One of the most holy and respected Acharya of Assam, Shree Guruwar Goswami, joined the Session whole-heartedly and hence-forth took up the work of Hindu Sangathan in Assam in right earnest. Owing to the shocking news of the murder of Swami Shraddha nand, a tragic gloom was overcast over the whole Con ference and all the Hindus assembled there were deeply agitated. A large number of telegrams kept pouring in not only from different parts of India but even from outside the country-such as Natal and other places, asking the Mahasabha to issue an adequate appeal to the Hindu public for perpetuating Swamiji’s memory and mission. Some donations also were received from Natal.

The Session appealed to the Hindus to bear up with this great loss (the murder of Swamiji), with perfect restraint and instead of exhibiting their grief through strong acts of various nature demonstrate it by raising & fitting memorial to Swamiji’s memory and mission and by carrying on his work with still greater vigour.

An appeal for raising an All India Swami Shraddha nand Memorial Fund of Rs. Ten Lace was accordingly made by the Mahasabha. Money for the Shraddhanand Memorial Fund voluntarily poured in from all sides. It would not be out of place to note that the Working Committee of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha in its sittings at Delhi : dated 25 & 26th January and 10th Feb, 1927, in accordance with the Gauhati resolution, was pleased to create and appoint a very strong and influential Trust to control, look after and manage the All India Shraddhanand Memorial Fund -Vide resolu. tions nos. 5 and 3, part 1st and 2nd respectively This Board of Trustees included some of the illustrious personalities of Hindusthan such as :

• Pt. M. M. Malaviya
• R. B. Ram Saran Das
• L. Lajpat Rai
• Syt. Raja Rain Pal Singh
• Raja Narendra Nath
• Syt. M. R. Jayakar Seth
• G. D. Birla
• Dr. B. S. Mnonje
• Mahatma Hans Raj
• Kr. Ganyanand Singh
• Syt. Bhai Parmanand
• Babu Padam Ruj Jain
• Syt. N. C. Kelkar
• Raja Govind Lal Pitti

The list is very exhaustive and contains many other gentlemen of note representing various other Hindu sects.

It is very interesting to mention that a large number of the Trustees are still in the Hindu Mahasabha, guiding its affairs in one way or the other.

We may take the liberty of the Hindu public to quote the resolutions verbatim to enlighten them more on the subject. The resolutions run thus :

No. 3 part (1) “The Working Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha has, after consulting many leading members of the Hindu Community, sappointed the following gentlemen as Trustees of the All India Shraddhanand Memorial Fund.”

(Names……….as given above………35 in all. )

No. 3 Part (2) Para 2. “The Trustees shall select agencies of the Hindu Mahasabha, Sapatan Dharma Sabha and the Arya Samaj, including the Bhartiya Shuddhi Sabha and the Dalit Uddhar Sabha of Delhi, to carry out the objects of the Trust as they may consider fit from time to time, subject to such general conditions for the submission and audit of accounts as may be laid down, but the work of Sangathan shall be carried out through the Hindu Mahasabha alone.”

It was further resolved in the next clause of the same resolution that out of the total funds of the Trust 25% will be spent by the Mahasabha only on Hindu Sangathan, but it is a matter of great surprise that the Hindu Mahasabha has not availed of this opportunity as yet.

The Renaissance had dawned already. The work of the Renaissance was going on in right earnest. Event after event, and occurrence after occurrence, happening one after another during the last three years had added greater and greater strength to it, carrying conviction deeper and deeper into hearts, yet unconvinced, and corners, yet unawakened. But every great cause for its final conquest needs the blood of the the martyrs. And the martyrdom in the canse of the Great Renaissance at last came soon enough of no less holy and great & person than the Revered Swami Shraddhanand him self–a hero among men.

On the evening after the murder, it was learnt that lights had been put as a mark of joy and jubilation at the Jumma Masjid of Agra.

A very big defence fund contributed by thousands and thousands of Mussalmans was raised for the defence of Abdul Rashid the murderer of Swamiji and for whom the best counsels were secured.+++(5)+++ How the murderer was, after having confessed his guilt, advised to feign madness, is a matter known to every body. Another great eye-opener was the incident which occurred on the day the murderer was hanged in Delhi when his corpse was taken in procession by no less than fifty thousand Musalmans of Delhi,–who brought about a riot and looted, plundered and killed some Hindus on the same day in the main streets of Delhi and buried him with full funeral obsequies and honours.+++(5)+++ Could there be a more occult demonstration not only of the full Muslim support and sympathy behind this murder of one of the most loved and respectable leaders of the Hindus but of the full approach of it when the perpetrator of it-2 wretched and a villain-was transformed into a Ghazi by them? Still the Mussalmans feel that the Hindus should contribute to cherish brotherly feelings for them.

Nor did Muslim fanaticism end here. This shocking crime was only a part of a general plan laid out through out the whole of the Muslim community.

CONSEQUENCES OF MUSLIM BARBARITY

More murders of Arya Samajists occurred at different places after short intervals, one of which took place at Pilibhit where a most prominent leader of the Hindus & of the local Arya Samaj, a respectable Zamin dar, an Honorry Magistrate, and a Rai BahadurWas shot down dead by a Mussalınau while he was passing with a Hindu procession.

Another murder of ar Arya Samajist was effected by fanatic butchers in broad day light at a crowded Railway station, where amongst the passengers waiting for the train was this Arya Samajist Upadesak whom the butchers having recognised, chased, stabbed and killed him at the very spot.

Murders went on and amongst those was also tho cold blooded murder in the Railway compartment of Lala Nauak Chand of Delhi, a staunch and bold Arya Samaj ist, much hated by the Mussalmans of Delhi. Though the culprit could not be traced yet it was clear to all the Hindus of Delhi that it was the work of a Muslim.

Soon came the next great event of the day, the notorious ‘Rangila Rasul Agitation, which brought about riots, murders, evictions of Hindus from various parts of the Frontier Province, brow-beatings of Justices and everything in its traiu, compelling even the Government to bow before it.

Mahashe Rajpal–the Publisher of ‘Rangila Rasul’ had been twice attacked. The 3rd attack, however, proved fatal and he was murdered by a fanatic Muslim in broad day light at his very shop in Lahore.

These sad events had their natural consequences. Ghastly murders could not but rouse the slumbering Hindus to their duty. For some time the Hindu lion gave indications of some awakening but the repeated barbarity of the Muslim ‘goondas’, secretly at work, it had terrified a section of the Hindus, weakened their spirit and in fact had took away life out of them. The result was that they took shelter under the baneful propaganda of Hindu-Muslim unity, hased on Satya and Ahinsa, but more on wooing the Muslime. This made the Hindus all the more cowards and of yielding nature and to our great sorrow we are still reapiug the bitter fruit of this suicidal policy.

As for the Hindu Mahasabha Movement and Repaissance, the masses were roused to their utmost, the climax had reached and its final victory was in sight.

For the leaders at the helms of affairs at the Mahasabha, no better opportunity could have pre sented itself in the annals of the movement when a prompt, vigorous and more effective propagada on their part would have turned tbe tables and placed the country on the right track for all times to come. But they missed the golden chance and missed it never to get it back again, at least for a long time to come. They too could not remain uncontaminated either by the terrorism of the Muslim ‘goondas’ or their mistaken faith in the omniscience of the Congress. And even leaders of such calibre as Lala Lajpat Rai and Pandit Madan Mohau Malaviya gradually faltered- un fortunately for India—and a political dilemma of the first magnitude followed. But dark clouds have their silver linings and out of evil came out good. The Hindu Mahasabha, seemingly weakened, emerged out stronger in as much as it had to shift its heavy responsibility on the strong and broad shoulders of two of its well-tried and trusted generals-Dr. B. S. Moonje and Bhai Parmanand,

BEGINNING OF THE FATEFUL PERIOD

With the advent of Dr. B. S. Moonje and Bhai Parmanand Hinda Mahasabha entered upon a fateful period of its life-a period of struggle, opposition, isolation, self-determination and consolidation.

In the years gone by, the Hindu Mahasabha, if not a corollary of Indian National Congress, at least felt shy of assuming the role of an All India Hindu Organisation, with strong, independent, bold and clear cut policy, taking up matters which concern the whole Indian Community and judging them primarily from the Hindu point of view. The leaders who were, guiding the destiny of the Mahasabha and steering its course were, at once, on one hand wedded to a policy of ‘united Nation’ based on fallacious premises and on the other hand at the same time sought to prevent far ther losses to the Hindu Community which it was suffer ing at the hands of the Muslims. They were, no doubt, serious and honest but simultaneously hesitant and vacillating in their policies. Socially they wanted to make the Hindu Community very strong and united but politically they sought to keep the Mahasabha tied to the tail of the Congress. Very few people realised and understood the significance of the Hindu Sabha Movement of making Hindu Rashtra free from the yokes of foreign domination and of fortifying it self at all points from attacks of the non-Hindus. It was only the Triumvirate (Dr. B. S. Moonje, Bhai Parmanand and Veer V. D. Savarkar), waiting for their turn, who could not allow the Hindus to lose their integrity even in the name of Swarajya.

In April, 1927, Dr. B. S. Moonje presided over the Patna Session of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha. Some were a bit frightened at Dr. Moonje’s election as the president. As he was regarded one of the strongest and most fiery advocates of the Hindu cause, it was feared he might give a bold set-back to the Congress movement. The wavering attitude of our leaders was clearly witnessed when, through this vague fear, he was prevailed upon by these prominent Hindu Sabha and Congress leaders not to read his address, which he had already written, to the audience, and satis fying them simply with a verhal speech from the pulpit. Dr. Moonje, though often yielding to environments, has always remained loyal and true to the Hindu Sabha cause which he boldy espoused and has tenaciously stuck to it through sun and shade with a life-long service to his credit. 62

Before this ‘Moonje-period’ in the History of Hindu Sabha Movement, the Hindu leaders and Hindu public had awakened, as we have already mentioned, to the great need of self-defence and self-preservation. But, unfortunately, the Hindu leaders could not take their stand for a long time. They lost ground, obsessed by the sentimental ideal of the Congress that “served as a film to obscure their vision from the right path.”

THE ALL PARTIES CONFERENCE

In the all Parties Conference (1928) Report (chap. 1), we find how a strong current of consciousness among the Hindus at the cold murder of Swami Shraddhanand in his sick bed, was given a turn, quite opposite, of find ing a formula for Hindu-Muslim unity by the Congress leaders. The Report says, “The Gauhati Session of the Congress met in December, 1926 in the shadow of a great tragedy and when differences and conflicts between Hindus and Muslims were at their height. The Congress passed a resolution calling upon the Working Committee to take immediate steps in consultation with Hindu and Mussalman leaders to devise measures for the removal of the present deplo. rable differences between Hindus and Mussalmans and submit their report to the All India Congress Commit tee not later than the 31st March, 1927.”

Now commenced, in compliance with these directions, a series of Unity Conferences to settle the Hindu-Moslem problem. It will be admitted that throughout these negotiations the Mohammedans have won the game at every point. Men like Lala Lajpat Rai and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the acknowledged leaders of the Hindu Sabha Movement, came forward with the idealistic proposal of Joint Electorates. But the Muslims were working all along according to a design and programme and they could not be reconciled. Dr. B. S. Moonje as President of the Hindu Mahasabha liad all along been puttiug up the Hindu Sabha point of view with all the boldness at his command.

SIMON COMMISSION AND ITS BOYCOTT

The result was that Hindu sentiments were being gradually brought forward and there was the possibility of a strong Hindu Mahasabha Movement throughout the country. But, unfortunatesy for the Hindus, the appearance of the Simon Commission with no Indian member on it, again placed the Hindu Sabha Movement in the back ground and the leaders of the Hindu Sabha joined hands with those of the Congress to oppose the working of the Simon Commission. There being a strong Hindu feeling amongst the Punjab Hindus, they did alone co-operate with the Commission even in the teeth of opposition to the move of the Hindu leaders in other provinces.

This boycott not only resulted in giving a serious set-back to the Hindu Sabha Movement but also had bitter effects on the formation of the present Consti tution with the so-called Communal Award which has reduced our great ancient race to a position of abject slavery and impotency Bhai Parmanandji, speaking on the present Constitution in the Central Legislativo Assembly, closed his memorable speech (March, 1933) with these pathetic words:- “Any kind of vindictive ness on the part of an enlightened government towards the whole people would be unpardonable in the eyes of God and unjustifiable in the eyes of History.”

During these days of the boycott of the Simon Commission, Lala Lajpat Ra-a great patriot and ono of the pioneers of the Hindu Mabasabha Movement, passed away great loss to the Hindus in particular and to Hindusthan in general.

The Hindu Mahasabha decided to raise a largu *fund’ to perpetuate the memory of Lalaji. An appeal was issued and in due course of time a sum of Rs. 50,000 was subscribed by the Hindu public through the untiring efforts of the Working President, Dr. B. S. Moonje.

After a short time the Report of the Simon Commis sion was out. The whole of Muslim India raised a hue and cry as Sir Jolin Simon, the Chairman of the Commission, though boycotted and was received with black flag demonstrations throughout Hindusthan, did no injustice to the Hindus in general. The Report, therefore, was not received with any satisfaction either by the Moslems or by the Congress people for reasons of their own In the meantime, the Congress launch ed their Civil Disobedience campaigur. The British Statesmen were watching the trend of the movement with all the attention and without any authority the Report and the Recommendations of the Simon Com mission were abruptly set aside and in its place much importance was given to an informal body, like the Round Table Conference and its discussions,

THE ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE AND THE ANGLO-MUSLIM ALLIANCE

Dr. Moonje as the Working President of the Hindu Maliasabha was invited to the Round Table Conference. Besides hin some of the prominent Hindus were also invited in their private capacity. Among them the names of Raja Narendra Nath, Pandit Nanak Chand and Mr. M. R. Jayakar may be mentioned. All of them tried their best to present the Hindu point of view before the British statesmen and the delegates.

The Congress owing to the Civil Disobedience Movement abstained from taking any part in the disruptive tendencies and thus to strengthen the hold of British Imperialism.” Even Dr. Ansari and Mr. Sherwani in a joint statement emphasised the main features of the Communal Award in the following words :

“Perpetuating and stimulating the cause of dividing Indians, accentuation and extension of communal divisions and creation of fresh communal groups and interests which would shatter all future prospects of communal co-operation, these are the main features of the ‘Communal Award’.” Later on, Dr. Ansari eren went to the length of describing the Communal Award as a ‘cup of poison’.

SUICIDAL POLICY OF THE CONGRESS

In face of all this, the Indian National Congress for fear of displeasing the Muslim community adopted 11 suicidal attitude of neutrality, of neither rejecting nor accepting the Communal Award, which along with the leaders of almost every community in India, it had emphatically condemned.

Agitation against the Communal Award in India was started by Bhai Parmanand on behalf of the Hindu Mahasabha and afterwards taken up by Pandit Malaviya who created the Congress Nationalist Party within the Congress itself. The British Government after some-time invited prominent public men of India

to a frient às wititesses before the Joint Parliametitary Select Committee. Dr. B. S. Moonje, Shri Bhai Parmananda, Syt. B. C. Chatterji of Calcutta and R. B. Mehrchand of Peshawar were among those who appeared as witnesses and laid their objections against the Communal Award and the White Paper

THE MEMORABLE AJMER SESSION AND AFTER

Dr. B. S. Moonje was still in England when the memorable session of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha was held at Ajmer on Oetober 13, 11 and lõ, 1933, under the presidentship of Bhai Parmanandji a great statesman, practical politician and staunchest champion of the Hindu Cause,

In his Presidential Address, he enunciated his views on the courlitions through which the country was passing. At that tiine inany public men, like Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru and the Congress News. papers in the conntry ran down his views on the ground that he preached co-operation with the Government as he advised the Hindus to capture the Legislatures. But only four months after this these same critics began to subscribe to his views and came to look upon the Council entry as the only political work of any import ance. And now what do we see? The Congress Raj is prevalent in seven provinces of Hindusthun. Is it non co-operation with the Government ?

Immediately after assuming the Presidentship or the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha, Bhai Parma. nandji undertook an all India tour. He visited important towns in all the provinces of Hindusthan, i, e. Agra and Oudh, Behar, Bengal, Bombay Presidency, Maharashtra, the N. W. F. Province and the Punjab. In Maharashtra Province, Dr. B. S. Moonje and Sit. R. G. Bhidey also joined him. In almost all the cities, inass meetings of the Hindus were held and unanimous resolutions condemning the so-coller Communal Award were passed, texts of which wero communicater to the Goverinent and to the Joint Parliamentary Committee.

While concluding the jmer Session, it would be well to mcution cortain ontstanding events connected with Hindu Mahasablin’s policy that was clearly marked in extending its sphere of influence and activity beyond the British India.

The Hindu Mahasabha did not rest content by sending only a cable-gram to the League of Nations, communi cating its resolutions and appealing to the League for in terference and for application of the League Covenant to the Communal problems in India. But it stirred itself to make serious efforts to end the long cultural isolation of the Hindus at home and of the Hindus in islands, coun tries and other colonies outside India. The Hindu Maha sabha, therefore, carefully looked to the grievances of the Hindus nf Goa and made various attempts to get them removed. Taking advantage of Dr. Moonje’s stay in England after the evidence before the Joint Parlia mentary Select Committee in London, the Goanese Indians requested him to visit Lisbon, the capital of Portugal and to repressent their grievances to the Home Govt. of the Prirtuguese.

CLOSER AFFINITY WITH THE BUDDHISTS

In 1934, the 26th Centenary of Lord Buddha was Celebrated in Japan. The Hindu Mahasabha received an invitation from the proper authorities and it managed to send their representatives to Japan to join and pay homage to Lord Buddha’s memory on behalf of the Hindus of India.

The Hindu Mahasabha was emphatically of opinion that the time was ripe for the Hindus of Hindusthan to bring about a closer affinity between them and their brethren, the Buddhists. Bhikshu Cttama, the well known Buddhist monk of Burma was therefore unani mously elected as President of the 16th session of the Hindn Mahasabha held at Cawnpore in April, 1936. The acceptance of the presidentship of Hindu Mahasabha on the part of Bhikhshuji was hailed in all quarters in Hindusthan and the Buddhist countries like Japan and China particularly welcomed this new move of the Hindu Mahasabha.

It is interesting to note the incident that took place. at the Jubbulpore Conference and to quote an ex-General Secretary of the Hindu Mahasabha the position is summarised thus:

“Therefore, when the next annual session of the Hinrlu Mahasabha met at Jubbulpore under the dis tinguished presidentship of Sjt. N.C. Kolkar, the change was complete and even Pandit Malaviya was thrown overboard by the Hindu representatives inspite of all their reverence for him on this question. For, when the Sindh question came up before the Mahasabha Pandit Malaviya again advised the Mahasabha not to take “odium” upon itself of making a settlement impossible by its flat denial but to wait for the report of the sub-committee appointed by the Madras Congress.”

But, the Sindh representatives headed by Dr. Choithram and Prof. Ghansham made a touching and emphatic appeal to the gathering asking them not to. play the game of “Hide and Seek” but to reject clearly and in plain terms a demand unreasonable on the face of it and accepted as such on all hands. Pandit Malaviya formally opposed it and was heard with the full respect due to him. Dr. Moonje first wanted the representatives to bow to Panditji’s advice but when he found that they were. unwilling he also respectfully opposed Panditji. Mr. Kelkar though himself unconimitted also agreed with Dr. Moonje. But, very few delegates voted with Pandit Malaviya and all the rest voted for the rejection of the proposed separation of Sindh. Thus the father ( of the Renais sance) saw at least, that the child had outgrow the father.

THE POONA SESSION

Pandit M. M. Malaviya, one of the premier pioneers of the Renaissance, who since the Jubbulpore Session (1928) had ceased to take active interest in the affairs of Hindı Mahasabha, though he continued to remain as one of its Vice-Presidents, presided over the Poona Session held there on 29, 30 and 31st December, 1933. In his presidential address he eulogised the services of Dr. Moonje and Bhai Parmanand and in the end announced that within 12 months he would collect, a sum of Rs. one crore for the Hindu Mahasabha to carry on the work according to its own programmo which he clearly and at great length explained to the huge audience.

The two most important and contested resolutions, that were passed under the Presidentship of Panditji, concerned with the Removal of Untouchability and the Council entry programme of the Hindu Mahasabha. They may be quoted below verbatim :

1. “The Hindu Maha Sabha further affirms its faith that untouchability must not be regarded as a part of Hindu religion or social system, The Mahasabha recommends to the Hindus the abolition of all distinctions in the Hindu Society based on birth or caste in the spheres of public, social and political life in which such distinctions ought to have no application and are out of place in the present age.”

2. The Mahasabha is of opiuinn that elections to Legislatures should be contested with a view to pro tecting and upholding the Hindu interest in the Legislatures and leave it to the Provincial Hindu Sabhas to take steps iu dant conuection wherever necessary.”

About two nights wore spent in discussing the resolution on untouchability. Mr. M. R. Jayakar, Pt. Malaviya and other very important personalities participated in the discussion. It was ultimately carried with an overwhelming majority.

The decision regarding the Council entry was also a momentous one but wlien the time of election to the Provincial Legislatures came, a conflict arose between the U.P. Piovincial Hindu Sabha and Pandit M. M. Malaviyan Although the ostensible onuse of the differ ence was the recognition of a particular Provincial Hindu Sabha when there came into existence two rival parties in the United Province. This rivalry between the parties was of a few years’ standing. The Hindu Mahasabha at the Poona Session decided to conduct their elections and authorised Babu Padam Raj Jain to do the needfu) in this connection. At Agra the elections took place under the supervision of Bhai Parmananda and Babu Padam Raj Jain and the U. P. Provincial Hindu Sabha wag properly recognised. Not satisfied with all this certain interested persons approached Pandit Malaviyaji for interference which resulted in some conflict in the Working Committee of the Hindu Mahasabha and after a number of Working Committee meetings held at Delhi and Benares the problem was finally solved at the Lahore Session of the Hindu Mahasabha when Malaviyaji chose to withdraw.

The Lahore Session of the Hindu Mahasablia wag presided over by His Holiness Jagatguru Shankara charya, Dr. Kurtakoti. Dan Veer Seth Jugal Kishore Birla also attended the Session,

Upto the Abmedabad Session (1937), Bhai Parmanand for all practical purposes was the Working President of the Mahasabha and guided its policy with all the firmness and courage in him. During this period he made the Hindu Mahasabha a living organisation. The days of keeping the Mahasabha as a subaidiary or a corollary organisation to the Congress with half way policy were no longer to be continued and hence it was re-organised as quite independent of the Congress with its own principles, aims and objects, policy and programme,

OPENING OF THE NEW ERA

For more than a decade Dr. B. S. Moonje and Syt. Bhai Parmanand carried the torch of Renaissance and of true ideal of India’s freedom almost single handed. There were darkness and tem pests all around. But the hands that held the torch never wavered. At last came the help, they had been so long looking for. That help was in the person of Swatantrya Veer Vinayak Damndar Savakar. This was the greatest satisfaction for these two fighters for and saviours of the Hindu Race and the future to-day is brightening up by the rising sun of Hindu Rashtra, With the advent of Sjt. Savarkar as president of the Hindu Mahasabha at Ahmedabad Session 1937 a new era opens for Hindusthan and Hindudom.

The presidential address of Veer Savarkar was very forceful and clear ! The principles and policy of the Hindu Mahasabha have seldom been explained with such clarity and conviction, as they have been done by Sjt. Savarkar. It was but expected of him. In this Conference the Hindu Sangathan Movement has been set in the context of a philosopoy which is at once irrefutable and deep. Sjt. Savarkar has proved beyond any shadow of doubt that the future of the Hindus and the part they have to play in lifting this country out of the morass into which it has fallen, lies only along the lines he has suggested. Bhai Parmanand exhorted the Hindus to read the address over and over again. According to him it should serve for them as ’their National Bible’, as it comes from the forceful pen of a unique personality, pioneer of independence, possessed of infinite courage and wisdom. It is not surprising, therefore, to know that to meet the daily pressing demand from the Hindu Public and the local Sabhas, many thousand copies of Veer Savarkar’s Address had to be published in different languages of most of the Provinces of India.

From the day he took the reins of the Hindu Mahasabha he has plunged himself, heart and soul into the working of the Hindu Mahasabha. In such a short time he has been able to visit almost all the important places in U. P., the Punjab, Rajputana, Bombay, C. P. and Sindh. Everywhere he was wel comed with unique and grand receptions. Unprecedented audience listened to the message of the great patriot with rapt attention and pin-drop silence everywhere.

Veer Savarkar with an unequalled record of service and sacrifice for the cause of our motherland has so impressed the people of Hindusthan at large with his vehement and forceful power of oratory that he could

EXTRACTS FROM THE ADDRESSES OF OUR PRESIDENTS

HON’BLE RAJA SIR RAMPAL SINGH K. C. I. E. ( OUDH ) DELHI, DECEMBER 1918.

“It is difficult, rather impossible, for a person like myself to anticipate the conclusions, which the Peace Conference will arrive at on the questions of inter national adjustments that are to come before it, but one thing is clear and it is that step will be devised and taken for the practical realisation of those ideals and principles for which this war was fought at tremendous sarrifices and as far as it lies in human power founda tion will be laid for lasting peace so as to make such wars remote if not impossible. The most important and moinentnus idea that has taken its birth from the bitter experience gained in this war is the idea of the formation of a League of Nations. The pre-emi nently imperative need of such a League cannot be too highly commended and we hope and trust that it: will emerge from the Conference the like of which human history has never seen before and that Hindus than, the land of Hindus, shall have a place in it. Hindusthan has been no silent partner in this struggle for freedom and justice; her sacrifices have been great and commensurate with her capacity and resources, so I am confident when the affairs of the British Empire will be re-adjusted in the light of past experiences her position in the Empire will receive just and equitable consideration and she will be allowed to shape her own destiny according to her national requirements. It is not in any spirit of asking re compense for the services rendered by her that Hindus. than claims equal rights, equal privileges, and equal opportunities for her sons within the Empire. They are her birth-rights; but areil to hope for them as reward is not beyond the frailty to which human nature is capable of.

“There is one mattter more which is of vital importance to us and deserves to be impressed upon the Peace Conference through the Representatives of the British and Indian Governments. I am sure you are not unaware of the fact that the invaluable trea sures of intellectual productions of the Rishis of old were lost to us from time to time during the Mohame. dan rule. A large portion of the remnants though small yet priceless has been taken from this country by German travellers and now is in German libraries. As a part of the war indemnity demanded from the Germans by conquering nations we Hindns demand the restoration of such manuscript books and writings in original to the custody of which we alone are entitled.

“The Reform Scheme promulgated hy His Excellency the Viceroy and the right Hon’ble The Secretary of State for India has already received a full considera tion in this country. It has been subjected to various forms of criticism from the standpoint of different shades of opinions. It is pot for me to go into the details now. The message of 20th August 1917 marks an era in the history of your political progress. The goal of the British rule in India has been defined in unequivocal manner and Self-Government within the Empire is to be the aim and end of that rule; and it is to he attained by progressive stages of realisation. Opinions may differ as to the modes and manners in which this realisation is to be brought about but I believe there are not two opinions as to the liberality of the policy enunciated in the message. I strongly hold that the scheme is a distinct advance towards the progressive realisation of the Responsible Government and with certain modifications and amendments would personally accept it as framed by the illus trious authors.

“We meet this year under very peculiar circum stances. On one side there are general rejoicings all the world over owing to the successful termination of the war and India has greater and special reasons to share in them to her heart’s content but on the other side the high prices, famine, and the epidemic of Influenza have caused vide-spread dis tress amongst the people and have cast a shadow nver the country which cannot be too much deplored. We cannot but shed tears of sorrow on the lamentable toll claimed by the latter disease from amongst the high and low. It is a matter of great satisfaction that the All-India Hindu Maha Sabha has not been unmindful of its (uties towards our inmine stricken brethren of Garlıwal. The Sabha is still in its infancy. It is only five years ago that it was starteri and during this short period of its existence it has gained strength and force as is evident from its inanifold activities ou the one hand and the confidence and reliance which the Hindu Community reposer in it by expecting and demanding from it to take the lead in all nintters affecting its interests at Inrge on the other. The fact that the appeal of the Sabha to the Hindu public met with the ready and generous response is afi index of the place it has now galued in the hearts of the people. In all matters whether political, social or others, affecting the welfare of the Hindu Community, it is to the All India Hindu Maha Sabha that we look to take a lead and I am glad the Sabha has not been behind as far as it lay in its power to put forward the Hindu view of such matters. I congratulate the Sabha on the success which has crowned its labour so far. But as I pointed out in my Address at Lucknow, we have to contend against many forces which are at work for our disruption and the task of promoting greater union and solidarity among all sections of the Hindu Community and uniting them more closely as parts of organic whole which the Sabha has rightly placed in forefront of its objects is most stupendous aud needs co-operation of all well wishers of the tommunity. From sometime past a movement towards nationalism has been gaining strength in this country and the best and enlightened minds amongst our community have adopted the so called 101-sectarian attitude of being Indian first and Hindu, Mohammedian or anything else afterwards. No body can cavil at the high standard of patriotism that viberates through their hearts. But there is still a higher patriotism towards whirh humanity is now moving and it is nothing more, nothing less than what the Hindu Rishis of old, of revered memory preached and practised.

“I am sure the Hindu Sabha never means to offend or encroach upon the legitimate rights of any community whether inbabiting India or elsewhere. Its objects should be in this respect only to defend and protect the just and equitable rights of the Hindas against the onslaughts of other peoples. If that is not so, the word “Hindu” before the Sabha may better be expung ed because by its long usage it connotes a community whose very religion is an embodiment of tolerance, ratholicity, and spiritualism as opposed to fanaticism, bigotry and materialism. I am afraid I will be taxing your patience too much if I speak on the present state of Hindu Community; suffice it to say that we have lost sight of the high ideals which used to pulsate and animate the hearts of our forefathers. The chief cause is that we are disorganised and disunited. It is for the Hindu Sabha to organise and unite the scattered attoms of our Community and to devise means for the amelioration of the whole, so that we might rise again to the same pinnacle of glory and civilisation which our forefathers had attainect. The majority of our Community reside in villages sunk in the lowest depths of misery and ignorance. There is absolutely no provision for the ministration of the spiritual and religious requirements of the people and the result is that their religious ideas are fast drifting into some thing vague and meaningless.

“The less said about the depressed classes the better. It is for the Hindu Sabha to take up all these matters in hand and to do all that is possible to save the Hindus as Hindu from extinction. Our system of charity has degenerated and is producing a demorali sing effect on a vast mass of population; our charitable endowments are mislised and are neither applied nor serve the purpose for which they were made; the majority of our temples and monastries are not now the places for the uplift of the spiritual side of our being, but contrary to that they often debase aud produce a pernicious effect on the minds of the people; our Sadhus and so-called Mahatmas have become mere mendicants, and instead of invigorating the moral side of human soul are pests to the country. The study of our sacred and secular languages-I mean Sanskrit and Hindi-is being neglected and Dora Nagari Script has not yet been adopted by the country and in this way we are laying an axe at the very root of solidarity and cohesion which we so much ajm at in our Community. Painful is the story to tell of the un. fortunate and unwholesome changes in most of the social, political and religious Hindu institutions that were meant for the uplift of the people but are now serving the reverse purpose. I appeal to Hindu Sabha, I appeal to my Hindu brethren to take all these matters in haud and bring about such improvement in them as to make them worthy of the Hindu name. I desire to sound a warning. We are demanding self-determina tion in all that concerns us politically, the same self determination should be allowed to the people in social matters and if the Hindu Sabha will act otherwise it shall fail in its object I am sure.

“As president of this Conference I would be wanting in my duty if I do not refer to the communal repre sentation which Minto-Morley Reform Schene did introduce into this country some years ago; in pur suance of the same principle a settlement has been made and agreed upon between the Congress and Mnslim League Leaders. It is a patent fact that Hindu mind got very much agitated not only by tho innovation brought about by the said scheme but also by the agreement mentioned above, and the Hindu Sabha is entitled to question the right and privilego of the Hindu Congress Leaders to come to such an agreement. No one can deny that it is wrong in principle and unjust in allowing excessive number of seats to our Muslim brethren and it is a matter of satisfaction that the eminent authors of the new scheme bave not failed to notice the disadvantages that would result from it to the country

“Before closing my remarks on this subject I would remind my Sikh brethren who too now demand a separate representation for theniselves that they cannot politically gain more strength by following a policy of separatism than by being with the Community which claims them to be its kith and kin. They should not forget that they are Hindus and will remain Hindus.”

Continuing his speech Shri Shankaracharyaji said:

“At that time (in Shivaji’s reign) the Brahmanas explored books on Hindu Law (Mitakshra) and boldly re-admitted into Hindu fold persons like Gangadhar Rangnath Kulkarni and others who had turned Muslims.”

He concluded his speech in these pathetic words :

“If in these hard times, Hindus do not take seriously in hand this holy work of ‘Conversion’ and prevent their brethren from embracing alien faiths through mistaken views, I say here as I stand that within ten decades you shall find no Hindu on the surface of this carth.”

SHRIYUT LALA LAJPAT RAI, LAHORE. CALCUTTA, APRIL 1925.

“I want to emphasise on this occasion that our object is to further love and not hatred. The Hindus are religious people. Their scriptures, the Vedas, Anjoin upon them to look at the whole universe with eyes of friendship. This, however, does 1100 menni that we should be so sentiment-ridden as to make our selves incapable of protecting our lives and rights and interests against unjust attacks by others……… We cannot afford to be so veak and imbecile as to allow or encourage others to crush us, nor can we be obsessed by false ideas of Alimsa but at our peril. Ahimsa is the highest religion, but there is no religion higher than Truth. Ahimsa and Truth must be reconciled, in fact, in essence they are one and the same. But we cannot let others misunderstand us on this point; so that encouraged by our conduct in this respect they may take into their heads to interfere with our rights and to humiliate and destroy us. It may be possible for individuals, nay at some stage of their existence, it may be obligatory on them, to act up to the highest ideals of Ahimsa. But, as a community, our Ahimsa must be regulated by Dharma as interpreted in the light of time and place. This is the teaching of the ancient Hindu religion. That is the principle upon which they founded the system of Varnas and Ashramas. What may be the highest religion for a Sanyasi, may be the greatest sin for a Grihasti. To confound the duties of the different. Ashramas in such a way as to make them untimely and inopportme is making confusion worse confounded. It is a matter of extreme l’egret for us that we have let the true principles of Varna Aslırama Dharma disappear, and the whole system of Hindu life has been so perverted as to lead to confusion and degradation. Neither the Varnas, nor the Ashramas are to be found in their original condition or any way near them. Whether we can re-establish them on the ancient principle is a question beyond my power to answer. But, I have no doubt, that to impose upon young Grihasties the whole Dharma of a Sanyasi, is entirely opposed to Hindu teachings and Hindu culture. There can only be one result of such a teaching, viz., destruction.

“I am of opinion that we should make a supreme effort to introduce joy into the lives of our children and young men and young women. We should fill them with a bope and with a desire to rise in the world by their own exertions. What is needed is to make them enterprising and ambitious. No nation can aspire to freedom and prosperity in life whose young men and young women are obsessed by the desire of being unworldly and ambitionless. This necessarily leads to lazinese, false contentment, cowardire and lack of spirit and also to unmanliness. This leads the people to taking things lying in and gradually becoming accustomed to slare mentality. A man who has no ambition to be free and prosperous and independent can never be happy, nor can he be a truly religious man. This is not the road to salvation but to destruction.

“The Hindus have so far followed a National policy and, I think, they must stick to that. They will be stultifyiug themselves if they replace their nationalism by communalism. Yet we cannot ignore the fact that there are some communities in India who want to take undue advantage of our nationalism and are pushing forward their communalism to such an extent as is injurious to the interests of the whole nation and certainly disastrous to those of the Hindu Community. Such communalism we are bonnd to oppose as, in our judgment, it can only lead to permanent slavery, permanent disunity and a state of perpetual dependence.

“The Hindu Mahasabha has no special political functions except to define the position of the Community in relation to other communities. The Hindus as a community are opposed to communal representation as such in any shape or form. The preponderance of opinion seems to be that the Lucknow Pact was a mistake……… In the conversation at Delhi, the position of the Hindu representatives was that they would accept any uniform principle of representation applicable to the whole of India subject to ove rousi deration that the electorates in all cases should be mixed, and that the principle of communal representa tion shall not be extended beyond the legislature. In face of this, to say that the Hindus, as such, are oppo sed to any compromise is not true. I do not consider that an understanding between the Hindus and the Mohammedans is impossible, but, it must be clearly understood, that the Hindus will not submit to any coercion whatsoever in arriving at some settlement. No anount of riots and disturbances will make them enter into any agreement which they do not consider fair and just.

“We have several evidences of the mentality of the Frontier Mohammedans in this respect. Some Mohammedans have already suggested that all the territories which lie between Peshawar and Agra should be made over to the Mohammedans in which they might establish Mohammedan Government as & member of the Mohammedan League of Nations. At the last session of Muslim League held at Bombay, M. Mohammed Ali actually suggested that the Mohammedans of the Frontier Province should have the right of self-determination to choose between an affiliation with India or with Kabul……… The question of the Frontier is very important to the whole of India and it specially concerns the safety and security of the Hindu Community. It is not right to say that the territories beyond Indus were taken possession of by the British Government from the Mohammedans… … The Sikhs held possession of these territories as a part of their Empire, and the British Government took possession of these provinces from the Sikhs. So far as Hindus are concerned, the question is one of pure Frontier defence and should be judged purely on its merits as such. The Hindus do not desire any domi nation over the Mohammedan population. What they want is the safeguarding of their interests and that of India generally.

“The Hindu Mahasabha and the Hindu Community as such inust take steps to protect their Community from the attempts of other religions to take away their members. Just as their work is legitimate from their point of view, $o must be the work of Hindu Comnuni. ty in that line. From the vory nature of Hinduismı, the Hindu work in that line is purely defensive. The Shuddhi movement is a defensive movement. 96

“The Hindu Mahasabha stands for this unity of Action and I appeal to all the different sections of the Hindu Community to lay aside their differences and unite under the flag of the Hindu Mahasabha. We must recognise the common dangers both internal and external. The external dangers I have already referred to. The internal dangers are still more formidable. We are too much disunited on account of the divisions and subdivisions of the Community into so many creede and castes… … … The old game of throwing out people on very small pretences must be given up and occasions must be sought to bring people back into our fold without injuring anybody’s scruples.”

….. movement amongst the Hindus. The religion which Buddha preached was for the whole of the humani race. In the history of mankind (tautam Buddha wis the first to promulgate a religion within the folds of which every luman being to whic-ever race or country he belonged could come. Kabir ild Guru Nanak followed him, prenched in the same strain, and Guru Gobind Singlı gave an organisert shape to religion which has sprung from Hinduism and which is based on the same cardinal principles is Hinduism. Swimi Dayanand Saraswati in recent times gave a strony impetus to the idea, though the external for which he gave to Hindu religion was different from that of Guru Gobind Singh. The idea «f Shuddhi has therefore no connection with recent political movements, and I do pot sex why those who strive for political advancement should call upon us to give up al movement based on an idea first coneived in the Land of Aryavarta more than 2 centuries ayo before Christianity or Islam came into existence and before any religious preacher in the World thouglit of laying open the path of Sal vation to every human being who sought it. Shuidhi is nothing else but proselytism and it passes my comprehension why the right of conversion enjoyed by all other religious communities in the land should be denied to Hindus who in the History of the World were the first to originate the idea. It is unnecessary to give a comparative numerical table of conversion. I would however lay stress on the fact that the idea of proselytism is pre-eminently our heritage, revived in different shapes by our religious reformers whn appeared from time to tima. It is very strange that the activities of the Sikhs whom I always designate as our first cousins is not even mentioned in the speeches and anidresses alelivered by our critics fivm various platforms.

“As far as the plations between Hindus and Sikhs are concerned, the prospects are hopeful, as the only question on which a split was possible has been settled in a manner satisfactory to the Sikhs. The Gurdwara Art las bern passeil, without any conflict between the Sikhs and the Hindus in the Council. Mutual controversy terminated at the stage of the Select Committee. I hope that Hindus and Sikhs will continue the spirit of mutual co-operation, and act in unison, I wish I were in a position to say the same thing about Bralımans and 10-Bralumans in Madras, perhaps those learer that Presidency will be able to enlighten us.

“We want adequate measures to be adopted for the protection of the interests of minorities, but we want that such measures of protection should be uniform for all minorities whether Hindu or Mohammedan. We do not wish to create deadlocks, nor do we wish to convert tyranny of majority into a tyranny of minority. We want no special measures of pro taction for the Hinłu minority anywhere which wp do uint advocate for Muhammedans. On the contrary muy grievance at present is that greater solicitude is shown for the protection of the interests of the Muhammenar minority than for the protertion of the interests of Hindu miiority wherever it is foxisland too asist,

“To sum up, the “raison l’etres of the Himla organisation is, that Hindu interests are nowhere adequately protected, that for the protection of thelli the initect voire of 220 million should fire raised that Hindu Community oring to its large number, and 10 its flis tribution (ver a try large area lacks solidarity ain union which must be light ibaut und that it attitude towards sprain low plasses is its ow) (Teation and a chanya in that attitude is njerosary for which the Hiurlu Community more than any other xhould special Ir exert. There are some social evils in Hindi Coni. munity which a Hindu Organisation only call remove, The Mahasabha is as much an aduate of free and democratic institutions for the country and as eager to obtain Swaraj as any other body. But it notices with regret that so far constitutionis have beest suggest ed aut framed without due regard to Hiridu interests. We are told that political and civic interests of Hindus and Mrhammeclans are the same. It should be ser, but it is not yn in fact, owing to lofoets in the konstituinn? Muhammedan interests arr being treated as a separate class by itself and this has forced! lipon us the consideration of the Hindu interest ils a separate rass. We (amat refrain from devoting serious thought to the cuisirleration of those intereste simply fruit of fear that such a course will give rise to a controversy and may delay our achieve inent of the goal of Swaraj.

True Swaraj will he arhieved only when justice is done to the legitimate claims of all communities, …… It always takisting for the principles viť rectiture and justice to beremo triumphant.”

SHRIYUT DR. B. S. MOONJE, NAGPUR. PATNA, APRIL 1927.

“I shudder to think what shall happen to Bengal, say 50 years hence, if this course of rapid decline of the Hindus of Bengal is not cherked. I am afraid Bengal is fairly on the way to become another Kashmere of India in this respert. I feel from what I have seen and read of the daily happenings in East Bengal particularly that Bengalees alone and unaided by Hindus outside Bengal are absolutely incapable of resisting the inroails of Iam into the preserves of Hinduism there. tiet Bengal clearly understand that it may exercise some pressure on the Govt. througli the cult of the Bomb and the Pistol, but it will not be able to maintain the pressure until it develops the Lathi cult and proves it capacity of putting down the mischievously aggressive mass Hooliganisn.

“The Afghan, before he was allowed to be capturel by and absorbed in Islam, was fighting for the preser vation and maintenance of Hindu religion and culture with the same tenacity and fearlessness of death as he was fighting for their destruction only three or four centuries later oli, after Islam was forced on him througlı sheer compulsion in a mnomeut of helplessness of defent suffered in wars with his Moslein invaders of Central Asia. But how did the Hindu India of the time re-ilct to this forcible shearing of its most power ful wins? Does History record any evidence of any pang felt in the then entirely Hindu Hindusthall, when such a big illud enviable slice is Afghanistan was (‘uit out of it? Dirl the Himu Hiulustlan of thoxe clays make any concerted move to avert tlie calamity then overtaking Afghanisthan? As for Kashmere and Malabar’, History tells the same sorry tale being repeated over there much in the same fashion as in Afghanistan.

“Vet after the Moghul Empire was subverted and the Sikhs in the Punjab and the Marathas in the rest of India har re-established the Hindu Empire, did the Hindus who were as pammount in Iudia then as the Moslems were in their days before they had been conquered, move a finger to recoup the loss in their number sustained through Moslem aggressionOther parts of India also show marks of Moslem aggression narrating equally eloquent tales of Moslem efficiency and hunger of man power on one hand and of Hindu supineness and indifference on the other.

“Thus every Moslem man or woman is a proselytising aytist of Islam. The success so far gained by them is a memorable monument to their faith and tenacity of purpose as it is to our irreligion, indiffer ence and inefficiency. By their assiduoas perseverance they have for themselves, by now, built up out of the very Hindus a community of no less than 7 crores, that is, just one fourth of the entire Hindu population of India. The indifference and the present sociology and orthodoxy of the Hindus together with proverbial mildness and docility of temper, and their indulgence in sentimentalism of various kinds of their uwn (renia ious—such as the X(exxos 11 Bhakti Sampradaya and of Aljmsa an 11011-viol-111–have been the chief contributors to their monumental sucress of Islam in India. Their daily work of proselytisation und of building up of their community brick by brich, Walk way lung going ou » unmolested ind without any noise, that the hope was manufactured in them and tirey had {ome to believe as it matter of curso that a time will NOON come when the 7 crores of the untouchables which the Hindus regar as the refuse of their com munity shall have beun devoured, ligested, and assi milated in the Islamic society. They were thus building up castles in their mind that if they < once reach the Hindus at par by assimilation of the untouchables, their aggressiveness in which they feel supreme confidence will stand thom in good stead to vive such a push to the inild Hindu as to sund lum 105

down headlong along the inclined plaue of extinction. Thus they were dreaming of absorbing the whole of Hindu India into themselves so that the whole of Hindusthan may ultimately belong to them and be changed into Muslimstlan as the whole of Afghanisthan now belongs to the Moslems.

“Now let us further analyse the Hindu mentality, It is hopelessly perlexing. The Hindu seems to be obsessed with the desire for Swaraj. It is a very noble and nauly ambition, but has he ever indulged in a little introspection and examined his owu inner self with a view to satisfy himself if lie is really fit for Swaraj? In the quite lonliness of his room, when lie is all to himself alone, if he were to ask himself a question “if I cannot guarantee safety and immunity from molestation to my womou folk and temples from those of my Moslem brethren who are only armed with Lathies, how can I aspire to wrest Swaraj from and maintain it against the cupidity of those armed witla machine guns,” what answer can he give? While trying to invent or discover an answer let lim picture to himself in the loneliness of his room the daily vocurrences of Hindoo’s running away for life wlion uttacked by Moslem ruffians, leaving belind their wo queu-folk to be dealt with by them as they nay please.

“Every Moslem, man or woman is, as I have said above, a prosolytising agent of his religion and considers it one of the sacred duties of his life as a Muslim to decay in his or her life time a few Hindus, men or women, boys or girls, preferably the latter, and bring them into the Islamic fold. To the Muslim the whole world is his home and its things are meant to minister to his health and strength. Whatever he touches he purifies. The Hindu on the other hand is ever haunted with the fear of being polluted at every step. Here it may be the touch of one whom he is ploased to dub as untouchable: there perhaps the shadow of an outsider has fallen on his dishes; perhaps the water that he is drinking or the food he is eating has had a touch of Shudra. He must take a Prayaschiita, that ix, undergo purification.

“Communalism though inherently present more or less in any Credal Religion, has in the case of Islam in India been unfortunately ted and aggravated by the impolitic and unstatesmanlike utterances of many of the Hindu Leaders of the Congress.

“The Moslems fully utilized the Khilafat move ment for internal organisation of socio-religious character and the whole Moslem community of India was taught to look beyond the frontiers of India for inspiration in Moslem Nationalism and for objects commanding their transcendantal Love and sacrifice. This led to the revival of a surging wave of Pan Islamism involving in its vortex each and every Moslem from the highest to the lowest rank of the society and conjuring up before them a vista of common brotherhood of Islamic nations from Turkey in the West to East Bengal in the East, including in it the Moslemised portions of India on its North Western Frontier such as Sind, Baluchistan, N. W. Frontier Province and the Punjab, under the hegemony of any one of the independent Islamic Nations deve loping the modern system of warfare of the West.

“Unity based on the principle of bargaining can never be stable, particularly when it has to be purchas ed by naking concession……… The moment they say that Swaraj cannot be attained without Hindi Moslem Unity, tlat unity beromes a marketable article in all the laws of economics concerning Demand and Supply immediately one into operation on it.

“I have no value, not the least, for that Swaraj where the Hindoo (lerlines daily bach in non vers and in influence. I can only imagine that Swaraj where the Hindu in his forefathers’ laud of Hindusthan shall be prospering and supreme, citpable of radiating peace and love and brotherhood all round. How can he attain it, living as he does at the present moment, under the dual domination of the British Machine-gon and the Moslem Lathi? Shuddhi and Sangathan are the means prescribed by the Hindu Sabha Movement and both reagon and commonsense dictate that success in this enterprise shall be the harbinger of stable and permanent Hindu-Moslem Unity and the Swaraj that shall be covetable.

“I feel that I should repeat my conviction that if the Hindus leave the Moslems severely alone for some time to come to do as they please even in association with the Government and cease talking any further of the Hindu Moslem Cnity, the Moslems themselves will see the folly of their own insistence on separatist con munalism and may eventually coine to feel that it shall be to their real interest as also to that of India as a whole if they Yeer round and merge themselvess in the Indian Nationalism for the common goon of India which commotes their communal prosperity also.”

SHRIYUT N. C. KELKAR, POONA. JUBBALPORE, APRIL 1928.

‘‘They, the Hindus, have a stake in the country, greater than any other community in India. In the recent troubles the Indian Molam medans could at least think of such a thing as Hijrat, though of course, they could not practise it successfully. But where in „the whole wide world is there an inch of space which the poor, unbefriended and threatened Hindu can call his own, outside Hindusthan ? Other communities have their whole bases of operations and world-wide lines of coinmnication, and notillas of boats wil trans ports which can replenish them in India at need. The Hindu Society, on the other hand, lins long ago burnt its boats, cut off every possible line of communication with the world with its own hands, and has cooped itself up unwisely with a ditch around itself and a foolish contrivance in which the valve shuts against itself but opens out for any hostile soldier, adventurer or camp-follower to safely come across and give the best account of the slightest capacity of mischief or harm which he may possess. The only hope, therefore, of this beleaguered community now lies in strongly fortifying itself at all points of attack, making friends with all amongst itself, taking good care of the blind, the lame and the diseased, and in enthasing the whole garrison with the hope that it can save itself even now, if it makes up its mind, the hope being reinforced hy the warning that it is doomed to destruction if it faints or falters for a moment. Hindus not only wish to attain political Swaraj in India, but they also wish to have their proper share of it, remaining Hindus. Swaraj will not be worth having if we cannot purchase it with any price less than the loss of Hinduism itself.

The removal of conflict between the different members and organs of the Hindu Society and the estal·lishment of good understanding between them in only a foundation upon which the real structural work of strengthening anal organizing the Hindu society is to be done.

“Conferences are being held for the last three years to settle the points of differences between the Hindus and Mohammedans, in matters religious as well as political. But things went from bad to worse even after that. The attempt at the settlement of political differences has shared the same fate. The question therefore arises, what next My reply to that is. “wait and see’. But I do not give that reply in any cynical spirit. For I really think that the comproinise proposals perhaps require some rest. It is now better to see the tree of communal good-will grow from a distance than pall it up frequently by its roots, as it were, to see how it is growing. The discussions and deliberations held during the last three or four years cunot all go for nothing. The liscovery of the funamental positions where both Hindus and Maho medans stand is in itself a great gain. Digging up of foundations is r necessary operation for undertaking # structure,

“The Hindur sloukl, in my view, spend greater attention and energy on the consideration of the ques tion as to how they will, so far as they can, give the best account of themselves, in the work of achieving political Swarajya.

“I can challenge any one to cite uy well-known or prover instances of reconversions to Hinduismı which were obtained by fraud or force, ever since the Shuddhi and Sanghathan movements were set on foot. That being so, are Hindus to be branded as communal anti-national ? Is it a sin for them to wish to remain Hindus and participate in the future Swaraj an Hindus? It is well if the other communities co operate with the Hindus in a fair spirit in the work of achieving Swarajya, But if they do not, that is well also, if not so well. The Hindu pilgrim’s never failing experience is that if he starts on the journey with a determination to complete his pilgrimage though all alone, he soon begins to get fellow pilgrims on the way is he proceeds. Companionship is indeed good, but self-reliance is always better,”

SHRIYUT RAMANANDA CHATTERJI, CALCUTTA.

In his presidential speech the learned Editor of the “Modern Review at the very outset refutes the charge of being communalists generally brought against the leaders of Hinda Malasabha. He says, “Even the greatest of statesmen in those countries (of Europe) may belong to waller groups and many have actually so belonged. No charge of communalism in a bad sense is brought against them. Similarly in Hindu sthall, the charge of communalism cannot justly be brought against B. And Mohan Bose, President of the Sadharan Rrahıno Samaj and also of the Indian Nation al Congress, against Lala Lajpat Rai, President of the Iliudu Mahasabla and also of the Indian National Congress or against Pt. Madau Mohan Malaviya, Presi ront of the Indian National Congress and also of the Hindu Mahasabha.” As for the Hindus of Hindusthani he clearly explains their goal of life. “What I mean,” says he, “is that it is peculiarly our duty and our right to keep whatever of permanent value has come down from our past and to extend the bounds of Indian thought and culture. For whatever friend or foe may say we are not a decadent people. We mean to live, we will live, we can live, and we will yet, give to the world what God intended that we should.” In the course of his speech he very lucidly sets forth the aims and objects of Hindu Mahasablia and brings home to his audience the truth that Hindu Mahasabha stands for pure and untarnished nationalism. His words are worth quoting. “The Hindu Mahasabha does not seek to have for Hindus any political, fronomic or civic rights or privileges to which they are int entitled by their numbers, eduontional and other qualifications, character, ability, public spirit and tax-paying capacity and, in particular the Hindu Mahasabha rives not want for Hindus any fixed share for anything which may indirectly leave an unequitable portion for others. It stands for open and fair competition, for an open door, for talent irrespective of considerations of race, creed or complexion. It is one of its objects to promote good feelings between the Hindus and other commum nities in Hindusthan and to act in a friendly way with them with a view to evolve a united and self-governing Indian nation.”

“Perhaps what has more than anything else made the Hindu Mahasabha unpopular with the bulk of Indian Musalmans is its effort ’to preserve and increase the numerical strength of the Hindus–which is one 115

of its declared objects. Non-Hinda communities in Hindusthan, like the Muslims and the Christiads, parti cularly the former, have increased vasty at the expense of the Hindus and the aborigines of Hindu sthan. Therefore anything done to arrest this process cannot be Inoked upon with favour by the followers of those non-Indian faiths. Still more un pleasant must the reversal of the process be to them. But I donot see how one can logically and justly object to the Hindus’ doing what the others have been doing for centuries–particularly as the Hindus have not gone in for the accession to the ranks of “rice” Hindus, of non-Hindu women abducted or confiscated and oblig od to be conrerted, of men tempted to come over by the prospect of marriage of persons induced to be converted by the prospert of economic andvantage, ind of persons forced to be converteri hy terrorisın of any kind. The Hindu Mahasabha and Hindu missions connected with it, formally or informally want reconversion and con version only by fair, open and legitimate means,”

“Like the work of conversion and re-conversion, there are some other items in the programme of Hindu Sabha and missions which have brought upon them the charge of communalism and made them un popular with Christians and Muslim propagandists. One such item is the amelioration and improvement of the condition of the so-called low castes of the Hindu community and of the aborigines of Hindusthan. Incredible as it may seem, eveu the efforts made by Hindus to get their widows married are, for obvious reasons, disliked and opposed by some Musalmans. Similarly, and also for obvious reasons, the efforts to get abductors punished and abducted Hindu women rescued and given a respectable position in Sariety are resented and misrepresented in some Mobamecaji organs in Bengal.” He very strongly pleads the cause of the so-called ‘achhuts’ and asks Hindu Mahasabla to take some action in the lirection of providing edura tional facilities both general and vocational for them to an adquate extent. Oil one occasion he veheinentally says that the sooner the expression ‘Depressed Classes: falls into (lixase, the better.” Another thing which he points out to be guarded against is the exaggeration of their number. It is generally thought and said by our critics that these people only six or more than wis TorCx. But it has been recently admitted officially that the nunber is soine where near three crores. Possibly it is still less. I long for the day when we shall all be known only as Hindus, all ini the enjoyment of equal social dignity. Mr. Rama nand Chatterjee very painfully feels for the daily decrease in number of Hindus in every province, This leads him to discuss briefly the causes of the decay of nations and peoples. According to him this decrease is due to their losing hope and joy and rest in life on account of new conditions imposed on them from outside. He rightly points out that, “If any Hindu caste or Hindus in any area are decreasing, it should be investigated whether owing to any cause their play instinct has been suppressed, collective enjoyment of life diminished ankl lope clerreased.” In the end the learned President explains the position of the Hindu Mahasabha as regard its relation with other sister communities. “I shall say uly this in brief that, as in the past, so at present and also in the future the Hindus will not shrink from facing all dangers and making all the sarrifices necessary for wininy freedom for all communities.”

SHRIYUT C. VIJARAGHAVACHARIAR, MADRAS. AKOLA, AUGUST 1931.

Passing very briefly over the origin and progress of the Sabha he discusses the Indian Problem chiefly with reference to the solution of Hindu-Muslim unity. “The problem of minorities,” he says, “has assumed unique dominance in Indian politics. It is n romark able fact that the Minority which is most nomerous and which by wealth, education and above all organi sation is most powerful is also the most insistent for numerous special safe-guards for the protection of its rights. It needs no great research for discovering the factors (other than those which throughout the rest of the world constitute the pura Minority problem) which influence our Muslim fellow countrymen to conceive and formulate, as they have done, their special rights, real and subjective. I may be pardonec here for stating at once that our difficulty in solving this problem is due almost entirely to certain foreign and irrelevant elements that subjectively constitute this problem. The policy of conciliating the Muslims by special patronage and concessions began in this country between the seventies and eighties of the last century, almost simultaneously with the starting of Pan-Islamism by Abdul Hamid, Sultan of Turkey. And this problem has heen ever since growing in volume and intensity, with the active encouragement of the Bureaucracy more than under the auspices of the (ioverument. The result is, it has become so complex, that it is impossible now for Muhanımadans theniselves to arrive at a reasoned and unanimous solution. Neither the Government nor non-Muslims are able to arrive at a settlement with thein. Prominent Muslims, such as Sir Mirza Ismail, the Dewan of Myrore, are clearly of opinion that no satisfactory solution would be reached in the near future. Therefore the one important question before us is, what is the remedy ? Are we to postpone the constitutional reforms and the political salvation of the country until we reach a solution of this probleni so as to give satisfaction to everybody in the country? It would be disastrous to adopt such an unreasonable attitude, look at it how you may. Rather the effort must be to analyse and separate the purely local question of the adjustment of claims and interests from the national one of seeuring power into Indian hand. To my mind a solution of the minority problem is near at hand, the only solution we can think of. And that is to invoke the assistance of the great International Institution, the League of Nations.”

He answers the objections and allays the fear of those who think that the solution of the problem of minority is purely a domestic matter and that there fore the League of Nations conki not interfere. “This is a mistake.” He says, “No doubt it is true that neither the Hindus nor the Muslims, or both of them together, can submit this question for arbitration to the League of Nations. But the Government of British India, or better the Government of the coming Donii nions, of its own motion can and onght to do so to save the situation.”

Moreover, he believes that when the new Goveryment of British India is thus started on its leg the Minority problem, or the Muslim problem to put it more accurately will cease to be a problem of doniestie politics. We mav be sure that there will be 110 grievance. History shows that ancient Hindusthan was the safest place in the world to live in. The freedom and security enjoyed through the ages by the Jews of Cochin, the Syrian Christians of Malabar and the Parsees of Gujrat and Bombay illustrate this fact. Nothing would provail upon these communitios to return to Palestine or Persia. So there is absolutely no need for our Muslim brethren and sisters to fear that their special rights would not be safe in our country itself. However, if they have a grievance, there is the League of Nations réady to enquire and settle it impartially.”

The learned President passed on to a consideration of the Constitutional question. He is definitely against Federalism. According to him “the sort of political mechanism invented at the Round Table Conference is Federalism only in name. Fantastic in structure and novel and startling in function, if at all it can be established, it would be dangerous for British India and ruinous for the Indian States.”

He discusses the subject at length and in all impor tant aspects of it. He is of the opinion that “the Constitution should be unitary and parliamentary and not by any means Federal in the sense proposed at the Round Table Conference. Not only it is a physical and meta-physical impossibility, in the oft-quoted words of Carlyle, but it is in the highest degree dangerous to the people of both the Indias. I might here sound a note of warning to our rulers, The well accepted international doctrine ’that a change in the form of. Constitutional Goverument of a country cannot absolve that country from all the legal obligations contracted by its unreformed ancestor, cannot in my humble view apply to a State constructed out of the political debris of British India on the one hand, and metamorphosed Indian States on the other. There should be 110 Reser vations and Crown subjects beyond the full reach of the new Government as regards Defence, Foreign Re. lations and Finance except in so far as the declarations of wars are concerned, and to which wo should have the same right of voice as the Dominions. Compromises may be made by treaties between the reformed Government of British India, and Britishers and Irishmen, residents in India whether as officials or non-officials, but who are not national, provided that the terms of such compromises do not constitute them a privileged class.”

SHRIYUT N. C. KELKAR, POONA. DELHI, SEPTEMBER 1932.

Shri N. C. Kelkar discussed and dealt with the Communal Award of 17th August and observed, “My very first word of comment upon the Award would be that it is not the Award of an arbitrator, but simply a decision by the British Government arrived at on its own responsibility like any other administrative decision. Individual members of the Round Table Conference or its Consul tative Committee, who were weak or incautious enough to accept (overnment, even in the last resort, as chosen judges or arbitrators, may naturally feel estopped from contesting the Award, But the Hindu Mahasabha as An association was not called upon to send any chosen delegates to the Round Table Conference. And the Sabha may legitimately feel itself not bound or estop ped by the Cabinet decree of 17th August. No doubt the Round Table Conference gave the appearance of certain representatives of the Indian people being consulted, and, allowed to suggest to Government decisions, which would be binding if they embodied a common Agreement among the leaders of different communities. Bat Government knew in their heart of hearts that no such agreement would be arrived at, and they also took pretty good care from time to time that such agreement would be made almost impossible. Openly as well as secretly they showed partiality to minorities, especially Muslims among them, and the minorities were consequently inspired or encouraged to set up a higher key to the tune of their communal demand. Government kuew full well that they could make great capital out of the communal disagreement in Hindu sthan, as communal leaders chosen for the purpose were bound to disagree, though invited to & R. T. Conference.”

“If the Government of India,” he goes on, “honestly wanted to set up an Indian Nation on its feet in this country, they might have followed the example of League of Nations. But far from doing this, they have decided the matter in such a way that communal confusion in Hindusthan would be worse confounded, owing to communal distinctions being recognised in public and political affairs as much as in private life.” “The so-called Award can be im peached,” according to him, “on many grounds. The provisions in it have conceded special electorates not only to Mahomedans, who demanded them, but also to Anglo-Indians, Indian Christians and even Indian women who never asked for them. They went beyond even the Simon Commission which did not recommend an assured majority in the legislatures for the majority communities in the provinces, nor special electorates for Depressed Classes or Indian Christians. They have also exceeded the demands put forward even by the official Government of the Punjab in the interest of the Muslims. For whereas an excess of two seats was suggested by them for Muslims over Hindus, & majority of nearly 10 has been conceded by the Award. If Government thought that minorities really should be given representation according to population basis, they should have done for the Hindu minorities in different provinces what they have done for Muslim minorities. But they have perpetrated injustice to the Hindu minorities alone both in Bengal and the Punjab. The Award thus cannot be justified on any common principle. But it is obviously the result of secret partiality to certain minority communities, and the desire also to cripple as far as possible the Hindu community which, in the opinion of Government, has been evincing perhaps an unpleasant or excessive political activity and national consciousness in this country. Broadly, the object of Government seems to be to make it impossible for the legislature in any province to effect ively control the Executive Administration. Group would be set up against group. Patronage would do its destructive work. And the foreigner would be able to manipulate the sea-saw of political power; so that the resulting profit of the position would always fall in his own lap.”

He further tries to show very clearly how injustice has been done to the Hindus in each province, either by the grant of separate electorates or excessive weightage. He, then, refers to the vow which Mahatma Gandhi took to enter up on fast unto death as a protest against separate electorates being given to the depressed classes, He very curtly reveals that “Truth in my humble opinion is that this method of self-immolation is not valid. It is grand but not politics.” As for the consequences which such a fast and its result are to bring about, he says, “For the Hindu Community generally it would be a painful humiliation. The Depressed class representatives, though they may for the moment yield to Gandhi will perpetually nurse that concession as a great grievance.”

Relating to the History of negotiations, Mr. Kelkar observed that “it should be admitted that Mahomedans have won the game at every point; and also that the game would not be so won by them if the dice in the game were not loaded by Government favour and partiality. The whole history of negotiations in the All-Parties Conferences at Delhi and Simla, and also at

SHRIYUT BHAI PARMANANDA, LAHORE. AJMER, OCTOBER 1933

Bhai Parnananda traces, at the very outsut, tho history of the origin of the Indian National Congress and speaks of the Government’s policy of non-interfer ence till 1905 when the partition of Bengal and the Russo-Japanese War gave rise to a new wave of patriot ism. “In 1906,” he says, ’two important events took place which indicate it change in the policy of the Goverument. One was the founciation of the Moslem Legue iu Dacca with the object of counter-balancing the influnce of the Iudian National Congress, and the other the waiting of a Muslem reputation, headed by H. H. the Agha Khw, on the Viceroy to put forth the claim of separate representation in the Imperial Council for the Moslem community. The latter event is generally described as a ‘Command performance. The policy of the Government henceforth began to be inarked by the yraut, of xpecial favours to the Moslow community in all departments and this change led to the theory of ‘a favourite wife.’ It is to the credit of the Punjab Hindus that they not only saw through this game but the Round Table Conference in Loudou, is very ins tructive from this point of view.”

Mr. Kelkar grows eloquent when, at the very face of communal selfishness,ou the part of Muslims, he fiuda certain Hindu leaders’ futile optimism in the Hindu-Muslim Unity. His words are true even to-day. We capuot withhold the temptation of quoting him in full :-“But assuming that the Award remains unamended in material particulars, what shall we do with it? A great Hindu leader actually suggested that we inight again sit down, Hindus and Mahomedans together, to negotiate a new settlement. I comfess I never saw i niore monumental example of futile optimism than is contained in this suggestion. Have we not been engaged in these negotiations ad nauseuin’ for years past And have we not realised to our cost that the Hindus lave had to retire from every stage set up for a compromise, with the loss to them of one more point and the gain of one more point by the other party to the negotiations ? Not that the Hindu leaders lack the skill required for negotiation. But the other party regards every gestures for further negotiation as sure evidence of the weakness of the Hindu com inunity, and at once pitches its demands to a higher key. This apparent weakness of the Hindus proceeds from no other real cause, however, than their inner urge to secure or wrest power from Government.

And in Hindu-Muslim co-operation, they fancy, they will get an unfailing weapon to wage the war with the Government to success. To a certain extent, this view is valid. But it can be easily pushed beyond reasonable limits. And this, in my opining, is being actually done for some time past. The Indian Nation al Congress has now found to its cost that the Hindus have been exclusively shouldering the burden of political agitation to such an extent that the Congress is being dubbed by its opponents as “Hindu Congress. And into the bargain, the Congress has lost the co-operation of certain prominent Muslim leaders, which was an appreciable feature in the Congress-cum-Khilafat Movement of ten years ago. What a beart-rending tragedy must it have been for the Cangress leaders like Maliatma Gandhi and the late Pandit Motilal Nehru to find themselves denounced as enemies of Mitslim aspirations, when their whole being was practically devoted to securing justice to them?”

SHRIYUT BHAI PARMANANDA, LAHORE. AJMER, OCTOBER 1933

Bhai Parnananda traces, at the very outsut, tho history of the origin of the Indian National Congress and speaks of the Government’s policy of non-interfer ence till 1905 when the partition of Bengal and the Russo-Japanese War gave rise to a new wave of patriot ism. “In 1906,” he says, ’two important events took place which indicate it change in the policy of the Goverument. One was the founciation of the Moslem Legue iu Dacca with the object of counter-balancing the influnce of the Iudian National Congress, and the other the waiting of a Muslem reputation, headed by H. H. the Agha Khw, on the Viceroy to put forth the claim of separate representation in the Imperial Council for the Moslem community. The latter event is generally described as a ‘Command performance. The policy of the Government henceforth began to be inarked by the yraut, of xpecial favours to the Moslow community in all departments and this change led to the theory of ‘a favourite wife.’ It is to the credit of the Punjab Hindus that they not only saw through this game but tried to find out some way to mpet it. In 1908 for the first time the Hindu Sabha Movement was started in the Punjab, and it is a noteworthy fart that all the leading Hindus, in spite of their different ways of thinking, joined this Movement.”

The Hindu Sabha Movement, liowever, received at: check by the repressive policy of the Punjab Govern ment and finally it received a death blow by the Congresss-Lengue l’art of Lucknow in 1916. In 1920, the Non-co-operation and the Khilafat inovement held the field. The Hobamedau community thought that destruction of the Caliphate meant the slestruction of Islam and that for this the Britisli Govt. were rex ponsible. Muslims made a copinion (ause with the Congress. “But this period, however, was followed by a sudden outbreak of Hindu-Moslem riots througli ont the country. The Mohammerlan Press and the Mullahs raised the old (1y of ‘Islam in danger!’ and proclaimed that the playing of music before the mosques by the Hindus in their religious processionis was destructive of Islam and that the Mohammedanis should resist it at any cost. This fuiden aggressiveness on the part of the Muslims attended by occasional murders of Hindu leaders again awakened in the Hindus a spontaneous feeling of the great deed of self-defence and self-preservation. The growth of this feeliug once more turned the Hindu mind away from the Congress and gave rise to the Hindu Sanga than Movement. I believe most firmly that if the Hindu learlers liar goue on with this new Movemont, they would certainly have saved the nation from many a pitfall and danger, and that if the Hindu Sabha met with another failure, it was judoubtedly due to the exertion of its “wn leaders.”

Bliaiji (leals with this appointment of the Simon (‘ommission, lor it was opposedly the Hindu leaders along with those of the congress and low Lon Birken hend suggested, in the form of a challenge, that the Indians could not jouðuce a manimous constitution for the country. The Veliru Report was the result of it and it ffered an outline for a constitution which was signed by the Muslim members as well wie, however, soon with «lrew their signatures aurl the nuch desired unity never materialized. In the course of tirst Round Talyle (la ference the communal problem was one more presented in its most acuta form is it bar to further constitutional progress. This was again another trap. The Simon Commission haal (lesrribed the commuual problem as the most important and highly controversial one. At the same time supposing it to be incapable of solution by mutual agreement of the two communities they had laid down their solution for it. I think, in such a case, the question should not have been raised at all, at the Round Table Conterence and even when it was raised and do agreement was reached, the Commission’s unanimous recommendation on that point was already there which, considering the statutory position and the importance of the investigation of the Commission should have been the last thing to be ignored. Again, when after the so-called truce between the Government and Mahatma Gandhi, Mahatma Gandhi went to London and instead of negotiating with the British Government, he began to follow the will-o-the wisp theory of Hindu-Moslem unity. Knowing full well that his failure was a fore-gone tonelasion the new Conservative Government of England settled with the Moslem leaders and a friendly alliance was established between them. This alliance was the inevitable out come of Mahatına Gandhi’s wrong attitude and handling. As a result of this the Premier took it upon himself to find out a fresh solation of the communal problem and impose it upon India. This solution was announced on August 17, 1982, under the name of the Communal Award.”

Bhaiji discusses the Communal Award in every respect and in very strong terms condemps it. According to him, “There is an open alliance bet ween the British Govt. and Moslems.” Hindu Muslim unity is impossible at present as he observos, “In my view we have reached & stage where the Congress with its theory of Swaraj through Hindu Moslem unity and Civil disobedience goes entirely out of the field.” As to what should be the future line of action for the Hipdus, he says, “Looking at the condi tion of the Hindus in the various provinces, each having its eyes turned in a different direction I cannot but add that the future is very gloomy and dark for the Hindus. I do not use these words by way of any discouragement but with the clear object of pointing out that if the Hindus have a will to live in this country as a living race they shall have to make gigantic efforts, much more gigantic than they have hitherto made……… If a few denationalised Hindu politicians have quietly acquiesced in the Communal Award for the sake of temporary peace or noncord, they do not represent the feelings, thoughts and aspirations of the inillions of unsophisticated Hindus who cherish in their minds the glorious traditions of their ancient culture and history. I feel an impulse in me that the Hindus would willingly co-operate with Great Britain if their status and responsible position as the premier commit nity in India is recognized in the political institutions of new India. But they would never consent to play second fiddle to the Moslems under the British flag ini Provincial and Central Legislatures. I utter this note of warning here and now that if the Hindus are ex posed to dishonour, humiliation and injustice under the British rule, it would be no use blaming them if organisatioll. The Mahasabha is so because the Hindus as a community lack that national consciousness which must be there to make it a living and strong organisation. Our first task, therefore, is to create that consciousness and, more particularly, to direct our energy to the taxk of creatiug that consciousness in provinces where it is wholly lacking. I think the most important weapon which could be of service to us in this work is the capturing of the Legislative Assembly and Councils. The Hindu Sabhas at various headquarters in provinces should see that only those candidates are returned to represent the Hindus who are pleriged to fight the conimunal vonstitution. This ought to be the first item of our programme and it should receive our immediate attention.

“When a nation, in the process of natural decay, loses its vitality, it becomes the duty of those who have some life left in them to give it for the good of the nation and infuse a new life into it. This is the only efficacions treatinent for old and decaying races, Love of life and comfort which is a significant symp tom of the decay of a race, produces cowardica and cowardice is death. It is sacrifice of life and devo. tion to the cause of a nation which produces courage and courage is new life. In our traditions we read that when the country was being over-run by barbarians, a great ‘yajna’ was performed on the top of Mount Abu. Out of that ‘yajna’ were created the Agnikula Rajputs who pledged to give their lives for defence of ‘Dharma.’+++(5)+++) We have similar and important incidents in the history of Sikh Gurus in the Punjab. When the Brahmins from Kashmir, on being persen cuted and tortured by their foreign rulers, came to Amritsar and in an open durbar’ of Guru Teg Baha dur prayed that they be saved from their oppressors, the Guru told them in reply that there was only one way to save them : a man of great picty should lay down his life in the name of Dharma Guru Teg Bahadur kept his word. His head was taken off by orders of the Moghul King in the Chandni Chowk of Delhi. Out of this martyrdom was kindled a fire that infused a new life into the Hindus of the Punjab. For seven hundred years a great river of invasions had been flowing from the North-West of India. The Hindus had lost all power of resistance and the flow of invasions went on. But all of a sudden, not only the flow of that river was stopped but its direction. was turned the other way. This was the great and unequalled miracle in the history of India. The very people who had been victims of invasions for seven centuries became invaders and the old invaders had Low to defend their hearths and homes from invasions How was this miracle brought about? This miracle was the direct outcome of the principle of martyrdom preached by Guru Gobind Singh. The remedy is there. It is for the Hindu youths to come in the field and practise it for themselves. Those who cannot afford to give their lives for the noblest cause of preserving their great and ancient race have got other modes to take part in that great ‘yajna’. The rich can give their riches, the learned their kuowledge and the strong their strength. I have a plan in my mind to establish at Delhi a home for such workers who would devote their lives to this noble cause. It is yet a plan. It can materialise by offerings of life and wealth from some of the people who have got a feeling heart.”

SHRIYUT BHIKSHU UTTAMA, BURMA. CAWNPORE, APRIL 1930.

The President was highly pleased and expressed his thankfulness to the Hindus for appreciating his services rendered for the uplift of Burmese and propagation of Boddha Dharma in Burma. He said, “I have not done any remarkahle service to Hindu Mahasabha and yet you have given me such a high honour. All this indicate that yon all consider one crore Boddha Burmese as your brethren, you love them and take them as part and parcel of the great Hindu Society and whatever service I have done to them, you all highly appreciate and hold me in great estimation.” He further in his speech elucidated the fact that after a careful study of the Boddha and Hindu religions he was emphatically of opinion that “Bhagwan Buddha was one of the staunch Hindus that ever lived. Buddha never gave up the Hindu Dharma; on the con trary he gave to it a new colour and bow life and extended it heyond the bounds of Hindusthan.” The great Bhikshu in his resentment at the policy of British Govt. to separate Burma from the rest of Hindusthan says, “I consider it ( the separation of Burma from Hindusthan ) sacriligious and take it no less than cutting the Aryan culture and Aryan race to pieces.” He thanked the Hindu Mahasabha for its taking the wise step in sending their representatives to Japan to attend the 25th Centenary of Lord Buddha to pay homage to His Blessed memory on behalf of the Hindus of Hindusthan. He criticised the policy of the Indian National Congress in as much as the latter is vociferous in calling Hindu Mahasabha as a communal body. In the end he exhorted the Hindus to be more kind and considerate towards their brethren of depressed classes, to amelio rate their condition, to make changes in their social and religious practices and thus to consolidate their vw ground internally.

He at great length ieplored the pro-Muslim and anti-national policy of the Indian National Congress and refuted all allegations that Hindu Mahasabha is in communal organization.

POONA, DECEMBER 1935.

Tracing his commection with the Hindu Mahasabha since its very inception in 1916, Panditji eulogised the services of Dr. Moonje, Bhai Parmananda and Lala Lajpat Rai. He then briefly described the activities of the Hindu Mahasabha in general and those of Hindu leaders in particular for obtaining Swarajya. “But,” he deplored, “instead of Swarajya an ‘Anti-Indian Constitution ( Communal Award ) was thrust upon the people of Hindusthan.” He says fur ther, “This is the state of things after 50 years’ struggle, etforts and sacrifices our future seems to be dark; all cry for Swarajya but an ‘Award’ is given which is anti Hindu. What is this Communal Award ? This is nothing but the reducing of Hindus who make 75% of the population to a position of non-entity and in significance. I do not have any grudge for Muslims but what has been awarded is unbearable for me.” Panditji condemned separate electorates, and communal riots and exhorted Hindus and Muslims to be considerate and thoughtful. He asked the Hindus to give up

pessimism and hopelessness and believe in the well known words of Tilak: ‘Swaraj is our birth-right and I shall have it.’ He then appreciated the activities and work done by Dr. Moonje in founding a military college which in Panditji’s opinion was a dire neces sity for the Hindus. Panditji in the end dealt with the problems of cow-protertion, commercial and indux trial enterprises and gave many practical suggestions to carry out the schemes for them to a success. He alluded to the question of the uplift of the depressed classes and askerl the Hindus to he more careful in this respect, to ameliorate their condition and never to look thein down as our Shastras enjoin us to do.

In the end Panditji announced that within 12 months he would collect a sum of Rs. One Crore for the Hindu Mahasabha to carry on the work according to its own programme which he clearly and at great length explained to the huge anclience,

HIS HOLINESS SHRI SHANKARACHARYA, ( DR. KURTKOTI), NASIK, LAHORE, OCTOBER 1936.

“And freedom is only possible if the alien Faiths that have separate independent nations and spheres of activity of their own for the development of their own cultures are made to live here peacefully and on friendly terms with the Hindus. They must be made to understand that Hindusthan is primarily for the Hindus and that the Hindus live for the preservation and development of the Aryan culture and the Hindu Dharma which are bound to prove beneficial to all humanity. .

“I affirm that in Hindusthan the national rare, religion and language ought to be that of the Hindus. With this as the basic principle of our national consti tution joint electorates without any reservation of seats for particular groups or communities offer the right solution of the problem of minority representa tion. It will be in conformity with the highest ideals of democracy and also in keeping with the principles of equality and other tenets for which Hinduism standa.

But if any guarantve or safeguard for the protection of any minorities is needed, the Minority Guarantee Treaties of the League of Nations provide it most effectively.

“For while the Communal Decision delivers an attack from the outside, there are many tissiparous and cantankerous agencies within the structure of the Hindu society itself wluich gnaw at its vitals from within. There are many evil practices and institutions among the Hincins that have crept in now and then since the Hindus forgot the progressive principles of their ancestors, which all conspire to make the Hindus & weak and disjointed community. More than the Communal Decision it is these that menace Hinduism and the Hindus, That menace must be combatted. It is only when these evil agencies are buried low down never to rise again that the Hindus shall emerge into a strong, united and militaut race and then alone will the Hindus be the worthy bearers of the torch of Hindu culture and Hindu Dharma.

“The Hindu Mahasabha which is the only premier representative institution of the Hindus ought to organize itself in such a manner as to be able to achieve all these objectives. There should be a strong elected representative executive at the centre of this body which can sketch the plan of action and work it out. Fresh blood should be infused in it by changing some members of that executive body by rotation but con sistency of policy should be maintained by retaining a few members in office for some more years.

“The culture of a nation is vitally connected with its lauguage. The stamp of a foreign culture on a nation can be detected from the impress of a foreign language. on the mother-tongue. Every independent nation guards and preserves its national language for this reason. Hindusthau, therefore, should insist on making Hindi the lingua-indica of the country. We should realise the fact that every foreign word admitted into our language spells the death of the original Hindi synonym of it. Such indisoreet incorporation does not enrich the language but on the contrary it weakous it. We should emphasise the purity of the Hindi language just as we insist on the purity of the Hindu culture.

“Under the circumstances the Hindu Mahasabha ought to have its own representatives in the legislatures to guard the interests and promote the rights of the Hindus. The Mallasabha, therefore, should fight ’the elections on its own ticket but that tight should be on the clear issue of the protection of Hindu interests.

“Hinduism has kept alive the torclı of the ancient Aryan culture and civilization. To preserve that culture, it is our duty to preserve Hinduism itself, not as a mummified specimen in a museum of antiquities, but as a living growth that has come down to us from thie ayes, most vital and tenacious and most deserving of fostering care and protection among all the religions of the world, as it is also the most ancient among the living religions of the world. I would have our critics remember that after all Hindusthan is the land of the Hindus and the Hindus have no other liabitat elsewhere. In consequence, whatever the faults and the extra vagence, of us Hindus intilie land of Hindusthan may be, they have a certain right to expect indulgence in their own land from fellow-citizens who or whose ancestors have within historical memory ceased to be Hindus,

“The Hindu Mahasabha should be considered as the representative body not only of the Hindus by birth or the Hindus in Hindusthan, but also as representative of the Hindus abroad aur particularly of those who by voluntary choice have enlisted themselves as Hindus and whom we should consider as Hindus by adoption, Were we to act otherwise, we should be casting a slur upon the labours of nion like Swami Vivekananda and others who have carried the torch of Hindu religion and philosophy in Europe and America. This will in volve a revision of the constitution of the Malasabha wide enougla to give representation to all Hindus from the far-flung corners of the world and strong enough to carry on the day-to-day programme of work without any litch or interruption.”

SYT. VEER V. D, SAVARKAR, BOMBAY. AHMEDABAD, DECEMBER 1937.

“As the whole superstructure of the mission and the function of the Hindu Mahasabha: rest on the correct definition of the word ‘Hindu’, we must first of all make it clear what ‘Hindutva’ really means, ॥…. पितृभूः पुण्यभूश्चैव स वै हिंदुरितिस्मृतः ॥ १॥ “Every one who regards and claims this Bharat bhoomi from the Indus to the Seas as his Fatherland and Holyland is a Hindu. Here I must point out that it is rather loose to say that any person profess ing any religion of Indian origin is a Hindu. Because that is only one aspect of Hindutva. The second and equally essential constituent of the concept of Hindutva cannot be ignored if we want to save the definition from getting overlapping and unreal. It is not enough that a person should profans any religion of Indiau origin, i. e, recognise Hindusthan as gourt, his Holyland, but must also recognise it as his foay too, luis Father-lapd as well……….Hindudum is bound and marked out as it preople and n iintion by then selves not liv only the tie of a common holyland in which their religion took birth but ly tie ties of a tomonlture, a roinnein languagr, a common his tory and Assentially of a common fatherland as well. It is these two constituents taken together that consti tute oor Hindutva and listinguish us from any other people in the World.

“The word Hinn’ is not a denomination which the foreigners applier tolls in contrapt or otherwise but is derived from our airlie appellation of phy (spilsillo and is born 2003: liv the name of one of our privi!**and peoples bordering on the locus who fire being called down to this day as fat and feat.

“The Malasabbia is not in the main a Hindu-Dharma Sabha but it is pre-eminently # Hindu-Rashtra Sabha and is a Pan-llinu organization shaping the destiny of the Hindu Nation in all its social, political and cultural aspects

“A people is marked out as a nation by themselves not so much by the absence of any lieterogeneous differences amongst themselves as by the fact of their differing from other peoples more narkedly than they differ amongst themselves. Even those who deny the fact that the Hindus could be called a nation by themselves, do recognise Great Britain, the United States, Russia, Germany and other peoples as nations.

“The (Hindlus) possess a common Holvinut. The Vedic Rishis are their common pride, their Grammari ans Painini and Patanjali, their poets Bhavabhooti and Kalidas, their heroes Shree Rama and Shree Krishna Shivaji anl Pratap-dru Govind and Bana are a nource of common inspiration. Their Prophets Buddha anal Mahaveer, Kanad and Shankar, are helt in common esteem, Like their an.jent and sacred lang tage, the Sanskrit, their scripts als are fashioned ou the same basis and the Nagari script has been the common vehicle of their sacred writings since centuries in the past. Their ancient and modern History it compion. They have friends and enemies in rommel. They hare faced cominop langers and w** vjetorius in common. Ope in national glory and one in national disasters, one in national (expairs and one in national hope the Hindus are welat together vuring a cons of a common life and a common liabitat. Above all the Hinux are bound together by the clearest, most sacred and most enduring hounds of a {f3111 Don Fatherland and a common Holyland, and these two being identi fied with one and the same country, our Bharat-bhumi our India, the National Oneness and homogenity of the Hindus have been loubly sure. If the United States with the warring crowds of Negroes, Germans and Anglo Saxons, with a common past not exceeding four or five centuries put together, can be called a nation-then the Hindus must be entitled to be recognized as a nation par excellence. Verily the Hindus as a people differ most markerlly from any other people in the world than they ditter anongst themselvex. All tests whatsoever of a common country, race, religion, language that go to entitle a people to form a nation, entitle the Hindus with greater en phasis to that claim. Lud whatever differences divide the Himus amongst themselves are rapidly disappear iny (wing to the re-awakening of the national Ciscousness and the Sangathan and the social reform movements of 10-dar.

Therefore the Hindu Mahasabhia that has, as for mulated in its current constitution, set before itself the task of ’the maintenance, protextion and promotion of the Hindu race, culture and civilization for the ad vanrenent ad glory of Hindu Rashtra: is pre-emi. dently a natianal body representing the Hindu Nation its a whole.

“Are not they themselves who swear by the name of Indian Nationalism, in season and out of season, liable to the same charge of parochialuess? If the Mahasabha represents the Hindu Nation only, they claim to represent the Indian Nation alone. But is not the concept of an Indian Nation itself a parochial conception in relation to human State ? In fact the earth is our Motherland and Humanity our Nation.

Navand Vedantist goes further and claim this universe for luis country and all manifestations from the stars to the stone his own self. 97** a**1972 1 says Tukaram! Why then take the Himalayas to cut is oft’ from the rest of mankiul, «leem ourselves as a

· separate Nation as Indians and light with every other

country and the Englisli in particulars who after all are our brothers-i11-1umanity! Why not sacrifice Inclian interests to those of the British Empire which is a larger political synthesis Thyr fact is that all Patriotism is more or less parochual and communal and is responsible for rearlful wars throughout lumini history. Thus the hudian Patriots who instead of starting and joining some movement of a universal state, stop short of it, join an Indian Movement and per contime to mock it the Hindu Sangathan ax marrow and communal and prirorlial succeed only in anocking at then selves.

“As the national representative body of Hincludom the Hindu Maliasabha aims at the all round regeneration of the Hindu people. But the absolute political independence of Hindusthan is a sine qua non for that all round regeneration of Hindudom. The fortunes of the Hindus are more in-extricably and more closely bound up with India than that of any other non-Hindu sections of our country-men. After all the Hindus are the bedrock on which an Indian indiependent state’

could be built. Whatever my happeu some centuries hence, the solid faut of to-day cannot be ignored that, religion weilds a mighty influence on the minds of men in liudusthan and in the case of Mahommedans especially their religious zeal more often than not borders on fanaticism! Their love towarxls Iudia as their Motherland is but a bauchnaid to their love for their Holyland outside India. Their faces are her turned towarıls Mecca and Madina. But to the Hindus Hindusthan being their Fatherland as well as their Holyland, the love they bear to Hindusthan is undivi der and absolute. They not only forin the overwhelmi. ing majority of Indian population but have on the whole been the trusted champions of her cause. A Mallommedan is often found to cherish an extra territorial allegiance, is moved more by events in Palestine than what concerus India as a Nation, worries himself more about the well being of the Arabs than the well being of his neighbours and countrymen in India ……… Hindu patriot worth the name cannot but he an Indian patriot as well. In this sense the consolidation and the independence of Hindu Nation is bnt another name for the independence of the Indian Nation as a whole.’

India is dear to us because it has been and is the home of our Hindu Race, the land which has been the cradle of our prophets and heroes and gods and god

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men. Otherwise land for land there may be many a country as rich in gold and silver on the face of the earth. River for river the Missicipi is nearly as good as the Ganges and its waters are not altogether bitter. The stones and trees and greens in Hindusthan are just as good or bad stones and trees and greens of their respective species else-where. Hindusthan is a Father land and Holyland to us not because it is a land in the world but because it is associated with our History; it has been the home of our forefathers, where in our mothers gave us the first suckle at their breast and our fathers cradled us on their knees from gene ration to generation.

“The real meaning of Swarajya then, is not merely the geographical independence of the bit of earth called India. To the Hindus independence of Hindu sthan can only be worth having if that ensures their Hindutva-their religious, racial and cultural indenti ty. We are not out to fight and die for a ‘Swarajya’ which could only be had at the cost of our ‘Swatva’, our Hindutva itself

“Let the Iudian State be purely Indian. Let it not recognise any invidious distinctions whatsoever as re gards the franchise, public services, offices, taxation on the grounds of religion and race. Let no cognizance be taken whatsoever of man’s being Hindu or Mahom medan, Christiau or Jew. Let all citizens of that

Indian state be treated according to their individual worth irrespective of their religious or racial percen tage in the general population. Let that languago and script be the national language and script of that Indian state which are understood by the overwbelm ing majority of the people as happens in every other state in the world, i. 6. in England or the United States in America and let no religious basis be allow ed to tamper with that language and script with an enforced and perverse hybridism whatsoever. Let ‘one man one vote’ be the general rule irrespective of caste or creed, race or religion. If such an Indian State is kept in view the Hindu Sangathapists in the interest of the Hindu Sangathan itself will be the first to offer their wholehearted loyalty to it. I for one and thousands of the Mahasabhaites like me have set this ideal of an Indian State as our political goal over since the beginning of our political career and shall continue to work for its consummation to the end of our life. Can any attitude towards an Indian State be more national than that?

“Justice demands that I must plainly proclaim that the mission and policy of the Hindu Mahasabha with regard to an Indian State have been more national than the present day policy of the Indian National Cougress itself.

“Fortunately for the Hindus Mr. Jimal and the

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Moslem Leaguers have deliberately disclosed their real intentions……… I thank them for it. An open enemy is safer than a suspicious friend in dealing with him……… They want the unalloyed Urdu to be raised to the position of the national tongue of the Indian State……… The Moslems will not tolerate the ‘Vande Mataram song. The poor unity-hankers amongst the Hindus hastened to cut it short.

“When will our unity-hankers understand that the real question at the root of this Moslem displeasure is not a word here or a song’ there. We would have sacrificed a dozen songs or a hundred words of our own free will if thereby we could really contribute to the unity and solidarity of Hindusthan. But we know the question is not so simple as that. It is the strife of different cultures and races and nations and these trifles are but the passing and outward symptoms of this malady deep seated in the Moslem mind. They want to brand the forehead of Hindudom and other non-Moslem sections in Hindusthan with & stamp of self-humiliation and Moslem domination and we Hindus are not going to tolerate it any louger pot only in the interests of Hindudom alone but eveu in the interest of Indian nation as well.

“The Moslems in Bengal as everywhere did uot claim a special representation or weightage in sufferings and sacrifice…… The Hon’ble Mr. Fazlul Huq threatens the 150

very Hindus in Bengal who struggled most and suffered most, to whose sufferings alone Mr. Huq owes his *gaddi’ that he will ‘satao’ (Halam) them, in all shades of the meaning of that word from teasing to oppressing! I should like to assure the Honourable Mr. Fazlul Huq that the Bengal Hindus are a hard nut to crack. They have at times forcell some of the prancing Pro consuls of even the powerful British Enpire like Lord Curzon to climb down! But if he ever does persecute our Bengal Hindus then let him uot forget that we Hindus also can in Maharastra and elsewhere deal out to his comrades the same treatment, measure for Imeasure, full to the brim and well shaken !

“I need mint refer to the attitude of the Moslems as regards the (‘ommunal Award and the Federation in which case also they want to humiliate the Hindus and Shy-lock-like insist on having their poud of flesh !

“Hands off, sir, lands oft! If you aim thus to reduce the Hindus to the position of helots in their own land you should do well to remember that the suc cession of Aurangzebs when they weilded an Imperial power here had failed to perform that feat and in their attempt to carry out that design only succeded in digging their own grave ! Surely, Jinnahs and Huqs cannot accomplish what Aurangzebs failed to achieve 1

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“Let the Hindus remember that the real cause of this mischief is nothing else but the hankering of the Hindus after the Will-oʻ-the-Wisp of a Hindu-Moslem unity. The day we gave the Mahommedans to under stand that Swarajya could not be won unless and until the Mahommedians obliged the Hindus lvy making a common cause with them that day we rendered an honourable unity impossible……… The only threat that Mahommedans always hold before the Hindus is to the effect that they would not join the Hindas in the stunggle for Indian Freedom unless their anti-national and fanatical demands are granted on the spot. Let the Hindus silence the threat once for all telling point blank ‘friends! we wanted and do want only that kind of unity which will go to create an Traclian State in which all citizens irrespertire of caste or creen, face or religion are created alike on the principle of one man one yote ……… We are out to win Swarajya in which our 6 along with the man of all other entitaents will be safe. We are not out to fight with England only to find a change of masters but we Hindus aim to be masters in our own house. A Swarajya’ that could only be had at the humiliation and cost of Hindutva itself is for us Hirdis as good as suicide. If India is not freed from foreign domina tion the Indian Moslems cannot but be saves them selves. If they feel it to be true, ‘if and when they

1.07

feel they cannot do without the assistance and the good will of the Hindus let them come then to ask for unity and that also not to oblige the Hindus but to oblige themselves. A Hindu-Moslem unity which is effected thus is worth having. The Hindus have realized to their cost that in this case seeking unity is Josing it. Henceforth the Hindu formula for Hindu Moslem unity is only this- ‘If you come, with you; if you don’t without you; and if you oppose, inspite of you-the Hindus will continue to fight for their National Freedom as best as they can!

“I exhort you all to assert yourselves as Hindus! Down with apologetic attitude that makes some of us feel shy to proclaim themselves as Hindns, as if it was something unnational, something like a disgrace to be born of the line of Shree Rama and Shree Krishna - Shivaji and Pratap and (tovindsingh! We Hindus must have a country of our own in the Solar Systent and must continne there as Hindus descendants of a mighty people. Then . up with the Shuddhi which has not a religious meaning alone but a political side as well! Up with Sangathan for the courammation of which it is simply imperative for us Hindus to capture whatever political power has been wrung out by efforts in the past under the pre sent Reforms Act……….. You must henceforth vote for those who are not ashomed themselves of being Hindus,

openly stand for the Hindus anel pledge themselves not to keep burning insense, always at the cost of the Hindus before the fetish of a dishonourable unity cult. …… This alone will save not only the Hindu Nation of ours but even the Indian State to come. For truly Hindus are and cannot but be the main stay of our Indian State ! We shall ever guarantee protection to the religion, cultnre and language of the minorities for themselves, but we shall no longer tolerate any Aggression on their part on the equal liberty of the Hindus to guard their religion, culture and language as well. If the non-Hindu minorities are to be pro tecter then surely the Hindu majority also must be protected against any aggressive minority in India !

18

“I assure you, Oh Hindus, that if hut you lose no self-confidence in yourselves and are up and doing in time, all that is lost may yet be regained. There is some such virility and staying power inherent in your race as finst a few parallels in the annals of the world. Let alone the Daityas and Aguras you van quished in your mythological and the prehistorical period of your annals–but your very history dates from some two thousand years B. C. I Amdist the terrible struggle for existence which is incessantly going on in creation, survival of the fittest is the rule. The nations or the mighty Inkas and Pharaphs and Nebuchadnezers were swept away and no trace left

behind. But you survived those national cataclysms because you were found the fittest to survive. There are ups and downs in the life of every pation. This Very England which rules today over an Empire had often fallen an easy prey to the Romans and the Danes, the Dutch and the Normans as well. We too had to face great national disasters. But each time we rose and tided them over. The Greeks under Alexander, the Great, came conquering the world but they could not conquer Hindusthan. Chandragupta rose and we drove the Greeks back inflicting crushing defeats oli them military and cultural. Three centuries after the Huns came on us like au avalanche. All Europe and half Asia lay at their feet, they smashed the Roman Empire to pieces. But after some two centuries of a life and death struggle against them we vanquished them in the end under our Vikramaditya, the Great. The Shakas also fared no better. The mighty hands of Shalivahan and Yashodharman beat them a chip. Where are those of our enemies–the Huns and the Parthians and the Shakas-today? Their very names are forgotten! Gone, effaced from the face of India and the world as well. The virility and the staying out power of our race triumphed over them all.

“Then centuries after Mahommedans invaded India and carried everything before them. Their kingdoms and Empiros seemed to reigu supremo. But we rallied

Disorganized, (more) uncorrected

5TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

" TIL

DIE 114

ELII

DELHI, DECEMBER 1918

PRESIDENT : HON’BLE RAJI SIR RAMPAL

SINGH, K. C. I. E. (OLDH).

DEMANI) FOR RESPONSIBLE SELF

GOVERNMENT. Resolved that this Conference is strongly of opinion that the Indian people while fully devoted to the British Garhrnnent and sincerely desirous to have i lasting connection with it, are not satisfied with the present form of Government prevailing in India, and are eager to have Responsible Self Government immediately so as to be placed on a footing of equality in all respects with other citizens of the British Empire.

SEPARATE COMMUNAL

REPRESENTATION, Resolved that this Conference re-affirms its strong opposition to the introduction of creed and colour considerations in the matter of representation in the

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Legislative Councils under the new Scheme of Reforms and in employments under the Government and insists that individual merit should be the only consideration to the game, but in case this principle is deviated from, the representation of the Hindus should be fixed just in proportion to their numerical strength.

This Conference further desires that if any special consideration is shown to any non-Hindu Community where it is in minority, the same consideration be shown to the Hindus also where they are in minority.

That this Conference deprerjates the extension of separation and excessive communal representation to local bodies in any province and protests against the proposals made by the Committee of the Legislative Council of the United Provinces to introduce such pro visions in the constitution of the Distriet Boards, as will have the effect of giving to the Moslems three times the number of seats in them as compared with their racio in population. .

COW PROTECTION Resolved that this Conferenee is strongly of opinion that the stoppage of cow killing in Hindusthan would be hailed with great joy and deep thankfulness by the entire Hindu Community, would bring prog perity to the people, and remove all cause of friction between the different communities in Hindusthan, and

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it therefore earnestly requests the Govt. to be so gracious as to take steps in consultation with the leading Hindus and Mohammedans that no cow would be killed in Hindusthan in future.

SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS Resolved that in view of the signal services that Hindus have rendered to the Empire and the immense sai’rifices they have gladly made in the prosecution of this horrible War, this Conference urges upon the British Prime Minister, the Representatives of the Indian Govt. on the Peace Conference and other members thereof, the restoration intact to Hindu sthan of all Sanskrit Manuscripts and old Indian Instruments in German custody.

6TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

HARDWAR, APRIL 1921.

PRESIDENT : MAHARAJA BAHADUR OF

KASIMBAZAR

THE NANKANA TRAGEDY Resolved that this Conference expresses its indig Dation and abhorrence at the tragic happenings at 166

Nankana Sahib and expresses its hearty sympathy with the relatives of the deceased Sikhs.

THE “DIVIDE AND RULE” POLICY Resolved that this Conference is firmly of opinion that the movement to create split between the Brahmans and pon-Brahamans in Southern India and Kumaun, and the Sikhs and the Hindus in the Punjab is a relic of the old “divide and rule” policy of interested persons and warns all Hindus 100 to play in their hands in future and to do nothing, which would mar Hindu union and solidarity.

TTTTT STT

T’ 11

THE N. W. FRONTIER PROVINCE

ADMINISTRATION Resolved that this Confereuce is emphatically of opinion that the Government have miserably failed to give protection of life, honour and property to the residents of the North Western Province, the adminis tration of which is a standing blot on the present system of bureaneracy,

COW PROTECTION (a) That this Conference expresses its strong protest and resentment against the callous disregard of the deep seated and most cherished religious senti ments of the Hindas displayed continuously by the

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present Government in the matter of allowing slaugther of cows for the Military and export of beef, cows and bullocks to other countries, and is deliberately of opinion that the time has come when Hindus should realize that the responsibility to protect their Dharma in this matter lies with them and them alone, and they should be prepared to make all legitimate and peaceful efforts and undergo all sufferings and sacrifices for the achievement of their object.

(b) That strong propaganda work should be started at once to get the slaughter of cows in Hindusthan and their export to other countries stopped immediately and in case their deep religious sentiments are not heeded to by the Government before that date, a special Conference of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha be held on the next Janmashtmi, the sacred day of the birth of Bhagwan Shri Krishna at the holy place of Brindaban where the Lord tended the cows, with a view to decide the future line of action in the matter.

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7TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

BENARES, AUGUST 1923.

PRESIDENT : PT. MADAN MOHAN MALAVIYA

VOLUNTEERS’ CORPS The Mahasabha desires the formation of Hindu Volunteers Corps at every village and town for the social service of the Hindu Community and its pro tection when necessary, and declares it to be the duty of the members of these corps to preserve peace and order in their locality, in co-operation with the follow ers of other religions, if possible.

REMOVAL OF MAHARAJA OF NABHA

It expresses its dis-satisfaction and pain at the removal of the Maharaja of Nabha from his Gaddi as in its opinion no Indian Prince should be rem moved from his rightful inheritance without placing his case before the members of his order. The Maha sabha thinks it necessary in the interest of justice and fair play, that even now his case should be placed before the Chamber of Princes.

USE OF SWADESHI The Hindu Mahasabha enjoins upon all Hindus, in the interest of economic and religious welfare of

. . 169

the couutry, the duty of using. indigenous cloth only preforably one made of hand-spun thread.

RECLAMATION OF MALKANAS The Mahasabha declares it to be perfectly legi timate and proper to retake such Malkana Hindus into the fold of Hinduism as have all along observed Hindu customs and kept their marriage ties pure, whether they are Rajputs, Brahamans, Vaishyas, Jats, Gujars or members of any other castes. It expresses its satis faction at the reclamation of the Malkanas already taken back into their ‘biradaries’ and expresses a hope that their ‘biradaries’ would gladly welcome them back

into their fold.

HINDUS BEYOND SEAS The Mahasabla expresses its great indignation at the decision recently arrived at by the British Cabi net with regard to the status of Indians in Kenya and solemnly announces that India would pever rest satis fied until Indians are accorded equal treatment with the European settlers in that Colony.

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8TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

CALCUTTA, APRIL 1925.

PRESIDENT : SHRI L. LAJPAT RAI

COMMUNAL REPRESENTATION As it is essential to have ono nation for peace and happiness and for the establishment and maintenance of Swarajya in the country; and also as the opinion of the committee appointed at the special session of Belgaon to ascertain and formulate Hindu opinion on the subject of Hindu-Muslim problem is that Com mu nal Representation in regard to national institutions and the services has been harmful and detrimental to create a united nation, Hindu Mahasabha ‘strongly protests against the introduction of such a system; also Mahasabha appeals to its non-Hindu brothers to give up such anti-national demands and help the Hindus in establishing a national solidarity and one-niese.

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11

9TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

NE

TIL

1

ELLIT LE

ITER FIAJA

DELFII, MARCII 1926.

TINTIMITAT

PRESIDENT : RAJA MARINDRI NATI

12

LITRI

TITYT

(a) The Hindu Mahasabha requests all Hindus to remove such restraints is may be existing at present in the way of the so-called untouchable Hindus using public schools, public wells and public roads and attending public meetings.

(b) The Mahasabha further requests the autho rities of Hindu temples to provide facilities to the so called untouchable Hindus for Deva-Darshan,

SHUDDHI.

(a) The Hindu Mahasabha straws the attention of the Hindus of all the provinces in general, and those of Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Centrn Provinces, Gujrat, Madras and N. W. F. Province in particular, and of the Hindu Sabhas of these provinces to the distressful state of Hindus all over the country and in the afore said provinces in particular, where the numerical

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defection of Hindus has been and is going on stendily, year by year, and where Non-Hindus convert Hindu boys, girls and widows to their faiths by offering them all kinds of inducements. This Mahasabha urges the Hindu Sabhas and the Hindus of the above provinces to take steps to take back all converts into the fold of their ‘biradaries and sects after the performance of requisite ‘prayaschit.’

(b) The Mahasabha expresses the opinion that it is perfectly legitimate and proper that those Malkanas, Moolas and Sanyogis whether they belong to the Rajput, Brahman, Vaishya, Jat, Gujrati or any other castes, who have all along followed Hindı customs and whose marriage relations have been pure, should be taken back into their castes (biradaries) and sects after requisite ‘prayaschit’ in accordance with their respective customs (maryada). The Mahasabha further expresses its satisfaction at some of these people having been taken back into their “biradaries’ and hopes that the ‘biraderies’ will welcome them in their fold and will try to take back at a very early date all those who have not been so far taken back.

• (0) It is further the opinion of the Mahasabha that such non-Hjudus as feel reverence for and express faith in Hinduism should be admitted into the Hindu fold.

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HINDI LANGUAGE AND NAGRI :

CHARACTERS. (a) The Hindu Mahasabha urges the Hindus of all provinces and colonies to learn Hindi language, the ’lingua franca of Hindusthall, and specially the Nagri script in which all the Hindu scriptures are written. It also enjoins Hindus residing in the pro vinces where their mother-tongue is Hindi to conduct all their business and keep their accounts in Hindi and trusts that the various Hindu organisatious situated in those provinces will conduct the business of their offices in Hindi. This Mahasabha calls upon the various Provincial Hindı Sabhas to make adequate arrangements for teaching Hindi to Hindu boys study ing in the Primary schools of their provinces.

(b) This Mahasabha requests the writers and publishers of Sanskrit books to write and publish them in Deva Nagri characters instead of in their Provincial Scripts.

COUNCIL ELECTIONS The Hindu Mahasabha confirms and adopts the resolution of the Working Committee passed at Simla on the 23rd August, 1925, to the effect that Hindu Sabhas should not put forward candidates for election but in case of an apprehension that any candidate - is undesirable for and will be harmful to Hindu interests,

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it should be the duty of Hindu voters to oppose such candidate.

The Mahasabha authorises its Working Committee to take, in consultation with Provincial Hindu Sablas and having regard to conditions obtaining in different proviuces, all proper steps, to safe-guard Hindu interests including the running of elections of its own candidates where necessary.

This Mahasabha requests and expects all political parties in the Legislatures so to arrange their party programme and work as to leave members of the different religious communities free to vote o matters affecting their own particular community,

COMMUNAL REPRESENTATION

The Hindu Mahasabha is emphatically of opinion :

1. That as the principle of Communal Represent. ation and Separate Electorates, far from bringing the different communities together, has proved a serious hindrance to the growth of national feeling and to the smooth working of Municipal, District, Provincinl and National Representative institutions, it is the duty of Hindu politicians of all shades of political opinion to make a determined stand against this vicious principle.

%. That under no circumstances will the Hindu

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Coininunity accept any peacemeal revision of the Lucknow Pact in favour of any particular com munity.

3. That in any future scheme of Provincial Auto nomy or Responsible Self-Government #11 express clause be inserted declaring it illegal for any Provincial Government to discriminate by caste or creed in respect of acquisition of civic right or posts in public services.

REFORMS IN N. W.F. PROVINCE Whereas the administration of the N. W.E. Province was separated from the Punjab with the express object of bringing it directly under the Government of India and whereas the safety of India from foreign aggression and also the pro tection of non-Muslin inhabitants of that province require that the administration of that province should continue to be an All-India concern, and whereas thore is largo deficit in the finance of that province which is made good by the Central Government, the Mahasabha is strongly opposed to the proposal to convert the administration of that province into # separato province under the Government of India Act and is of opinion that it should continue to remain

under the direct administration of the Central Government. 176

PROCESSIONAL MUSIC AND ARTI (a) The Hindu Mahasabha regrets to note that cases of unwarrantable interference with observance of Hinda religious rites, ceremonies and festivals and taking out of religious and other processions are becoming of frequent occurrence in the country. The

· Hiada Mahasabha is of opinion that in the circum. stance of the situation it is clearly the duty of every Hindu and Hindu organisation to take every such concerted and legitimate step as may be necessary to ensure that Hindus shall be free as heretofore to observe their festivals and to perform their reli gious rites and ceremonies without molestation by any one.

(b) The Hindu Mahasabha calls upon all Pro« Vincial and Loral Hindu Sabhas to reuder all necessary guidance and assistance to Hindus, at places where their rights are interfered with, in all legitimate steps they might take to preveot such interference

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(f) That the re-distribution of provinces in Hindu sthan, if and when necessary, shall be made on their own inerits in the light of principles capable of a general application with due regard to administrative, financial, strategic and similar other considerations but no new province shall be created with the object of giving a majority therein to any particular community.

2. The Reform Scheme, in its entirety or otherwise, will neither be workable vor beneficial in the North West Frontier Province, owing to the peculiar condi tions-geographical, financial and political obtaining in this province, and tbat it is sure to be detrimental to good Government and highly prejudical to all-India interests.

. 3. That with regard to the Moslemn deniauds for separation of Sindh froin the Bombay Presidency and for reservation of one third of elected seats in the Central Legislature for the Moslems, Hindu Mahusalıha resolves that in view of the fact :

(a) that the creation of new provinces primarily or solely with a view to increase the number of provinces in which a particular cominunity shall be in majority is fraught with danger to the growth of souncl national ism in the country and will divide India iuto Hindu India and Muslim India;

(b) that the redistribution of any province without

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(f) That the re-distribution of provinces in Hindu sthan, if and when necessary, shall be made on their own inerits in the light of principles capable of a general application with due regard to administrative, financial, strategic and similar other considerations but no new province shall be created with the object of giving a majority therein to any particular community.

2. The Reform Scheme, in its entirety or otherwise, will neither be workable vor beneficial in the North West Frontier Province, owing to the peculiar condi tions-geographical, financial and political obtaining in this province, and tbat it is sure to be detrimental to good Government and highly prejudical to all-India interests.

. 3. That with regard to the Moslemn deniauds for separation of Sindh froin the Bombay Presidency and for reservation of one third of elected seats in the Central Legislature for the Moslems, Hindu Mahusalıha resolves that in view of the fact :

(a) that the creation of new provinces primarily or solely with a view to increase the number of provinces in which a particular cominunity shall be in majority is fraught with danger to the growth of souncl national ism in the country and will divide India iuto Hindu India and Muslim India;

(b) that the redistribution of any province without

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the consent and agreement of the two major commu nities residing in that province is likely to increase the area of communal conflict and endanger the relations between the two major communities not only in that province but throughout Hindusthan; and

costly financial proposition, but would also arrest its economic development and its educational advancement and deprive the people of Sind of the many undeniable benefits of their association with the more advanced people of the other parts of the Bombay Presideney in their Aronomic as well as political developments

Sind should not be separated from the Bombay Providency.

In view of the fact that the prime ubject of the Hindu Mahasabla is in exorcive communalisis rapidly as possible from the public administration of the country, the Hindu Malaxalsha is unable to agree to the reservation of 1/3rd of the elected seats in the Central Legislature for the Moslems.

THE COMING ELECTIONS AND THE

HINDU MAHASABHA

Resolved that the Hindu Mahasabha authorises its Working Committee to do everything needful as it may think best in the name of the Hindu Mahasabha

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in respect of the forthcoming general elections to the Legislatures.

13TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

AKOLI, AIGUST 19:31.

TYP

PRESIDENT: SIT, CO VIJIARIGILANCIRAR

11

IT

CENSUS OF INDIA This conference cmphatically deprecates the policy of the Govt. in arranginy cutsus Natistics in such it way as to be seemingls the wumber of the Hindu population of Hindusthian tiga rummerating various Hindu sections and communities as non-Hindus, This Mahasablin, in discharge of its duty, will continue to treat all such people and classes as continuing within the fold of Hinduism, and woull respectfully protest against Govt. excluding these people from the Hindu Commanity for any purpose political or administrative.

ROUND) TABLE CONFERENCE AND

THE HINDUS The Hindu Mahasabha emphatically protests that the representation of the Hindus, in the same

1941

communal sense in which the Muslims are represented on the Round Table Conference, is inadequate and highly refurtiva enprally and particularly in so far as:

(a) there is not one single representative of the Ilindus (of Sindh and of the V. W. F. Provinces while there are two representatives of Muslims of Sindh and one of those of the Y. . F. Province am,

(bi there is on representative of the Hindus on Ferlera) Structure committed in the saune communal sense in which the Muslims are represented by Mr. Jinnah an Sir M. Shafi, the residents of the two sertions of the Muslim Leayne Ann Thi. Shafait Ahmed Khan.

The Hindu Mahasabha bereby declares that in view of the fact that the llindus of Sinth were not represented on the Round Table (‘onference and its Sindh Sub-Committee, the decisions of the Sub Committee are exparte am, thorefore, absolutely un acceptable to the Hindus venerally and to the Hindus of Sindh, who have already vehemently repudiated the decisions of the Sub-Committee, especially.

FUTURE REFORMS In regard to the Round Table Conference the Hindu Mahasabha respectfully warns the Government that the people of Hindusthan are in no mood to be

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satisfied with anything less than immediate full

CASO

i

Conference while being emphatically of opinion that Hindusthan is quite capable of taking over immediate ly full responsibility for its own Goverunient, puts on record its desire that the Round Table Conference may prove a success anel that peace and friend. ship may be established between England and Hindusthan

(a) That, in case a cortain transitory period as regards the defence of the country and imperial foreign policy be still considered nepiled, such period should not exceed ten years when those special reser vations should automatically cease to operate.

(b) That even during such a period of transition there should be a minister or ministers in charge of the reserved subjects and the ministers shall be appointed by the Viceroy from among the elected members of the Central Legislature,

(c) That recruitinent of officers holding King’s Commissions in the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force should be made in India from the Indian Army, Navy an Air Force irrespective of consi. derations of caste or creed of the so-called martial and non-martial classes, subject always to the requisite standard of efficiency; provided that, it shall be open to the Government of India to provide for recruitment

in England to fill up such of the vacancies as may not be filled in India.

(1) That all arrangenients should be inade for the intensive military training of Indian boys by establishi ing Military Schools and Rifle Associations and arganis ing (ymasiums for the training of boys in the indigem nous arts of self-defence such as ’lathi play, sword-play, etc, and encouraging boys to join University Training Corps and young men to join the Territorial Force,

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IVITY TALKS AND MAHASABHA This Conference while acknowledging that the scheme of communal compromise as proposed by the Working Committee of the Congress inarks an advance towards the settlement on national lines, considers it uusatisfactory and unacceptable on the following growds :

(a) That it iscriminatos betwe•11 Hindu and Muslim Minorities and fixes, in respect thereof in its scheme of protection, in artificial and arbitrary limit of 2% evidently to exclude the important Hindu Minorities in Bengal and the Punjab from the advantages of protection provided in the scheme.

(b) That it provides for the protection of the Muslim Minority of 29 % of Assembly, reserving seats for them on the population basis with power to contest additional soats while similar protection is denied to

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the Hindu Minority of the Punjab whirl is said to brave been in rurluced frm 2006 to 20%

(c) That it has practically treated the essentially d’unstitutional question of residuary powers as a com amal question and has gainet the almost unanimous Hindu opinion, recided that they shall vext in the pro vinces instead of in the central Government even supjming that the proposed federalism becomes an accomplished fart.

and That it has treated the Muslim demand for the separation of Sivil apart from the general question of adjustment of loudaries of provinces which can only le settled through expert exanıination by 11 Boundaries Commission, and that it has conreded the Muslim demand for separation in utter ilisregard of the cletermind and reasoned opposition of the Hindus of Sindhi who will thus le forred to hear a larger propor tion of the inevitable jncrease of taxation in relation to their population as compared with the Muslims of Sindh ad be called upon to pay for a thing which they naturally hate and have to forego the advantages accrying from the well-developed system of Goveru ment of an arivanoud jirovince like Bombay and to submit to a backward Govermaent deriving its incep tion from purely cominerical interests.

(e) That it has introduced the novel and startling principles of minimum qualifications for public 193

services which is bound tu allect the efficiency irres pxootive of considerations of caste or creed, besides it is uncommercial to recruit inferior talent at high price involving injustice to superior talent by placing it at a (liscount merely to placate this or that coinmunity.

(f) The Hindu Mahasabha has no oljection to the further working of franchise und even to adult fran chise; but if adult franchise be proved impractical for any reason at the present stage then the Mahasabla einphatically insists, that the franchise should be uni form irrespective of the fact whether it reflects or does not reflect in the electoral roll iho proportion of population of every community.

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14TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

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DELHI, SEPTEMBER 1932.

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PRESIDENT : SYT. N. C. KELKAR.

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POONA PACT (a) This Session of the Mahasabha is inimensely delighted to learn that a settlement has been arrivent at between the leaders of the so-called slepressed classes and the caste Hindus at Poona and that

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summary of the same lias been cabled to the Prinie Minister for certification and immediate announcemont of its acceptance to enable Mahatma Gandhi to break his fast.

(b) The Conference heartily congratulates the leaders of all the parties concerned in the negotiation, Mahatma Gandhui particularly, on the successful ter mination of the negotiations,

(c) The Conference feels very much concerned at the report of the state of health of Mahatma Gandhi issued by Dr. Gilder and most earnestly prays to the Almighty God to grant him strength to bear the heavy strain caused by fasting and negotiations alike.

(d) The Conference calls upon the (iovernment to dispense with the proposed procedure of consulting the Provincial Govts. in the matter, as public opinion in every Province has already asserted itself in un mistakable terms in favour of any settlement that may be arrived at to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi.

(e) The Conference hopes that the Government of India will not delay in transmitting the whole of tho settlement by cable with their approval of the same and urging on the Prime Minister to alter the Award accordingly and make the necessary announcement immediately.

(P.S.-Bhai Parmanandaji could not attened tho

Conference, but lie sent his printed message opposing the passage of this resolution )

COMMINAL AWANI (1) This Session of the Aklil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha strongly condemns the lecision of its British Govt. on the followiny, among other promds -

(a) That it maintains and oxtends the scope of separate communal electorates against all canons of democratie. responsible and representative (invernment which the British Govt. are pledged to establish in Hindusthau.

(b) That it belies the Prime Minister own decla. ration in the House of Commons on 19th Jannary 1:31, emphatically condemning communal electorates 2011 weightages in representation as they leave 117 mom får National-Political (rganizations or Parties.

(c) That it flout: tho imaninous opinion of the vast Hindu Community, of the Sikhs, of important sertions of Muslims, Christians, and Depressed Classes and also of the Women of India in favour of Joint Electorates.

(d) That it practically forces separate communal electorates on Wiwilling Hinela minorities in the Punjab and Bengal.

(e) That it even extends separate electorates to women against their agreed demands to the contrary.

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(f). That in the name of protection of minorities it has only granted protection to Muslims wliether they form majority or ininority; while not only no protet tion has been granted to Hindu minorities but they have even been deprived of a part of their representa tion, which they are entitlerl to, on the basis of their proportion in population.

(g) That it provides for differential treatment of minorities favouring Muslimani Europeni zuinoritiex

in that:—

(1) it adds an artificial and arbitrary weighings to the representation of Muslim minorities;

(2) it reduces the representation of the lindu minorities of Bengal and Punjab below what they are entitled to on the basis of their proportion to the population;

(3) it denies to the Sikhs the weightage in repre sentation which it grants to Muslim minority under similar con lition:

(4) it grants to European and Anglo-Indian mino rities a weightage of representation which is grossly out of proportion to their strength in population;

· (6) it reduces the representation of the Hindu mino rities of Bengul and the Punjab to what is flagrantly out of proportion to their contributions to taxation and

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to the cultore, charitable benefactions and general progress of their respective Provinces.

(h) It destroys the communal equipoise of the Lucknow Pact which was an agreed solution of the Communal problein anel which was endorsed even by Simon Commission in the absense of any other agroel solution,

(ii) That the Conimual Decision is not an award of an arbitrator to which the parties concerned are committed but it is the decision of the Britisłı (invernment.

(iii) That the contention that an agreed Indian solution of the commual proble}is not forth-coming is unwarrantable in as much as

(a) The problom was, at its origin, the croation of the (overnment itself:

(b) its solution has been obstructed by conditions created by Govt. such as the publication of Govt. of Iudia’s despatch on Simon Commission practically conceding in advance almost all the demands of the Muslims and the exclusion of nationalist Muslims froni the Round Table Conference.

(iv) That therefore as circumstances fovourable to an agreed solution do not exist, the Hindu Malinsabha, in accordance with its previous resolutions, recommends that the communal problem of Hindusthan be settled,

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on all India basis, on the lines of the Internation al Communal Award as embodied in minorities Guaranteed Treaties to which His Majesty’s Govt. anel the Government of India are already committed as parties and signatories, and which, in the words of Mr. Henderson now forin part of the publir law of Europe and of the World, guaranteeing to minorities full protection, linguistic, cultural, educational and religious but not through separate communal electrrates. The Hindı Mahasabha invites all other communities to stand for this International Communal Award formu lated by the highest Arbitral Body of the world as their agreed solution of the Communal problein.

(v) That in case the Conimuual Award is not suitably modified within reasonable time the Hindu Mahasabha calls upon the Hindus to take all steps necessary both in legislatures and outside for frustrat ing the objects of the Anglo-Muslim Alliance on which it is based, and directs the Working Committee to prepare a programme of work to give effect to it.

NEPAL. The Hindu Mahasabha feels highly delighted at the accession to the “gacldi” of Prime-Ministership, of His Highness Yudhvir Shamsher Jung Baliadur Rana who highly values the solidarity of Hindus of Hindusthan including Nepal and outside it, and the

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duty of protecting Hindu culture and religion. The Maliasabha prays for long life a health of His Highness.

RASHTRIYA SWAYAN SEWAK SANGI.

The Hindu Maliasabha appreciates the efforts of Dr. Hedgewar for starting a strong organisation of Hindus named Rashtriya Swayan Sewak Sangh in C.P. and Berar and other places and recommends that its branches be established in All Provinces so that it may be Akhil Bharatiya Organisation.

MUSLIM STATES That in view of complaints having been received regarding grievances of the Hindu citizens of the Moslem States of Huilerabad Nizain), Blopal, . Bahawalpur and Rampur in respxct of recruitment to public services in the Stntes, observances of religious practices, facilities for education and imposition of alien language, the Hindut Mahasabla Session authorises the Working Committee to appoint a Committee of Enquiry to ascertain the actual facts of the situation, inviting co-operation from the officials of the States and bringing them to the notice of the authorities concerned. The Session liopes that the Stato autho rities will give all facilities to the people to hold the conferences to ventilate their grievances openly.

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AJMER, OCTOBER 1933.

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COMMUNAL PROBLEM OF HINDUSTHAN

AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS (a) The Hindus, even where they are in minorities in Provinces like Bengal, Punjab, Sindh & N.W.F. are on principle opposed to communal electorates and reserva tions of any form at any stage for any community in any province as a complete negation of any Responsible Government and Dominion Constitution and declare with one voice for such recognition of minorities and their safeguards as is laid down with the common consent of the principal nations of the world, including Hindusthan and England, in the treaties called Mino rities Treaties signed by them and enforced on so many Sovereign States of Europe including Turkey, as a world solution of the communal problen; to operate as part of “The Public Law of Europe and of the World” in the authoritative words of Mr. Arthur Henderson, President of the Disarmament Conference.

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In this connection the Hindu Mahasabha reminds the Government and communities concerned of the following statements of the principles of Minority Protection made at Geneva by Sir Austen Chamber lain and other leaders:

(1) “The object of the Minorities Treaties was to secure for the Minorities that measures of protection and justice which would gradually prepare them to be inerged in the national community to which they belonged.” (Sir Austen Chamberlain.)

(ii) “It seems to me obvious that those who conceived this system of protection of Minorities did not dream of creating within certain States a group of inhabitants who would regard themselves as perma nently foreign to the general organisation of the country.” ( M, De Mello Franco. )

(iii) “We must avoid creating a State within a State. We must prevent the Minority from trans forming itself into a privileged caste and taking dofinite form as a foreign group.” (M. Blociszewski.)

(iv) “If privileges were granted to the Minority, inequality would be created betweeir this Minority and the Majority, this latter would be oppressart by the Minority and it would then the Majorities’ ques tion which would have to engage the attention of the Langue of Nations.” ( M. Dendarmis. )

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(b) The Hindu Mabasablıa holds both the Govt. of India and His Majesty’s Govt. to this international solution of the communal problem to which they are bound in Law, Morality and Justice, as contributories, signatories and parties thereto, as # step towards world peace.

(c) The Hindu Mahasabha endorses the official view that the consent of communities concerned is de cessary for a communal settlement, and in furtherance of that view stands up to the maintenance of “status quo’ as regards the existing communal position and arrangements in the existing constitution pending any new settlement among communities.

It takes its stand upon the findings on the subjent of the Simon Commission who have ruled out the the necessity for any fresh Communal Award.

It therefore holds the present Government’s Communal Award as entirely uncalled for and an. justifiable on the above cosideratious and also as being against the wishes of about eighty per cent of the Indian people, comprising Hindus, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Parsis, Indian Jews and the entire Indian womenhood, irrespective of caste or creed.

If iepite of these weighty considerations and in defiance of all parallel and precedent History, the British Goveroment forces upon India this discredited 2013

device of communal electorate and reservations for the protection merely of Moslem majorities and minori ties, the Hindu Mahasabha warns them that it will lead to unprecedented complientions, to communal separation not merely in Legislatures, but also in Ad. ministration and the Services and ultimately oven to separation of Purse, each rommunity claiming that the amount of its separate represuntation should de pend upon that of its contribution to revenue and in taxes.

lhe Hindu Malaxabla in this momentous anual gathering at the historie city of Ajmer aj penis under article XI of League Convenant in the name of India to the League of Nations of which she is an original member of the application to her of those principles and mothes of Minority protoction which are 41 dorsed and made operative by world opinion on the subject and on the initiative of the principal Allied and Associated Powers, including India and England, and emphatically points out that the parties to these stipulation are especially bound by the following reso lutions adopted at the Third Assembly of the Lengue of Nations. :-

“The Assembly expresses the lope that the States which are not bound by any legal obligation to the

Lengue with respect to Minorities will neverthelese observe in the treatment of their own racial, religious and linguistic minorities at least as high a standard of justice and toleration as is required by any of the ( Minority ) Treaties and by the regular action of the Council.”

LABOUR AND CAPITAL While disunion and class conflicte exist in India, this Session of the Hindu Mahasabha expressing its fullest sympathy with the need for the amelioration of the condition of the labour and the tenantry, strong ly disapproves of any movement, such as extinction of the capitalists and landlords as a class in as much as such movements will further accentuate divisions and sub-divisions bringing about class war which will ultimately retard all progress and make redemption of India impossible.

AGAINST SEPARATION OF SIND The 15th Session of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha strongly condemns the proposed separation of Sind from Bombay on the following grounds:

(a) That the case of separation of Siod was reject ed by the Bombay Provincial Committee attached to the Simon Commission, the Chairman of which was a Sindhi Moslem.

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(b) That the Government have ignored the unani mous and determined opposition of the Hindu minority of Sind who were not given a chance to represent their case in any of the three Round Table Conferences when Moslems were given two, if not three, such chances.

Thus the decision of separation of Sind is an exparte derision in a pure and naked form.

(c) That separated Sind being pronounced offi cially to be a deficit province with a yearly deficit of: not less than eighty lacs, it will be another piece of injustice if the deficit is made good by subvention from the revenues of the Central Government and also of provinces mostly suffering from their own deficits to which the largest contribution is marle by the Hindus of India who are opposed to separation equally with the Hindus of Sind.

(d) That the constitution of Sind into a separate province with the help of subvention from the Central Government will constitute a breach of faith in the face of clear ruling given by Lord Russell, the Chairman of Sind Committee that the recommend ation of Sub-Committee is that if Sind is not able to stand financially on its own legs, separation does not take place.

(e) That in view of acute depression in trade, agricultural produce, in price of land in Sind, and

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uncertain facts involvert in all the estimates of the financial and economic consequences of Sukkar Barrage, the present time is most inopportune for estimating the normal deficit of the province and the taxes to be raised for the normal growth of the ex penditure, and the best interests of the country and the province demand that so important an issue as constituting Sind into a separate Governor’s Province, which will saddle Sind with heavy financial responsi bility, should not be considered.

ENGLAND The Hindu Mahasabha appreciates the services rendered to Hindus by Bhai Parmanandají. Doctor B. S. Moonje, Mr. B.C. Chatterji, Pandit Nanakchand, Prof. H. L. Chablani, Rai Saheb Melirchand Khauna, Messrs. J. Lu. Bannerji, G. A. Gavi and R. R. Desh mukh and resolves that whilst the Joint Parliamentary Committee is still in session steps be taken to enlighten the British public and the political leaders in England with the Justice of the Hindu cause as advocated by the Hindu Mahasabha.

ARYAN CULTURAL BROTHERHOOD - Thís Session of the Hindu Mahasabha recognises the fundamental unity of ancient Aryan Culture of

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India and of countries outside India such as China, Japan, Siam, Ceylon, etc, and requests the organisers of the Hindu Educational Institutions to found chairs. for the study of Japanese, Chinese and Siamese langu age and literature and the respective Governments of China, Japan etc. to found similar chairs for the study of Sanskrit.

This Sabha further authorises the President to organise deputations and take other necessary steps.

This Mahasabha appreciates the recent action of the German Government towards promoting Sanskrit learning and culture.

UNITY CONFERENCE Whereas in the opinion of the Hindu Maliasablja all efforts up-till-now towards communal unity and amity have been at a distinct sacrilice of nationalistic principles and have encouraged communalism, espe cially amongst the Moslems, the Mahasabha, while still appreciating and instinctively supporting all moves. for unity amongst communities of India, calls upon, the Hindu organisations especially and the Hindus of India generally that they shall not, in any Unity Committee or Conference in future sarrifice or even compromise nationalism for any kind of communal arrangement or adjustment.

This Session of Mahasabha deplores the lack of

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feeling nr fraternity amongst the Hindus and emphati cally declares that no progress towards nationalism is possible unless the Hindus organise themselves, as through that alone lies the means to permanent unity for communities inhabitiug Hindusthan.

16TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

CAWNPORE, APRIL 1935.

PRESIDENT: SYT. BHIKSHU OTTAMA

COMMUNAL AWARI) (a) That the Hindu Mahasabha reiterates its complete condemnation of the Communal Decision of His Majesty’s Government as it is Anti-National and glaring unjust, particularly to Hindus and Sikhs and declares its determination to carry on a campaign against the said Communal Decision until it is replac ed by a more equitalile solution.

(b) That this Session of the Hindu Mahasabha deplores the action of the Congress Party in the Le gislative Assembly in not voting against the resolution

in the Assembly, accepting the so-called Communal

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Award and thus failing not only to reflect the true Hindu opinion on the subject but even to carry out their own election pledges with regard to it.

THANKS TO JAPANESE PEOPLE This Session of the Hindu Mahasabha records its cordial thanks to the organisers of the World Buddhist Conference and the Japanese people in general for the generous reception accorded by them to the delegatos sent by the Hindu Mahasabha to that Conference which met last year in Tokyo to celeberate twenty-fifth Centenary of Lord Buddha.

BUDDHA DAY AS PUBLIC HOLIDAY

In view of the fact that Lord Buddha is venerated and worshipped by millions of devotees all over the world, not ouly by the Buddhists but also by Hindus of all sects and schools, this Session of the Hindu Mahasabha earnestly requests the Government of India to declare the Vaisakha Purnima which comes off this year (1985) on the 18th of May as a public holiday in India as it is already in Burma and Ceylon in as much as this day is triplicate sacred, being the day of not merely of his Nativity but also of his Bodha and Parinirvana.

• PROVINCIAL COUNCIL-ELECTIONS

This Session of the Mahasabha is of opinion that tho forth-coming elections to the Provincial

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Councils should be contested with a view to protecting and upholding the Hindu interests in the legislatures and leaves it to the Provincial Sabhas to take neces Bary steps in that connectiou.

INDIA BILL (a) This Session of the Hindu Mahasabha is of opinion that the Government of India Bill, now before the Parliament, is totally unacceptable to every section of Indian opinion and should not be proceeded with any further, as the constitution it purposes is regarded on all hands as much worse than the existing one, and is even reactionary and obstructive to the growth of nationalism and democracy chiefly on account of its communal scheme which will keep communities constantly estranged from each other.

(b) In veiw of the fact that the British Parlia ment is so constituted that it is incapable of reflecting, much less, representing Indian opinion and interest in any way; further, in view of the fact that the consti tution-making, now in progress for India by the Parliament has not satisfied any section of opinion in India, this Session of the Hindu Mahasabha is of opi nion that the situation calls for a radically different constitutional procedure whereby the task of consti tution making for British India should be left as the concern of the Emperor of India and the Indian

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account such evidence as may have been already taken in a responsible manner, in order to advise and to suggest such steps and measures as may be calculated to safe-guard the interests and rights of Hindas and Sikhs.

REMOVAL OF UNTOLCHABILITY The Hindu Maha Sabha reaffirnis its previous resolutions for giving equal access to all Hindus irres. pective of their particular caste or creed and to all public amenities and institutions xuch as schools, wells, tanks, ghats, places of water supply, hotels, roads, parks, dharmasalas, public places of Worship, burning ghats, and the like.

The Hindu Maha Sabha further affirms its faith that untouchability must not be regarded as a part of Hindu religion or social system.

The Mahasabha recommends to Hindus the aboli tion of all distinctions in the Hindu Society based on birth or caste in the spheres of public, social and politi cal life in which such distinctions ought to have no application and are out of place in the present age.

VIR V. D. SAVARKAR The Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha strongly protests against the high-handed action of the Govern ment of Bombay in putting unnecessary restrictions upon the movements and activities of Vir V, D.

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The Mahasabha is of opinion that elections to the Legislatures should be contested with a view to protecting and upholding the Hindu interests in the Legislatures and leaves it to the Provincial Hindu Sabhas to take steps in that connection wherever Decessary.

CONSTITUTION OF THE ARMY ANT)

OTHER FORCES The Hindu Mahasabha emphatically protests against the policy of the Government in preferring persons from a few provinces and from a few specified classes only, for recruitment to the Army and other forces and not distributing recruitment over all the provinces and classes of people in India; and it requests the Government so to constitute the Army as to enable all the provinces and classes of people to equitably bear the burden of India’s Defence.

MILITARY SCHOOLS AND VOLUNTEER

CORPS

The Hindu Mahasabha is firmly of opinion that in order to enable the Hindus to defend their hearths and homes better and to take their proper share in the defence of the country, immediate steps should be taken to improve their physique and to give them the necessary Military training. by establishing Military Schools and Volunteer Corps. 213

The Mahasabha welcomes the establishment at the instance of Dr. B. S. Moonje of the Central Hindu Military Education Society which is trying to establish the Bhonsala Military School and appeals to all Hindus to support the scheme.

COMMIVAL AWARD The Hindu Mahasabha condemns the Communal Award as it is grossly unjust to Hindus and Sikhs, is anti-national and undemocratic and makes the growth of Responsible Government in India impossible,

The Hindu Maliasabha calls npon the Hindus and Sikhs to carry on agitation against the Communal Award until it is replaced by a National system of representation..

The Mahasabha reaffirms its faith in the solution of the problem of minorities laid down by the League of Nations.

SHAHIDGANJ AFFAIR The Hindu Mahasabha notes with serious concern the deplorable situation created by the Shahidganj agitation in Lahore and outside Lahore involving the loss of property and lives of Hindus and Sikhs and directs the Working Committee to take steps to make such enquiry as it may deem fit to investigate into the happenings of Shahidganj Affair taking into

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account such evidence as may have been already taken in a responsible manner, in order to advise and to suggest such steps and measures as may be calculated to safe-guard the interests and rights of Hindas and Sikhs.

REMOVAL OF UNTOLCHABILITY The Hindu Maha Sabha reaffirnis its previous resolutions for giving equal access to all Hindus irres. pective of their particular caste or creed and to all public amenities and institutions xuch as schools, wells, tanks, ghats, places of water supply, hotels, roads, parks, dharmasalas, public places of Worship, burning ghats, and the like.

The Hindu Maha Sabha further affirms its faith that untouchability must not be regarded as a part of Hindu religion or social system.

The Mahasabha recommends to Hindus the aboli tion of all distinctions in the Hindu Society based on birth or caste in the spheres of public, social and politi cal life in which such distinctions ought to have no application and are out of place in the present age.

VIR V. D. SAVARKAR The Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha strongly protests against the high-handed action of the Govern ment of Bombay in putting unnecessary restrictions upon the movements and activities of Vir V, D.

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Savarkar, Bar-at-Law, by confining him at Ratnagiri for years together.

It notes with gratefulness the splendid services which Mr. Savarkar has been rendering to the cause of Hinduism and urges the Govt. to remove all restric tions imposed upon him at present so as to enable him to serve more fully and completely his religion, community and country.

CONDEMNATION OF BIHAR CIRCULAR

The Hindu Mahasabha strongly condemns the circular issued by the Bihar Govt. in relation to important members of the Arya Samaj and Hindu Sabha to check and obstruct their propaganda among the tribal Hiudus of Chhota Nagpur, misnamed the Animists, among whom hundreds of Christian Mission aries have been not only allowed but helped and encouraged in every possible way to carry on pro selytising activities and convert lacs of them to their own fold. While the Hindu Mahasabha notes with sa tisfaction the protest made against it by the members of the Bihar Council and notes further that the assurance has been given on behalf of the Bihar Govt. in this connection, it is definitely of opinion that the circular should be withdrawn, in as much as it is flagrantly unjust and is calculated in effect to seriously obstruct legitimate Hindu Missionary propaganda in those non regulated areas.

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18TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

LAHORE, OCTOBER 1936.

PRESIDENT : HIS HOLINESS SHRI JAGADGURU

SHANKRACHARYA

HINDI-GURMUKHI This Conference strongly condemns the anti Hindi Gurmukhi Circular issued by the N. W. F. P. Govt. in the Transferred Department which is a direct attack on the language and culture of the Hindu and Sikh minorities in the N. W. F. Province. It is further re solved that deputation of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha should wait upon H. E, the Vicerory and the Sikh leaders should also be approached to join the deputation.

CONDITION OF THE HINDUS IN THE MUSLIM

AND SOME OF THE HINDU STATES

Th Hindu Mahasabha strongly protests against the policy of the Governments of Bhopal, Hyderabad, (Deccan), Bahawalpore, Malerkotal, Loharu, Alver, Khetri (Jaipur), and Pataudi States in depriving Hindu subjects of their fundamental religious and civic rights.

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The Mahasablia further resolves to appoint one Sub-oommittee for each State to investigate and to report on the conditious prevailing in each State and to take such steps as they think fit in order to secure justice to the Hindu Community,

The Committees appointed as aforesaid will make their report with a special reference to the question of music in Hyderabad State, obstruction for Shuddhi work and safety of Hindu Women in Bhopal State, compulsion for Muslim dress in Bahawalpur State, and the grievances regarding Hindi and other colloquial languages in the States.

The Working Cumuttee is authorised to sclect the personnel of the Committees and take other steps in order to give effect to the above resolution,

COW SLAUGHTER AT MUTTRA This Session of the Hindu Mahasablıa draws the attention of the Govt. of India to the fact that the cows and other animals are being salughtered at Muttra and other surrounding places within the limits of the sacred region of Brijamadal in contraveution of the time honoured custoin of respecting the sanctity of Brijamantial by altogether prohibiting animal slaughter thervin ,

This Session furthor draws the attention of the Govt. of India to the fact that even Non-Hindu Kings

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of India as well as the East India Company prohibited the slaughter of cows and other animals and that the East India Company and its successors have recog nised this right of the Hindus and promised subse quently to respect the Hindu sentiment in this respect.

The Mahasabha therefore puts on record its empha tic protest against the sacrilege of cow and animal slaughter in the very heart of Brijamandal at Muttra, the birth-place of Bhagwan Sri Krishna, one of the holiest and most sacred places to Hindus all over the world and requests the Government of India to take immediate steps to put a stop to the sacrilege.

This Session urges upon the Hindus all over India to carry on ceaseless agitation and propaganda until the sacred birth-place of Lord Krishna is saved from sacrilege. That, in case, the legitimate demand of the Hindus is not conceded by the end of December, 1936, active steps in the nature of Satyagraha may be adopted by the Mahasablia.

MALABAR AND KERALA CONVERSIONS

This Session of the Hindu Mahasabha urges opon the Hindus in Malabar and Kerala to organise them selves with a view to counteract the conversion propa ganda carried on by the Muslim and Christian Mission aries and authorises the Working Committee to adopt such means as they think fit to give effect to the

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resolution and appeals to public to contribute liberally to the funds raised by the Working Committee for that purpose.

19TH AKHIL BHARATIYA HINDU MAHASABHA

AHMEDABAD, DECEMBER 1937.

PRESIDENT : SYT. SWATANTRA VIR V. D.

SAVARKAR

REMOVAL OF UNTOUCHABILITY This Conference congratulates the Malinrajas of Kolhapur, Baroda, Travancoin, Kashmir and Lathi states for having opened all the State temples to all Hindus irrespective of any distinction of class or maste and requests other Hindu Rulers to follow them. The Conference also congratulates such individual members of the Hindu Community who have also thrown open their temples to all classes of Hindu Community irres pective of any distinction of class or caste.

FEDERATION-PART I.. In view of the fact : (a) that under the constitit tion of Govt. of India Act of 1935, some elements of

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Provincial Autonomy have been introduced and the Congress has been actually working the Provincial Govts, for the present, and (b) that Provincial Auto nomy will not work with constitutional smoothness unless responsibility is introduced in the Central Govt, at least provided for under the Act, this Conference puts on record its deliberate opinion that inspite of the defective and unsatisfactory character of the Constitu tion, the Hindus should utilize whatever powers are provided for under the Act in the interest of the evo lution of Hindusthan as a united nation and urges upon the Govt. to expedite the introduotion of the Federation

FEDERATION-PART II. The Hindu Mahasabha varn, the Govt. and 8]] those who may be concerned with it that, as the Maha sabha has fundamental opposition to the ro-called Communal Award and is determined to do all that lies in its power to do away with it as early as possible, the Mahasabha will not tolerate any attempt to extend the scope of the Award so as to apply also to the Indian States.

NIZAM HYDERABAD AND BHOPAL (a) This Session condemns the murder of Veda prakash of Nizam Hyderabad at the hands of Moslem hooligans and deplores that the Nizam Government

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does not take adequate measures for protection of its Hindu subjeots. It also particularly condemns the persecution of Arya Samajists. This Session expresses its heart-felt sorrow for the martyr and conveys its condolence to the bereaved family.

(b) This Session condemns the callousness of Bhopal State which refused the release of the late Bhagwan Das Rathi even while he was on death bed and calls upon the Nawab to redress the manifold grievances under which the Hindu subjects of the State labour.

REMOVAL OF BAN ON BOOKS This Conference puts on record its protest against the Bombay Government for not releasing the proscribed books written by Shree V. D. Savarkar And most of the books written by Sjt. , M, Paranjpe,

BENGAL This Session of the Hindu Mahasabha views with great indignation and unequiocally condemns the communal activities of the Bengal Govt, as evidenced by several proposed legislations and administrative measures as also by the speeches of the Premier, Mr, Fazlul Huq and calls upon the Hindus of Bengal to unite and organise themselves in defence of their political, economic and cultural rights,

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ASSAM This Session of the Hindu Mahasabha condemns the Govt. policy of the unrestricted immigration into the Province of Assam, which is deliberately calculated to turn it into a Muslim majority province and calls upon the Hindus of Assam to resist this policy,

HINDU CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS

This Session urges upon the Central and Provincial Governments to enact & law which may allow the accounts of Hindu Charitable Institutions to be inspect ed by Committees of Hindu Sabhas and to allow reasonable amount of the funds to be utilised for the religinus, social and economic welfare of the Hindus.. THE PUNJAB

Established in 1908.

In 1906 the Muslim League was founded in Dacca. Next year the first step in the introduction of Reforms in this country, known as Minto-Morley Reforms, was taken. The Puñjab Hindus by that time had begun to note a change in the policy of the Government and to find that it was becoming clearly pro-Mohammedan. Lord Minto himself had advised the Muslim deputation to demand separate Communal respresentation in this country. A deputation under the leadership of Sir Aga Khan waited upon Lord Minto which Moulana Mohd. Ali called a “Command performance.” The Hindus of the Punjab found that the policy followed by the Congress was not the one which could do anything for the protection of the Hindus. Almost all the leading Hindus, belonging to different Hindu associations, met under the presidentship nf Sir Protulchandra Chatterji, # retired Judge of the Chief Court, Punjab and decided to organise a new movement for safe-guarding the Hindu interests under the name of the Punjab Hindu Sabha. It was in the years 1908-9.

This movement was extended from Delhi to certain

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parts of the U. P. Then the great War broke out and created a lull in the public life of the country. Mr. (now Sír) Shadilal, Bar-at-Law, who had worked as the Secretary of the Sabha presided at the Annual Con ference of Hindu Sabha held at Delhi. Rai Lal Chand, who had acted as a Chief Court Judge and was the moving spirit of the Punjab Hindu Sabha, died in 1912. During the following years the Hindu Sabha therefore did not keep up much of its former activity, In 1921 a great Conference of the Hindu Sabha was held at Muttra under the leadership of Pt. M. M. Malaviya with the clear object of supporting the Non Co-operation Movement started by Mahatma Gandhi just as the Khilafat Conference had done it on behalf of the Muslims. But it did not do any more work.

In 1922-23 the Hindus were confronted with a new communal struggle in the country. As a reaction to the movement of Non-co-operation and Khilafat a new era had started. There grew up a spontaneons desire almost everywhere among the Hindus to do something to awaken the Hindus in the face of a new danger, The Punjab Hindu Sabha had continued its existence in Lahore but it had lost touch with the public and was confined to a very limited number. One of its rule was that its membership was not open to anybody and everybody. In Lahore a new association was formed under the name of Hindu Sangh with Shree

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new

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Bhai Parmanandji as its President, to enlist Hiluus as its members with objects similar to those of the pre sent Hindu Mahasabha. A few months after the Hindu leaders met in a Conference at Benares and an Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha with definite aims and rules was organised. A meeting of the Hindus was held and it was unanimously resolved to amalga mate the Sangh with the newly-started Mahasabha to work as its Provincial Centre in the Punjab. Shree Bhai Parmanandji was elected its first President.

The enthusiasm for the Hindu cause lasted for three years or so. During this period branches of the Hin du Sabha were organised in almost all the important towns of the Punjab. Soon a Provincial Conference was held at Lahore under the Presidentship of Mala viyaji. It was a great success and showed a new awakening among the Punjab Hindus. Again Con ferences were held at Amritsar, Kangra, Ambala, Rohtak and other places. At Amritsar it was presi ded over by Lala Lajpat Rai, Bhai Parmanand, Raja Narindra Nath and Dr. Gokal Chand Narang by turns. At Kangra Pt. Din Dayal presided, at Ambala Dr. B. S. Moonje and at Rohtak Pt. Malaviyaji. Again the Punjab-Frontier-Sindh Conference was held at Lahore under the presidentship of Shree Bhai Parma Dandji. On the occassion of the Congress Session in 1829 & Special Conference was held when Tatyasahib

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N. C. Kelkar presided. Taking Delhi as a part of the Panjab the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha held its Annual Session in 1925-1926 under the president ship of Raja Narindra Nath. Again the Mahasabha held its Annual Session at Lahore in 1936 when Jagad guru Shree Shankaracharya (Dr. Kurtakoti) presided, On this occasion the Hindu youths held the Session of the 2nd All India Hindu Youth’s Conference under the presidentship of Dr. Radhakrmud Mukerjee while Puj. Diwan Chand Sharma acted as Chairman of the Reception Committee.

It is worth mentioning here that Shree Bhai Parmanandji in the capaciay of the Punjab Hiudu Jeader had to go and preside over the U. P. Provincial Hindu Conference at Lucknow, over the two Bihar Provincial Conferences held at Bhagal. pore and Patna, over the three Sind Provincial Conferences held at Karachi and Sukkur and over the Bengal Provincial Conference held at Calcutta. Be sides these he presided over the Akhi) Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha Session at Ajmere in 1933 after which he made a tour of all the provinces of India, such as, the U. P.. Bihar, Bengal, Madras, the C. P., Maharashtra, Bombay, and Gujarat. He had also tour ed in Burma and Assam a little earlier.

The work of the Punjab Hindu Sabha can be classified under three different heads. Apart from

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doing propananda which was not very efficient the Punjab Hindu Sabha had to look to the troubles of the Hindus for which frequent occasions arose The most important of these was an appeal for the relief to begiven to nearly five thousand refugees from Kohat at Rawalpindi and to maintain them for about ten months, About Rs. One Lac and a half were collected and spent on those helpless men, women and children who had been driven from Kohat quite penniless. Quite a similar and much more severe calamity fell upon the Hindus of Mirpur, a district in Jammu, when the Moslems of Kashmir, instigated and supported by the Muslims of the Punjab, practically revolted against the Maharaja’s Government. Some tifteen thousand Hindus

loot and arson at the hands of their Muslim neighbours. While the Hindu Sabha gave relief to the sufferers

Muslims at Sikandarabad attacked the Hindus and burnt their houses and sliops. In Multan the Hindus were assaulted twice or thrice and some Hindus were also murdered. From both the places appeals were made to the Hindu Mahasabha for help and all the necessary measures were taken by the Punjab Hindu Sabha to help them in their troubles. At Rawalpindi the Hindu market was put on fire by Muslims. The Punjab Hindu Sabha then helped the Hindus there.

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Similarly when the Hindus in the states like Bahawalpur, Lohárn, Malerkotla and Kapurthala were put to trouble the Punjab Hindu Sabha did all that was in its power to help them.

The second part of the Sabba’s work is in connec tion with the Temple of Bir Bairagi. In the city of Lahore there are numerous small wrestling Akharaa where Hindus arrange tournaments in which young wrestlers take part. But they wanted to have some place far away from the city where thousands of peo ple interested in the tournaments could go on foot or in tongas. The Punjab Hindu Sabha got y site outside the city and spent about Rupees fifteen thousand on the construction of a theatre there where tournaments have been now held for the last thirteen years. In this theatre was also constructed a Temple to commemorate the Bir Bairagi Day, the first hero of the modem Punjab. It was this great man who after the retirement of Guru Govind Singh came to the Punjab) and conquered almost the whole of it. But the Moghul Emperor, Farrukh Sayyar, sueceeded in creating a division among his followers, captur ed him along with seven hundred soldiers by treachery and took all of them to Delhi where they were all butchered. This was Bir Bairagi’s unparallel ed example of true martyrdom. The Sikh writers relate almost all these facts but mention the great

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hero in such a disparaging language that he was practically forgotten by the Hindus. The Punjab Hindu Sabha took it on itself to revive his memory and through him to infuse a new life among the Hindus. All this work was practically done by the late Lala Ram Nath Kapur, Punjab Hindu Sabha worker, whose death, three years ago, has been a great loss to the Hindus and their movement.

The third part of the work is the establishment of the Industrial Ashram situated in the building of the Punjab Hindu Sabha itself. This Ashram has been in existence for the last seven years and has trained more than two hundred young men in different handicrafts and industries. Its origin is due to the special cir cumstances of widespread unemployment among Hindu young men. The Punjab Hindu Sabha had to meet A great difficulty in this connection, The Hindu young men who had passed the Matriculation Examina tion and had even read up to the Intermediate Examination came to the Punjab Hindu Sabha and appealed for help. Taking the ever-increasing problem of unemployment into consideration, the Punjab Hindu Sabha thought over the matter and decided upon a new plan. It advised them to select some handicraft which could become a means of living for them and decided that for the time they were learn. ing that handicrafts as apprentices with some master

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craftsnien it would make arrangements for their free board and lodging. As there was a large number of apphoants & regular Ashram was started by the Sabha. In the beginning the number rose upto sixty and the Punjab Hindu Sabha had to spend about Rupees two hundred and fifty on their food alone. The number has been, however, gradually decreasing. At present there are more than twenty in-mates living in the Ashram and learning some kind of industry and handicraft. The maintenance of this Ashram has been due first to the munificence of R. B. Lala Sewak Ram who has been the President of the Punjab Hindu Sabha for more than six years and who has donated Rupees one hund red every month towards the Ashram and secondly to the charity of Dr. Sir Gokal Chand Narang who subscribes Rupees fifty a month. The Ashram has been managed by a committee of which Prof. Diwan Chand Sharma has been the president for a number of years.

It is due to ceaseless and sincere efforts of Bhai Parmanandaji who is the soul of the Hindu Sabha Movement in the Punjab, that it now possesses & property worth Rs. Two Lacs, the annual ipoome of which is about Rs. 3000/-. This sum is spent for organization purposes.

Dr. Sir Gokal Chand ‘Narang is at present the Pro sident and Prof. Diwan Chand Sharma is the General Secretary of the Provincial Hindu Sabha.

DELHI

Established in 1918.

Delhi is one of the smallest Provincial Units of Hindusthan. Buton account of its importance as the ancient and present Capital of Hindusthan its position is unique and significant. So also the Provincial Delhi Hindu Sabha and its activities are generally reflected mostly through the activities of the All India Hindu Mahasabha, the Head Office of which is located in New Delhi.

The Delhi Provincial Hindu Sabha was established in 1918, when the 5th Session of the All India Hindu Mahasabha which met under the Presidentship of Raja Sir Rampal Singh, K. C. I. E., of Oudh was invited to Delhi. But the Provincial Hindu Sabha came into prominence only when in 1925 the late Lala Lajpat Rai during the tenure of his Presidentship transferred the Head Office of the Hindu Mahasabha from Benares to Delhi.

The Provincial Hindu Sabha organised the 9th Session of the Hindu Mahasabha which took place in

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drew on the approach of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel and Mr. Bhula Bhai Desai and this resulted in an easy walk-over for Mr. Asaf Ali who is at present represent ing the Delhi Province in the Central Assembly.

Once again the Delhi Hindus mustered strong under the banner of Hindu Sabha and in the local Municipal Elections of 1936, nine candidates who signed the Hindu Sabha pledge came out successful from 12 Hindu wards. In 1933, the Sabha did relief work during the fiood. In the year 1938, when Veer V.D, Savarkar, the President of the Hindu Mahasabha came to the Capital City for the first time after his re lease, he was warmly welcomed and an unprecedented procession was taken out in his honour,

For the last few months, an agitation is going on in Delhi against the alleged forcible occupation of Shiva Mandir by the police. This has once again brought the Hindus on a common platform in asserting themselves for protecting their religious rights. The Hindu Sabha is taking its proper share in the agitation and it can be said without exaggeration that it will strengthen the Provincial Hindu Sahha very much.

R. B. Harishchandra Advocate is at present the President of the Provincial Hindu Sabha. E

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THE UNITED PROVINCES

Established in 1919.

The Montague-Chelmsford Reforms created a new political urge amongst the Indian people. Accord ingly, to safeguard the political and constitutional rights and to further the social advancement of Hindus, the Hindu Sabha was established and a Provincial Hindu Sabha was organised in these Provinces in 1919.

From 1919 to the year 1934, the U. P. Provincial Hindu Sabha continued to work but not very acti vely. But with the discussions at the Round Table Conference regarding the rights of Hindus and the move of interested parties to severe the so-called untouchables from the Hindu fold a new awakening was created amongst the Hindus of India as a whole. These developments and the passing of the Govern ment of India Act, 1935 gave a fresh impetus to the consolidation and re-organisation of the Hindu Sabha work in these Provinces,

In March 1934, elections of the Provincial Hindu Sabha were held, Raja Durga Narain Singh of Tirwa was elected President and Pt. Gauri Shankar Misra,

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tlie Working President. In the following year in Feb ruary 1935, Pt. Gauri Shankar Misra was elected President and Raja Durga Narain Singh was elected as one of the Vice-Presidents. Pt. Misra, however, subsequently resigned and the other elected Office bearers did not function. The Office-bearers elected during 1934 thus continued in office.

At this stage in the United Provinces, the Nationalist Agriculturists Party was organised by group of Taluqdars, Zamindars and persons who had vested interests to fight out the elections and to capture the political power in the Provinces. The Raja Sahib of Tirwa, the then President of the Provincial Hindu Sabha was reported to have joined hands with the Nawab Sahib of Chhatari to form a Coalition Ministry in the Provinces, of which the Nawab Sahib of Chhatari was to be the Prime Minister. The Raja Sahib of Tirwa was the Secretary of the Nationalist Agriculturists Party. The association of the President of the Provincial Hindu Sabha, representing 86 per cent of the total po pulation of the Provinces, in a subordinate position, was highly resented by the Hindu public of these Provinces. The publication of the news in the press, which went un contradicted, that the Raja Sahib of Tirwa had entered into a pact with the Nawab Sahib of Chhatari to form a Coalition Ministry in U.P., in which the Raja Sahib was going to be a Hindu Minister, further added fuel to

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the fire. A vote of no-confidence was moved Against the Raja Sahib of Tirwa and carried. The matter was represented to the Working Committee of the All India Hindu Mahasabha where the no-confidence vote against the Raja Sahib of Tirwa was upheld. During the year 1936, fresh elections were held and Raja Sir Rampal Singh was elected President and R. B. Vik ramajit Singh, Working President. As Raja Sir Rampal Singh had during this period been keeping indifferent health, the entire responsibility and burden of conducting the organisation of the Provincial Hindu Sabha fell on the shoulders of the Working President. It was during this period that district and town Hindu Sabhas were organised throughout the Provinces and substantial and useful work was attended to. It was probably for the first time in the history of the Hindu Sabhas of these Provinces that in the year 1936, a Deputation of influential Hiodus led by R. B. Vikramajit Singh, M. B, E., Waited upon His Ex cellency, the Governor of the United Provinces. The Deputationists drew His Excellepcy’s attention to the inadequate and unsatisfactory representation of Hindus in various services of the Government. Stress was mainly laid upon the granting of a proportionate representation to the Hindus based on the population basis in the Government services. It was pointed out that in the Police and various other services the

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number of Moslems was proportionately much higher than what their population justified. A detailed Memorandum giving facts and figures was also sub mitted. His Excellency, the Governor gave the Depu tationists a patient hearing and assured that their representation would receive his personal and favour nble consideration.

During these years 48 branches of the Provincial Hindu Sabha representing almost all districts of these Provinces have been organised. It is through these branches that the Central Sabla keeps itself informed of all events likely tú affect the rights and interests of the Hindus. Looal organisations have been doing usefu) work in protecting the life and property of those who stand in need of the same. The Provincial : Hindu Sabha has, since 1936, been sending regular contingent of delegates to the Annual Session of the Hindu Sabha. The U.P. Provincial Hindu Sabha holds a prominent place in the All India Hindu Sabba, A number of its prominent workers are associated with the main organisation of the All India Hindu Mahasabha.

During the last Elections, the Provincial Hindu Sabha also did its best to fight for the Hindus. It set up a Parliamentary Board and assisted almost 30 qandidates to fight out the Elections on the Hindu Sabha ticket. Unfortunately, owing to divisions and

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dissentions, none of the Hindu Sabha candidate could be got elected. Most of the influential Hindus, including the Raja Sahib of Tirwa, the past President of the Hindu Sabha, fought their clections on other than Hindu Sabha ticket. Yet, it is gratifying to state that the Sabha did its duty, though it could not control the results.

During these years amongst those who have been financially and otherwise supporting the Provincial Hindu Sabha, special mention needs be made of R. B. Vikramajit Singh who has been the life and soul of the Organisation, Dr. Sir J. P. Srivastava, Munshi Ram Kumar Bhargava, Rani Phal Kumari Sahiba of Sherkot, Kr. Surendra Pratap Sahi, R. B. Rameshwar Prasad Bagla, Lala Chhanga Mal and Raja Bahadur Bishwanath Singh Sahib of Tiloi.

· During the year 1938 when the President of the All India Hindu Mahasabha, Br. V.D. Savarkar visited the United Provinces, grand receptions were organised in his honour at Lucknow, Cawnpore and Agra,

Raja Bahadur Bishwanath Singh of Tiloi is at pre sent the President, R. B. Vikramajit Singh, M. B. E., the Working President and Shri Satya Narain Pande the General Secretary of the Provincial Hindu Sabha.

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BIHAR

Established in 1922.

The Ilindu Sabha movement in Bihar began as early as the year 1922. Immediately after the Malabar and Multau roits, a Special Session of the Hindu Mahasabha was held at Gaya with Pandit Malaviya as President and B. Rajendra Prasad as Chairmau of the Reception Committee. It was highly succossful. Malaviyajee pro mised at the Session to hold the next Annual Session at Benares with full preparations. In the meantime tho Shuddhi movement with Swami Shraddhanandjee at its head was in full swing and the Muslim opposi tion to it made the movement all the more vigorous and popular and inspired zeal among the Hindus for the Hindu Sabha Session at Bonnres for which Swami Shraddhanandjee undertook a country-wide tour.

Thus the work of the Bihar Provincial Hindu Sabha began systematically in the province. A District Con ference was held at Motihari along with the Provincial political conference and was a very great success. Orga nisation work began to be carried on in different parts of the province. The first Bihar Provincial Hindu Conference was held at Darbhanga under the presi dentship of Jagat Guru Swami Bharti Krishan Tirtha

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jee who had been recently released from the Hazari bagh Central Jail. The Session was a complete success, and after the Session Shankracharyajee and Babu Jagatnarain Lal made a prolonged tour throughout the Province. The Hindu Sabha Movement thus received a great impetus in the Province and Hindu Sabhas were established in large numbers. A band of wholetime workers for almost every district was appointed in the Province and in each of the districts like Palamun and Purnea, etc. from 50 to 100 Sabhas were established. A special Session of the Bihar Provincial Hindu Con ference was held at Sonepur Mela under the president ship of Swami Sayanandjee of Bharat Dharma Maba mandal. The next Session of the Bihar Provincial Hindu Conference was held at Muzaffarpur under the presidentship of Punjab Kesari, Lala Lajpat Raiji in 1925, amid scenes of unparallel enthusiasm.

The third Session was held at Chapra in 1926 under the presidentship of Pandit Malaviyaji amid a large and distinguished gathering and was a tremendous success. The 4th Session of the Bihar Provincial Hindu Conference was held at Bhagalpur in 1927 un der the presidentship of Shri Bhai Parmanandji and was a great success. The 6th Session of the Bihar Provincial Hindu Conference was held most success fully at Purnea under the presidentship of Shriman Dr. B. S. Moonjee in 1929.

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The tth Session of the Bihar Provincial Hindu Con ference was held at Patoa in Patna City under the presidentship of Shri Bhai Parmanandji.

The 7th Session of the Bilar Provincial Hindu Conference was held at Patna in the Hindu Sabha Building, Bankipore under the presidentship of Syt. Kumar Ganganand Singhji M. A., M. L. C.

The Removal of Untouchability Conferences, Suddhi Conferences and other confererce were also I eld along with these conferences. Several Hindu Orphanages and Hindu Widows’ Homes were established at Patna, Monghyr, Bhagalpur, Gaya, Katihar, Kanchi and other places in the wake of the Hindu Sabha Move ment in this province and thousands of widows and orphans have been protected since then and a large number of cases were fought for rescuing and protect ing widows and orphans from time to time.

The Bihar Provincial Hindu Sabha has fought many a battle from time to time in political, social and religious fields for the protection of the rights and interests of the Hindus in these spheres.

During the great earthquake in Bihar, the Hiudu Sabha Bihar Relief Committee rendered great service both to human life and shelterless cows at Patna, Monghyr, Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, etc. An important department of the Bihar Provincial Hindu Sabha is the

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Bihar Gosewa Mandal which protects old cows at the great Sonepur fair and other fnirs from the lands of the butchers, and take old cows from the Goshalas and settle them in the large pasture lands placerat its disposal by Sriman Prince Ram Raja Sahib, Pro prietor of Ram Nagar Raj and the son-in-law of Maharaja Nepal.

The Shuddhi and Untouchable departments of the Bilar Provincial Hindu Sablia were also working actively for several years in various parts of the Province. Deshratna B. Rajendra Prasadjee and the Hon’ble Babu Krishna Singh, the present Prime Minister of Bihar, wore also associated with this movement till the period when they parted company on account of the conflict between the Hindusabla and the Congress at the Assembly elections.

The work for the protection of the aboriginal Hindu tribes was carried on in different parts of Chhotanag pur and Ranchi, etc. till the Sharddhanand Mission was established here on behalf of the All India Slıraddhanand Mission.

Shri Kumar Ganganand Singh of Darbhanga is at present the President and Pandit Bharat Misra thie General Secretary of the Provincial Hindu Sabha.

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THE CENTRAL PROVINCES

(MAHARATTI )

Established in 1928.

The Hindı Sabha was started at Nagpur for the first time in November 1923. In those clays when there was a loud talk of Hindu-Muslim Unity, a dispute arose over the question of music before mosques in a corner of Nagpur in connection with Ganesh procession. Soon after a Hindu-Muslim cash occurred in Koshti pura, which opened the eyes of the Ilindus. They met together in Tulsi Bagh and a representative Hindu Sabha was formel, which w ertook a triple task to perform. On one hand the Sabha made arrangements to fight out the cases for the Hindus in law courts aud on the other, it carried on negotiations with the Mus lim leaders with a view to affect an honourable compro mise; while thirdly, the Sabha tried to organise the Hindu Community internally to be prepared to face any eventuality.

In 1927 terrible Hindu-Muslim riots broke out which were severe at Arvi, in Wardha District. Twenty-four Hindus were prosecuted as a result of the 246

riots. The Hindu Sabha promptly arranged for their defence. Then, for the first time the C. P. and Berar Provincial Hindu Conference was held at Nagpur in 1927. The late Sir Saulkaran Nair presided. This Session was a grand success.

After the death of Shrimant Raja Laxmanrao Bhonsala, Shrimant Madhoran Chitnis was elected his successor. Mr. Chitnis, with his own expenses, started the Hindu Sabha Office. Later on six meetings of the workers of the Sabla were called and one of the important resolutions passed was that of collecting funds to pay the fines of those who were sentenced to that effect as a result of the 1927 riots. Efforts were also made for the release of those still undergoing imprisonment.

Shrimant Raja Laxmanrao, Dr. B. S. Moonje, etc. founded the Shraddhanand Anathalaya in 1927. Later on for its maintenance the Nagpur Hindu Sabha arranged to get interest on a fixed reserve of Rs. 12000/- which was registered. Shrimant Daji Saheb Buti handed over a huge building for the use of the Anathalaya. The institution is run solely with the help of the Hindu Sabha workers,

The Anath Vidyarthi Griha was started by Sir Govindrao Cholkar. For the last fifteen years it is working well under the patronage of Dr. Gopalrao Deshmukh. Right from Brahmins to Harijans, more

than 200 boys are now enjoying the shelter of the Griha, Before a few years the institution constructed a building of its own for hostel and school purposes. The High School started by ths Griha is recognised by the Government. The Griha is run mostly with the help of the workers of the Hindu Sabha.

Some enthusiastic youths of Nagpur including Mr. H N, Gokhale, the Joint Secretary of the Marathi C. P. Hindu Sabha have started Arya Yuvak Sangha to push on the Shuddhi Movement. This institution also has its various branches in Buldi and the City.

Mr. Machwe who is incharge of the Shuddhi Vibhag of the Hindu Sabha has started Vidhwa Vivah Mandal. Another Mandal run by Mr. Para njpe is also work ing well.

The Hindu Girls’ High School has now developed into a flourishing High School and the starting of a College is being contemplated. For fifteen years continuously Dr. Paranjpe, Vice-President of the Hindu Sabha, was the Chairman of the School Committee.

The C, P. Hindı Sabha Election Board was establish en in 1937 to contest the elections for the Provincial Legislative Assembly. From C. P., Marathi and Hindi, the Board set up about 35 candidates. An election manifesto was issued and propaganda was done through the press and platform. But as all this

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liad to be done within the short period of a month the Board could not secure satisfactory results.

The Hindu Sabha fully supported the Hindu cause in Patanswangi trouble. The place is about 16 miles from Nagpur. Here the trouble ils regards the right of Hindus to play music before mosques at certain times was created by the Mohamedans. Fifteen Hindus were prosecuted under section 107 but the struggle continued undauntedly. At last on 27th August, the Government was compelled to withdraw the police and allow a huge procession of the Hindus to pass before the mosque, nusio being played unceas ingly. Afterwards the Deputy Commissioner of Nagpur issued an order admitting the right of the Hindus to take their procession by any routo and at any time, playing music continuously.

Several District, Tahsil, Nagar, Village or Circle branches of the Provincial Hindu Sabla have been started by doing a lot of propaganda work.

Shrimant M. G. Chitnavis, M. L. A. is at present the President and Shri Jagannath Prasad Verma is the General Secretary of the Provincial Hindu Sabha,

MAHARASHTRA

Established in 1924.

In 1924 on the 10th of January a branch of the Hindu Mahasabha was opened at Poona. Since its inception the Poona Branch has been gathering strength and influence. So far inore than sixty branches have been started all over Maharashtra. To give impetus to the work alreally hegun by the Pooja Branch, a tour programme of Dr. B. S. Moonja was arranged in 1927. The dignified personality, and thundering declarations of Dr. Moonje made the whole atmosphere in Maharashtra vibrating with Hindutva. People were roused from their slumbers. Dr.’ Moonje visited in his tours Poona, Satar, Nagar, Belgaum, Nasik, Sholapur and other principal and notable cities and towns and also toured over the Southern Maratha States.

In 1938 Bhai Parmanand and Dr. Moonje with Mr. R. G. Bhide and R. S. Rajawade and in 1937 Messrs. R. G. Bhide and R. S. Rajawade went on lecturing tours and carried the message of the Mahasabha to every corner of Maharashtra. The Session of the All

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India Hiudu Mahasabha was held in Poona in 1985 which was a unique and grand success. The Session helped to remove perverse ideas of some scepticg about the aims and ideals of the Hindu Maliasabha. Malarashtra las since then risen up to share its quota in the .lll Iulia Movement of the Hindu Mahasablia.

Though the branch of the All India Hindu Malia sabha was opened at Poona in 1012+, Maharashtra was practically doing the work of the Sabha from 1920. The 1st Maharashtra Hindu Dharma Conference wag held in 1920 at Nasik under the presidentship of His Holiness Shri Shankaracharya, Dr. Kurtkoti, Uptil now seven Provincial Conferences were held; the last one was held at Kolhapur in 1937 under the presidentship of Dr. B. S Moonje.

Maharashtra has done appreriable work in the field of Shuddhi. In the first three years of the establish ment of the Poona Branch more than 100 converts were again brought back into the Hindufold. The Masurashrama is the pioneer in this field and it has rendered splendid work. Its Shuddhi work in Goa is above estimation About 6000 Gavadas were recon verted ’en masse’. The Dharma Samrakshaka Sangh of West Khandesh is also performing feats in this work. Its propaganda and movements among the Bhills in Satpuda hills have evoked admiration from all. The Bhills are taught to lead pure and simple life. They

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were completely addicted to drink; but hy the system atic propaganda by Rajaram Maharaj, head of the Sangh, they are almost cured of that evil. As the whole cominunity has now become conscious and self asserting the mischievous activities of the Muslim propagandists do not make effect on their minds. H. H, Shri Kshatra Jagadguru Maharaj of Kollapur is doing very splendid work in this field.

Besides tours and lectures, the Maharashtra Hindu Sabha is publishing literature on the work and pro gramme of the Hindu Mahasabha. Such publications prove useful to make every Hinda self-conscious and intelligent and to answer the anti-propaganda of co-religionists and anti-religionists. Its first publica tion was a booklet written by Mr. D. N. Shikhare on ‘Hinduism–the Supreme Religion. It vividly des. cribed the greatness of Hindu Dharma by comparing it with the other world religions. The Sabha publish ed in 1937 a book “Hindu Samaj Darshan’ edited by Mr. L. B. Bliopatkar. Its latest publication is at pamphlet-‘Hindu Mahasabha, the only National Body’ written by Mr. R. G. Bhide, the General Secretary of the All India Hindu Mahasabha.

As is proverbially kuown, Maharashtra is a poor tract of land. Big sums over crores may not be collected; but still Maharashtra does not lag behind in materially contributing to the nation-building

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activities and to national movements. The Maharashtra. Hindu Sabha donated Rs. 1500/- to the Kashmir Relief Fund, Rs. 6500/- to the Bihar Relief Fund and collect ed about Rs. 12000 for the Annual Session of the All India Hindu Mahasabha which met at Poona in 1935. Quite recently Rs. 4000/- were collected to help the Hindu sufferers in Hyderabad State.

The Sonya Maruti Satyagraha in Poona started under the auspices of the Hindu Sabha was unique from many points of view. The most important and notable aspect of that Satyagraha was that it was for the first time in the living memory of Hindus that the Hindus as Hindus launched a movement of Satyagraha in defence of their religious rights–the rights of worship and playing of music. The Hindus without any distinction of caste or creed rallied round and offered Satyagraha, Thousands of Hindus of all ranks participated in the movement. The Maharashtra Hinda Sabha with the support of the Varnaslıram Swarajya Sangh and the Democratic Swarajya Party systematically carried on the movement. The Satya graha movement spelled advantageous to the Hindus in the work of Sanghatan.

The condition of Hindus in the Hyderabad State is worsened to the limit. The people in the State are deprived even of the elementary rights of citizenship. Liberty of speech, association, meeting, ctc. is denied

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to them. Somie where this repression must be checked and counteracted and with this view alone the people in and outside the State finally decided to start the movement of Satyagraha against the tyranny and despotism of the Mizam. The Hindutva Nishta Satyagraha Mandal was established in Poona under the presidentship of Mr. G. V. Kétkar. It was arranged to send volunteers by batches in the terri tories of the Nizam to offer Satyagraha. The Hindus are prepared to conduct the fight till their demands are satisfactorily fulfilled. Maharashtra with greater affinities has exposed the cause of Hyderabad Hindus and is supporting the struggle with mén, money and kind. The Maharashtra Hindu Sabha bas sufficiently financed the movement.

The Maharashtra Hindu Sabha is thus etideavour ing to popularise the creed and programme of the Hindu Maha Sabha in Maharashtra. Mr. R. G. Bhide, the Secretary of the All India Hindu Mahasabha, is the very life-breath of the Hindu Sabha Movement in Maharashtra. Periodical lectures are delivered by workers, occasional tours of notable leaders are arrange ed and district conferences are held with a view to make the Maha Sabha Movement reach the last layer of the itida Comin unity. Many people in cities, towns and v

Ara “spontaneously ’etirolling their Dames es möhbers of the Bindu Mahasabha: The

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number of members has risen up to 20000. Town, City, Taluka and District Hindu Sabha Commit tees are appointed and they are mustering strong day by day. The future looks pregnant with en couragiug results.

Shri L. B. Bhopatkar is at present the President and Shri R. G. Bhide, the General Secretary of the

Provincial Hindu Sabha.

RATNAGIRI

This part of Maharashtra was too orthodox to hear even the talk of the removal of untouchability, and yet the able leadership of Swantantryayeer V. D. Savarkar made the untouchability, in almost all the parts of the district, a thing of the past. The people do not recognise the difference between touchability and untouchability, so much so that, even Akhil Hindu Upahar Grihas (Restaurants for Hindus ) have come into existence and the “Asprishyas” are called “Purva .sprishyas” (Ex-Harijans).

The same is the case with Shuddhi also. The Sana tani Hindu opinion was deadly against this new move, and yet slowly but surely, Barrister Savarkar with his masterly argumentation and a band of devoted workers, changed the mentality of the majority of the people

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and made the Shuddhi of about 350 and, odd persons who were freely admitted to the Hindu Society, and in this work the prominent members of the Hindu Sabha worked with Veer Savarkar and made the mission successful.

The Hindus of Hindusthan haci altogether forgotten that Nepal forms an integral and indivisible part of our country and that the Nepalese are our own kith and kin. But the movement of the Hindu Sabha made the Hivdu mind realise the oneness of Nepal Hindus with the Bharateeya Hindus. The Ratnagiri Hindi Sabha was the first and foremost one amongst those of the other places in Hindusthan to back up the more mentioned above.

The Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha was also the first and foremost institution not only to improve the Nagri Lipi and make it easier for printing, typing, etc. than even the English one, but to bring it in practice to a great deal by making men use it in their daily work and thus it brought about its improvement in actual, practical field. The same is the case with In all our Bharteeya sister languages many words from foreign tongues, like English, Arabic, Persian, eto. have crept in. The spirit of eradicating those foreign words from the mother-tongues and thus making them pure, was created by the Sabha under the able guidance of Barrister Savarkar…

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In the last 12 or 14 years the Hindus there were; taught to fight out tha aggressions of the Christians and specially of Moslems. The question of music before mosques was fought out favourably by the Hindus in Ratnagiri, Klarepatan, Shirgaon, etc. Cases were fought in courts and the riotous acts of the Moslems were duly paid in the same coin by the Hindus, who protected their own legitimate rights. So also the Hindus ably fought against the subtle aggression of the Christian missionaries, and at many places they had to wind up their schools and instead of increasing their activities of proselitisation, they were at a loss to keep up their own normal posi tion evon. And this became possible only by the movement of Shuddhi and removal of the ban of Rotibandi-taking food from other castes, etc. The idea of losing Jati at the hands of others, was given a rude shock and is now almost destroyed.

Shree Patit Pawan Mandir, meant for all Hindus inclur! g the untouchables, is not only proclaiming the praise-worthy generosity of Shrimant Bhagojee Seth Keer but the spirit of Pan-Hindutva throughout the country. Conceding to the request of the Hindu Sabha, Shrimant Bhagoji Seth built the Mandir worth Rs. 250000/-. The unique feature of this Mandir, the like of which cannot yet be seen in the whole of Hindusthan, is that every-one from the

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lowest of the low (the so-called uptouchables) upto the highest of the high ( the Brahmins ), every Hindu of whatever gradation of the Hindu Society comes there, forgetting all the differences of castes and the like under the Hindu Dhwaja and performs the Puja, Bhajan, Darshan, and Vedapathan jointly. In the premises of the Mandir, untouchables, Brahmins and Non-Brahmins, all live there as neighbours and draw water from the same well. Thus & divided Hindu, from the moment he enters the Mandir, becomes one with all other Hindus and transcends all the differences of castes, etc.

Owing to the persistent efforts of the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha, a Vyayamshalx was established by the Municipality where training is given in the use of lathis, swords, spears, etc.

Within the period of 4 years the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha has saved not less than 10 lacs of rupees from going to foreign countries by infusing the spirit of Swadeshi. At present Swadeshi oloth is being consum ed by 92%, soap by. 95%, glass by 50% and Sw& deshi sugar bags about 1500 in odd, as against previous figurer, viz. cloth by 40%, Swadeshi 80ap, paper and glass by 2% and Swadeshi augar only 2 bags.

The Akhanda ( continuous, without break ) Bhajan for7 days and 7 nights - makes one Saptaha. Suoh Saptahas were observed in the Vaidic. God-Temple, the Patitpawan Shree Vishnu Mandir, by all the

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Hindus-Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras and the Purvaspriyas to-gether with complete equality, Such scenes of complete eradication of the Jat-pat (castes) will seldom be seen anywhere in our country as are seen in the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha’s Shree

Patitpawan Mandir.

Each year the celebration of Shree Ganesh is a vory prominent feature of Maharashtryia Hindus. That Utsava continues for 10 days. In this Patitpawan Mandir every Hindu without any distinction can and does take part. Keertan by Bhangis, Geetapath by Chamars, the carrying of the palaki (Palanquin) by Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Shudras, Harijans, etc. together, dining in the same row, including men and women by thousands of all sections of the Hindus, such as Sikhs, Jains, Aryasamajists, Gorakhas, etc. are some of the chief featuros of programme in the Temple.

Two hundred performances of dining to-gether (Seh Bhojas) in the same row by all Hindus were per formed in Ratnagiri and thus the caste consciousness is nearly annihilated there.

BERAR

Established in 1924.

The Berar Provincial Hindu Sabha owes its origin to the Muslim troubles. It came into existence in the communal tension of 1924 regarding the immersion pro cession of Ganpati. The fight put up by the Sabha not only brought a successful conclusion of the trouble, but also made the Sabha itself a living organisation. After this it extended its hands to various items which strengthened the Hindu Sanghatan Movement. With this object the Hindu Sabha made efforts to stop drain age of untouchable Hindus to other religions, and by inducing the orthodox section of the upper classes, under took the reconversion-work against strong opposition, It was reported that lower class Hindus of Mangrul, Hiwarkhed and Digras, being harassed by the upper class ones in respect of drawing water from public wells and some other social customs, had decided to embrace Islam to avoid social inequality. The Hindu Sabha members at once hurried to these places and by mutual understanding saved these 1000 souls. In order to eradicate untouchability, the Provincial Hindu Sabha wrote to all the District Councils and the

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Municipalities in the province to keep open all public wells and schools for the untouchables and thanks to the spirit of co-operation of these local bodies, reso lutions were passed by them to that offect. Through the efforts of the Hindu Sablia many temples in big towns were thrown open to the untouchables. A mmber of lecture-tours was arranged throughout the province to preach on the evils of untouchability. A Boarding House for the untouchables was opened and financed by the Provincial Sabha. Tho Sabha also tried and successfully sent an untouchable member to the Municipality by it majority of touchable Hindu votes, defeating the upper class Hindu candidate. By this time Dr. Ambedkar, the well-known leader of the depressed classes liad declared to renounce Hinduism. At this declaration, the Muslims were overjoyed and wanted to convert him. Maulana Shaukat Ali was after him and both of them had come to Paturda, a village near Shegaon in Berar, where it was intended to convert about 5000 untouchables to Islam. But this plan was frustrated, thanks to the efforts of the Arya Samaj and the Hindu Sabha. Only 11 persons out of 5000 accepted Islan-to renounce it after 3 mouths through the efforts of the latter institution,

Cow protection was also taken in hand. At the ius tance of the Provincial Hindu Sablia, the Municipalities like Murtazapur, Wun, Arvi, etc. passed resolutions

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prohibiting the slaughter of milky and pregnant ani mals and all cows and calves within their limits.

Another sphere of the activity of the Provincial Hindu Sabha was the opening of an Orphanage. Besides this, in order to save the Hindu widows and orphans from going over to the Muslimis, it was de cided also to start Vidhwa Ashram and Vidhwa Viwah Samstha’. There were certain cases in which Hindu women kidnapped by the Muslims were re covered through the civil courts. The Hindu commu nity is always reluctant to take back such persons and absorb them. The Hindu Mahasablia has to he on its alert against such desertious of Hindu women, and it is satisfying to note that the Provincial Hindu Sabha with all its branches is trying its best to retain those renegades within its fold.

To cultivate the spirit of resistance the Sabha gave an inpetus to the starting of Akharas in all the towns of Berar where Hindu youths are getting physical training. The Sabha also tried and succeeded to some extent in dispelling the false notions entertained by some Hindus regarding ‘Pir-worship and pilgrimage to “Shadal Boa’, etc. The Provincial Sabha arranged lectures and distributed handbills to dissunde Hindus from taking part in the Moliarram festival with reli gious fervour. The result is that now 90% of the Hiudus keep quite aluof.

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The Provincial Sabha also undertook to Shuddhi? or Reconversion. There were certain villages in the Melghat and by its border which were completely baptised by the Christian missionaries. The Sabha sent lecturers there and thousands of these souls were reclaimed.

The Berar Provincial Hindu Sahlia invited the Akhil Bharntiya Hindu Mahasabha and its Session was held at Akola in 1929 under the Presidentslip of Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya. Side by side with thus Session other Conferences, viz., Hindu Youth League, Hindu Sanghatan Parisha and Shuddhi Parishad were also held. In 1930, the All India Session of the Maha Sabha was to be held in Andhra, but at the instance of Dr. Monjee the Berar l’rovincial Hindu Sabha again invited it. All the urangements were nearly com plete but the Working Committee of the Mahasabha postponed the Session, which was afterwards held at Salem, A Joint Session of the Berar and C. P. Sabha Wis called in 1937 at Akola under the Presidentship of Vir V. 1). Savarkar ind il resolution was passed, winning at Complete Independence is the ultimate goal of the Hinda aspirations,

Shri P. C. Jogalekar is to present the President and Sliri G. K. Chitalay the General Secretary of the Provincial Hindu Sabha.

BENGAL

Established in 1924.

The Bengal Provincial Hindu Salsha has at present about 170 branches under it including the Sylhet District in the Assam province, which is nffiliated with the Bengal Provincial Hinen Sabha. Every district and sub-divisional town has got a branch Sabha beside many of the important villages of the province. The branch Sabhas have been re-organised during the year 188 and most of the branches have been thoroughly overhauled with new office-bearers. The branches are now actively carrying out the programme of the Hindu Mahasabha and have been imbued with a new life,

It is difficult to exactly state the number of members of the Hindu Sabha branches. New member ship receipt books have been printed and distributed to branch Sabhas for enrolment of members. There is a great deal of enthusiasm for the Hindu Sabha Movement in this province and according to moderate estimate at least ten thousand members have in all been enrolled. The work is proceeding steadily and it is hoped that in next six months a hundred thou saud members will have been enlistedi.

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The Bengal Provincial Hindu Sabla observed the Anti-(‘ommunal Award Day on the 18th of August last in a besitting nanner throughout the province. In Calcutta proper three public meetings were held on that day which were addressed by influential Hindu leaders. Besides towns like Rajshahi, Pabna, Natore, Maldah, Sirajgunge, Bogra, Kurigram, Gaibandha, Nilphamari, Jalpaiguri, Dacea, Comilla, Noakhali, Manikgunj, Kishoreganj, Burdwan and other places observed the Day and enthusiastically held public demonstrations.

The Bengal Provincial Hindu Sabha took prompt steps when Parit Jawaharlal Nehru on behalf of the Congress publicly offfreel Mr. Jinnah to accept the torms of the Jimah-Rajendraprasad Agreement. The Executive Committee rof the Sabha issued a statement denouncing the proposed Agreement and subsequently a protest meeting was held at the Albert Hall presided over by Sj. Ramananda Chatterjee. Besides 15 other districts held public meetings strongly condemning the Agreement.

The position of the Hindus has been further compli cated by adoption by the Bengal Legislative Assembly of a resolution reserving 60% of all recruitment of public services for the Moslems, 20% for the scheduled castes and 20% for the rest. The Congress niembers who remained neutral on the resolution and the state 270

ment of the Cougress Assembly leader, Nj. Sarat Chandra Bose on the subject practically lending his support to the infamous resolution have been seriously criticised throughout the province. The Bengal Pro viucial Hindu Sabha convened a public meeting at the Albert Hall presided over by Mr. S. K. Roy Chowdhury, ex-Mayor of Calcutta in which tle attitude of the Congress members was strongly condemned. Besides almost all the districts and sub-clivisional linu Sabhas denounced the resolution and the stateinent of Mr. Sarat Chandra Bose. i

The Sabha maintains two preachers who tour in the districts, propagating the message of the Hindu Sabha and keep in touch with the branches with a view to help them to carry out the constructive work of the Sabha. The Bengal Provincial Hindu Sabha has a clearly defined constructive pirogranıme which aims at weldinih different castes and coininu nities into a component whole by pursuing a pro gramme such as removal of untouchability, abolition of child marriage and dowry systems, amelioration of the condition of the Hindu willows, protection of women, widow-remarriage, uplift of the backward! classes, organisation of Sarbajanin Pujas for the benetit of Hinduis of all castes, establishment of Akharas, Clubs and Gymnasiums for the physical regeneration of the Hindu youths and similar other social uplift works. The

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programme is very popular among the backward classes and the Sabha has a solid backing of these classes.

During the year 1938 our prenchers visited most of thin districts and sub-divisional towns in the province, particularly in the North and Eastern Bengal and reorganised branch Sabhas in these places and address en public meetings. They visited Khulna, Barisal, Chandpur, Conilla, Sylhet, Karimngunge, Habigunge, Moulvibazar, Hailakandi, Netrakona, Kisloregunj, Mymensingh, Sirajgunj, Paluna, Natore, Naogaon, Rajshahi, Bogra, Sherpur. Rungpur, Kurigram, Gaibandha, Balurghat, Dinajpur, Saidpur, Dooars, Jalpaiguri, Maldah, Assansole, Ranigunge, Burdwan, and other important towns.

The Hindu Sabha Movement was initiated in Bengal by the late Sj. Piyush Kanti Ghosh, of the Anrita Bazar Patrika’, in the year 1924 following the Saharanpur riot in U. P. The terrible communal riot of Calcutta of 1926 lent a great impetus to the move ment which gained added momentum as further communal riots broke out in different places in the province in the succeeding years. The Pabna riot, the Kishoreganj riot, tho Dacca riot and the Chitta gong riot sent a thrill of liorror amongst the Hindu community, served to open their eyes about their own defenceless position against tho Moslem aggression and immensoly strengthened the Hindu Sabha Movement,

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Iu 1920 the All India Hindu Mahasbha Session was held in Calcutta which was presided over by late Lala Lajpat Rai, the Lion of the Punjab. The first session of the Bengal Provincial Hindu Conference was held at Sirajgunge which was presided over by Babu Sasadhar Roy, Advocate, Calcutta High Courtand attended by Swami Shraddhananda of revered memory. The second session was held at Calcutta under the presidentship of Sj. Hirendra Nath Dutt, M. A., B. Lo, Solicitor, the third session was held at Mymensingh under the pre sidentship of Malamalıopadhyaya Pramatha Nath Tarkabhusan, the fourth at Dacca under the presi dentship of Mr. N. O. Kelkar of Maharashtra, the fifth at Burdwan under the presidentship of Malarajıı. Srish Chandra Nandi of Kasimbazar and the sixth session of the Conference was held at Maldah uuder the presidentship of Babu Ramananda Chatterjee.

Shri Bhai Parmanandji also presided over a special Provincial Hindu Conference in Calcutta in 1934.

Shri Rai Satindra Nath Chowdhuri is at present the President and Shri Ashutosh Lahiri, the General Secretary of the Provincial Hindu Sabha.

SINDH

Established in 1926.

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The Sindh Provincial Hindu Sabha was fouded in 1926, wien a Provincial Hindi (‘onference was organized here under the presidentship of the late Lala Lajpat Rai. Mr. Jai Ram Dault Ram was a prominent leader of the Ilidus in those days.

The l’rovincial Sindh Hindu Sabha has the follow ing District llindu Sabhas as its branches :

Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Nawabshalı, Ratud pero, (Larkana), Shikarpur and Shahdadkot.

Soon after the introduction of Reforms of 1937 in India the Provincial Autonomy was set up. The Pro vincial Hindu Sabha contested the seats in the Assem bly against the Congress, set up their own candi dates and succeeded in securing 11 seats out of 18. It is a matter of congratulation that the Hindu members in the Assembly are working in a team under a leader of their own choice, who is also one of the three ministers of the present Government. After a year the first reactionary and communal ininistry was suc. ceeded by a less communal ministry with the support, of Hindus.

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The policy of the Government in Sindh regarding the important cadres of services is not based on morit but on communal considerations against which the Hindu Sabha has appealed and protested to the authorities concerned from time to time. In October 1937 a Hindu Conference was held at Karachi uncler the Presidentship of Bhai Parmanand, M. L. A., a veteran Hindu leader of All India Hindu fame, wliere representatives from all parts of Sindh Assembled. Several resolutions were passed, such as the passing of the discriminatory bills and the appointments of important cadres in Sindh on communal basis. The other resolutions were on Sangatlan of Hindus, on Shuddhi, etc.

The Hindus in mofussils are usually the victims of Police oppressions and of Mohamedan dacoits and robbers. They usually look up to the Hindu Sabha for the redress of their grievances. A few instances are quoted here :

1. The Hindus in a village of Hyderabad district were oppressed by the Police and they approached the Hindu Sabha The Secretary approached the authori ties and convinced them of the genuineness of the complaint with the result that the offending officer was immediately removed.

2. In another case, a property of some Hindus worth about Rs. 3000/- was stolen by some Mnslims

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and the Police did not take notice of the complaint. The Secretary on being approached by these poor people took up their cause with the result that steps were taken and the stolen property vas recovered to a great extent.

3. A boy of two and a half years was kidnapped and was subsequently secured with the help of the Hindu Sabha.

4. A girl of 10 years was recovered a few years back froin the possession of Mohamedans by the Hindu Sabha and kept in a safe custody with a Hindu family. She was married to her own caste-man only about 4 months back.

. Public holidays, such as Krishna Ashtmi, Rama navami anıl Gita-Jayanti, inre observed by the Hindu Sabha to infuse enthusism among the Hindus of all sections and to bring them under one banner. On these occasions processions are taken ont and meetings are organized.

6. Ramanavami was declared as a sectional holiday in Sindh at the request of Sindh Hindu Sabha on behalf of the Hindus.

7. To carry the message of Hindu Sabha outside the big cities, Pandit Rameshwar Swami was sent out to carry on the propaganda for about 2 months.

8. Twó persons living in Hyderabad having 10

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relatives died and their cremation ceremony as per formed by the Hindu Sablia.

9. One woman disappeared from Ilyderabad and was traced in Shikarpur with the help of Hindu Salba,

A wave of joy spread throughout Sindh, in August last, wlien the Sindh Hindus were informed that their veteran leader and President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Vir V.D. Savarkar had agreed to visit Sindh. En-route to Hyderabad on 1st September thousands of people went to welcome and to pay their homage to him on inter vening stations. At Hyderabad, his first halting place in Sindh, he had a heavy programme to go through. Inspite of his short stay he visited the big cities of Sinilh such as Karachi, Hyderabad, Shikarpur anal Nawabshah. Wherever he went he had tho grandest receptions. Processions were organized wherever lle went and public and Municipal addresses were presented to him. Huge meetings were held where all people, councillors, merchants, teachers and others were pre sent. Vir Savarkar in his speeches assured Sindhi Hindus of their great and glorions future that yet awaits the Hiudu Nation. Thousands of people paid their homage to hin wherever be went to spread the messege of Hindu Sabha. Several ‘At Homes’ were given in his honour. In fact he had an ovation of which the Sindh Hindis can feel proud. During his

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short stay in Sindhi a Conference was held at Sukkar on 7th and 8th of September under his presielentship wliere people from all parts of Sindh came. It was a very successful Conference. In fact the Hindu Comm11 nity was electrificd by his speeches. The necessity of such frequent visits is felt by the Sindh Hindus as it will continue to keep alive the enthusiasm and love for Hindu Community.

The Head Office of the l’rovincial Hindu Sabha is now situated at Hyderabad (Sindh). Shri Mukhi Gobindrai Pritamdas. M. L. A. is at present the Presi dent and Shri Dhoramdos Belaran, the General Secretary.

THE RAJASTHAN

Established in 1927.

The Rajasthan (Rajputana) Provincial Hindu Sabha was founded in 1927. A large number of Hindus have joined its membership. There are about 20 branches of the Provincial Hindu Sabha. The Rajasthan Provincial Sabha bas so far organised 12 sessions. The Rajasthan Provincial Hindu Sabha llas been taking keen interest in the uplift of the Depressed Classes and in Shuddhi and Sangathan. Its activities include the cele bration of the lives of Hindu Heroes, and the propaga tion of Hindi language. The Sabla has also organised a. Swayam Sewak Dal. In 1933, the Provincia! Hindu Sabha invited the 15th Session of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha at Ajmer, which was pre sided over by Shri Bhai Parmanandji.

Kunwar Chand Karan Shardha is at present the Pre sident and Babu Durga Prasad, the General Secretary of the Provincial Hindu Sabha.

ASSAM

Established 1927

Some work for the interest of the Hindus in gene ral was done in the district of Norgony by a few Hindu citizens of this town but the tragic end of Swami Shraddhanandji has been an eye-opener to many Hindus here and they at once started a campaign for collection of money to the Shranlıhanauda Trust Fund in the year 1927. Till this event the Hindus in Assam failed to realise the working of the non-Hindu orga nisations in Assain which vitally affeoter the interests of the Hindus. The idlea of struggle to protect and promote the common interests of the Hindus arose at that time.

In this very year a local Hindu Sablia was starteri for the first time adopting the aims and objects of the All India Hindu Mahasabha.

In the following year, i, e. in 1928 the first Pro vincial Hindu Conference was held in the town of Nowgong under the Presidency of Dr. B. S. Moonje. It was a great success as all influential Hindus irres pective of caste and creed gathered there to hear the message of Dr. Moonje. His Holiness the Adhikar 282

Goswami of Garamur took a leading part in the affairs and a strong Provincial Committee represent ing different shades of opinion and interests was formed.

In the year 1929 in the capital of the Abomi Rulers of Assam, i. e. Sibsagar town, the second Hindu Conference was held with grand success under the Presidency of Mahamohopadhyaya Pramathanath Tar kabhusan of Hindu University, Benares.

From 1930 to 1934 no conference could be held duo to political agitations; but in December 1935 the third Hindu Conference was held with great eclat under the presidency of Dr. Moonje in the town of Nowgong (Assam). No conference has been held since then but nevertheless the Provincial Hindu Sabha with the kind and active assistance of Srijut Satis Singhji has done immense work in its constructive side.

There has been intense propaganda in the villages of this province popularising the aims and objects of the Hindu Mahasabha, especially among of the ex-tea gar den labourers and Hill tribes-chiefly Mikirs, Lalungs and Kacharis. As a result of this propaganda about 3 lacs of tribal people recorded themselves de Hindus in the last Census. An excerpt from the Census Report of 1931 noted below will clearly show the work done by the Hindu Sabha liere: “There can be no doubt that the Hindu Sabha achieved a considerable

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measure of success and that by its efforts the number of animists was much reduced and the number of the Hindus correspondingly increased. (Vol. 111, pp. 118-189). Several meetings were lield in the different centres amongst the untouchables and caste Hindus and they freely joined hands among themselves.

The Sablia could have achieved more but for the fact that the Hill tracts are not allowed to be peue trated freely although the Christian Missionarios have full access to these areas.

Besides, some schools and temples also were estab lislied among these backward tribes and the ex-tea garden labourers. It is pleasing to note here that all the schools subsequently have been taken by the Local Board.

During the great flood of 1934 in the district of Nowgong, a Sub-Committee was formed known as the “Hindu Sabha Relief Committee for the purpose of doing relief work. The Committee distributed amongst the helpless 2000 pieces of clothes and gratui tous relief to the extent of Rs. 3300/-. The Comunittee helped the villagers in repairing 15 Namyhars (places of worship) damaged by the flood, took special eare of 200 widlows, rescued 7 helpless girls from starvation and shame and took charge of 2 orphan babies who were about to be given to the Christian Missionaries

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357 persons (girls 233, adult females 58, children 34, and youngmen 32) were rescued from the hands of the non-Hindus, mostly Mohammedans, by the Sabha during the period under report. Some of these were restored after good deal of persuasion to their relatives.

4+ girls were given in marriage–majority of them among their own castes and a few ainong others. girls and adult females were sent to Sumitra and Banita Aslırams at Monghor and Hindu Abla Ashram in Bengal. In many casex rescuies were done with the help of the courts,

tot persons-girls, allalt females, boys and adult males, were reconverted to Hinduism-8 persons from Islam ind 72 from Christianity. To encourage the above a Conference was held in December 1995 at Nowgong (Assam) iunier the Presidency of Babu

Jagatnarayan Lall.

9 babies varying from 2 to 10 months have been taken over charge ly the Sabha.—7 of whom have been taken over by 7 families and accepted as their own and 2 babies are still in charge of the Sabila.

10 persons have been given medical aid together with fooding and clothing as otherwise they were tempted to embrace Islam.

The Sabha felt keenly, by practically working in the field, the want of an Anath Ashram in the Assam

THE DECCAN STATES

ATA Car

As in British India, the activities of the Hindu Mahasabha are carried on a large scale in Sangli, Miraj, Kolahpur and in other Deccan States.

So far as Kolahpur is concerned, they have got a Hindu Sabha of their own carrying on activities primarily as regards the removal of untouchability. The late Maharaja of Kolahpur took an active interest in the cause of the removal of untouchability. The present Maharaja and his Prime Minister as well as Shrimat Khshatrya Jagat Guru are also deeply interest ed in the matter. The Aryasamaj also plays an impor tant part in the removal of untouchability and recon version. The Kolalpur State has in this respect become a great centre of reconversion and removal of untouch ability. Dr. Balkrislına, the Principal of the Rajaraın College, Kolalpur is a devoted Aryasamajist and under his guidance mucli social work is done.

Sangli also plays an important part so far as the Hindu-Muslim question is concerned. The local branch of the Hindu Sablia llas got neadly two thou snud members and practically Sangli is going to be a strong centre of all the activities of the Hindu Sabha. Miraj also plays its own role in the Hindu

THE COMMUNAL AWARD

AND THE HINDU MAHASABHA

core

ARES SABELA

THE COMMUNAL AWARD

The so-called Communal Award’ is the direct ontcome of the Separate Communal Electorates”, always demander and pressed for ly the Muslims, supported by the Government and yielded to by the Indian National Congress.

THE ANGLO-MUSLIM ALLIANCE When the last Reforms were in the making and the British Government were holding Round Table Conference deliby ra ions, Mr. Gandhi participated along with others who were specially invited by the Government themselves. As is usual with him, Mr. Gandhi, with his queer notion of Hindu Muslim lity began to follow the will-o-?the wisp theory of that unity. Kuowing full well thuat liis failure was a foregone conclusion the new Conservative Govarez ment of England settled with the Muslim leaders and a friendly alliance was established between them. This alliauce was the inevitable outcome of Mr. Gandhi’s wrong attitude and inis-handling of the situation.

As a result of this the Premier took upon himself the uncalled for duties of an arbitrator and announced his Decision on Angust 17, 1982 under the name of

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the Communal Award It was supplemented by another announcement some time later.

This Communal Award at once sealed the fate and future of the Hindus of Hindusthan. It was as if a punishment for their patriotic sacrifices done by them for the cause of their motherland. They were made helots in their very home.

THE CUP OF POISON Writing on the Hindı-Muslim Communalism and condemníug both, Pandit Jawahiralal Nehru remark ed……… “It is also true that the Communal Award in an utter negntion of nationalism and is meant to divide Hindusthan into communal compartments and give strength to disruptive tendencies and thus to strengthen the hold of British Imperialism”. Even Dr. Ansari and Mr. Sherwani in a joint statement emphasised the main features of the Communal Award in the following words :

“Perpetnating and stimulating the cause of divid. ing Indians, accentuation and extension of communal divisions and creation of fresh communal groups and interests which would shatter all future prospects of communal co-operation, these are the main features of the Communal Award’.” Later on, Dr. Ansari even went to the length of describing the Communal Award as a ‘cup of poiron’,

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MR. GANDHI SUCCUMBS TO MUSLIMS’

PRESSURE Every leader, to wliatever shade of opinion he might belong, emphatically condemned the Award As anti-national and unsatisfactory and a wave of indignation seemed to sweep over the country. But before the Congress could come out with its definite and deliberate decision it was leaked out in certain quarters that Mr. Gandhi was being approached by some of the influential Muslims either to accept the Award or at least not to allow the Congress to gainsay it. Bhai Parmanand came to know of it and he wrote a very strong letter to Mr. Gandhi imploring him therein not to give in under the undue pressure and thereby betray the true feelings of India as a whole. The letter, however, had no effect, and Mr. Gandhi at last yielded to the anti-democratic influences. Hence it was he and he alone who brought round the Congress Working Committee to adopt the neutral attitude of ’neither accepting nor rejecting the Communal Decision.

HIS FAST RESPONSIBLE FOR “THE POONA PACT

While the country had been roused against the sense of injustice done to India by the British Premier in this way, Mr. Gandhi’s fast upto death suddenly diverted the attention of the people from

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the real issue of doing away with the Award and concentrated it only to save his life with the object of getting joint elections of Depressed classes and the caste Hindus. This move on the part of Mr. Gandhi which ultimately resulted in the formation of the Poona Pact* added to the misfortunes of the Hindus whose interests were sacrificed for good to save Mr. Gandhi’s life. The terms dictated by Dr. Ambedkar were hastily accepted and a further split among the Hindus was created by alotting certain number of seats for the depressed classes in the Pun jab and Bengal out of the meagre proportion of the Hindn seats a split which was not even thonght of by the Premier himself.

Inspite of telegrams of protests sent by Bhai Parmanandji from Simla against the proposed accept ance of the Ambedkar’s terms, whatever apparent good the Poola Pact was supposed to have contained, was later on nullified by the Government adopting commu lative methods instead of distributive methods of voting by the Caste Hindus and the Depressed classes.

THE FAILURE OF UNITY CONFERENCE Pandit M. M. Malaviya, it seemed, did not take the Communal Decision at first so seriously. He tried to have another Hindu-Muslim Unity Conference at Allahabad. Bhai Parmanand was also invited to this 295

Conference. In a short speech in the Conference lie, at the very outset, explained that the Conference could serve no useful purpose if the sotting aside of the Communal Award was not made the primary condition and the basis for further negotiations. His proposal was not accepted and Bhaji left Allahabad in disappointment. The Conference went on for two months and ended in fiasco.

111 .11

11

BHAIJI COMBATS “THE AWARD’ INSIDE

AND OUTSIDE THE ASSEMBLY

Bhai Parmanand took upon himself to combat the Communal Award on behalf of the Hindu Mahasabha and it has since then carried on its struggle against the Award under his guidance.

He was the only Hindu leader who opposed the Communal Award and the White Paper from the Hoor of the Central Legislative Assembly. His two speech es delivered on March 13, 1933 aud on March 29, 1937 are memorable in as much as these clearly placed before the Government and the country the position of the Hindus in the proposed constitution. He concluded one of his speeches in the Assembly in the following pathetic words:

“I do not think there could be a greater injustice and inequity that could be done to a great and anci

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out race. I would yo a step further and say that this shows a kind of vindictiveness on the part of the Government towards the Hindus on account of the various ways of agitation they have adopted against the Government. No doubt a very large number of agitators come from the Hindus, but there can be no doubt also that this class does not represent the real Hindu mind or Hindu feeling. The Hindu population though feeling interested in the present agitation for various reasons, is, in fact, keeping itself distinct and watching the events in the capacity of a spectator. Any kind of vindictiveness on the part of an enlight ened Governnient towards a whole people would be unpardonable in the eyes of God and unjustifiable in the eyes of history. I beg to submit, therefore, that there is yet time for the Government to intervone and have this wrong redressed.”

DR. MOONJE’S STATEMENTS

Dr. B.S. Moonje, then the Working President of the Hindu Mabasabha, R. B. Mehr Chand Khanna, Mr. B. C. Chatterjee of Bengal, Syt. Ram Rao Desh Mukh ex-Minister C. P., Mr. Gavoi of Nagpur and the late Prof. Chhablani of Sindh sailed for London to submit their evidences before the Joint Parliamentary Select Committee. Dr. B. S. Moonje, on behalf of the Hindu Mahasabha, submitted the following statements which

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contain all what the Mahasabha has to say on the minorities problem generally :

In this connection particular attention is drawa to the facts:

SANCTITY OF THE ‘LUCKNOW PACT’. (a) That since 1916 an agreement, of mutual consent in brotherly friendsbip between Hindus and Moslems known as the Luokpow Pact, ia in actual operation through the present Government of India Act,

(6) That it is the Moslems wbu are now repudiating tbie Pact of mutual agreement. The Hindus object to such unilateral repudiation.

(c) That even the Simon Commitaion bave practically supported this very reasonable opposition of the Hindus in tbeir recommendations in respect of tbe Lucknow Pact and hold the view that until a new pact of mutual agreement is arrived at, the old pact, called the Lucknow Pact, must stand.

Under the circumstances the British Government abould say, as did the Right Honourable Mr. Thomas, Secretary for the Dominions, in his speech on the Irish question for similar reasons, in the House of Commons on the 4th of July, 1932: .

“But we will not be a party and cannot be a party to allowing & question of this kind which is a solemn obligation made between two people to be treated simply as if it were

& scrap of paper.”

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Neither party bag a moral right to repudiate the Pact and if solemn pacte pledging the honour and word of peoples are allowed to be repudiated and treated as # scrap of paper in easy conscience, peaceful and ordered conditions of life will vanish and civilized life itself, as has been 80 truly said by the Right Honourable Mr. Thomas, will be made impossible.

DECISION OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT

ON THE COMMUNAL PROBLEM. Tbia decision is most adjust to the Hindus generally and to the Hindu minorities particularly for the following reasons:

(a) That in provinces where the Moslems form minority communities, weightages sanctioned under the present Goverpmert of India Act bare not only been generally maintained bat in the provinces of U. P., Bibar and C. P.. there is even slight increase in those weightages.

(6) That while maintaining those weightages for the Moslem minorities, the representation which was given to the Hindu mimorities of the Punjab and Bengal under the probent Goverament of India Act baa beer very much reduced; and not only do weightage is given but tbe representation that is not provided by the White Paper for the Hindu Minorities in the Punjab and Bengal is sven below wbat they are entitled to on the populatiou basie in their respective provinces.

(c) That in the Punjab and Bengal where the Moslom. form the majority commodities, proviniso has been made for

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guaranteeing majority by statute, though indirectly to the Moslem majority in the Punjab and for guaranteeding & large majority by statute to the Moslem majority in Bengal over the Hindu minority wbo bave been tbus deprived of all possible constitutional meang of converting their minority into political majority.

(a) Ia Bengal the Moslems form 54.8 percent of the population and the Hindus and others, that ie, Buddhists, Jains. Jewi, Sikbe, Apimists form 44.8 per cent of the population. The Hindus have not been given represe station even in proportion to their population. Educationally and culturally they are most advanced. Their contribution to Public Revenues is the largest. They play a much more important part in the field of commerce and industry than the Mohammedans. According to the calculation of Sir N. N. Sircar, Member, Joint Parliamontary Committee, out of 34 seats assigned to special constituencies, po more than 11 seats will come to tbo Hindus, pine are likely to go to tho Mobammedade and 14 to Europeans and Anglo Indians So out of a House of 250 Hipdus get only 91 seate, tbat is to say 36.4 percent, Cbristiano including Europeana and Anglo-Iodinno wbo form ‘36 percent of tbe population and should get only one seat on the basis of their popula tion, get 31 seats, wbich means a weightage of 3100 per cent. Such a weightage is out of all proportion to whatever considerations they may be entitled to for their share in Commerce, but all these considerations are entirely igoored where the Hindus are concerned.

Over and above all this comes the Poopa Pact wbict is

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based on the figu’es given in column 6. page 119 of the Indian Franchise Committee’s Report. These figures, as shown in the Report, are under revision. If test of un toucbability, which ought to be the only test as proscribed by the Indian Francbise Committee is employed, the population of the Depressed Cla5808 might be fogod to be .07 millions only. Therefore the number of seats for the Depressed Clasbee should be fixed after a fresh enquiry to determine the exact number of untoucbables in ordered apd ita results are known.

(e) That on the contrary in the Central Legislature the All India Hindu majority bas been reduced to ap #bøoluce minority, as will be evident from the following

(1) The Simon Commission allocated 150 seats to the Hindus including the depressed classes out of a total of 250 in the Central Legislalore, that is 60 per cent.

(2) The Government of India Despatch provides for 80 beats for Hindus including depressed clas9e8 out of 150 seats to be returned by general territorial constituopcio, in a House of 200, that is, 53 p. c. Besides, out of the remainidg 50 seata, the Hindus could expect to get about 25 mente. Thus the proportion of the Hindus would be ve been about 60 per cent.

8. The White Paper provides for oply 105 heats for Hindue including depressed classes out of 250 seats reserved for the Britisb India side of the Federal Aswerobly, that iwa oply 42 p. C. This percentage may rise to 45 p 6., if the Hindus likely to be returned from apecial constituencie Are to be added

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(f) Tbat Siodh has been separated igporiog the upant mous and determined opposition of the Hindu minority of Sindhu who wore not given a cbance to send any repreeed ’tative to any of the three Round Table Conferences and albo tbe British Indian Delegation to the Joint Parliamentary Committee to present their case, thougb the Sindb Moslems were given two, if not three, representatives on the Round Table Conference. Thus the decision of separatiog Sindh is an ex-parte judgment in its pure and naked form.

() That separated Sindh being pronounced officially to be a deficit province with yearly deficit of not less than Re. eighty lacs, it will be apotber piece of injustice if the deficit be made good by a subvention from the revepues of the Central Government to wbich the largest Contribution is made by the Hindus of India, who are opposed to separation equally with tbe Hindu# of Sindh.

N. B.

If Sindh must be separated, then the following propo Bals are made in the interest of justice to the Hindu minority:

(a) That after a lapse of five years after separation an enquiry sbould be made on the following lines -

(1) Has the efficiency of administration been pair. taiped at the same level at which it was wen Sjodb formed a part of Bombay Fresidency.

(2) Has there been the same progress in nation- * building departmenta as there io in Bombay.

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(8) Does the minority community enjoy the same degree of security of life and property as it did wheo Sindb formed part of Bombay.

(4) Is the province financially solvent and sound.

(b) That the constitution sbould provide inter-alia for the re-amalgamation of Sindh with Bombay if the results of the enquiry mentioned above are not satisfactory.

(c) Tbat proposals for taxation should pot be such as to throw a disproportionately heavy burden on the minority.

(a) Tbat tbe majority community sbould get no prefered tial treatment for

(1) Recruitment to Services, (2) Admission to Educational institutions,

(3) Acquisition of property. (e) Tbat discriminatory laws like the Land Alienation Act should be interdicted.

(b) Tbat similarly exparte decisione bave been taken in respect of the N. W. F. Province without giving any chance to the Hiodu minority of the province to represent their case At the Round Table Conference. The Moslein majority of tbe province was represented on the Conference by a power fal and influential representative, the Hon’ble Sir Abdul Quayum, and the Hindu minority was not given any repre deptative at all.

In view of ejecial Imperial cocditions for wbich the N, W. F. Province war separated from the Punjab, special

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safeguarda should be provided for the protection of the Hindu minority and the maintenance of Law and Order.

SEPARATE VERSUS JOINT ELECTORATES.

The Maba-abba bas a faodamental objection to separate electorates but desires it to be particularly noted that tbo scheme of separate electorate was devised for the protection of a minority commuoity. A community which is in majority in any province is nottherefore, legitimately epti. tled to demand separate electorates. A minority community should be given the right to demand joint electorates with the majority commodity, should it consider it needful for ita protection, irrespective of the consont thereto of the majority community. In such circumstances, the seate for the minority community may be reserved in Joint electorates on the basis of their proportion in the population of the province and the community should be given the right to contest additional goats,

FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS, (a) The Hindu Mabasabba stands for makiog provirion in the constitution for full protection of the different cultures, religions, languages, scripts and personal laws of the different minorities.

(b) Ag for civic and oconomic rights, none sball be prejudiced by reason of bis casto or crood in acquiring or enjoying those rights which should expressly include the rights of owingu purchasing, or dieposing of landed proper ties in the open market without any restrictions of any

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kind whatsoever and the freedom of choice of any profession or calling. All laws existing at present in India based on caste discriminations and acting prejudicially to the opjoy ment of these rights should automatically lapue.

(c) That po person shall be under any disability for admission to ang branch of public service merely by reason of bis religion or caste.

(a) Membership of any community or caste or creed abould not prejudice any person for purpnees of recruitment to public services or be a ground for noo-admission, pro motion or superbession in any public service or to any

public institution.

PUBLIC SERVICES. There abould be no communal representation in the Public services wbich must be open to all communities ou the basis of merit and competency ascertained throagh open competitive tests. Recruitment to Services should be made on considerations of highest efficiency and qualifications Deccessary and available for any particular service by open competition, thereby securing the two-fold object of maintaining the services on a high level of efficiency and leaving open a fair field of competition to all communities to secure fair representation on the basis of merit and effi ciency. The public services constitute the soul of self Govornment. It will not be safe to have less efficiency in administration, than at least wbat prevails apder British responsibility. Considerations therefore, ’ of maintaining efficiency in administration at the bigbeat possible standard 305

make it obligatory to demand the highest Decondary qualif cations requisite for any particolar service from those who offer themselves for recruitment to public services, irrespec tive of caste and creed,

PROBLEM OF DEPRESSED CLASSES. It is purely a domestic question of the Hindu Society based, as it ia, on the Bindu custom of untoucbability and unapproacbability. Of late tbere bas come upon the Hindus’ mind a vast change which is striking at the very root of the custom by throwing open temples to the so-called de pressed clasaeg.

The best solution of tbe problem wbich is also least offensive to constitutional purity in reservation of seats for them is Joint Electorated with the Hindus on the basis of their proportion in the population.

Wbat is needed is fixation of the definition of tbe term depressed classes to untouchability and unapproachability and then to ascertain in each province as to which of the caste svould be included in the Depressed classes.

THE POONA PACT AND THE PUNJAB HINDUS

The Hindus of the Punjab have always contended that there jø no depressed classes problem in the Punjab on account of several factors operating against the custom of untouchability, such as the Arya Samaj movement, the Sikh movement and Reform movements amongst tbe Hipdu.. Tbia contention of the Hindus was aupported by the Local Government and tbe Government of India. The Communal decision accordingly on the support of the Government of

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Iodia refused to create depressed classes question in the Pua jab but unfortunately, owing to the fast of Mabatma Gaodbi kod the patural apxiety of the people to save his life, the PoonPact was hurried through. Tbe Poopa Pact should, tberefore, be amended so far as the Padjab queation is cog cerned to restore the status quo ante.”

Another statement of the Hindu Mahasabha on the constitutional problem of India was snbmitted at the same time to the Joint Parliamentary Select Committee in London. It deals with the pledges given by His Majesty’s Government at various times for introducing Responsible Government in India. It then puts forth the views of the Hindu Mahasabha in the following words:

Whon the White Paper is studied and analyzed, certain points stand out which enable tbe people to viqualise that there is no improvement in their constitutional status and that what is provided in the proposale of the White Paper is mere increased abgociation of the people with the Government of the country for which, in ite es 86nce, it is the British Crown through its Agents and not the people that are responsible. Some of the most important of these points are pieced together briefly in the resolution adopted at the Joint Conference of the Members of the Working Committee of the Hindu Maksabha and the Hindu Members of the Contral Legislature with which the Hindu Mabababba is in entire agreement:

The resolution is a follows :

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This Conference pate on record its deliberate opinion that the constitution of India as foresbadowed in the White Paper will not allay but increase discontent as being mout disappointing and inadequate and even retrogressive for the following reasons:

(a) that there is no advance in the constitatioual status of India and wbolo of the conception of the constitu tion is based on the 198umption that lodia is a conquered territory belonging to the Crown of Ragland and is to be administerod, not in the interest of India, by the agents of tbe Oro#D.

(b) That the constitution does pot even remotely or in any sense approximate to a Dominina Constitution which the Goveroment is pledged to grant by Parliamentary declaratiopg.

(c) Tbat thougb it was agreed tbat the introduction of Contral Responsibility leading to Dominion Status abould be accompanied during a period of transition by safeguards which sbould be demonstrably in the interest of Lodia, the period of trapeition is not provided aor it is fixed and the safeguarda aro not conceived in the interest of India.

(a) That the Central Responsibility is made dependent on the one hand, ultimately on the will of the Princes and on the other, on the World economic conditions making the establiebment of the Reserved Bank possible and on its suc cessful working and also more particularly on the will of tbe Houses of Parliament to present an addresas, if and wben they do choose to His Majesty praying for His Majesty’s pro clamation announcing the establiebment of the Federation.

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(e) That provision bae been made for endowing the Governor-General with extra-ordinary powers described uoder the categories called ; (a) Reserved Departments (6) Special Responsibilitiee (c) Discretionary Powers (d) Special powers and (c) Legislative powers by which the Governor General can make acts without the consent of or even reference to Legislatures and can obtain funda at his own individual judgment and will.

(O That the authority of the Governor-General to appoint Coupeellora for the administration of Reserved Departmente of Defence and Foreign affairs is oot limited choice of bis Counsellors only from amongst the elected members of the Legislatures.

(e) That the Federal Legislatures have been denied the power of constitutiog a Railway Board by a statute of its own for the administration of tbe Federal Riya.

(b) That the responsibility of the Finance Minister al ready circumscribed as it is by making more than eighty percent of the revenuea non-potable bas been further serious ly crippled by the appointment of a l’inancial Adriver to the Viceroy.

(i) That no provision has been made for complete Indian isation of the Army within a reasonable period.

6. That powers are still retained in regard to the recrait ment and control of Public Service, the Police Service and otber Services, by the Secretary of State for India, which being the steel-frame of the constitution are incapable of automatic adjustment compatible with automatic constitution al growth,

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(*) That do provision bas been made for automatic growth to Dominion Constitution.

(1) Tbat fupdamental rigbte bave pot been defined and no provision bas been made for tbe inclusion of those rights ip Constitution Act, and that in view of the fact that these alode comprise the true and legitimato protection of & minority. thia omission coupled with practically autocratic powers of the Governor-General is bound to lead to differen tial treatment of minorities in different provinces.

(m) That the Government reserves to itself tbe right to reconsider the whole position in respect of Reforme under certain possible but undefined financial, economic and politi cal conditions, even though all otber requirements for the inauguration of the Federation shall bave been satisfied.

(n) Tbat the Communal Award wbich forme the basis of atructure of the Constitution is predominently pro-Moslem and highly upjust to the Hindus. It is unacceptable to tbe Hindus as it provides for separate electorates and uoduo weigbtages in representation in Legislatures to the Mosleme at the cost of the Hindue and giveo statutory majority in effect to the Moslems in the Pupjab.

To the above the Mabasabba would add tbat a Conati tution based on the Commodal decision of the British Goveroment cannot be one of Dominion Status, por can it ever lead to it. It would always be an ansurmountable obstacle to redeem their pledges thereof;

The Mahasabha bag therefore to criticise the Commupal decision algo apart from its adverse effects on the interests of the Hindu Community.

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Bhai Parmanand on behalf of the Hindu Maha Sabha convened a meeting of the Hindu, Sikh and Parsi members of the Central Legislatures at Simla in Sept. 1933.

A statement with the signatures of Syts. Sukhraj Roy, (Rai Bahadur), Amarnath Dutt, Bhapat Singh, Raghubir Singh, (Rai Bahadur), Chandi Mal Gola, Bhai Parmanand, Satyendranath Sen, S. G. Jog, G. N. Mujundar, Gupteshwar Prasad Siugh, B. L. Rastogi, N. R. Gunjal, M. C. Rajha (Rao Bahadur), Lalchand Navalrai B, 1., Patil (R. B. ), Liladhar Chaudhari, B. N. Misra, B. Das and N. N. Apkleseria was sub mitted to the Joint Select Committee in London.

4

AIANA

BHAI PARMANANDA’S EVIDENCE Shri Bhai Parmananda who also went to London, submitted the following statement on behalf of the Central Hindu Committee of the Central Legislatures.

THE HINDUS AND THE COMMUNAL

SETTLEMENT Whilo fully supportiog tbe viow that the responsibility given to the Central or to tbo Provincial Legislaturos ha. been placed under so many restrictions as to reduce it to a mere damp, and that the safeguarda with reservation of power to the Governor-General and the Governors under the same of special ro-ponsibilities”, “discretionary powort”, Gover por-General’a powers of issuing ordinance mod enacting

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apecial acts, etc., take away the spirit of responsibility leaving only the form bebind, I have to submit that the cbiel subject which I propose to deal with is the grave wrong done to the Hindus by the settlement of the commupal problem, commonly known as the Prime Minis tor’s Award, and by the apportionment of seats in the Legislatures to various communities, he outlined in the White Paper.

WRONG PROCEDURE ADOPTED IN ARRIVING AT A SOLUTION OF THE COMMUNAL PROBLEM

BY MUTUAL AGREEMENT. It was a wrong Anøutpption, based upon a fallacious theory, Obat the communal problem of India could be settled by mutual agreement among the various communi ties and diverse interrate, and furtber that the settlement waa intimately connected with the question of Bindu Moslom unity.

The Hindus and Moslems baving entirely different ideais as to their fature growth and development, it was po 046 mixing up the settlement of commun al issues and the Hindu Moslem unity or any agreement dependent upon it. Un fortunately, bowever, the discussions in the Round Table Copference centered round the question of the unity of varioue communities and it assumed an unusual im portance during the Second Round Table Copforonce, which was attended by Mahatma Gandhi. To achieve this unity was # pansion with him apd, to that extent, it proved to be a apurge of weaknese. Hindu-Voelen concord, teken by

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itaelf, is an excellent thing; but as understood in Indian politics, it bas led to untoward consequences.

The Congress, in its struggle to achieve self-govern ment, bas run into the babit of calling this stragglo a war. For the purposes of war, of course, completo unity among different parties is essential And, in order to secure that upity the leaders of the Congress had been offering higher terme to the Mohammedads withont properly consideriog bow those terms would affect the Hindus. But to understand the matter aright it is necessary to know that this struggle is not a war io ita literal sense and the grant of self-govern ment to India, whether due to the growth of a new feeling of humanity in Britain, or due to pressure brought to bear upon the British Government by various modes of agitation inclading tbe recept Civil Dinobedience movemeat, could Do but be in the dature of a gift to India by England. It is true that even to force England to give India self government, anity among the various communities would be a great help, but it could not be an Absential condition.

COMMUNAL CONSTITUTION, A NEGATION OF

DEMOCRACY. It is acknowledged on all bands that democratic consti tution must be free from the virus of communalism. It can be said with all certainty that no constitution wbich is based upon entirely different, and vory oftep mutually opposed interests, could lead to the growth of a truly Dational government. The fall force of this argument bas been perceived by everyone who has had to study the

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commupal problem in India. The authors of tbe Montague Cbelmsford Report discussing this subject come to tbe following conclusion :

“We conclude unbesitatingly that the bistory of self government among the Datione who developed it and spread it throughout the world is decisively against the admission by the State of any divided allegiance against the State’s arranging ite members in any way which encourages them to think of themselves primarily as citizens of any smaller unit than itself….. The communal system stereoty per exis ting relations. We regard apy system of communal elec torates as a very serious bindrance to tbe development of the self-governing principle.”

I’be Statutory Commission supported the above view thus:

“Communal representation the provision by law that & particular religious community shall be represented in a popular legislature solely by members of its own body with a guarantee 88 to how many communal seats there shall b e an undoubted obstacle in the way of the growth of a common citizebabip.”

The Prime Minister again expressed the absurdity of communal electorates by saying that:–

The evil of communal electorates bas assumed ite most dangerous form and proportion in India, where dif ferent communitios and minoritios are out to claim that the legislature is to represent not regions, but religions, not areas or intereste, but cantee and creeda, by a strange

315

to follow the general principles laid down by tbe Minori ties Committee of the League of Nations for the guidance of various Governments in communal mattera,

Failing that, the next best course for the Government was to discover & uniform plan and to follow it strictly in the matter of distribution of communal rigbte. Scrupulcug impartiality was the one thing to be expected from the Government in this case. Uofortunately wbat we find is that the proposed constitution empbasiges and accentuates commupaliam above everything else and not oply accedes to the communal demands, but gives every encouragement to communalism by putting & premium over it, as the proposals in the White Paper sbow.

THE STATUTORY COMMISSION’S OPINION ON THIS

SUBJECT-AUTHENTIC AND UNBIAŞSED.

The Statutory Commission was appointed by Parliament in 1927, in pursuance of Section 841 of the Goveroment of lodie Act. The Commission carried on their task of investigation in India in co-operation with the Copmittees appointed from the Central and the Provincial Legislatoreg. Among other things the question of communal represent ation was enquired into. And naturally their unanimous view based on a thorough examination of the qneation on tbe spot sbould carry weight and authority. The first question before tbem was that of communal representation which they call most important and bighly controversial. We know wbat view they had. But in spite of that the decided in favour of maintaining separate representation. 316

And why do? They give their reason in the following worde

“We are now faced, as the antborn of the Montague Chelmsford Report were faced, by the indiaputable fact that the Mohammedan community &a whole is not prepared to give up commupal representation and would regard ite abolition, without the absent of that community, not only as the withdrawal of a security which it prizes but as a cancelling of assurances upon which it bas relied.”

Having & consciousDP that the responsibility of retaining communal electorates lay on the Mobammedan community, the Statutory Commission took a fair and upbiassed view of tbe subject. Tbey did not try to dis cover any dew role for their guidance in the settlement of the Hindu-Moslem question. Tbey took the Lucknow Pect and followed the lines of that agreement arrived at between the Hindu and Moslem leader. in 1916, when communal tension had not been replaced by jood-will.

Referring to the most disputed problem of the allocation of seats to different commodities in Bengal and the Pupjab, they say with groat reason and trutb:

“But a claim bas been put forward for a guarantee of Mobammedan representation which goes further than this… Tbio claim goes to the length of seeking to preserve the full security of representation non provided for Monlems in these aix provinces and at the same time to enlarge in Bengal and tbe Pupjab the present proportion of seats secured to the community by separate electorates to

figures proportiodate to their ratio of population. This would give Mobammedada a fixed and unalterable majority of the general constituency seats in both provinces. We capoot go so far. The continuance of the present scale of weightage in the six provinces could pot-in tbe absence of a new general agreement between the communities equitably be combined with so great a departure from the existing allocation of seats in Bengal and the Punjab.”

The Communal Award disregarda all this and goes to the length of giving more than a mere statutory majority to the Mobammedans in the Punjab.

THE CONTRAST BETWEEN THE WHITE PAFER AND THE STATUTORY COMMISSION AS REGARDS ALLOCATION OF SEATS IN THE CENTRAL

ASSEMBLY

Tbo Statutory Commission allotted seate to verious communities in the proposed Federal Assembly in the followiog proportion: fixing the total number of seats at 250, they asaigoed 160 seate to the Hindue (including the Depressed Classes), 75 to the Mobammedans and 26 to the other communities. Thus the Hindus get 60 per cent (16 per cent less than their population ratio) and the Mohammedans get 30 per cent of the total (5 per cent more than their population ratio). The White Paper allocatea 150 instead of 150 seats to Hindua (including the Deprotsed Classes) &od 82 to Mobammedade. Thue it reduces tbe Hinda majority (76 por cent. of the whole population) to a minority by giving them a representation of 42 per cent.

318

The comparative alloration of seats as proposed in the Statutory Commibrion’s Report, the Goveroment of India Despatch and the White Paper is :—

| Special Percept

Europe Constituen. age of

100 cies (Con Hip Mos- | Hindu sikhe A

merce, dus leme

Moblem seats

Xtiane Landlords)

Ipdiads Labnur,

and Women and

want

per cept,

830 i 5

Statutory

Commission Govt. of India

Despatch… White Paper

136

76

20

MWARE

367 440

37*

.

…

…

–

ar

• These special seats have been taken out of the Hindu Beats (General Constituency) reducing tbeir percentage from 60 per cent, according to the Simon Commiasion, to 42 per cent of the total by the Wbite Paper.

TAE INIQUITIES OF THE COMMUNAL AWARD

(a) The Communal Award is iniquitous because it gives a statutory majority to the majority community in the Pun jab to an extent which is beyond the expectations of even the Moslem leaders of the Province, thereby establisbing & fixed and unalterable religious statutory majority which could not be reduced by any appeal to the electorate in tbe Province. Fixing the total number at 176, the White Paper gives 86 to Mobam medans, 48 to Aliodas and 32 to Sikbe,

319

i. e., 11 more than that of tbe Hindus and Sikhs combined. Adding 10 seats of Special Constituencies five more would go to Mohammedans, tbus making their total 91 and of all the rest 84. With such a strong statutory communal majo rity in the Panjab Council the Governor, even with bis special powere, would not be in a position to protect the minorities, because in the face of opposition from this majo rity be would not be able to form an alternative government. Thua “freed from this contingency and sheltered by the citadel of religious ortbodoxy the majority might easily become a veritable engine of oppression and mierule ngaipat which the combined opposition would be impotent.”

(b) In other provincor special weightage is given to Moblem minorities. In the United Provinces for instances, the Moslems forving 14 per cent. of the population are given as many as balf of the number of Hindu Beats in tbe Upper Chamber. On the otber band tbe Hindus in the Punjab, & minority community in tbe province, io stead of being given any weightage get less than even their popu lation ratio.

(u) The Punjab being the main recruiting ground and a source of supply of 62 per cent recruits to the army o! defence, the Moslem Government of tbe Poojab would exer cise an entire control over this source

(a) Tbe creating of a separate deficit province of Siod, with a population of leng tban foor millions and the introduc tion of full-fledged reforms in the North-West Frontier Province, with a population of two and a balf millions and each necessitating a subvention of nearly a crore of rupees

320

at the cost of the poor people of India, cannot surely be called measures of protection for the minorities. On the otber band the Corbett scheme of creating a new province copsiating of the Ambale Division of tbe Punjab, togetber with some districts of the U. P., which could have sorved as a aolution for the most difficult problem of the Punjab and wbich is keeply desired by the people of the Ambala Division, W48 altogether ignored.

(e) Such enormous communal concessions have created apomalien like the following:

The backward population of the North-West Frontier Province aintaining their administration at a beavy coat to the Central Revenue are given five seats, i. e., less than half a million people of tbat Province return one membor to the federal Assembly Wbile an advanced province lito Bengal, with a population of over 50 millions, is given 37 seats oply, wbicb works out at one member to one and half million people. This is three times the number of periodo represented by one member of tbe Federal Assembly in the case of the Nortb-West Frontier Province.

Bhaiji did not rest with this much only. In mediately after assuming the Presidentship of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha at Ajmer in Oct., 1933 he undertook an all India tour. He visited important towns in all the provinces of Hindnsthan, i. e. Agra and Oudh, Bihar, Bengal, Bombay Presi dency, Maharashtra, the N. W. F. Province and the Punjab. In Maharashtra Province, Dr. B. S. Moonje

321

aud Sjt. R. G. Bhidey also joined him. Iu almost all the cities, mass meetings of the Hindus were held and unanimous resolutions condemning the so-called Communal Award were passed, texts of which were communicated to the Government and to the Joint Parliamentary Committee.

Besides this a draft resolution protesting’ayainst the Communal Award was yot printed and the signa tures of the Hindu members of the various Provincial Legislatures, Municipal Boards and other local bodies were obtained and forwarded to the Joint Parliamen tary Committee and to the British Government in London.

PANDIT MALAVIYAJI IN THE FIELD R. B. Melir Chand Khanna organised a Frontier Provincial Hindu Conference which was held at Pesha wur in 1934, to express the resentment of the Frontier Hindus against the Communal Award. Besides Bhai Parmanaud, Dr. Radha Kumud Mukerjee and Pandit M. M. Malaviya attended the Conference. This pro vided an opportunity for the Hindu Sabha leaders to discuss the Award thoroughly with Panditjee.

Panditjee was eveu inoved to tears and was convert ed to an attitude of strong opposition to the Commu nal Decision. He in collaboration with Sjt. M. S. Aney tried his best to bring round the Congress to

322

his view but failing in his attempt, he formeri a separate party under the name of ’the Congresy Nationalist Party’ in order to work in co-operation with the Hindu Mahasabha. Panditji’s party fought the last elections against the Congress on the issue of the Communal Award.

During 1934-3õ, there were held some All-India Anti-Communal Award Conferences. The first Con ference was held on Oct. 20, 1934 at Bombay under the Presidentship of Shri B. Ramanand Chatterjee, an ex-President of the A. I. Hindu Mahasabha and the second at Delhi on Feb. 23, 1935 under the President ship of Mr. O. Y. Chintamani, the well-known Editor of the ‘Leader

as

In the Punjab, a minority Conference was orga nised by the Punjab Hindu Sabha leaders. It was held under the Presidentship of Mr. K. L. Ralia Ram, a respected Christian leader. The late Sardar Bahadur Melitab Singh was the Chairman of the Reception Committee. Dr. B. $. Moonje, Bhai Parmanand and Raja Narindra Nath took a leading part in the

Conference.

Resolutions on behalf of the ininorities (Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis, etc.) of the Punjab condemn ing the Communal Award were passed and communi cated to the British Government.

323

WHY WE FAILED ? The Government’s Communal Award, as we now see, has not come up to the expectations of any non Muslim Community in India and yet all this agitation carried on with such earnestness by the All India Hindu Mahasabha, having the good of the country at heart, seems to have gone in vain. All our reasoning and appeal to the sense of justice and equity of the British statesien have so for fallen on deaf ears. The reasons for this failure are not far to seek. In the first place the British Government has its own defi nite aims and policy to follow in this country. They cared neither for the so-called Swaraj War’ waged by the Indian Natioual Congress nor for the discord ant cry of the Hindus, who are disunited and a major portion of whom are still being obsessed by the false philosophy of the Congress Nationalism. The Hindu Sabha agitation against the Communal Award roused the people of India, specially the Hindus as & whole but the Congress following a double-faced policy turned it to its own favour. Apparently the Congress seemed to all an enenıy of the Constitution as it gave solemn pledges to their electorates that its sole aim was pothing less than to break the Consti tution. But in their heart of hearts the Congress people wanted to work the Constitution and thereby to gain more power to carry out their own theory, by

THE FUNDS AND THE

PROPERTIES

The Hindu Mahasabla has never commauded riches although some of the wealthiest men are its sympathisers and patrons. Their corporate wealth has dwindled down to zero so far as the activities of the Hindu Mahasablia are concerned.

There are absolutely no reserved funds or other funds in hand for carrying on the objects of the Hindu Mahasabha on a stable and permanent basis. During the early years of its establishment sufficient funds came and were spent. Men like Pandit M. M. Mala viya and Lala Lajpat Rai used to collect funds and used to spend very liberally as well. They did not think of, it appears, creaticg a permanent reserve fund. A huge amount of funds was spent for starting three daily papers. The Hindustan Times (English), Tej (Urdu) and Arjun (Hindi) were started by the Maha sabha leaders which owing to the lack of control berama independent in the course of time. These Journals now feel shy of propagating the gospels of the Hindu Mahasabha.

The martyrdom of Swami Shraddhanand gave an opportunity to collect funds. About Rs. Three Lakhs

325

were collected and the Hindu Mahasabha created a separate trust for its working. At present there is over a Lakh of rupees and it has been saved and kept as reserve funds due to strenuous and constant efforts of Shri Bhai Parmanandji and Dr. B. S. Moonje who are also the trustees of the Funds. According to the resolution by which the Shraddhand Memorial Trust was constituted, one fourth of the income of the Trust was to be spent through the Hindu Mahasabha for Hindu Sangathan work. But this one fourth share of the income has never been handed over by the Shraddha nand Memorial Trast to the Hindu Mahasablia so far for the Sangathan work.

The death of Lala Lajpat Rai atforded another occasion for raising it permanent fund. Dr. B. S. Moonje, the then Working President of) the Hiudu Mahasabha succeeded in collecting about Rs. 50,000/ for the Lajpat Rai Memorial Fund.

In 1925 L. Lajpat Rai transferred the Head Office of the Hindu Mahasabha from Benares to Delhi. Up to the presidentship of Shri Bhai Parmanandji in 1933 the Hearl Office was being kept in a small rented second storeyed building on the Punchku ) Road. This was below the dignity of the Hindu Mal abha. Bhai Parmavand wanted to find out some place for the building of an Ashram where workers for the Hindu Sangathan work could be trained. 329

Taking into consideration the stability of the institution and the safety of the investment the sum of Rupees 50,000/- was also used in the Mahasabha building. The building of Hindu Mahasabha Bhawan could not have been completed but for the munifi cence of Seth Jugal Kishore Birla who has so far donated over Rs. 40,000/-. Shri Bhaiji has collected about Rs. 20,000/- for the Hindu Sewa Ashram. For the maintenance of the Ashram Slıri Bhaiji donated his one hundred slrares of the Punjab Sugar Mills which were tren of the inirket value of Rs. 33,000/- aad of the annual income of Rs. 1000/- through the Hindu Maha Sabha at the Ajmer Session. A separate trust has been crented for this purpose.

A grand palatial building is now standing over a ridge which commands the view of the whole of New Delhi. It stands as a permanent monument in the Capital of Hindusthan. It hus now become a place of daily pilgrimage for hundreds of Hindus without any distinction of caste and creed whatsoever.

The Mallasabha has very few donors who donate for the current expenses of its programme of work, but the name of Seth Jugal Kishore Birla is an excep tion to this statement. .

Shri Veer V. D. Savarkar is now contemplating very seriously to collect funds for a Reserve fund to enable the Mahasabha to put up a solid work.

330

Some of the Provincial Hindu Sabhas have also got properties. The Punjab Hindu Sabha for instance has got & property worth about Rs. 2 Lakhs with an annual income of about Rs. 3000/- This income meets the organization expenses of the Punjab Hindu Sabha.

In the Bihar province as well the Hinda Sabha has got its own building which was purchased at the cost of Rs. 8000/- advanced by Seth Jugal Kishore Birla.

In Bengal Shri Seth Jugal Kishore Birla has got constructed a number of temples at the cost of Lakhs of rupees for which separate trusts have been created. Some prominent members of the Hindu Sabha are on the trusts that manage the properties.

In the last earthquake in Bihar Rs. One Lakh were spent through the Hindu Mahasabha for the repair of temples which were damaged. This amount of One Lakh was also donated by Shri Seth Jugal Kishore

Birla.

OUR PAN-HINDU NATIONAL FLAG

OUR NATIONAL FLAG

JH31

As a frontispiece of this book our readers shall find a beautiful illustration of our ‘Hindu National Flag. The conception of it came from the versatile brain of Swatantrya Vir V. D. Savarkar. For the first time he propounded the idea and explained it in details in the famous journal “Shraddhanand’ edited, by Dr. N. D. Saverkar.

Many considerations have been borne in mind when he took ap the task of determining the Flag of the Hindu Nation. The earth that feeds society, the law that gives nourishment, the book that imparts wisdom, the spinning wheel which symbolises arts and craftsall these and many others can become symbols and much can be said in respect of each of thein. But the crowning representative of all these symbols–the only correct symbol of Abhyudaya Fyze is sword $99. And in this symbol all other sym bols are represented. The main symbol for the Hindu National Flag therefore should be the sword 9914.

But the ultimate aim of the Hindu Abhyudaya

cy is Nishreyas fassan, and keeping this in view the Hindus should endeavour to reach the highest goal

834

humanly possible which is the special characteristics of the Hindu Nation.

Hindus have perfected & science based on experi ment which can be termed as the highest blessing on human life. This Shastra 74” is called the Yoga

7647. It is the bigliest means of the full development, of man’s internal powers. It is therefore very necessary that it clear symbol of Yoga 1 which indicates the way to the highest bliss should be fixed on the Flag of the Hindu Nation.

This Symbol is that of the Kundalini preparat. It is not the characteristic of any particular Jati (alfa) or Varria ( Qu). It exists in all human beings. On both sides of the Merudanda #203 (Spinal cord ), there are two nadis alat ( nerves ) which are named by the Hindu Yogashastris as the Ida est and the Pingala farn. They are intertwined with each other like a garland. Between these two there is a third nadi ast called the Susumna aar. In them there are centres of nerves which are designated as lotuses in the Yogic language.

There are chiefly six-lotuses, known as the Muladhara (MVR) the Swadhisthan& fea, the

Manipura मणिपूर, the Anahate भनाइत, the Vishudha विशुद्ध and the Sahasrara HIT. In the Muladhara chakra

i there is a marvellous power which is coiled up. By Yogic and meditative practices it gets awakened

335

and passing through every lotus (nerve centre ) and experiencing wonderful psychic super human ex perience reaches the Sahasrara lotus. Then the person practising Yoga experiences wonderfully supersensuous and intense joy and bliss. This stage is designated by the Yogis as that of Kaivalyananda 59777, by the Vajrayanis as that of Mahasukha agige, by the Adwai tees maafia: as that of Brahmananda Ani, and by devotees as that of Parnananda 4819 (*). To acquire this supreme joy or bliss is the highest ideal of man, be he a Hindu or a non-Hindu ( Muslim, Christian or Jew) i.e. believer or non-believer, citizen or forester. This Yogashastra is a science of personal experience. Hence there is no place for difference of opinions. Therefore the Kundalini which is the Muladharya Shakti of man’s highest progress and eternally blissful state of superconsciousness which can be intuitively experienced can alone be the symbol of the great ideal at which the Abhyudaya #yay of the Hindu Nation ains.

Thus the Kundalini osfaat which represents all the ultimate aspirations, feelings, and powers of mankind and the sword to which represents the all sided Abhyudaya aiming at and leading to the nation’s ideal prosperity these two alone, being depicted on the National flag, will be able to indicate and inspire the ideals of Abhyudaya and Nisshreyas.

336

Our National Flag thus will represent the Kunda lini, the Kripana (sword )-the one representing the highest bliss, the other wordly prosperity; they combine Shanti fra and Shakti #ift, Yoga #1, and Bhoga **, Nivritti fara and Pravitti nytt, Dhyeye ध्येय and Dharana धारणा; the one symbolizes उपनिषद-विधा highest spiritual attainment, the other denotes 89f747

magi (worldly advancement ); the former reminds one of 45 Lord Krishna, the latter of Dhanurdhara Partha 974 of the rar Geeta : The Kundalini means Jnyana Yoga hit and the Kripan 10 means

Karmayoga कर्मयोग.

PISTOTU Mi, faareja 7 HIT! “For the protection of the good and the destruc tion of the wicked.”

ईशाऽऽवास्यन् इद सर्व, यत् किच जगत्यां जगन् ।

तेन त्यक्तन भुञ्जीथाः, मा गृधः कस्यनिधनम् ॥ .

“All this, whatever that moves in the world, does so, because it is indwelt by the Lord. Enjoy thou what He has alloted to thee.”

This is the Universal message of our Hindu National Flag to the world. This is the national declaration.

In order that kingdom, power and glory may not become polluted by the actions of tyranny and in order to keep the central truth of virtuous conduct

337

always before mankind the background of this Hindu Flag is made of *r #ras Red orchard colour. This is the colour of renunciation. There is no Tyaga um without Yoga i and Kshema 14. Therefore the Kripana is for the Yoga Kshema man. We not only want to become ourselves free, powerful and liberated but we want also to make the world so. Therefore the colour of the flag of prosperity is Bhagwa. The deeper meaning and the philosophic secret of the Hindu Flag is thus denoted by this Bhagwa-zanda which is adorned by the kundlini Fofaa with Omkar *Fit and which also holds the Kripana.

This Flag is the final stage in the evolution of the traditional Hindu Flag in tho past. This is the consummation and perfection. From the very ancient times, the colour of the Hindu Flag has been Bhagwa. Even today the *zanda’ indicating the ideas of victori ous Pravritti nafar and Blissful Nivritti faqat is seen always and everywhere on the Hindu temples.

Even at the time of our last triumphal efforts when Hindu Pad Padshahi (Pera TICTII ) routed and over threw the Muslims, this very Bhagwa Flag was adopted as our National Flag, bestowed by Guru Samarth Ram Dass upon our National-Hero, Shri Shivaji Maharaj.

Along with the Royal Bhagwa colour of the Maharastreeya Hindu Power, there is also the Kripan of the Sikl indicative of tlie memory of Guru

337

always before mankind the background of this Hindu Flag is made of *r #ras Red orchard colour. This is the colour of renunciation. There is no Tyaga um without Yoga i and Kshema 14. Therefore the Kripana is for the Yoga Kshema man. We not only want to become ourselves free, powerful and liberated but we want also to make the world so. Therefore the colour of the flag of prosperity is Bhagwa. The deeper meaning and the philosophic secret of the Hindu Flag is thus denoted by this Bhagwa-zanda which is adorned by the kundlini Fofaa with Omkar *Fit and which also holds the Kripana.

This Flag is the final stage in the evolution of the traditional Hindu Flag in tho past. This is the consummation and perfection. From the very ancient times, the colour of the Hindu Flag has been Bhagwa. Even today the *zanda’ indicating the ideas of victori ous Pravritti nafar and Blissful Nivritti faqat is seen always and everywhere on the Hindu temples.

Even at the time of our last triumphal efforts when Hindu Pad Padshahi (Pera TICTII ) routed and over threw the Muslims, this very Bhagwa Flag was adopted as our National Flag, bestowed by Guru Samarth Ram Dass upon our National-Hero, Shri Shivaji Maharaj.

Along with the Royal Bhagwa colour of the Maharastreeya Hindu Power, there is also the Kripan of the Sikl indicative of tlie memory of Guru

338

Govind Singh, another great protector of the Hindu nation. Guru Govind Singh used to keep two Kripanas by his side and used to say, “The one is of Yoga and the other is of Bhoga, the one is of sifa (eternal peace) and the other is of gregis (prosperity).”

Then there stands prominent the Onkar ra, tlie sacred name of the Great One-an inexhaustible spiritual Dynamo, ever fure and source of all our Activity and Bliss. But to crown all our efforts with victory and to guarantee our all round national welfare there is the Symbol of Swastika-embracing all that is good and denoting the continuity of Hindu culture.

The Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha in its 18th Session held at Lahore in 1936 duly recognised this Flag-with the following resolution :

“The Mahasabha resolves that the Hindu National Flag expressing the central idea of Hindu National ism and spirituality be adopted as the Pan-Hindu National Flag.”

LONG LIVE OUR NATIONAL FLAG. OF OUR PRESIDENTS

17

SHRI PT. MADAN MOHAN MALAVIYA

TITI 1. 1

.

1

Presided in 1923 & 1935.

Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya comes of an ortho dox and respected family of Brahmans, who origi nally belonged to Malwa. One of his ancestors mi grated from Malwa to Allahabad nearly 400 years ago. The family has produced renowned Sanskrit scholars. He was born at Allahabad on 25th December 1861. Malaviyaji has burning zoal for the Hindu cause from the very beginning of his public career. Although he took prominent part in the Congress and other acti vities, yet the Hindu cause ever remained a dear and cherished object in his lofty, religious heart. This very object impelled the revered Pandit to found various institutions which have done so much to awaken and strengthen the Hindu Society. Long ago he started the Hindu Samaj at Allahabad. Since then he has been the originator and the life and soul in connection with the introduction of Hindi characters in the U. P. courts, in establishing Hindu Boarding House at Allahabad, Seva Samiti Boy Scouts’ Association, Hindu University and finally the Hindu Mahasabha.’ .

When Muslim aggression reached its climáx and Hindu interests were at stake, Panditji felt the need

342

of an organisation to advocate the Hindu cause. Con sequently we find him making unceasing efforts as one of the founders of the Hindu Mahasabha. The Hindu Community has rightly valued these efforts by electing him President at various Sessions of the Malasabha. He presided over 1922, 1924 and 1926 special Sessions held at Gaya, Belgaum and Gauhati respectively, and again in 1923 at the sixth Session held at Benares, In 1928 at Jubbulpore Session there were some diffe rences and Panditji left Mahasabha but did not with drew his active support and co-operation whenever needed. In 1935 he was again elected President of the 17th Session held at Poona. In fact there are very few deliberations of the Mahasabha in which Malaviya ji does not figure prominently. This has led to the belief, even in the non-Hindus, that he and he alone can speak anthoritatively from the Hindu side. That is why Mr. Jinnah and other Muslim Leaguers insisted on getting Malaviyaji’s word on Hindu-Muslim bar gains made by Mr. Gandhi and the Congress

In 1934, Malaviyaji differed with the Congress on the question of Communal Award and founded the Congress Nationalist Party, which did valuable work to keep the solidarity of the Hindu Society intact.

Although Panditji is a staunch Sanatanist yet he is strongly in favour of Shuddhi and Achhut-udhar. He himself has given MANTRAS to Achhuts on the

343

sacred banks of the Ganges at Benares and Allahabad. Some times this zeal for eradicating these social evils has led to very serious consequences. Some fanatic ruffians, on whom argument will not prevail, pelted stones on Panditji when Mantra ceremony was going on. Such incidents doubled his zeal and the opposition subsided in the long run, Panditji is also the President of the All India Shraddhanand Memorial Trust, found ed for the purpose of removing untouchability.

On several occasions Malaviyaji had to resort to Satyagrah for the Hindu cause. Once in the Kumbha fair at Allahabad authorities would not allow pilgrims to take bath at the Sangam, Pandit Malaviya was the first to defy this unjust order. Similarly when Katha was stopped at Har-Ki-Pairi, Hardwar, there too Panditji rushed and did Satyagraha by reciting Katha,

Panditji is full of pity and love. These virtues sometimes become sources of trouble. Any body approaching him for help and co-operation finds his door open. Sometimes people try to have unfair ad vantage of Panditji. Even in such cases he tries to do his utmost.

In fact the Hindu Community will ever remain in debted to Malaviyaji. His one achievement in the noble cause of Hindu education, the Hindu University alone, will remain a Centre of Hindu culture and a source of knowledge and light to the Hindus for ever.

NI

Ft

NILAI

Presided in 1924 & 1936.

His Holiness Shri Vidya Shanker Bharati Swami, formerly Dr. Lingesh Mahabhagavat of Kurtkoti, Ph., D., etc., was born on the 20th May, 1879 A.D, iu tho well-known family of Watandar Patil-Kulkarnis of Kurtkoti, District Dharwar. He is a great Sanskrit scholar of foreign reputation. He has written several works both in Sanskrit and English, and his “Heart of the Bhagavadgita” was accepted by the Oriental University of Washington, United States (America), as a thesis for the degree of Ph. D. He was for severa) years an Examiner for the additional Vedanta Prizo Paper for M. A. of the Bombay University. The Government of Bombay had.elected him a Member of the Moral Education Consultative Committee. He took a leading part in the foundation of the Indian In stitute of Philosophy of Amalner (Khandesh), where he was a lecturer on the Philosophy of Shankaracharya, of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute at Poona, and of the Sanskrit Academy of Banglore (Mysore State) under the auspices of which he edited a well-known Anglo-Sanskrit quarterly, named Sanskrit

345

Research.” The Madras and the Southern Maratha Railway Company had given him a free Second Class Pass to travel between Banglore and Poona as a Religious Preacher.

He was in close connection with all Sanskrit Scholars and Philosophers in England, America, France, Italy and Geraiany. Though he had not had foreign travels, he has imbibed both Easćern and Western culture. The installationof such a scholar and public worker on the Jugadguru Peeth of Kolhapur on the 3rd June 1917 was unique. Many gentlemen from almost all parts of India were present on the occasion, and Europeans and Japanese too were seen among them. A number of telegrams and letters of congratulations were received from the Viceroy, the Governors of Bombay and Madras, the Malarajas of Mysore, and Baroda and several eminent gentlemen like the late Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, the late Sir Ashutosh Mookerji, Sir M. Vishesharayya and Sir C. Sankaran Nair.

The expectations of the people about him and the promises given by him were amply realized after the installation of Shri Vidya Shankar Bharati Swami. He has ever since been the resplendent source and life of manifold activities whose aim is, one way or the other, the emancipation of India from religious, social and educational thraldom. He has stimulated philosophical activities by taking a large part in the

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establishment of philosophical societies at several places. He has been a pioneer of Sanskrit studies as evidenced by his efforts of founding the Sanskrit Vidyapeeth at Nasik, that is not yet realised. He has headed institutions for National Education such as the Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth of Poona. But his work as a socio-religious worker is even greater. It Was he who started in the Maharashtra the practice of holding annual religious Conference known as the Maharashtra Hindu Dharma Parishad, which has taken up seriously the questian of consolidation of the Hindu society and removal of hindrances and difficulties that threaten its existence. The keenness and versatility with which he has been studying these problems may be seen from the fact that as early as 1918, to attract the attention of the Government, of the public and of the political leaders, to the great religious problems of Hinduism, he interviewed his Excellency the Viceroy and the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for India, presided over the All-India Hindu Con ference held at Allahabad and addressed a special meet ing of the Home Rule League, Allahabad, as Chairman, That he values religious and social regeneration above all other things may be seen from the fact that without siding with one party or the other he has been trying to utilise the services of all for the advance of the flinda Society.

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Shri Shankaracharya, Dr. Krutkoti, presided over the 8th Session of the All India Hindu Mahasabha in 1924 at Prayag and over its 18th Session held in Lahore in 1936.

The Jagadguru has a versatile intellect. He is con versant with literature, rhetorio, grammar, philosophy. astronomy, medicine, and physical science. He has studied the Shastras with a veteran “Karmi” and by dint of his superior intelligence and dogged persever Ance he has acquired a vast proficiency in Sanskrit lite rature. He has travelled a good deal and his extensive travels have greatly enlarged his views, not of external nature only, but of human life and manner. He has an exquisite natural taste for the sublime and the beautiful in Nature and Art.

The Shankaracharya is not a narrow-minded bigot, but is thoroughly imbued with the spirit of universal toleration. He is full to the brim of the milk of human kindness, and so unbounded is his tenderness of heart that it takes in even the brute creation. His sparkling joviality and excellent bon homie shine out in almost every place.

SHRI LALA LAJPAT RAI

Presided in 1925.

Lala Lajpat Rai was born in 1863 of humble but respectable parents in the small town of Jagraon in the district of Ludhiana. He came of an old Agarwala family. Lajpat Rai never wearied of acknowledging his indebtedness to his mother, a noble soul, and an ideal of Hindu-womanhood. His father, Munshi Radhe Krishna Lal was a teacher of Persian and Urdu in the Govt. High School at Rohnik.

Lajpat Rai liad a brilliant career as a student. He studied in the Governinent College at Lahore for two rents being in receipt of a University Scholarship. Having passed the first Certificate Examination of Law of the Punjab University, he started practice in 1883 when he was hardly 18 years of age. Two years later be passed the final Examination, standing second among thirty candidates.

· About this time there happened an event which was the turning point of his career. He became associated with two men-differently gifted and differently circumstanced-the late Guru Dutt Vidyarthi and the late Mahatma Hansraj. Since the

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advent of Swami Dayanand Sarasvati, the Land of the five rivers was seethiug with social and religious fervour. Now the three men identified themselves with the new movement so completely that there was scarcely a progressive propaganda which had not the benefit of their counsel and had not been inspired by their vivifying genius. And they in turn found ample scope for the exercise of their patriotism, philanthropy and religious zeal, Guru Dutt, Hansraj and Lajpat Rai were thus constituted Apostles of the new evangel.

AS A LAWYER AT HISSAR ANT)

LAHORE Having qualified himself as a plender, Lala Lajpat Rai elected to settle down to practise at Hissar- in the Punjab, where he practised up to 1892 and became the leader of the local bar there. He also acted for three years as the Honorary Secretary of the Hissar Municipal Board). Although he was practising as a lawyer, still the greater portion of his time was nobly and unselfishly spent in discussing questions concerning the welfare not only of the province but of India as a whole. In 1892 he transferred his practice to the wider field of Lahore, the nerve centre of North..

Fortune smiled on his advocacy. He earned name, fame and wealth and he took upon himself to utilise 350

all the three for his life long mission of Arya Samaj and for the country at large.

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IN THE FIELD OF EDUCATION In education, secular and religious, Lala Lajpat Rai took & very active interest. He took part in the foundation of the Dayanand Anglo-Vedic College at Lahore, on the 1st June 1886, with an endowment of some live lars which he also was instrumental in collecting.

It was chiefly lis interest in education that took him to America in 1905, where he visited many edu cational institutions and took careful notes for future guidance. He gave important evidence before Lord Curzon’s University Commission in 1902.

After his return from the political mission on which he had gone to England as a colleague of the late Mr. Gokhale, he organised a political society and collected funds for educating the patriotio sons of the Punjab in politics and eronomics with a view to send them out as political missionaries on the model, wo believe, of the Servants of India Society’ of Poona. It was the Tilak School of politics, but now, it is gene rally known as ’the Servants of the People Society’. It is now difficult to state if the members of the Society are carrying on the wishes of the late Lalaji in political sphere of the country.

rodomontade.” The old, unknown Act III of 1818 was brought tack from the forgotten archives of a century ago, the good Lala was dramatically spirited away from his familiar surroundings, and was deported to Burma,

Owing to the generosity of Lord Minto Lalaji was released after about 2 years. On his release the Lala limself openly challenged the accuracy of the dark charges levelled against him.

In 1920 he presided over the Special Session of the Indian National Congress at Calcutta which was convened to settle the question of Non-co-operation. The decisions of that Session revolutionised the entire politics of the country but Lalaji, being a practical politician, deplored the results of the decision and he was not entirely happy. He was always fair to friends

and foes alike and was extremely sad to see the Hindus neglected, nay crushed, by the false philosophy of the Congress under the pretext of Hindu-Muslim Unity. His letter to the late Mr. O. R. Das ex pressly displayed his views on the impossibility of the Hindu-Muslim Unity. His penetrating eye could discern the baneful effect of it and he boldly sided the Hindu Mahasabha Movement. In 1925, he presided over the Calcutta Session of the Hindu Mahasabha. His Presidential Address speaks of his deep love and great attachment that he had for the Hindus and

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Hindutva. In his presidential address Lalaji very ably propounded the principles of Hindu Sangathan move ment. Lalaji finished his memorable address with the words, “I appeal to all the different Schools of Hindu Community to lay aside their differences and unite under the flag of the Hindu Mahasabha.”

Even under any strong opposition Lalaji never gave way. In 1926 he fought for the Assembly seat against the Congress and inspite of all Congress influence against him he defeated two Congress candi dates at two places. It was a remarkable proof of the anti-Congress feeling in the Punjab and of the truth of his convictions.

His was a life of self-sacrifice. He lived for the country and died for it. Truly a model Indian Patriot.

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general. When the Sikhs were defeated in the First War, this army was disbanued, and all the Sikh Sar dars lost their Jagirs. Diwan Ayodhya Prasad was reduced to the position of one from whom his cudgel has been taken away. He was with Maharaja Dalip Singh till he was sent to England. It was only Diwan Ayodhya Prasad who boldly protested before Lord Dalliousie, out of all the ministers of Maharaja Dalip Singh, against the forcible taking away of their young Maharaja to England, Raja Narendranath is the grandson of this great Diwan who was in charge of ‘Fouje Klay’ which was once commanded by General Ventura.

Raja Narendranathi’s great great grandfather, Pandit Krishan Das migrated from Kaslımere in 1702. He got some employment under Delhi Emperors which he held upto his death. Ilis son, Gangaram, entered the services of Maharajn of Gwalior. In 1803 he gave up his services under the Maharaja of Gwalior and lived in Dellvi for 10 years. In 1813 Maharaja Ranjit Singh invited him and male him a Diwan. He was placed at the head of the Military office and made Keeper of the Sea). Diwan Gangaram died in 1886. His son Diwan Ayodhya Prasad was appointed in Military post in 1818, whose brief description has been given above. Diwan Ayodhya Prasad died in 1870. His SOD Diwan Baij Nath had been a

stipendary Extra Assistant Commissioner in 1873. Diwan Baijnath died in 1875 and his estate was managed by the Court of Wards, when his son, Raja Narendranath was of very young age.

Diwan Narendra Nath passed his M. A. in 1886 from the Govt. College, Lahore which he had joined in 1881. He was appointed as an Assistant Commissioner in 1888. He served as an Assistant Commissioner, Dis trict Judge, and Deputy Commissioner in different districts in the Punjab. He was appointed as an Offici ating Commissioner of Lahore in 1919,

From the very beginning, he has interested him. self in social reforms. He was president of a social conference in 1893, when the Congress was presided over by Dadabhai Nowroji. Raja Salib has taken very great interest in education-industrial and academic. He has been on the Board of Trustees as Chairman of the Dayal Singh College, Lahore and Victoria Diamond Jubilee Hindu Teclinical Institute, Lahore since their very start.

He joined the Hindu Sabha Movement in 1917 and from that time he has been representing the grievances of the Hindus before the Government with great boldness and courage.

He was elected the President of the memorable Delhi Session of the Hindu Malasabha in 1926. He presided over a Provincial Hindu Coaferonce at Multan

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and in 1934 he presided over the Frontier Hindu Conference at Peshawar. In 1923 he presided over the Provincial Hindu Conference at Amritsar. For years together, after 1926, he remained as one of the vice presidents of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha.

Raja Sahib gave great help to Dr. B. S. Moonje during the days of the Round Table Conference. In 1929, he went to England to plead the Hindu cause before the British statesmen. He was also invited to the Round Table Conference in 1931. But when the British Government gave the so-called Communal Award, Raja Sahib refused to participate in the third Round Table Conference and publicly sent his refusal not to participate in its deliberations in London,

From the very commencement of the Provincial Council in the Punjab, Raja Sahih has been its most important member and has always been elected unop posed. From 1921 to 1926 he was the leader of the Opposition in the Punjab Counci). In 1927, he wrote to the Government that in future Hindu Ministers should be appointed after consultation with him and that he should not be considered as a candidate for ministership. In the last election to the Punjab Legislative Assembly he was elected unopposed as usual. Perhaps very few people were elected unop posed this time. In the Assembly he used to be described as “the Father of the Punjab Assembly.”

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operation with Government. A few months before the agitation against Raja Sahib for extending his co-opera tion with Sir Sikandar, Raja Sahib wrote to the British Government that he would not accept any further titles.

Few months back Sir Sikandar’s Goverument passed the Black Bills, which created caste differences in the Punjah and would be detrimental to the best interests of the Hindus and the Sikhs in the Punjab. Inside the Assembly Raja Sahil, a man of seventy four, even at the cost of his health, gave right royal battle to the Bills from the very start. He walked out of the Select Committee as his first mark of protest and defi mitely told Sir Sikandar that to enact these Bills in their present form it would be nothing short of tyrauny upon the minorities of the Province. As the Premier would not listen to the timely counsel of Raja Sahib, he abstained from attending the Assembly any further His heart was almost broken as he could pot bear the sight of injustice being done to the Hindus and Sikhs. Only a few people yet know that the Raja Sahib lias already spent a great deal from his own pocket to carry on the agitation against the Bills and still fewer know that the personal interests of Raja Sahib are not affected by these Bills. But this self-less and trusted worker in the canse of justice and fairplay has not cared at all for his self-interests and gain and is whole-beartedly advocating the cause of the weak

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and the helpless minorities of the Punjab. Raja Sahib had hoped against hopes that best counsels would prevail at the end. He memorialised the Governor not to give his assent to the Black Bills but all his hopes have been shattered. The Governor’s assent to two of the Bills has proved the proverbial last straw and the Raja Sahib has kicked away his seat in the Assembly, where the Hindus must not expect any justice at all.

He is, in fact, a political Sanyasi of whom the Hindus of the Punjab have much beed to-day.

SHRI DR. B. S. MOONJE

Presided in 1927.

The veteran Doctor of 72 was born in Bilaspur, (C.P.) His father, employed in a Government Department, was a staunch Hindu. Mindful of his son’s future he always exhorted him not to lose his ancient faith while he received English Education which, he was afraid, had depationalised many brilliant youths of the day. The advice given to him had a lasting impres sion upon him and from his very boyhood Dr. Moonje has been of religious bent of mind and proud of an cient Aryan glory.

In 1898 he finished his Medical Education in the grand Medical College and for about two years he served the Bombay Corporation which he left to take an active service in the Boer War. There he served as an “in-charge Medical Officer and for his meritorious services he was awarded a medal ‘clasp’.

After the Boer War, as his active habit would have it, he wanted to settle down in Afghanistan but his dreams remained unrealised. He had to return to Nagpur and established himself as a very successful and

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expert eye-operator. He adopted his own technics of cataract operation and in no time his fame as an eye surgeon spread far and wide.

But the restless soul of the Doctor was hankering after some new ‘fields of glory.’ Day by day he grew impatient and at last threw himself heart and soul in the politics of the country. He joined the Indian National Congress, worked in various capacities and as a zealous Lieutenant of Lokmanya Tilak took very prominent part in the party.feuds between the Extrem ists and Moderates. For a time he kept himself aloof from the Congress until in 1915 Lokmanya Tilak returned from jail.

In 1916 when the Congress was held at Lucknow and the Hindu Muslim Pact was formulated, Dr. Moonje was emplatically against the introduction of separate electorates but he yielded due to the advice of elder politicians. But he always held belief since that time, that the obligation was made as a political sagacity which did not justify itself by the results expected from it in the shape of Hindu Muslim Unity.

After the death of the late Lokmanya Tilak, Mr. Gandhi came to the fore in the Congress, but from the very beginning, the Philosophy and work of Mr. Gandhi did not appeal to him. He could not agree with the principle of Mr. Gandhi that he could conquer everybody with love. Dr. Moonje himself is a 364

responsive co-operationist and does not believe in the doctrines of non-violence and Satyagraha. He is strong ly in favour of developing militarism among Hindus. He believes that as the Hindua form the majority in the country they have got fall right of attaining Swaraj and of developing socialism in which all communities could be treated quite impartially. With this policy he could vot see eye to eye with the Congress gods but he never cared to court their favour. In 1922 Dr. Moonje had to go to Madras to enquire into the causes of the Mopa riots. He was shocked to know the atrocities and outrages committed npon the inno cent Hindus-men, women and childern by the Muslim Moplas. His whole mentality underwent a change. He became out and out a staunch believer in the Hindu Mahasabha programme. Malabar affairs impressed him deeply and brought him home the truth that the Hinda Muxlim Unity was an impossibility on the lines followed by the Congress.

This was a revolt against Gandhi’s policy of Pacifism.

In 1926 the Doctor was elected to the Central Legislature but after four years he resigned in response: to the call of the country.

Sood he was looked upon in the Assembly as a member well versed in Military matters and as one who could speak on the subject authoritatively. It was he

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who gave the push of momentum to the throught of Indianisation of the Army in India In 1927 he was elected as the President of the 10th Session of the All India Hindu Mahasabha, held at Patna. His address is remarkable for clear thoughts and convictions. Since then he has been taking & very keen interest in the Hindu Mahasabha Movement and can safely be regarded as one of those very few Hindu leaders who have been steadfastly and dauntlessly advocating the cause of the Hindus through thick and thin. In 1930 he took part in the Round Table Conference and though the entire community was opposed to him, Dr. Moonje boldly stood all the opposition in the conviction that his joining the Round Table Conference was inevitably essential iu face of Mr. Jinnah and other Musalmans having accepted the invitation to join it. The Hindus have blessed him for the most valuable services rendered to them in the Round Table Conference and feel grateful to him.

No doubt Dr. Moonje stands as a unique personality in our country’s politics and reform movement but he is chiefly known now-a-days as a great pioneer in the field of practical Military Education in India. The name of Bhongala Military School has reached even the remotest corner of India and Hindus are truly proud of it. Many before Dr. Moonje could think of the dire necessity of imparting Military training to our

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young men but it was the Doctor’s task to give a practical shape to the long-cherished dream. The Bhonsala Military School shall ever remain a standing monument to great Doctor’s courage of conviction, his love of ancient Rashtraya glory and his shrewd sense of practical statesmanship. To quote his words, “We start with the conviction that our fighting men, speak ing impartially and without passion or bias, do not lack in the ardour for fight or courage or dash or leadership but it is equally a fact that without the training in the European methods of varfare their fighting virtues do not yield the results that they ought to.

This military School is intended to be an attempt at removing these defects so that our boys may vie with British boys on battle fields……… In short the School will attempt to infuse British virtues of mili tarism in our boys without anglicising them or dena tionalising them. In fact the School will strengthen their Hinduism in its prestine purity.” Such is the hope and ambition of Dr. Moonje.

BENGAL

Established in 1924.

The Bengal Provincial Hindu Salsha has at present about 170 branches under it including the Sylhet District in the Assam province, which is nffiliated with the Bengal Provincial Hinen Sabha. Every district and sub-divisional town has got a branch Sabha beside many of the important villages of the province. The branch Sabhas have been re-organised during the year 188 and most of the branches have been thoroughly overhauled with new office-bearers. The branches are now actively carrying out the programme of the Hindu Mahasabha and have been imbued with a new life,

It is difficult to exactly state the number of members of the Hindu Sabha branches. New member ship receipt books have been printed and distributed to branch Sabhas for enrolment of members. There is a great deal of enthusiasm for the Hindu Sabha Movement in this province and according to moderate estimate at least ten thousand members have in all been enrolled. The work is proceeding steadily and it is hoped that in next six months a hundred thou saud members will have been enlistedi.

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worship of efficiency was his master-passion. He always kept the journals on the high table-land of justice and fair-play. Trenchant and pointed, the edi torials were highly illuminating and logically water tight. Sir G. Subramanya Iyer, the President of the 1898 Congress Session, paid a warm tribute to the genius of Shriyut Kelkar as a remarkable Editor.

After the release of Lokamanya Tilak, Shriyut Kelkar was confirmed as the Editor of the “Mahratta’. The second conviction of the Lokamanya again made him the Editor of both the journals.

In 1920 Shriyut Kelkar succeeded the Lokamanya as the Director of the ‘Kesari’ and the Mahrattu. He has maintained intact the stormy independence of those fearless journals.

Shriyut Kelkar is not an intellectual inillionaire, but has an inexhaustible pocketful of coppers. The mere volume of his output is amazing He has published forty volumes within forty years. Shriyut Kelkar is with justice called ‘SahityaSamrat.

His enthusiasm for things of the intelleot is an flagging. His works in Marathi are springs of perfect sweetness. The Kelkarian age has witnessed a fresh welling-up of life, of new experiences and of new forms of art.

The politician and the journalist are the two facets

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of Shriyut Kelkar’s genius. His political career has been marked by unyielding purpose and resourceful generalship. He will unhorse the opponent with a phrase. He will descend on him like an avalanche. He is the type of a general who will not lose a gun but snatches victory

In 1917, Sbriyut Kelkar was the Secretary of the Tilak Home Rule League. În 1919, he went to Eng land as the organiser of the Congress Deputation and the Secretary of the Home Rule League Deputation. In 1923, he joined Das and Nehru in forming the All India Swaraj Party and was elected to the Supreme Legislative Council. There he became the chief whip of the Swaraj Party.

In 1923, there was a rift between Kelkar and Das on the question of Office acceptance. Thereafter he and Jayakar formed the Responsivist Party. Since 1930, he did not contest election.

Shriyut Kelkar was the first President of the Democratic Swaraj Party and was also the President of the Maharashtra Provincial Congre For two terms, he was the President of the Poona City Municipality. He attended the III R. T. C. as a delegate and twice refused the invitation.

“Writing he has understood and politics misunder stood”, say the phantom acousers of Shriyut Kelkar.

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In politics, Shriyut Kelkar is topically anticipatory. He is a prophet with a bright vision. For the last seventeen years, he has been passionately pleading for the Council-entry programme. Then his voice was a cry in the wilderness. Now it has become the official programme of the Congress. The mistake of Syt. Kelkar was that he is au astate statesman with deep insight and great fore-thought.

Shriyut Kelkar has & social talent. He is bright at repartee. His ready wit sets the table on roar. He is the sort of man whom one would like to have as a companion on a desert island. Once Das said that Mahrattas lost the empire on account of their internal dissensions. The remark touched Shriyut Kelkar to his quick. Immediately he retorted that the Mahrattas had at least an empire to lose.

Shriynt Kelkar is a democrat. He believes in the magical virtue of the ballot. He has combined initia tive and leadership with a belief in the common man and a readiness to enlist his co-operation. If demo cratic leadership means & leadership of persuasion and friendly guidance and not a leadership of force and domination, then Shriyut Kelkar has few rivals to explain and to inspire the democratic faith.

His writings have found expression in his action. He is not a visionary but a practical genius. He has

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got passion but it is controlled by an acute mind. He has zeal and it has warmed the fibres of his utterances. He is a veritable fount of schemes for associations to promote the public weal. There is no movement in Maharashtra of which the germ cannot be traced to his writing. He is connected with the working of nearly 50 institutions.

His political creed is suffused by a religious glow, For he is a doughty champion of the cause of the Hindus. He does not tolerate an inch of their rights to be deprived, nor does he aspire an inch of others’ rights to aggrandise. He asks for no quarters nor does he give any to the enemy.

He has always been taking very keen interest in affairs of the All India Hindu Mahasabha. He has presided over two Sessions of the All India Hindu Mahasabha, one at Jubbulpore in 1928 and the other at Delhi in 1932. He also presided over a Special Session of the Mahasabha at Cawapore in 1925.

In 1929 he was the President of the Frontier Punjab Provincial Hindu Conference held at Lahore.

Shriyut Kelkar was the Chairman of the 17th Session of the All India Hinda Mahasabha held at Prona under the Presidentship of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviyaji. It is owing to his lead and initiativeness that the Hindu Sabha Movement has become so popular in Maharashtra.

RULI DI

IIRI

Presided in 1929.

Babu Ramanand Chatterji was born on May 28, 1860 in a Brahman family in a town of Western most Bengal. His family was well-known for the priestly scholars. From his early childhood, he was distinguished to be as one of the most brilliant boys. Babu Ramanand had a very brilliant career at his back and was drawn to journalism from his very early life. Although from his college days he began his life of journalism yet his serions effort was his editing the ‘Dasi’. Afterwards he edited “The Indian Messenger’ and the ‘Pradip’ which he himself started. Afterwards he started ‘Prabasy’ from Allahabad in 1901. In 1907, he started his well-known monthly magazine, ’the Modern Review which has to-day become an institution by itself. Babu Ramanand Obatterji is counted as one of the greatest journalists in the world of journalism. Bengal in particular will always remain grateful to Babu Ramanand for the service he has done to propagate the Bengal literature f* modern times.

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services to the cause of Hindusthan. He has been carrying on ceaseless agitation from the Press and the Platform against this abnoxious document which is meant according to him to divide the country into water-tight tompartments and keep permanent sub jection of Hindusthan under the British thumb. In 1986, he was invited to preside over the Second All India Hindu Youths Conference which he readily accepted, but his ill-health did not permit him to preside over the Conference and the conveners had to postpone the Conference. His message to the Hindu Youths was so inspiring as to show that it did not come from an old man of 70 but rather from a youngman. Babu Ramaaand Chatterji is the advocate of true Nationalism and is always ready to fight for the just interests of the Hindus who form the major community of India. 376

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Chamber oply. He took a very active part in it, both by way of questions and resolutions as well as by his speeches on Legislative measures. The most impor tant measure introduced during the period was the “Conspiracy Bill’. Curiously enough he and the late Sir Surendranath Banerji were the only two members who opposed it vigorously. At that time Lord Hardinge of Panshurst was the Governor-General and Viceroy of India. He became one of the few prominent members and a cordial friendship arose between the Viceroy and himself which lasts even to this hour.

He became a staunch ‘Congress wallah’ and he was elected its President in 1920 over its Session held at Nagpur. His speech at the Nagpur Session was very much appreciated, especially by the ‘Statesman of Calcutta. It is worthwhile to mention here that it was by his continued and persistent efforts that Bhai Parmanandji owed his final release from fearful con viction to which he was subjected.

The Right Hon’ble Sir Edwin S. Montague, Secre tary of State for India, who with Lord Chelmsford, the Viceroy of India, examined him with reference to seve ral public questions affecting India, says as follows: He is an astute thinker, he objects very strongly to all forms of imprisonment without trial. I think he is on the right lines in these things. He objects to

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provincial autonomy and wants development of the government of India with a Parliament of 300 people. He is the most vigorous thinker that I have met, even though some of his ideas are impracticable”. He is the member of the Hindu Mahasabha and he presided over the 15th Session of the Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha held at Akola in 1931. At the same time it is worthwhile to mention that although he is a Brhaman he is respected by all castes and creeds in India. Only half a dozen years ago an important Conference was held at Allahabad with a view to bring about a complete unity between Moslems and the rest of the people in India. It was called the Unity Conference, consisting of all parties in India. Mr. Achariar was its president, unanimously elected on the proposal of Moulana Shaukat Ali and seconded by Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya.

SHRI BHAI PARMANANDA

Presided in 1933.

Bhai Parmananda has in his veins the blood of the great martyr Bhai Mati Das whose body was sawed into two by the order of the Moghul King Aurangzeb, just before Guru Teg Bahadur offered his head to be laid before the sword at the Chandni Chowk of Delhi.

It was in the year 1675. About two hundred Vears after was born Bhai Parmananda in the same family,

One thing which characterises his early life was his great attachment and deep devotion to Arya Samaj.

After taking his degree of Master of Arts in History from the University of the Punjab in 1901 Bhaiji joined the D. A. V, College, Lahore, as its Life-Member and workad in the institution for several years as Professor of History and Political Economy. He was in a way the moving spirit of the first group of life members of that institution. During the time he worked in the College, he had to perform a double duty; one of teaching and the other of going about on lecturing tours for Arya Samaj.

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Sabha Movement in India. These writings would prove a living and permanent fruit of his labour of love.

During the Hindu-Muslim riots of 1922-23 he came to realise the wrong line of policy adopted by the Congress and joined hands with Lala Lajpat Rai and Pandit M. M. Malaviya in starting the Hindu Maha sabha for the purpose of organising the Hindus. When, after a short time, Lalaji and Pandit Malaviya for all practical purposes, left Hindu Mahasabha and went over to the Congress, he alone stood as the

pioneer of the Hinda National Movement

A few years after whien the present Constitution was in the making, he saw that the Congressmen were really bent upon bringing about a Muslim Raj in the country and that they would not object to any constitution simply on the ground of Muslim weightage in it. Then he felt it necessary that he should go to the Assembly in order to safeguard the rights and interests of the Hindus, and that he should place, from time to time, the Hindu point of view also before the Government and the country. So in 1931 he was returned unopposed to the Central Legislative Assem bly but in 1935 when he again sought election, he was opposed by the Congress. The Congress candidate was defeated by an overwhelming majority of about 2000 votes from the constituenny which is the biggest in the Punjab and which includes 3 divisions-Lahore,

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way policy were no longer to be continued and hence it was re-organized as quite a separate body from the Congress with its own principles, aims and objects, policy and programme.

Bhaiji has founded a Hindu Sewa Ashram for training persons who would devote their lives to the Hindu Sangathan Movement and for this object in view he proposed to devote all that he has. For the maintenance of the Ashram he donated his 100 shares of the Sugar Mills which were then of the Market Value of Rs. 35000/- and of the Annual Income Rs. of 4000/ He is at present running two journals from New Delhi, the ‘Hindu Outlook’ and the ‘Hindu’ (Hindi),

For the building of the Ashram he has collected Rs. 20000/

For the construction of the Hindu Maha Sabha Bhawan the main credit should surely go to Bhai Parmanandji for taking all the initiative for getting such a wonderful building constructed, which has even now become a place of daily pilgrimage for hundreds of Hindus without any distinction of caste or creed whatsoever.

There is another phase worth mentioning; that is, Bhai Parmananda as a social reformer. Bhai Parma banda having been connected with Arya Samaj from his very early life, always felt the need of not only radical social reform but social reconstruction of the Hinda

385

society. So far as he could see the Arya Samaj had paid but little attention to this very important ques tion. Hence about 16 years ago he started a new movement within the fold of the Samaj and founded the Jat Pat Torak Mandal (Society for the Abolition of the caste system)

Bhai Parmanandji has an extraordinary ability as a practical politician and as a great statesman, Being an admitted historian his statesmanship of high quality is amply evidenced to a student of history who has followed the political vicissitudes during the last decade.

His is a life of sacrifice and suffering for the cause of his country and the Flindus. Very rarely does one meet with a life so full of variety and charm. But through all the phases of his life runs one common note, that is of unflinching devotion to the Hindu

cause.

SHRI BHIKSHU UTTAMA

W…

Presided in 1935.

Bhikshu Uttama comes of a very respectable Buddhist family of Burma.

At the age of about 30 years Uttama became a Bhikshu, left the homely comforts, high standard of living and his beloved relations, and joined the army of Lord Buddha. He began to spend days and nights, months and years in worshipping Lord Buddha and in the propagation of the ideals and principles laid down by the revered Lord. Soon he became one of the fore most leaders of Buddhism. He went to Europe, China, Japan and other foreign countries for preaching the gospel of Bhagwan Buddha. He is one of the great est Buddhist missionaries.

He leads a very simple life and never thinks of any particular kind of meals. Generally he lives on fruits and milk. He finds pleasure in travelling in 3rd class,

It is not only in the sphere of religion in which Bhikshu Uttama became popular but even in the politi cal sphere in Burma his position was unsurpassed and perhaps will ever remain so. A very interesting incident is told about the love and respect which the people of Burma bave for their respectable leader.

SUO

387

Once Bhikshu Uttama was involved in a case. He used to go out to attend the Court. The ladies of Burma rised to lay down on the road on both sides and used to spread their long hair to enable the Bhikshu to walk over them.

Bhikslu Uttama is a very learned man who knows Chinese, Japanese, English, Pali, Hindi, Bengali and many other languages.

He is deadly opposed to the caste system prevalent in the Hinda society. He wants the Hindus to give up the caste system if they want to live like a living nation. Bhikshu Uttama also takes very keen interest in the upliftment of the depressed-classes.

Years back Bhikshu Uttama’s position was very high in the circle of Indian National Congress. In Burma he was once a pillar of Congress Movement. He was even offered the Presidentship of the Cong ress which on account of unavoidable circumstances he could not accept.

In the last movement against the separation of Burma it was only Bhikshu Uttama’s personality that could lead the great movement. He believed that Burma should not have been separated from India as both these countries are, as a matter of fact, one from religious and cultural point of view. The Government of Burma externed him for a long time and he was not permitted to enter his dear country.

388

It was in these days of externment in Calcutta that he became interested in Hindu Sabha Movement. It was generally believed that Buddhism and Hindu ism are two distinct religions; but Bhikshu Cttama’s accepting Presidentship of the Session of the all India Hindu Maha Sabha lield at Cawnpore in April 1930 was a befitting reply to that wrong notion.

In his Presidential Address Bhiksha Uttama declar ed that Bhagwan Buddha was one of the staunchest Hindus and that he never renounced Hindu Dharma. On the other hand he infused new blood in it and spread it in other distant countries. His election as Presi dent of the Hindu Mahasabha was hailed not only in all quarters of India only but it was welcomed by Buddhist countries like China and Japan. A very large number of Buddhists even from China attended this Session of the Hindu Mahasabha. His Presidential Address, given before, shows how able he was to understand the political situation in India. As the President of the Hindu Mahasabha he toured the whole of the Punjab, the United Provinces, Bengal, Maharashtra and other provinces. He remained as a Vice-President of the Hindu Maha Sabha for a number of years. His one aim of life is to see the Hindus and Buddhists united together and thus to revive the Vishal Arya Dharma once again.

SHRI VEER V. D. SAVARKAR

Presided in 1937

Veer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, son of Shriyut Damodarpant Savarkar, born in 1883 A. 1). at Bhagoor. Dist. Nasik, is the 2nd son of his worthy father. In his veins runs the blood of Balaji Vixliwanath, of Bajirao, the foremost general that Hindusthan ever pro duced, of Nana Phadap wis, of martyrs like Chaphekar brothers, of Kanade, and of great Tilaks all of them belonged to Chitpavaus’ section of the Maharashtriya Brahmins. No wonder then that destiny should have chosen this particular caste to bring forth and nestle the child which was to be to quote Velen tine Chirol, ‘one of the most brilliant of modern Indian revolutionists’. Vinayak ever since his childhood was given to lofty aspirations and was marked out by all those who came in contact with him as an exceptionally gifted child.

He began to compose Marathi verses when but ten years old. Well-known papers in Poona began to accept his contributions, prose and poetical, ‘hardly realising that the writer of them was but a boy of such tender years. 390

In 1897 there came news that Chaplokars and Rannde were executed in Yeravada. On the lay of their execution they had got up early, prayed long and reciting loudly the verses of the Bhagrarl Gita mounted the scaffold. This extraordinary fortitude and the pathos of it all moved Vinayak as nothing else in his life did. He read it all with weeping Ayes. He thought: ‘Well there, the Chaphekars are gone. They died full of youth and hope. They sacrificed their life, their families, and all that they bell dear in this world on the altar of Motherland and shall I live only to eat and drink and be merry! Their work is un finished, their most cherished desire wfulfilled. Why should not I take up the vow of trying my level best and sacrificing my dearest and nearest, life and all, to fulfil their mission ? I will do it or die in the attempt.’

The young boy repaired to the Sanctum-Sanctorum of his family where the image of Durga was daily worshipped. Ile sat at her feet and there and then he took a solemn vow of dedicating his life to the mission of liberating Hindusthan from the fetters of foreign rule.

With his fiery resolve he set the youths of Hindu sthan aflame. He would organise & secret society, arm and equip his countrymen and fight out the grand struggle and if need be to die sword in hand in her cause. Of such mettle was Veer Savarkar.

391

In 1901, Vinayak paseed his Entrance Examination, lle was married with the daughter of the then Minister of Jawhar. He joined the famous Fergusson College at Poona for higher studies. He was a prominent youth, leader of the time. Swadeshi movement was rampant. Boycott of foreign clothes was rapidly gaining adherents. Ou August 22nd, 1905 Mr. Savarkar organised a bonfire of the foreign clothes, That was tbe first of its kind in Hindusthan. The then Principal of the College, Dr. Paranjpe, now the Vice Chancellor of the Lucknow University, rusticated him from the College residency. Lokmanya Tilak defend er him very strongly in one of his famous leading articles in ‘Kesari’. Such was liis oratorical powers both in Marathi and English, which he still retains, that Prof. Patwardhan used to say of him that he was bound to be a great demagogue. He graduated and was staying in Bombay. He edited “Vihari’ for a year. While he was studying law, he establislied “Abhinava Bharat’ organiza tion, a historic band of his colleagues. Within the course of time the number increased to fifteen thousand.

On the recommendation of Lokmanya Tilak the late Pt. Shamji Krishna Varma awarded Shivaji Scholarship to Savarkar. He proceeded to England to become a barrister but the real object of his visit to that country

392

was to study the historical records on the so-called Sepoy Mutiny of 1857.

Shamji Krishna Varma, Madame Cama, Mr. V. V. S. Iyer, Lala Hardayal and Bhai Parmananda were his collegues in England. They too had a part in his thrilling activities in the British cosmopolitan. It was by chance that Lala Hardayal met Veer Savarkar in the steamer taking them to England.

Veer Savarkar hired one of the houses of Shamji and named it as ‘India House’. This became a boarding and lodging house for many Indian students in London. Here Sjt. Savarkar wrote his book, “The First War of Independence,’ a book on tho last struggle of freedom by the Indians in 1857.

The book was originally written in Marathi but no publisher dared come forward to publish it. It was then re-written in English but met with the same fate. One German publisher promised to publish it but he too failed. It was in Holland that the book was published at last. Even his other books as the Life of Mazzini, History of the Sikhs, etc. were proscribed.

These extremist activities brought him under the vigilant eyes of the Yard. In London in the broad day light Sir Curzon Willie was murdered and an Indian youth, Mr. Madanlal Dhingra, who used to stay in Savarkar’s India House was accused of the crime.

393

A public meeting of some of the Indians, including men like Sir Aga Khan (now His Highness) and others was held to condemn the murder but when the resolu tion, condemning in strongest terms the murder com mitted by Dhingra, for reasons political, was proposed and seconded, the President instead of putting it to the audience hurriedly declared it unanimously passed.

Even while the words “Unanimously passed” were on the lips of the President, a youthful but deter mined voice rose, “Nolno! not unanimously”. The Pre sident wanted to hush and brow beat and repeated “unanimously’. “No"I the protest rose again.

Mr. Bhavnagari and Sir Aga Khan angrily shouted “Who is that I Where is he !” The Anglo Indians rushed, the Indian leaders cast wrathful looks to find out the dissentient voice. “Where is he! Who is he! What is his name ?” a hundred angry enquiries rose and in their midst oame back the voice, “It is me and here am I; my name is Savarkar”. The very sight of Savarkar made some tremble for consequences. “Kick him, down with him !” rose the cry. In the melee & Eurasian rushed forth and dealt a heavy blow on Mr. Savarkar’s face. His glasses broke and wound caused near his eye profusely bled. But unmoved, with face washed red in blood; he raised his right hand and emphatically but all the more calmly repeated, “In spite of all this

I still vote against the resolution”.

394

The sight of their bleeding leader exasperated the revolutionists as never before. One of them took up his revolver. With an unerring eye, Mr. Savarkar detected it and signed to him to put it back, Another revolutionist rushed forward and with # ’lathi’ broke the head of the Eurasian who had assaulted Mr. Savarkar. He too profusely bled and reeled back to his seat. The Eurasian who had assaulted Mr. Savarkar and had his head split in consequence, wrote a letter in the ‘Times’, a few days after, to de fend his action and bragged of being proud for having dealt “& genuine British blow”, although himself being a Eurasian he was only half British. But there soon appeared in the “Times’ & rejoinder which reminded that Eurasian of that “straight Indian Lathi” that sent the British blow reeling and bleeding back.

The British Government tried their best to impli cate Mr. Savarkar in the affair as a co-accused, but there being no substantial evidence he had to be left off.

While these events were happening in England, the Government in India was carrying on relentless persecution of the circle of Mr. Savarkar’s family and friends.

In the meantime Collector Jackson was shot dead by one Kanhere at Nasik. He was said to be a member of the secret society that Mr. Savarkar had

395

founded before he left for England. It was alleged that the revolver that he used was sent by Mr. Savakar.

From England Savarkar went to Paris for a time but there he learnt that a warrant for his arrest was issued in England. Despite the advice of his friends to the contrary, he at once returned to London in March 1910, but was arrested and taken to India as a

dangerous state prisoner.’

The steamer carrying him to India anchored at Marscilles. Taking him to be & dangerous and reckless prisoner, the guards neglected no precaution and kept him under the most rigorous isolation and watch. How he tried to escape from the steamer and his guards is an event which displays a heroic fortitude that would raise the prestige of the Indian revolution ary party in the esteem of all mankind.

With now and nerer’ in his heart Savarkar asked his guards to take him to the closet. The door of the water closet was set up with a glass-pane to get the inside movements reflected on a looking glass placed outside it. Savarkar entered the closet, saw the port hole at the top a little opened, throw his dressing gown on the hook against the inside pane and jumped out of the port-hole below into the deep and foaming sea. The guards broke the door and fired shots at him. Savarkar dived under water.

THE GROWTH OF THE HINDU YOUTH

MOVEMENT

Am

IN

HINDUSTHAN

!

11

1 .

w

THE HINDU YOUTH MOVEMENT

IN HINDUSTHAN

The young Hindus in Hindusthan fiqd themselve nr rounded by societies and organisations which appeal to thom for their allegiance. Uncritical as their young mipd. dre, they are easily influenced by propaguada which in loud and which appeals to their emotions. Indeed few men oscape from the grip of the atmosphere about thom. It catabes them before they can sift and analyse the ideas which fly about them. The Congress philoropby at prevent domipaton the mental climate of Hindusthan, at least so far as Hindus are concerned. The young Hindus evidently cannot keep thomwolves safe from this climatic domination.

ITS ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY Taking into consideration the pad plight in which our young men are being drowned every day and the bolalom Doug of our older institution, to create an improvvign upun tben, few youngmen gathered in Lahore in 19% wound Shri Bhai Parmapeodji to get inspiration and lørd from him. They formed themselves into an organisation which wu styled as “The Order of the Hindu Youtbe.” This, after only two yearh, was changed into “The Central Hindu Yuvak Sabba” with ito Head Office at Lahore

The chief object of this organisation bu, always boon od with #vor bo to organiso the Hindu Youth Hora

Thin

ta Head of ato “The

402

ment’ in Hindusthan and to carry the meavage of Hindu Nationalism’ to the Hindu mandes, especially to the young mon, who are lost in sloth on coount of Abeir ignorance. It cannot be wid, that before the formation of this Youth Organisation there never exiated any other Hindu Youth Organisation, either in the Punjab or in any other province of Hiodanthan, but it ckanot be denied that thiwalone of the first organintiopo wbich began to fosction under the patronage of tbe Punjab Provincial Biodo Sabba, Laboro. In 1986 it was recognised by the Akbil Bharatiya Hindu Mabatibha as the propior Hindu Youth Organintion in Hindusthap.

Outside the Pupjub, un impetus to the Hindu Youth Movomont was given by Sjt. Dr N. D. Sayarkar in the province of Maharastra. In 1939, be prorided over Mabarastra Provincial Hindu Youth Conference bold at Akola. Again in 1988, another All Mabarastr. Hindu Youth Conference was organised at Poona by Sjt. G. V. Kotkar, 8jt. G. . Malaved and otbers of Poona and we provided Over by Sjt. Dr. Hodgeway of Nagpur. A larte number of dologater from all the town of Mubarkutra participated in it. Benide a very large bumber of distio quisbed tendon, Swienty# Voor Bar. V. D. Suvirkar, Provident of the Akhil Bharatiyu Miodo Mabusabbu participated in it.

TRE FIRST, ALL INDIA COMFERENCE So far as the Contral Hindą, Yurak Sabha in, coppera ed 408

well as abroad. Tbe first Conference wbich was organised bg it wu the Frontier Punjab Hindu Youth Conference beld under the Presidontabip of Dharamvir D. B. 8. Hoopje at Labore in 1931. Delogates and students from the Punjab and the North Western Frontier Province joined it in large numbers. The second Conference which the Contral Hindu Yavak Sabba organised was the 1st All India Hindu Youth Conference held at Karachi in 1932, under the Presidontabip of Sbri Bhai Parmanandji. The chief organiser of the Conference was L. Tirath Ram Talwar of Karachi, tibo then Secretary of the Order of the Bindu Youtba, Karachi. It wat * very successful session. Delegates from almost all the provinces of Hindusthan participated in it. Besides other prominent louders, Shri Baba Sabib Guneak Damodar Savarkar joined its deliberations.

THE 2ND ALL INDIA CONFERENCE The Second All India Hindu Youth Conference *** organised in Labore in 1936 wbich met under the Presi dentebip of Shri Dr. Radba Kumud Mukerji of the Lucknow University. Sbri Prof. Dowan Chand Sbarm, and the writer ( Mr. Indra Praknak ) were the Chairman and Gonarul Secretary of the Reception Committee respectively, Almost all the leaders of the Akhil Bbaratiya Hinda Mabasabba participated in it. Delegates from all parts of Hindustbus attended it.

ITS PUBLICATIONS Of all the methods open to the organisóri of the Central Hiodu Yuvak Sabba to ipfiuoroo young Hindur, it hu not

404

appealed to emotions or bude motivos, u is the wont of MASS movemento. It has on the other hand takon up intellectual weapons and bus appealed te Hindu Young men by way of reasoned argument and convincing logic. So the task of propagating the fundamental principles of the Hindu National Movomont was more vigorously por formed by pablications of the writings of thono leadora who were considered to be the pioneers of the Hindu Move ment ip Hinduatban.

*The Sabba has brought out the following publications, wbich were old at sheap rates or distributed free of charge throngbout Bindustbad and abroad:

“Khlalat–Hardil’ ( The idons of Dr. Hardayal in Urda.)

by Sbri Dr. Hardayal. “Hinda National Movement’ by Shri Bhai Parmadand.. *Bir Bairagi’, by Sjt, Indra Prakash.

Youtbe, Paune apd Tbink’ by Shri Bhai Parmadadda. Bir Banda’, in Gurmukhi, by Ruami Swatantrapanda. *Duogers Aboad’ by Sbri Bbai Permatanda. ‘Whithor Hindu Youtbı’ by Sbri Bhai Parmidanda. The Story of My Lite’ by Shri Bhai Parmananda. The Position of the Hindus in the Future Conntitation’. Hindu Sangathan’ by Shri Bhai Parmupanda. The Spirit of Yootba’ by Dr. Radbakumud Mukerji. Hinduism’ by Prof. Dewan Cbund Sbarma. *Bindu Nationaliam’ by the late Lala Lajpat Roi.

Self Abpegation in Politics’ by the late R. B. LA

Chnad.

400

‘Roprint of the Presidential Addroms of Shri Veer Savar.

kur, delivered by him at Ahmedabad, in English and

in Urdu’ (By ite branch at Amritsar). *Hindutva’ by Shri Veer V D Sayarkar.

PRESENTATION OF BHAIJI’S PORTRAIT On the occasion of the 18th Session of the Akbil Bhartiya Hindu Mabasabba beld in Labore in Oct. 1936, the Central Hindu Yuvak Sabha, prosepted a full size portrait of Bbai Parmadandji, prepared at the cost of Rs. 200/- to the Athil Bbaratiya Hindu Mabasabba for the Hall at New Delbi

ITS BRANCHES AND ALLIED INSTITUTIONS

Besides the 23 branches of the Central Hindu Yavak Sahha in the Punjab and in the United Province, it has also some branches and Hindu Youth Organisations outside tbe Punjab which work in full co-operation with the Contral Body They are The Order of the Hindu Youths Karachi, The Hindu Yuvak Sangb, Nagpur, The Naujawan Sabhu, Sukkur; the Hipdu Youth League, Madras; The Maharastra Provincial Hindu Youth League. Poopa; The Hindu Yurak Sabba, Peabawar and The Hindu Yuval Saogb, New Delbi. Even in Mauritious ( Afrioa ) and in Nopal it has it. organisations and workere,

From September 1938, the Hoad Office of the Contral Hindu Yuyuk Sebba bas been shifted to the Hindu Mabusabba Bbawan, New Delhi for tbe purpoue of furtber contralising the Hindu Youth Movement in Hindustban.

A REVIEW OF THE HISTORY & WORK OF THE

HINDU MAHASABHA

AND

THE HINDU SANGHATAN MOVEMENT

ST

आसिंधुसिंधुपर्यन्ता यस्य भारतभूमिका । पितृभूः पुण्यभूरचैव स वै हिंदुरिति स्मृतः ।।

BY

INDRA PRAKASH

CONTENTS

Introduction :

By Veer F. D. Savarkar Foreword :

By Bhai Parminanda Preface:

By Dr. B. S. Moonje हिंदू महासभा का कार्य

By Seth Jugal Kishore Birla .. History of the Hindu Nahasabha Extracts from the Addresses of

our Presidents, Some of the Important Resolutions,

From 1916–1937, A Brief History and Working of

our Provincial Hinda Sabhas. The Communal Award and the

Hindu Mahasabba. The l’unds and the Properties of

the Hindu Valasabba. … Our Pan–Hindu National Flag … Life Skotches of our Presidents

1

161

325

331

339

399

The Growth of the Hindu Youth

Movement in Hindusthan. The Shuddhi Movement in

Hindusthan The Bhonsala Military School Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh Cow Protection in Hindusthan The Hindu Sewa Ashram Appendix 1 Appendix II Appendix III

409 419 125

127

132

+35 136

438

.

-S

… -

–

Erre

……

.

.

us

Siri 'per l’intrat Villoslav Silvirkir

INTRODUCTION

no

In persuance of a resolution of the Work ing Committee of the Hindu Maha Sabha Mr. Indra Prakash is bringing out this Volume as a retrospect of the work done by and a pass ing review of the beginning and growth of the Hindu Maha Sabha up-to-date. The bock is also meant to serve as a bird’s eye view of the Hindu Sanghatan Movement itself.:.

In order to ascertain the causes, motives and spread of the Hindu Sanghatan Movement as a whole some parts of the speeches of the dis tinguished Hindu leaders who presided over the Mala Sabha from time to time are reproduced in tlie Volume Two special articles from the pens of two of the foremost champions of tho Hindu cause, Bhai Parmanand and Dr. Moonje, are also added by way of introduction in order to elucidate further the different view points froin which leaders of Hindu thought and action survoy and upprize the aims. objarts and work

of the Hindu Maha Sabha and the Hindu Sanghatan Movement as well.

It must, however, be borne in mind that the individual views of the leaders of the Maha sabha or of the Hindu Sanghatan Movement in general, cannot he taken to be identical with the corporate view of the Hindu Maha Sabha

rporate aiin, object and out-look of the Maha Sabha as a body at any given time can only be ascertained throngh the resolutions passed at its Annual Session, and authorized Committees representing it from time to time.

Another point to which we-wish-to draw the attention of the readers of this short sketch of of the History of the Maha Sabha and its work, is the fact that a living institution like an individual grows in thought and activity as time passes on. As on the one hand it must be borne in mind that the cradle serves well for a baby so on the other hand this also cannot be denied that it would be foolish to persist in keeping the lad couped and cabinned in the cradle even when it has out-grown ita infancy. The infantile creeds of institutions, like cradles, and its activities like those of a baby howsoever i u

narrow and ridiculously limited they may seem to the later age, are quite likely to have been of great use in nestling it and inevitably natural to its infancy. But all the same they may contribute to dwarf its growth and hamper its expanding ambitions and activities later on. An Institution, therefore, inust expand its infant creed, out-look and policy from time to time to respond and adapt itself to the changes in circumstances and environments which time in its onward march inevitably brings about. It is, therefore, a matter for congratulation that the Hindu Maha Sabha also has never hesitated to refuse to get itself crippled by persisting to be circnniscribed by the limits which, howso ever beneficial or inevitable they might have been in its infancy, ceased to respond to and accommodate themselves with its expanding activity and growth. Consequently the mali cious folly that tries to disparage the fortitude with which the Hindu Maha Sabha has stepped forward to-day to shoulder the gigantic res ponsibilities involved in fulfilment of its mission of the regeneration of the Hindu Race in all spheres of life whether religious, social or poli

(

IV

)

SON

tical by pointing out to its infantile creeds or policies or stray utterances of some of its early leaders here or there, is as ridiculous and mean as an attempt to belittle a Herculian wrestler who enters the Marathon competition merely pointing out to the fact that he used to craw] on all fours in days of his early infancy.

Let us cast a glance by way of illustration on the beginning and the growth of the Indian Congress itself. It did not leap out all of a sudden like a Veerbhadra fully grown, equipped and armed out of the wrath of some Lord Rudra, some angry God. The Congress move. ment also had to be cradled in infantile creeds, kept crawling, indulged in silly babbling before it came to age. The Presidential addresses during first half-a-dozen sessions of the Nation al Congress swore hy its abiding faith in the bonafides of the British people, its loyalty to the British Rule and prayed for the perma nance of the British sovereignty and suzerainty over India. It claimed to, meant to strengthen the ties that bound India to the British Empire. Even so late as the year 1916 the Congress Session at Lucknow sang the British National

11

anthem and flew the Union Jack, the British Flag, as a token of its faith in the beneficial mission of Great Britain in India. How vividly we remember the meetings in London during 1909 and 1910 when Gandhiji used to jump up to his feet in all reverence as soon as the tune “God save the King” was struck up and kept denouncing the “Abhinava Bharat” revo lutionary youths when they refused to stand up and pay homage to the Alien anthem. During the (freat Anglo-German War did not the Gandhist Congressites serve as recruiting agents to the British Government? Their Ahimsa and Satya did not stand in their way in inciting Indian sepoys to shoot the Germans straight off in the interest of the British Em. pire. There was a period when the name of the Congress was but a synonym for political timidity and toadyism. But will that all justisy any one to deny the National services the Congress has as an institution and on the wbole rendered to our country throughout its career or the patriotic motive that actuated it as an institution even when some of its leaders erred ? It only exemplifies the sound tenet of just

rritirism that no institution should be judged in its totality by merely pointing out to any passing phase of its activity or any treacherous or erring action or word on the part of its stray leaders here or there. Nor could it be, on the other hand, called upon to halt its progressive march by reference to its infant (reeds or limits and policies it has grown in response to larger and newer responsibilities which its growing strength enablss it to shoulder towards the fulfilment of the mission of its life.

The present Volume does not claim to be a !) exhaustive history of the Hinda Mahasablan Movement. But it will be seen even from this passing survey of the Movement how the Hindu Mahasabha has ceaselessly served the Hindu Commuuity and in fact has proved to be the only faithful guardian of interests and rights of Hindudom as a whole. It is doubtless due to the continuous struggle which the Maha Sablia carried on according to it: light and might and the strenuous work its leaders and followers did that Hindadom has been spared from still more fearful damages

manifold activities which the Hindıı Mahasabha Curried on throughout these years in co-opera tion of all other allied Hindu Sanghatanist institutions and organizations, itre bound to prove an eye-opener to the cavelling question which impertinently and ungratefully asks in season and out of season “what has the Hindu Muhasabha or the Hindu Sangliatan Movement done in defending the cause of the Hindus?” The proverbial-shortness of mass memory and the mean attempt to suppress and distort the news about the Hindu Sangliatan acti vities on the part of the so-called National Congressite press have been in the inain rasponsible for this ignorant or interest. od cavil.

To these carping critics the conspectus of the detailed work of the Mahasablia and other Sunglasnist bo’lies which the latter part of this book provides, cannot fail to serve as a belitting robust. On the other hand the fact that so much detailed work as shown in the conspectus could already be done under such advorse circumstances by the Hindu Sangha tanista iz 20 years time is bound # stimulate

G

( 1 ) National existence of Hindudom. It is the realisation of this aspect of religious conversion of the Hindus to Alien faiths that shocked Swami Shraddhanand and convinced him that unless checked in time this proccess of Alien prozelitisation was sure to exterminate Hind 17 dom even as a Race and a Nation within it couple of centuries to come.

Moreover it must clearly be recognized by the Hindus that today the political power in democracies in the world hinges more and more on the census, the population strength of a community. And the population strength of the Hindus, other things being equal, must depend in the main on the Suddhi Movement, i. A, on the proportion in which the Hindus succeed in stopping the dreadful conversion activities of tbe Alien faiths and in accelerating the reclamation of the alienated numbers back to the Hindu fold. IN A COUNTRY LIKE INDIA WHERE A RELIGIOUS UNIT TENDS INEVITABLY TO GROW INTO A CULTURAL AND NATIONAL UNIT, SUDDHI MOVEMENT CEASES TO BE MERELY THEOLOGICAL OR DOGMATIC

( x11

ONE, BUT ASSUMES THE WIDER SIGNI FICANCE OF A POLITICAL AND NATION AL MOVEMENT. If the Moslems increase in population, the centre nf political power is bound to be shifted in their favour, as it has already done in some of the provinces in India. And wherever they dominate in number the treacherous cry is raised to partition India and to betray a part of it to Aliens outside India, to form a Pakistant non-Indian federation, a pan-Islamic state and so on. Even those who fancy themselves of being merely ‘Indians’ and are only enainoured of the hollow contents of a territorial Patriotism, of India 29 a country in the sense of merely a geographical unit, will also do well to remember that the Snddhi Move. ment cannot but contribute to the defence of the political integrity and solidarity of India as a country and as an independent state, Bat the Hindus being the bedrock of the Indian nation itself, anything that contributes to lessen their collective strengh is sure to lessen the National and Political strength of India too, to tighten the grip of the Alien rule that holds India in subjection today or to expose India and betray

( XII) her to any Alien and non-Indian Moslem aggression in future.

Viewed in this light the Saddhi and the Hindu Sanghatan Movement cannot but have a genuinely national significance even in the eyes of those who pride themselves on being only “Indian Patriots’ in a territoria) sense alone.

But whether the so-called territorial patriots think such wise or not to the Hindus at any rate the Suddhi Movement is not only a religious or dogmatic necessity but is in the main a political and national necessity. That is why the success that the Hindu Sangathan Movement has achieved in bringing about a change in the mental attitude of the Hindu Community in favour of the Suddbi Move ment dariug the last twenty years or so must be ranked as significant. It is a matter for congratulations that even our Sanatani brothers have given up their deadly opposition to the Suddhi Movement which they honestly suspect ed of being a subvertive and irreligious activity in its beginning but have later on realized to be an inevitable necessity as a means of self

edu protaction if the Hindus wanted to maintain their numerical strength undiminished and even Aver on the increase. It is hoped that our Sanatani brethren will even endorse and lead the Suddhi Movement in all enthusiasm before long

Apart from this theoritical side of the Suddhi even tihe practical efforts and results in that direction are also very encouraging when we take into consideration the serious difficulties and all-sided opposition the workers had to face in its initial period as will be seen in the Chapter devoted in this book showing the numbers of recnversions to Hindudom. The achievements of Masurashram of Satara which has reclaimed some ten thousand Hindus in Gomantak who were mostly forcibly converted to Christianity in the days of Portuguese fanaticism or the activities of the Ratna giri Hindu Sabha which has almost freed the whole district from the prozelitising pestilence of the Moulvies and the Missionaries who had held the district in their grip for some half a century in the past and several such other notable records of Saddhis on the part of other Sanghatanist

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institutions all over India which are tabled in that separate Chapter of this book are telling enough, even though the list is by no means exhaustive, to prove that much spade work in the field of the Suddhi Movement is already done. It is hoped that this spade work cannot but fascilitate and accelerate further efforts in that direction. It has sounded and found out the immense possibilities and fertile fields invi. ting tremendous efforts in future. The realiza tion of the immense work still to be done is in itself an important piece of work done.

This Volume is not only nieant to serve as a sketch of the History and work of the Hindu Mahasabha as an institution by itself but aims along with that tn record, however briefly and meagerly it may be, the efforts and the results of the work done by all those institn. tions, associations, missions, sumajas, ashramas etc. which have been striving in the cause of Hindu Sanghatan, All these Hindu Sangha tanist institutions, even though they be not formally affiliated to each other, are still allied with one another in the common cause. All of them aim at the regeneration of the Hindu

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Race moulding it into a free and mighty Hindu Nation. Any work done by any one of them in the interest of that common cause cannot bat strengthen the mission of the rest and must therefore be a matter for common congratula tion. With this view we have tried to collect some information of as many Sanghatanist Institutions as under the circumstances we could approach and incorporate it in a chapter of this volume along with the reports of the different branches of the Hindu Mahasabha, crediting the work of each to the name of that particular institution. It must be mentioned here with regret that the limit of time and pau. city of means prevented us froin approaching many institutions wbich are working in the field of Hindu Sanghatan and in cases even when we tried our best to gather information, some of them failed to supply us with it, Space and cort again did not allow us to do full justice to the reports of different bodies and forced us to cull out only some leading items and incorpo rate them in this book. This being the first attempt ever made on such a wide out-look, we could not succeed in unearthing details about

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the history of the Hindu Mahasabha itself as in many cases it was found that the old records were either not kept or were lost. However, when new editions of this volume come to be published it would then be comparatively easy to make further additions and corrections and whatever short-comings have incvitably crept in this book would easily be removed.

Of all the institutions which are referred to above as being allied with the Hindu Mali. sabha in the common cause of the Hindu Sangbatan Movement, the Arya Samaj must rank as being not only the first but the fore. most advocate of the Hindu Cause. The Hindu Malia Sabha itself is in fact but an enlarged and more comprahensive edition of the Arya Samaj. The honour of being the first apostle of Hindu Sanghatan in modern days must ever rest with Swami Dayanand Saraswati, the illustrious founder of the Arya Samaj Movement. It is no wonder therefore to find that the Arya Samaj and the Hindu Maha Sabha today are almost identified with each other in their acti vities and more often than not the same set of lcadors and missionaries are leading, directing

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and working the Hindu Sabhas as well as the Arya Samajs at many a local anel provincial centre in India.

Even the spade-work as detailed out in this Report, was not a walk over a bed of roses. The Hindu Sanghatanists had to face the apathy on the part of crores of the unawakened masses of their coreligionists on the one hand and on the other the treacherous attitude of the pseudo-Nationalist Hindas who are friends of every other community in the world but their own and who are ever ready to betray even the just interest of the Hindus and to placate the Moslems even in the most anti-national demands on their part-just to prove that the Indian patriotism of these pseudo-Nationalist like Ceazer’s wife was above suspicion. Thue unaided and betrayed at home, the brave band of the Hindu Sanghatanist leaders and mission aries had to face outside the cfganised oplexi tion of the Christian Missionaries on the one hand and the fanatical riuts, liooliganisili, assaults and assaxinations of the Moslem fana ticism on the other while the British (toreru ment out of itx Political hostility to the Ilindun

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was sworn 1)ver to take the side of the Hindus whenever Ilindu interest clashed with the interest of the traditional “lavoured wiie” of the British. Thousands of the Hindn Sangh atanists had thus to face incarcerations, trans portations, gallows, the fanatical daggers of the murderers–but they kept on the fight and did not surrender the Hindu banner. All glory to these pioneers, martyrs, tighters and workers who defended the Hindu Cause which the Hindu Mahasablıa represented and enabled the Hindu Sanghatan Movement to assert itself as a factor in Indian Politics which no one can safely neglect.

Is the Hindu Mahasabha could not work still more effectively-the fault lies with the majority of the Hindus. Take for example the most suicidal mistake the Hindu Electorates had

committed in the last elections to the Councils. Disregarding the stern warning of the Hindu Mahasabha the Hindus voted for those pseudo Nationalists referred to above as their represen tatives, who were bound to the Congress pledge and whose policy is notoriously anti-Hindu, disgracefully pro-Moslem and consequently

( 11 ) disastrously anti-national. These Congress candidates are not ashamed of subscribing themselves as Hindus in the election season, that is, in that se9,4on they do not think it, communal to own themselves as Hindus. Por otherwise they would not be eligible to stand as candidates at all and get elected on Hindu votes. But as soon as the elections are over and they have raised themselves to posts in the Councils and the Ministries on the strength of Hindu votes, they disown their Hinduness, condemn Hindu Organizations like the Hindu Maha Sabha as Communal while keep dancing attendance on the most fanatical and anti national Moslem organizations as the Moslem League. Witness for example, the instrnctions issued by the Bengal Provincial Congress inspir ed by Mr. Suhhas Chandra Bose himself that Congress Hindus in Bengal should not agitate against the so-called Communal Award; or the action of the Congress party in Bengal Legis lature which practically supported Mr. Fazlul Haq’s outrageous bill to reserve 600 services for Moslems! Why, Mr. Sarat Chandra Bose and his Congress party dared to betray Hindn

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( XXI ) interest in that treacherous fashion only because the Hindu Electorate, they were sure, would not take them to taek. But if the Hindus will determine to vote only for thnse men who stood on the Mahasabba Hindu ticket and refuse to vote in future for those pseudo Nationalist Congress Candidates-the Congress will come to its senses in a day! For the simple reason that not a single (‘ongress Candidate would be elected by the Hindu Electorate as a punislıment for their betraying the rause of the Hindus who gent them to the (ouncil or Municipality or Board to represent the Hindu interest. The Moslem Electorate returns only those Moslems who are openly pledged to defend Moslem interest even when they are aggressive and anti-national. The result is that they have real Moslem Ministries in two or three provinces devoted to strengthen the Mosjen position even aggressivly in every detail of National life. If the Hindus elect only the staunchest Hindu Sanghatanists to the Municipalities, Boards and Councils they too can have seven real Hindu Ministries and the Hindu interest will not only he safe in

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those seven Provinces where the Hindus are in majority bnt they can check the Moslem Ministries in the Moslen Provinces as well and force them to do justice to the Hindu Minori ties also. If the Moslem Ministry in Bengal, for example, reserves (0” services for Moslen’s in Bengal, because there are some 55"Moslenus there, a real Hindu Sanghatanist Ministry in Bombay could have adopted a retalintory measure of reserving 95”, services for the Hindus in Bombay as there are some 40” Hindus in that Province and thus checked the Moslem aggression in Bengal and Punjab and protected Hindu Minorities there if only the Hindu electorates had returned those Hindus as their representatives who were swOIT) to guard Hindu interest,

The Hindu Mahasabha asks nothing for the Hindus which is not based on equality of treatment and is not consistent with the real National interest of the Indian Nation as well. and therefore the guarding of the just interest of the Hindus is tantamount with gnarding the National interest also. It is the present policy of the Congress of despising the Hindus as

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Communal, althougt they are the very bed. rock of the Indian Nation and putting a premium on the treacherous designs of the Moslens, that is really anti-national. So the Hindu Electorates will serve not only the juist intereat of the Hindus but the real interest of the Nation as well if they refuse to return any one who stands on a Congress ticket and is sworn to this present discipline of the anti Hindu (‘ongressites, and if they vote for oily those who stand on the Hindu Mahasabla tickets and are sworn to represent the wishes of the Hindu Community alone.

But disregarding this wholesome advice of the Hindu Mahasabha the Hindu Electorates persisted in returning the Congress candidates to the Councils and are consequently finding themselves humiliated and betrayed as Hindus even in those provinces where they are in majority and in which seven provinces they could have wielded real political rover by forming seven Hindu Sanghatanist Ministries, But if the Hinda Electorates disregard this Hindu Mahasabha mandate and commit the nuicidal mistake they committed in the last

1. ( XX ) Elections-whose fault is it? Surely, that cannot be laid at the door of the Hindu Mahasabha!

Taking then all these advers: conditions and the short span of about a dozen years of its regular existence into consideration the work that the Hindu Maha Sabha has done or the position it has come to orcupy in the National affair is doubtless encouraging and creditable. Let us not forget that the Congr. ress itself was not a whit better organized or more influential in its first twenty years of life. The Congress did not grow over night. Fifty years and three generations of Hindus llave made it what it is. Let those Hindus who feel that the Hindu Mahasabha should have been stronger in an alienated attitude should first ask themselves wliat have they done to increase its strength. Does their daty as Hindus consist only in sitting on the fence and watching unconcerned the struggle that the Hindu Mahasabha and the Hindu Sanghatanists are engaged in in defence of the Hindu cause? Should they not rather rush themselves in the lists to surcour them, fight shoulder to shoulder

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11

FOREWORD

The Beginning of the Hindu Sabha Movement “In 1905 after the partition of Bengal began a new era with the Swadeshi movement. Next year, however, in Dacca, the foundation of the Muslim League was laid under the patronage of the Nawab of Dacca. The foundation of the Muslim League was soon followed by the forcible abduction of the Hindu widows and other inhuman acts perpetrated by the Mohammedan “goondas” in the East Bengal. This gave impetus to the Bengal Hindu youths who estahlished Anushilan Samitis for the purpose of self-defence in various town of the East Bengal, In 1907 a united Bengal Confer ence was held. In this political Conference we find two resolutions which unmistakably point to the revival of Hindu self-consciousness. It was resolved that this Conference views with apprehension the decrease in the normal

( 1) growth of the Bengal Hindu population and hereby appoints a committee to ascertain the causes which have led to this state of things and to suggest what steps should be taken to prevent it.” The second resolution was passed urging the people to take practical steps for the amelioration of the depressed classes. Both these resolutions showed an inward awakening of the Hindu mind to the great need of self-preservation.

It was, however, in the Punjab where the religious revival on account of the propaganda carried on by the Arya Samaj had created a new life among the Hindus that in January 1907 foundations were laid of the Punjab Hindu Sabha with aims and objects which were all explained in the following sentence: “The Sabha ja not a sectarian nor it denomina tional but an all-embracing movement, and while meaning no offence to any other move. ment whether Hindu on non-Hindu, it aims to be ardent and watchful in safeguarding the interests of the entire Hindu Community in all respects.” Soon followed the period of Minto Morley Reforms in the country and we

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find, the Punjab Hindu Sabha addressing a long memorial to His Excellency Lord Minto in June 1909, in which the grievances of the Hindu Community of the Punjab were repre sented under three different heads. (i) The differential treatment in the distribution of government patronage; (ii) The disabilities imposed upon the Hindus by the Punjab Alienation of Land Act and the Punjab Pre emption Act; and (iii) the disadvantageous position in which the Hindus would be placed in the matter of representation under the pro posed Reform Scheme. With regard to the second grievance it was said that the practical working of the Act has been extremely detri mental to the Hindus in as much as, while almost all the Mohammedan castes have been notified as agricultural tribes, the high class Hindus have been scrupulously kept out even where they have held land and followed agri culture as a profession for several generations. With regard to the Reform-Scheme it was pointed out that “the principle which had been accepted in providing for the separate and special representation of one particular com

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munity, pnts educational qualifications at a discount and introduces a new factor of political importance which by giving rise to invidious and unjustifiable distinctions, based purely on de nominational considerations, will-tend to accentuate social feeling and largely militate against the good results that the people of Hindusthan expected from the noble Scheme of Reform initiated by your Exrellency.” Further on “Nor has any case been made out for any special concession to the Mohammedan community on the score of their alleged historical or political importance, that the government of the country, in almost every *case, was acquired by the British from the Hindur; that the vast majority of the Mohammedans in the country are descendants of Hinda converts; that the Hindusthanee Mohammedans have never been rulers of the country and that even at the present time & great majority of the Native States of Hindusthan are ruled by Hindu Chiefs and Princer, are facts, Your Excellency’s memo rialists respectfully submit, cannot be con troverted.”

The First Hindu Conference At Lahore. It seems whenever there were introduced Reforms in the constitution of the country, the Hindus were generally placed under certain disadvantages against which they had to protest. In October 1909 was held the first Punjab Hindu Conference at Lahore, in which all the important Hindus of the Punjab took part; prominent among them were L. Lajpat Rai, L. Hans Raj, Sjt. Bhagat Ishwar Das, L. Ram Saran Das, Pt. Din Dayal, L. Hari Chand, L. Shadi Lal, Pt. Ram Bhaj Dutta, Pt. Thaker Datt Vaid and L. Ganga Ram of Sialkot. The resolutions that were passed in this conference are expressive of the spirit of the resolutions that have been and are still being passed in almost all the Hindu Con. ferences that were or are still held. The President of the first Hindu Conference was Sir Protul Chandra Chatterji, retired Judge of the Punjab High Court, R. B. Lala Lal Chand was the Chairman of the Reception Committee and L. Shadi Lal its General Secretary.

L. Lal Chand’s whole life had been a life of

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work and sacrifice for the cause of Arya Samaj and the Hindu community. His crowning vork was to lay the foundation of the Hindu Movg. ment. Soon after this he passed away. In the words of Sjt. Shadi Lal “his was a strong and independent personality whose force was felt by all who came into contact with him. Stead fastness of purpose sincere devotion to a cause and above all, patient labour, are the abiding examples of his personality and are fully illustrated by the work which he did in connec. tion with the Hindn Sabha of which he was the founder and the mainstay. I. Lal Chand’s Address as chairman of the Reception Committee is a very learned document and illustrates how thoroughly he had diagnosed the disease of the country and proposed bis remedies for it. I would give here some ex tracts from his address just to show how correctly he had gauged the position of the Hindus 23 years ago and how true his views are to day as they were then. Referring to the conditinns in Hindusthan he says, “The times we live in are characteristically of communal struggle, and survival of the fittest is the all

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predominant and universal law, which rules the issue certainly in animate life if not even in inanimahe nature.” This is the true order of destiny and our ancient 10w-giver Manu declared it at a time now measurebackwards by tang of centuries. Whatever exists in the world, all that Prajapati has ordained to be the food of living beings. All, both movable and immovable are the food of creatures. The immovable are the food of the movable, the toothles are-the food of she toothed creatures, thhandloga that of the hand-possessed ones, anl the tinid that of the brave.” (Chap. V. 28-29). This law has inpulled the destiny of tribes and of nation as of individual compo sing tribes and nations from the earliest creation of animate life and measured their space of existence with an unerriug scale. A community which does not know itsell, does not feel its individual pulse, does not pride in ita past and believe in its future, is, to all in tents and purposes, a dead and self-effaced community…… . . . . . . . . . . . …… In order to exist at all and exist in the midst of a struggle wbere the universal law is encroachment and ( om )

survival of the fittest, the very first and most preliminary need is to realise individual exis tence. This is as essential as oxygen is for human life. In fact it is the very breath of communal life, and I am glad this conscious. ness which at one time seemed to be receding into oblivion, is asserting itself in the Hindu Community, Need I say that the movement has taken its rise at the most opportune junc ture. The process of dis-integration, if there was integration at any time, which I doubt verr much, is in full swing.” Furtber the Hindus are willing to work as comrades on gronnds of just equality; if however, there be neither such desire nor willingness then the Hindu community need not fall on its knees to crave for union. It has enough of rork for itself, enough of energy to work out its destiny for itself. The Hindu movement, we have met to inaugurate, is founded on deeper forces than imitation can reach. It is keener evolution of self-conciousness forced doubtless by surround ing circumstances, but still as natural as an upheaval is moved by collateral, pressure.”

Referring to the decrease in the number of

( x ) Hindus he said, “decrease in number signifies a decay in the vitality of the community and numerical etrength forms, as it were, the pulse, for adjudging its warmth and vital resources. Whether the depletion be by transfer to other communities, or by ratio of death preponderat ing over that of birth, the result is the same 80 far as the losing community is concerned. In one case it is moral death and in the other it is physical. The former process is as dangerous to the interests of the community as the latter, in fact more dangerous and baneful. It means a weakening and loosening of the tie which bind together a community as such. And any such loosening may lead to an abrupt and sudden disaster and dissolution. This has historically happened not unoften. Look at the modern Persians. They are the descen dants of the same ancestors as the Parsis living there or here. But is there any community of feeling between the two ? I am not sure how far the very presence of Parsis is tolerated in the country of their origin. To cite an in stance nearer home there is a very large number of descendants of Hindu ancestors who bave now

transferred their allegiance to foreign faiths. They live in the country and breathe the same air as their Hindu forefathers did, and drink the same water, yet are not tired of proclaim ing their separate and unmixable existence and claiming separate privileges, as if nothing had ever existed as a common bond between the two communities.’’

Referring to Hindu culture he has cited the case of a Hindu Advocate General of Madras who was reported to have remarked in a lecture that if he were given a selection between the empire of the world on one side and Hindu epics of Ramayana and Malablarat on the other, he would reject the former and accept the latter. To this he adds, “whatever sentiments and considerations may have caused Hindu Society to drift away from its true and ancient moorings, the beacon lighted by the Punjab Hindu Sabha ought in time to bring them back to the right channel and to help and strengthen to consolidate and invigorate the Hindu community.” “In inter-communal and inter-national struggle all that is required, all that is needed is to use the one generic term

(XI) Hindu in order to safeguard Hindu interests. The differences preached and fought upon from day to day and hour to hour seem to me at least wliolly un-intelligible……… I will take permission to demonstrate by relating one personal incident. I belong to Bhandari section of the Khatri community. Some months ago I received a communication from some inembers of my caste at Lahore that they wanted to form a union of Bhandaris to look after and to consolidate their interests. Very naturally the question I put to myself was, what interests has the Bhaddari section to protent and safeguard as distinguished from other Khatri castes ? The designation itself came into existence by bare chance, otherwise there was nothing else to discriminate a Bhandari Khatri from an Uppal, Puri or Melita. I therefore very naturally declined the honour of membership,” He finished by telling,” “Self-consciousness, fitness, and consolidation are the three crucial factors which mould the destiny of communities and ought to form the watchword of any commu nity that at all desires to exist and live. I am

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glad that such consciousness has arisen in the Hindu community, Consolidation and union under Hindu banner must be our first and foremost weapon.

Sir Protul Chandra’s address is another long and learned discourse in which the Hindus are instructed on the authority of their Shastras to give equal treatment to the depr?ssed classes and to protect their widows and orphans, and to try to stop them from being converted to other religions. He has, besides, tried to answer the critics by saying that Hindu Sabha instead of tlirowing any obstacles in the way of national advancement wonld help the growth of the sentiment of nationality in the country. At the same time referring to the Mohammedan political association, which had recently come into existence but was given great prominence by the Anglo-Indian Press, he said that the Mobammedan claim for superiority and separate electorates would be attended with great risks. What final shape it will take was not yet known. Its effert was in the womb of futurity. But there was no doubt that separate electorates would give a

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glad that such consciousness has arisen in the Hindu community, Consolidation and union under Hindu banner must be our first and foremost weapon.

Sir Protul Chandra’s address is another long and learned discourse in which the Hindus are instructed on the authority of their Shastras to give equal treatment to the depr?ssed classes and to protect their widows and orphans, and to try to stop them from being converted to other religions. He has, besides, tried to answer the critics by saying that Hindu Sabha instead of tlirowing any obstacles in the way of national advancement wonld help the growth of the sentiment of nationality in the country. At the same time referring to the Mohammedan political association, which had recently come into existence but was given great prominence by the Anglo-Indian Press, he said that the Mobammedan claim for superiority and separate electorates would be attended with great risks. What final shape it will take was not yet known. Its effert was in the womb of futurity. But there was no doubt that separate electorates would give a

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in utter contempt of facts and existing conditions. The revolt came first from the Mohammedans. They thonght that this pre mature union was likely to injure them. The result is that with the lapse of years the Hindu Mohammedans problem instead of being within a nearer distance of solution is as far from the desired consummation as it was 20 years ago. Nay, to those who have eves to see, it is getting more and more complicated every day.”

“If instead of repeating the parrot-cry of Indian Unity the Hindus had whole-heartedly applied themselves to the reclaiming of their depressed classes and to the closing up of their ranks, they would have successfully deprived the Mohammedans of the plea that these classes should not be classed as Hindus for political purposes. Thus they would have removed the ground from under the feet of those who have taken advantage of the internal disorganization of the Hindu community to defeat the Reform Scheme as originally propounded by Lord Morley. I cannot too often repeat that the best way to bring about Hindu-Mohammedan

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unity is to strengthen the cominunity… … Let the Hindus crase to be Hindus but the Moham medans shall always be Mohammedans for all times to come. The negation of Hinduism on the part of the Hindus does not mean the nega tion of Islam on the part of the followers of the latter. The best security, for bringing about a desirable national evolution is to preserve the cominunal strength. It will then be the inte rest of the Mohammedans to consent to the obliteration of all religious distinctions for political purposes. In the existing condition of the country their first business is to streng. then themselves and bring about a sense of solidarity and unity in their ranks. This is what to me seems to be the highest patriotisin from the Indian point of view.”

Later History of the Hindu Movement. The Hindu Sabha thus started went on working many a year. During 1910, the Hindu Sabha celebrated Hindu festivals and made representations to the Census Commissioner with regard to the ommission of certain classes from being counted among the Hindus. The

( svi ) Sabha appointed a history sub-committee with L. Hans Raj as its secretary for compiling a true history of the Hindu period. In 1911 a Hindu Conference was held at Amritsar which was presided over by L. Lal Chand. In 1912, again, a similar Conference was held at Delbi at which Sir Shadi Lal presided. The fourth Con. ference was held at Ferozpore and the fifth one at Ambala and a special session of it at Lohore in which R.S. Lala Murli Dhar was in the chair and L. Ramsaran Dass was the chairman of reception committee. The conference occupied it:ell chiefly with consideration of the situa. tion created in the Western Punjab on account of lawlessness and rioting in the districts of Jhang, Multan and Muzaffargarh, and a committee was appointed to make a tour in these districts for the purpose of collecting materials regarding the dacoities committ. ed on the Hindus of these districts. This committee consisting of Bakshi Sohan Lal, Fakir Chand and Mehta Bahadur Chand, submitted a thorough and detailed report of the losses suffered by the Hindus of almost all villages in these districts which was duly

( Xyll ) printed and presented to the Government as well as to the public. The importance of this work was like the work done by the Hindu Sahha after the Kohat Tragedy.

This was a period of the War and so the Punjab Hindu Sabha had to carry on its work slowly but steadily during the years 1916-17 and 1918. In 1917 we find that a deputation of Hindu Sabha consisting of thirty-four leading Hindu gentlemen headed by Raja Narendra Nath waited upon Mr. Montague the Secretary of State for Hindusthan, During the year 1918 the Panjab Hindu Sabha did some relief work at the time of the prevalence of influenza and opened a relief-fund for the Hindus who were arrested in Kartarpur riots.

For reasons which need not be discussed here, the Hindu Sabha movement could not catch the fancy of the masses of the Punjab or of any other province. It remained a movement confined to a select class of the Hindu population, the common people remain ing quite unaffected by it. The greatest service that was rendered by the Punjab Hindu Sabha was to koop the torch of light

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burning during all these years. In the year 1919 the whole country came under the ill fluence of a new political movement, as a result of which not only the Hindu movenient but the old school of Congress was brushed aside. For the next three years we hear very little about the Hindu Sabha. A aniversal political awakening in the country coupled with the new religious enthusiasm created among the Mohammadans under the banner of the Khilafat movement, after the failure of the non-co-operation scheme of Mahatma Gandhi, brought the masses of the two com munities into a clash with each other. Then followed a period of communal fights or riots including dacoities and murders which awaken ed the Hindus to a sense of the dangers that lay before them.

This renaissance was the foundation of the new Hindu Sangathan Movement. Although this new movement has been attributed to leaders like Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, L. Lajpat Rai and Swami Shraddhananda but the fact is that Hindu Sangathan arose as a spontaneous product from the whole nation

( x1x ) and had very little to do with any personality. Hindu Sabhas were started in all important towns of the country with a definite programme of Hindu solidarity consisting of Sangathan, Shuddhi and Achhut Uddhar. It seems that the Hindu masses had taken to the Hindu Sangathan movement as a result of a wave of indignation against the Mohammedan com munity. This wave spent its force in a few

years. Swami Shraddhananda alone stuck faithfully to the spirit of the movement and

fed it hy his own life-blood. His martyrdom, which ought to have filled the people with fresh enthusiasm, produced an adverse influence on the leaders of the Hindu movement. Their enthusiasm soon cooled down and the Hindu movement again suffered a great relapse. The common people love a fight, and always like to work in a field where they can give vent to their indignation. The construtive programme of Hindu Sangthan could no longer appeal to their minds.

The Congress came in with a new pro gramme and set up a fresh agitation against the Government. The new fight was carried

( xx) on in various fields. There was to be the boycott of English cloth as well as of other goods. There was a movement of Civil Disob edience in breaking the ordinary laws and ordinances promulgated by the Viceroy. There was terrorism carried on by means of secret societies. And in addition to them all, there was constitutional agitation through the Legislative Assembly and the Provincial Councils. Also there were the Moderate leaders who were constantly bringing pressure upon the Govern ment and inducing it to accede to the demands

of the people.”

The Moslems for their own communal ends made a show of joining the Hindus for some time and this was misread by the Hindus to be the long desired consummation of Hindu Moslem unity. They jumped headlong into the ditch of self-forgetfulness so thoroughly that they did not and cannot realise the rui nation of themselves as a Race and a Nation, They, without giving a serious thought to the pros and cons of the line of action they adhere to, ran blindly along the route the Congress, under the Gandhian lead from 1919 onwards,

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had chalked out for them. The present Congress policy and programme has been to the Hindoos what the burning flame is for the moths and the unavoidable result will be the racial and national self-immolation of the Hindus, if they do not realise the danger be fore it is too late.

II

Let us look to the other side. Why are the Hindus so indifferent to the Hindu Mahasabha? They ask what sacritices the Hinda Mahasabha has made. The answer requires a detailed ex planation.

I have always lield that the Hindus owe their present position to an illusion to which they liave clung in the past two decades. They have been deceived hy Congress sacrifices, which have conjured up before them a spect acle of heroism, into believing that the release from bondage which this country has gained in recent years was secured to them by the Congress, the agitation which it carried on against the Government and imprisonment

( $11)

und suffering which its members courted. The Congress for the gift which it is believed to have given to us has asked for nothing more than our loyalty to it which has included a blind acceptance of its strategy and the poli tical alliances it has established. Subconscious. ly the Hindus have, perhaps, ielt that the Congress, the bestower of the priceless gift of liberty, must have been right in pawning Hindu independence, culture and prosperity in exchange for an elusive Moslem support. In fact the emotion that has accompanied Con gress activity in the last twenty years has destroyed in the Hindus, the love of their heri tage. They have been too willing to offer them. selves as sacrifices at the altar of a Goddess which has surreptitiously given back Hindu offerings to Moslems.

While the Hindus under the spell of the Congress have been gloating over words and empty phrases, the Moslems have made materi. al gains. No one would grudge them their gains, had they not been made at the expense of the Hindus. I propose here to dispel, if I can, the illusion that the recent Constitutional

(XXUI )

advance in Hindusthan is a result of Congress activity. As a corollorly to it I shall also endeavour to show that this constitutional advance is not as valuable to the Hindus as they imagine,

To begin with we see today an end of a movement which blinded the Hindus to their own interests. The revolutionary ardour of the Congress had died down with its acceptance of Provincial Autonomy. Much is said about Congress opposition to the Federation, but to take the Congress at its own words, it will accept office under the Federation if certain provisions in the Government of India Act 1935 are altered. Indirect Elections to the House of Assembly, the undemocratic nature of representation of States in the Assembly and control of the Viceroy over Army and Foreign affairs arov.se the greatest opposition. Safe guards such as the powers of the Viceroy in legislative matters which are within the pur view of the elected House need not be removed; gentle assurance that they will be sparingly used will do. Congress opposition to Indirect elections and State Representation is not based

( XXIV)

on realistic grounds and it will, I dare say, not be able to hold out against these provisions. Nor is it likely that it will make their alteration a consideration for offre acceptance. Indirect elections are more suited to a large country like Hindusthan and State representation had best be left to Rulers of States. The Parliament would never consent to hand over the control of Defence and Foreign affairs to the Asseml) ly. The British are not going to give up the Army by peaceful means. The army is their only safeguard against the huge debt which Hindusthan owes to Britain and for the annual payment of 15 crores of rupees. From that point of view the British army is an army of Occupa tion and until the advantages of occupation are frustrated by circumstances or British

Power weakens, it is a vain hope that the (‘on gress demand in this respect will be met.

In any case it is doubtful is the Congress will insist on this part of its demands. On revolutionary activity Seems now to have become the priciple of the Congress. The Hindus who participated in muss sacrifices at tho behest of Congress leaders now find theni

rev

BITV

WTFS

( XXF)

selves in possession of Constitutional advance which could have been made without Congress intervention. We are almost where we were in 1919 on the eve of Montiord Reforms and the provincial autonomy, in working which the Congress seems to be so proud, is a niere dust in the balance as compared with Independence. If this were all, one could at worst deplore Congress activity during the past twenty years as wasteful; but it has done more than merely wasted men’s energies. It has hung the dead weight of Moslem interests round Hindu necks. I un profoundly conrinced that but for the policy of the Congress the Hindus today would have been far better off than they are. The unfortunate part of the situation is that the Hindus find no escape from the destiny to which the (‘ongress has condemned them. They still cling to the illusion that the Congress is the Goddess of liberty and do not consider whom this liberty has benefitted. They still return (‘ongressmen to legislatusas, while the Moslems League goes from strength to strength.

Why am I urging that we do not owe this

(

X

)

Constitutional progress, restricted as it is, to the Congress ? A brief survey of the antere. dents of the present situation will bear me out. The Declaration of August 17th 17, marks the beginning of the extension of self-government to this country. This declaration was made by Britain while sbe was in the throes of the most difficult war she has ever fought. Britain was pressed at the time for men and money, I do not suggest that the declaration of August 17th was only a bait thrown out to Hindusthan to attract her help. Britain was ostensibly tigh ting in defence of liberty of the weaker nations and against the growing menace of the blood and iron policy initiated by Bisniarck and per fected by Kaisar William. Whatever the motives of Germany in the war, Britain at any rate was not fighting for colonies or territories. With the premises of liberty on which the British people had built up their fighting or ganization and their enthusiasm for a war which they never sought, they could not continue to govern India absolutely autocratically. When che asked India to help her Britain wanted her to make a common) (ause with the allies in

( XXVII )

defence of which they must stake their possessions and their lives. If liberty was the common cause, its gifts could not be kept from India.

Besides, when Britain sought the help of thie United States of America, President Wilson who shared the idealismi of the nation over the destinies of which he presided, would not inter vene in the war unless it was meant to end that war and create a world from which wars may be banished for ever. President Wilson Saw that the rule of one nation over another and the legal sanction given to it so far by the Great Powers was the canse of antagonisms between nations which led to contlicts. Consequently. he made the principle of self-determination for nations the basis of his policy. This was also instrumental in relaxing British attitude to wards her Hindusthanee Empire. Hence the proclamation of August 16th 1917.

It is in the fulfilment of this proclamation that the British Government has been taking steps to extend self-government by easy stages to the Indian people. Soon after the close of the war, Mr. Montague, the then Secretary of ( XX!)

States for Hindusthani visited this (’nuntry in order to study possibilities of increasing the participation of Hindusthanees in the govern ment of the country. The Congress and the Moslem league concluded a pact at Luck-now in 1917 in preparation of the movement which was to follow. It would be idle to urge that the impetus to increasing self-government to Hindusthanees was given at that time by any agitation on the part of the Congress. The Congress at that time in point of fact had not acquired the revolutionary role that it assumed in later years. There was no agitation at the time excepting of course the propaganda of the Home Rule League, newly started by Lok manya Tilak and Mrs. Annie Besant.

The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms were in troduced in 1920. In December 1919 at the Amritsar Congress held nine months after the Jallianwala Tragedy and revolt in the Punjab Mahatma Gandhi wanted to welcome this scheme and to thank the British Government for extending what was then a generous inea sure of self-government to Hindusthan. This is significant because the Congress in this country

( XXXI

has been identified whith Mahatma Gandhi. It was Lokmanya Tilak who felt disappointed with the scheme and did not conider it sufficient ly generous to merit the gratitude of the people of Hindusthan. All the same he urged that the Reforms should be worked. It is a welknown fact that Mahatma Gandhi with the help of Pandit Motilal Nehru insisted on the Congress declaring itself in favour of working these reforins and rejecting even the formal expre ssion of dissatisfaction with them which Tilak and C. R. Das wanted to incorporate in the Congress resolution. A few months afterwards that is, on the 1st August, 1920, Lokmanya Tilak died. After him, Mahatma Gandhi who felt so grateful in the beginning of that year to the British Government for introducing what was actually, a very limited form of self-govern ment in the country, found himself at the helm of the Congress and preached to the amaze ment of many his theories of non-co-operation and non-violence.

It is significant to enquire into the reasons which brought about this change in the attitude of Mahatma Gandhi. The Caliphate was going

to be driven out from (Constantinople by the Allies headed by England. It was a challenge to Islamic orthodoxy. Steeped in a sluggish and fanatical antignity and orthodox as the Mosleins of this country have been, they could not witness with equanimity this revolutionary change. A people oppressed and ruled over by a foreign government decided under the leadership of the Ali Brothers to help the Caliphate, The Ali Brothers found that is they could elicit the support of the congress, they could advance their (ause better than if they only relied on the Moslem Community. Lokmanya Tilak, I understand, after the rit gar Congress inet Mahatma Gandhi only ont before his death. It was in some meeting int Prayagi Allahabad. In that meeting k hilaphat question was discussed. Tilak was not in favour of directly taking in hand the Kilapbat agita tion, though he favoured every help to the agitation if started by the Moslems, Mahatmu Gandhi however attended a conference held by the Moslems and thus occured the alliance het ween Mahatma Gandhi and the Ali Brothers, in my opinion one of the most unfortunate episodes

( XXVII )

defence of which they must stake their possessions and their lives. If liberty was the common cause, its gifts could not be kept from India.

Besides, when Britain sought the help of thie United States of America, President Wilson who shared the idealismi of the nation over the destinies of which he presided, would not inter vene in the war unless it was meant to end that war and create a world from which wars may be banished for ever. President Wilson Saw that the rule of one nation over another and the legal sanction given to it so far by the Great Powers was the canse of antagonisms between nations which led to contlicts. Consequently. he made the principle of self-determination for nations the basis of his policy. This was also instrumental in relaxing British attitude to wards her Hindusthanee Empire. Hence the proclamation of August 16th 1917.

It is in the fulfilment of this proclamation that the British Government has been taking steps to extend self-government by easy stages to the Indian people. Soon after the close of the war, Mr. Montague, the then Secretary of

( XX!)

States for Hindusthani visited this (’nuntry in order to study possibilities of increasing the participation of Hindusthanees in the govern ment of the country. The Congress and the Moslem league concluded a pact at Luck-now in 1917 in preparation of the movement which was to follow. It would be idle to urge that the impetus to increasing self-government to Hindusthanees was given at that time by any agitation on the part of the Congress. The Congress at that time in point of fact had not acquired the revolutionary role that it assumed in later years. There was no agitation at the time excepting of course the propaganda of the Home Rule League, newly started by Lok manya Tilak and Mrs. Annie Besant.

The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms were in troduced in 1920. In December 1919 at the Amritsar Congress held nine months after the Jallianwala Tragedy and revolt in the Punjab Mahatma Gandhi wanted to welcome this scheme and to thank the British Government for extending what was then a generous inea sure of self-government to Hindusthan. This is significant because the Congress in this country

( XXXI

has been identified whith Mahatma Gandhi. It was Lokmanya Tilak who felt disappointed with the scheme and did not conider it sufficient ly generous to merit the gratitude of the people of Hindusthan. All the same he urged that the Reforms should be worked. It is a welknown fact that Mahatma Gandhi with the help of Pandit Motilal Nehru insisted on the Congress declaring itself in favour of working these reforins and rejecting even the formal expre ssion of dissatisfaction with them which Tilak and C. R. Das wanted to incorporate in the Congress resolution. A few months afterwards that is, on the 1st August, 1920, Lokmanya Tilak died. After him, Mahatma Gandhi who felt so grateful in the beginning of that year to the British Government for introducing what was actually, a very limited form of self-govern ment in the country, found himself at the helm of the Congress and preached to the amaze ment of many his theories of non-co-operation and non-violence.

It is significant to enquire into the reasons which brought about this change in the attitude of Mahatma Gandhi. The Caliphate was going

to be driven out from (Constantinople by the Allies headed by England. It was a challenge to Islamic orthodoxy. Steeped in a sluggish and fanatical antignity and orthodox as the Mosleins of this country have been, they could not witness with equanimity this revolutionary change. A people oppressed and ruled over by a foreign government decided under the leadership of the Ali Brothers to help the Caliphate, The Ali Brothers found that is they could elicit the support of the congress, they could advance their (ause better than if they only relied on the Moslem Community. Lokmanya Tilak, I understand, after the rit gar Congress inet Mahatma Gandhi only ont before his death. It was in some meeting int Prayagi Allahabad. In that meeting k hilaphat question was discussed. Tilak was not in favour of directly taking in hand the Kilapbat agita tion, though he favoured every help to the agitation if started by the Moslems, Mahatmu Gandhi however attended a conference held by the Moslems and thus occured the alliance het ween Mahatma Gandhi and the Ali Brothers, in my opinion one of the most unfortunate episodes

(XXX)

in recent History of Hindusthan. bargain was struck. T’he Moslems were to support, the Congress for Swaraj in exchange for the Congress supporting Moslems in their battle for the (aliph, Hindn- Nuslim unity of the year 1920 on which (ongressmen cast. wist ful glances was not a unity of purpose, of ideals or of culture; it was an alliance as ten porary and as open to treachery as alliances in history have been.

The (ongress and the Khilafat which even at that time renained separate entities joined hands and Mahatma Gandhi thankful as he had been to the British Government, hecame its avowed enemy. An important reason for this change in him was that when the Com mittee’s Report was out, they instead of con demning General Dyer who had ordered tiring at Jallianwala, had condemned his action as mere ’error of judgement”. In September a special session of the Congress was held and a resolution declaring Khilafat, and Swarajas the ultimate goals of the Hindusthanee people was passert. These ideals were to be achieved by the twin weupons of non-co-operation with the

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)

British Government and non-violent resistance to its rule. At the Calcutta session not all the leaders of public opinion were in agreenient with Mahatma Gandhi about this extreme step of non-co-operation which led to all the suffer ing that the Hindusthanee people later on endured. Desh Bandhu, C. R. Dase and L. Lajpat Rai were prominent among those who differed from Mahatma Gandhi but he was relying on Moslem support to win Swaraj for getting that Moslem support was given for Swaraj as a corollary to their main Khilafat ist purpose being achieved. Swaraj wag pro mised within a year. A loan of Rupees one crore was raised. Khuddar, Charkha and non co-operation became the corner stones of Congress agitation. Jails were filled with young and old.

In 1922 the Prince of Wales visited Hindus than. Most of the leaders of the nationalist movement were in Jail. The British Govern ment was anxious that reception should be accorded by Hindusthan to the heir to the throne. Throngh the medium of Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru and Pandit Madan Mohan

( Xxxu ) Malviya Lord Reading, who was then the Viceroy offered to meet as far as circumstances permitted the demands of the Congress if it agreed to receive the Prince of Wales with the enthusiasm which the future monarch of the British Empire deserved on his visit to tbe most valuable possession of the British people. Lord Reading went, it is understood, as far as to offer to change the dyarchical system of Govern ment in the provinces to full Provincial Auto nomy. Desh Bandhu Dass practically gave his consent. Mahatma Gandhi was also not reluctant to accept the offer, but he made the release of the Ali Brothers from jail a condition of his acceptance of the proposal. The Vice roy, suspecting the Ali Brothers of conspiracy with King Aman Ullah of Afganistan, was not able to accede to Mr. Gandhi’s condition. Mahatma Gandhi considered, it would appear, that the release of the Ali Brothers, was more important than the extention of a large mea sure of self-government to this country. The plan was dropped and after fourteen years of needless suffering the Congress agreed to the present plan of Provincial Autonomy which it: ( XXXIV) could have had for the asking in 1922. The 1926 plan would have been free from all the handicaps which have been imposed upon the Hindus by the Communal Award which forms a vital part of the new constitution, Is greater proof required of the unstatesmanlike handling of the political problems of this country hy the Congress ? and no greater betrayal of the Hindus can be imagined than the attitude of the Congress towards the Communal Award.

The ardour with which the hectic compaign of Mabatma Gandhi was pursued cooled down; for the people had been tired of agitation which brought them no results but inflicted on them suffering, Deah Bandbu Dass and Pandit Motilal Nehru gave up hoycott of Coun. cils and founded the Swaraj Party, the object of which was to fight the Government not through direct action but"from within”. Wben the Swaraj Pary was formed, Mahatma Gandbi was in jail. A special session of the Congress was held at Delhi to consider this new move on the part of Mr. C. R. Dass and Pandit Motilal, At this special session a resolution was passed, endorsing the formation of the Swaraj Party

17

( *XXVI) Commission. A committee appointed by the Congress under the chairmanship of Pandit Motilal Nehru formulated a scheme of Self Government for Hindusthan and its report which has now come to be known as the Nehru Report makes an interesting reading when we compare its proposals with the proposals made by the Simon Commi ssion, The Nehra scheme of Swaraj is in all vital matters very much similar to the pre sent Constitution excluding of course, cer tain abnoxious provisions relating to the Communal Award and so forth. The Congress, therefore which condemns the Government of *India Act’ and at the same time works with enthusiasm its provincial part condemns what it formulated under the chairmanship of Pandit Motilal Nehru. Its criticism is not directed towards those provisions of the present Act which call for the loudest protest and which were not contained in the Nehru Report and thoxe are its communal provisions.

The report of the Simon Commission con tained proposals much more suitable for the Government of this country than the present

( XXXV) and the policy of entry into councils. On bis release Mahatma Gandhi did not approve of this policy and as a protest declared his retire ment from politics.

The Swaraj Party fought from within” but it is dubious how far even this constitutional battle waged by the Congress was successful.

The next step in the extention of Self-Govern ment to Hindusthan was already envisaged in the Montagu - Chelmsford Reforms. A com mission was to be appointed after the Reformis had been in operation for ten years to consider the possibility of further extention of those Reforms. The appointment of the Simon Commission, therefore, was independent of the agitation of the (‘ongress

The Royal Commission on Hindusthan presided over by Sir John Simons had no Hindusthanee as its member. This was made an excuse for boycottiug the Commission and when the Commission arrived in Hindusthan, the Congress received it with flags and slogans asking it to go back,

In view of the subsequent happenings it is difficult to justify the boycott of the Simon

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Act is: The Simon Report condemned Moslerd Communalism and paid little heed to the clamour of the Moslems for what they called ‘rights at the expense of other communities. Besides, there is no indication of a Communal Award in that report. The Provincial Autos nomy which formed part of the Simon Com mission’s report is more in accordance with the professed ideals of the Congress and of national ism than the Provincial Autonomy under the present Act which the Congress has accepted. If the Congress had possessed statemanship and foresight it would have accepted the Simon Commission scheme.

Having started the movement of boycott of the Simon Commission Congress leaders de. clared that they were not even prepared to read the report of the Simon Commission, The Moslems were naturally not very pleased with it, nevertheless they would bave accepted it. The British Government, however, thought that if they could formulate a scheme which would meet with the wholehearted approval of the Moslems, they would make permanent allies of them. The procedure of the Round Table

(XXXVIII)

d.

Conference was, therefore, adopted and the story is so recent that it does not need elebo rate narrative. The Congress, however, wben the Round Table Conference scbeme was pro posed started again direct action under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi Mahatma Gandhi had not returned to the Congress when in Dec. 27, the Madras Congress passed the Independence Resolution and he declared it childish. Pt. Motilal prevailed up on him to attend the Calcutta Session where Nehru scheme was passed and one year’s time was given to the Govt. to accept it. The Govt. did not mind to the ultimatuni and so in Lahore Session in Dec. 1929 Independence Compaign was resolved and after sending thirty thousand men, and women to jails, Mahatma Gandhi agreed to a truce 38 a result of the Gandivi. Irwin conversations and went to the Second Round Table Conference. The opinion is com monly held that Mahatma Gandhi missed another great opportunity. A wise and tact ful use of this opportunity might have yielded better and speedier results in 1931, but he wanted time to arrive at a settlement

NI

VOwen

( XXXX ) with the Moslem Delegates who carried on their talks with him during the day and with Sir Samual Hoare during the night. The result was not unexpected. His visit was a complete failure, which was a triumph for the British Government and the Moslems. He came back to Hindusthan a disappointed man hut still sticking to its resolve, was put back into jail.

The present reform scheme was mostly prepared by the three Round Table Conferences which were held in London between the years 1930 and 1933. The proposals of the British Govenment which emerged as a result of these conferences and were embodied in a White Pa per with certain modifications which were made by the Joint Parliamentary Committee form the basis of the Government of India Act 1935. Mahatma Gandhi who was then in prison could find only one fault with the White Paper pro posals and that was his dislike of separate electorates for untouchables indicating thereby that he did not disapprove of other communal and separatist provisions in that scheme. In his usual dramatic manner he determined to

( 1XXX )

were

fast unto death unless separate electorates for untouchables were abolished. This fast pro duced the Poona Pact which labelled seven crores of people in this country as the depressed classes permanently, tore them away from the Hindus.

Circumstances which were not created by the agitation of the Congress have led from time to time to extention of self-government to Hindusthan. Nor can it be maintained as has been done that though Mahatma Gandhi’s direction of politics in this country has not achieved Self-Government and yet he has heen responsible at least for the political awakening of the masses of this country. This is a fallacy which needs to be exploded. The awakening of political consciousness among the masses of this country is the result of circunstances created largely by the Great War. It was again the Great War which dispelled ignorance about the ‘white nian’ in this country. It was again the Great War which pressed the British Government to call for Hindustbani help. This appeal could not have been but accompni. ed by awakening, credit is undoubtedly due to

( XXXXI )

Mr. Gandhi that he utilized this consciousness to preach his peculiar theories. They may have a moral value but in politics where theories are judged by results they have proved to be useless. Whatever improvement is discernible in the Indian political system can hardly be ascribed to Mr. Gandhi’s leadership.

The irresistible conclusion to which this brief survey of the past two decades in this country leads us is that Constitutional advance in the Government of India has not been a result of the sacrifices of the Congress. As a matter of fact the Congress has always opposed those advances. They have been imposed upon us in spite of the obstruction offered by the Congress in worse form than they would have been, but for its politics. If there are defects and safeguards in the Indian Consti tution’ we have to be thankful to the Congress for forciag the British Government to incorpo rate those safeguards and those defects in it. The boast of the Congress that its sufferings have brought self-government to this country is baseless. No greater evidence is required than the effect of the Communal Award on the

( XIXBTI) Bengali Hindus, a people who played the lead. ing part in the political advancement of the country and made the greatest sacrifices but it is the Award which quite apart from being anti-national and anti-democrtic, has deprived the great Hindu Community of Bengal of its legitimate place in the political life of the country and reduced them practically to politi cal impotence. The Govt. of the province has passed into the hands of those who did not raise even their little finger in the cause of the country.

But it is an illusion wbich the Hindus have cherished in spite of the fact that the policy of the Congress has spelled disaster to them. Without Congress intervention the Indian Constitution’, I am profonndly convinced. would have been free from the evil of Commu nal Award. The illusion that the Congress has brought freedom to this country deserves to be dispelled as quickly as possible if Hindus are to safeguard the small preserves that are left to them. Presiding at the Hindu Maha sabha Session in Ajmer in 1983, I drew the attention of the Hindus to this point and ex

XXXX

( xxxxm ) plained the Hindu view regarding the new Constitution. That illusion, I cannot make it too abundantly clear, the Congress exploits, to the increasing detriment of the Hindus. In 1920 two courses were open to the Congress. One was to demand freedom as an act of patriotism. In that demand alliances would not have entered. The other was to trade in freerlom with the Moslems. This the Congress did. The results are unhappily only too clear. If the Congress had not engineered the theory that liberty can only follow Hindu-Muslim unity, liberty to-day would not be hampered and confined as it is. I am dubbed as a communa list, but I speak from the point of the freedom of the country. How near was our goal, when Hindus and Moslems irrespective of caste and creed, were actuated by patriotism alone? To-day we are seeking Hindu-Muslim unity and not Freedom. The Hindu-Muslim unity is impossible of achievement by pacts and concessions. It (Hindu-Muslim unity) is the very negation of patriotism which knows no Hindus or Moslems.

The real nature of Hindu-Muslim problem ( XXXIV )

has been quite clarifeed by the recent talks between Mr. Jinnah and the Congress leaders. Mr. Jinnah asserts that the Muslim League should be recognised as the sole representative of the Muslim community; The Congress leaders say that by doing that they nullify the position of the Congress as the nationlist organisation. Mr. Jinnah argnes that there are two nations in the country and the Congress ever since the Lucknow Pact has been recog nising Moslems as a separate community. The Congress is confroted with the most serious situation. If Mr. Jinnah is right and I believe he is, then the Congress theory of building up a common nationality falls to the ground. The situation has got only two solutions. One is the partition of the country into two and the other to allow a Muslim state to grow within the State, That is sure to take us to a period of trial of strength and in that case the Hindu Mahasabha alone and not the Congress can offer the right solution

I am convinced that if the Congress had not thought of Hindu-Muslim unity, if Mr. Gandhi had not made his ill-fated pace, with

( XXXXV)

the Ali Brothers, it could have made a signifi cant contribution to the achievement of Freedom. It would then not have nurtured an enemy to its ideals within its own territories.

To-day thanks to the Congress that the Hindus in some provinces bear the twin yokes of the British Govt. and of the Moslems. If there are any that deceive themselves that the Hindus performed an act of self-abnegation for the ideal of liberty, they will be dis-illusioned by what the future holds. Sooner or later, they shall have to come to the Hindu Maba Sabha for their safety and progress.

BHAI PARMANANDA

PREFACE

Often Hindusthemselves it is most surpris ingmask us questions-Why should there be A separata All-India Organisation, the Hindu Mahasabha, when there is the Indian National Congrees which looks after the political interests of all? Why should we not still further streng then the Congress organisation and seek our political salvation through it? Why should we create divisions amongst the Hindus and come in the way of concentration of all Hindu energy and resources on the furtherance of the Congress cause, that is, development of National. ism, killing of Communalism and establishment of Poorna Swaraj? Do Hindus want anything else specially for themselves ?

These questions must be satisfactorily answered. And they must be answered in a manner as Rball appeal to reason and stand the test of logic.

The population of India though composed of one Hindu Race, is divided into three main

religious communities, Hindus, Moslems and Christians. The Moslems and the Christians are proselytizing communities; in fact prosely. tisation ie the life-breath in their nostrils. They cannot grow and prosper without proselytı. sation. They therefore exploit every power and opportunity they can secure for stimulat ing proselytisation. They are, therefore, a daily growing Community, each of them, Hindus, on the nther hand, are not a proselytizing community and therefore they cannot recoup the loss they suffer from the encroachments of Moalem and Christian proselytisations. They are, therefore, or have been till now at least, a daily declining Community. Hindus, however, are now fully awakened to the decaying effects of this defect in their sociology. They have now come to realize that Hinduism cannot live, grow and prosper unless it imbibes to the same degree of fanaticism, the exclusive Comu. nalism of Islam and Christian India. They are, therefore, growing more and more zealous of their natural, legitimate and rightful powers and privileges; so that they may utilise them in checking the further rot of foreign proselytisa

( m

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tion and also in reclaiming whatever has been lost throughout the past centuries of Moslem and Christian proselytisation. Who can find fault with the Hindus cherishing and working for the realization of such a legitimate aspiration, if proselytisation is to be regarded as a free birthright of a free people ? Thus there is the fundamental and irremovable cause for religious rivalry and antagonism. Unless the Moslems and the Christians agree honestly and sincerely to stop all further proselytisation or the Hindus meekly agree to submit without retaliation to such proselytisation, who can truthfully aspire to prevent Communalism arising and affecting the vested interests in every sphere of life ? Communalism being thus ant inevitable part of the daily life, cannot be killed. It is, therefore, not only wrong but actual self-deception to suppose that the Congress can kill Coinmunalism.

If this is so and-who can truthfully gainsay it?-then there is no minority problem in India as European politicians and statesmen under stand it. The minority problem of Europe is

pre-eminently a racial one; and not religious;

( v ) aspect, means a system of government which is based on the counting of heads. In India, Islam and Christianity being the proselytising religions, the Moslem heads and the Christian heads are yearly increasing in numbers and are hopefully aspiring to swallow up the majority community of the Hindus or to reduce it to a minority community. In Bengal, for instance, during the last 50 years, the Hindus have been reduced from 55’’ to 45°, and the Moslems on the contrary, have risen from 4500 to 550. Do those Hindus, who are at present opposing the Mahasabha, want to remain un concerned towards this, the most realistic aspect of the problem and really do not mind if, by the time the Poorna Swaraj comes, the Hindus are swallowed and wiped out of exis tence; or actually reduced to minority and loga their majority position. Is this not a real calamity staring us in the face? To counterart such a calamity, who can inspire and give lead to the Hindus? Can the Congress come to the succour of the Hindus? Obviously not. Thus there is no other organisation than the Hindu Mabasabha, which can legitimately

( ) undertake and discharge this duty effectively.

This is the crux of the whole problem.

Having thus far dealt with the fundamental of the problem, and having appreciated the essential helplessness of the Congress in the matter, let us now, from the same point of view, exa nine the policy and the activities of the Congress, with the object of ascertaining if they are or likely to be conducive to the stability, growth and prosperity of the Hindus.

The general policy of the Congress is the political emancipation of the country, irrespect ive of considerations based on caste or creed, that is, it works equally for all, whether, by re ligion, they be Hindus, Moslems, or Christians. Its conception, therefore, of Patriotism, Nationalism, and Democracy is exsentially non-communal and takes no cognizance of differences of religion among the nationals of India. Besides the Congress believes that it cannot achieve this emancipation withont Hindu-Moslem unity and what is more, it does not desire to bring about such eman cipation by any other means than Love

( I ) and ‘Non-Violence. Such has been and is still the position of the Congress, though, in the practical application of this policy for the solution of the day-to-day problems and controversies that arise inevitably, the Congress has often deviated from the right path and, since the rise of the Mahatma to dictatorship in the Congress, during the last 18 years, the Congress has developed a ten dency that may aptly be called a pro-Moslem mentality at the cost of Hindu interests with the ultimate object of placating and winning them over to merge in the Congress.

Now let us see how the Moslems have been re-acting. From the very commencement of the Congress movement, the Moslems have studiously kept themselves aloof and have latterly formed an All-India Organisation of their own, the Muslim League, for the very same objective of the political emancipation of the country which the Congress has been actively working for; but the Moslem scheme of emancipation is essentially and fundamentally based on the essentially communal ambition of winning a domineering position for Islam in

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this hoary land of the Hindus. The late Sir Mohammed Iqbal, the inspiring Poet-Philoso. pher and thought-moulder of the Moslems of India, has been preaching :

“Patriotism is a perfectly natural virtue and has a place in the moral life of a man. Yet that which really matters is a man’s faith, his cultural and historical traditions. These are things which, in my eyes, are worth living for and dying for; and not the piece of earth with which the spirit of a man happens to be tempo rarily associated.”

“I am opposed to Nationalism as it is ander stood in Europe, not because if it is allowed to develop in India, it is likely to bring less mate. rial gain to Moslems; I am opposed to it, because I see in it the germs of athestic materialism, which I look upon as the greatest danger to modern humanity.”

“Our Ideal is well defined. It is to win, in the coming Constitution, a position for Islam, which may bring her opportunities to fulfil her destiny in this country.”

Thus it is quite clear that the Moslems have no idea of Patriotism, or Nationalism, if shorn (

1

)

1

of Moslem communalism; nor do they care for Swaraj in India, if the Swaraj does not offer to them à domineering status in the administra tion of the country. Their one point, on which they have roncentrated, for the present, all their energy and intellect and staked everything that ccunts in life, is how to “win” a position for Islam in India, even if it be at the COAT of others. Does this, in any sense, mean the need for minority-protection ? .

What is the core to such a mentality ? It has now reached its culminating point; it is no mere bluff. It has now begun to demand division of India into Moslem India and Hindu India. They now want two separate Federa. tions, the Hindu Federation and the Moslem Federation. They further demand that the Moslem Federation should bave “the right to admit any other Moslem state beyond the Indian frontiers, wishing to join it.”

One of the leading lights of the Muslim League, Haji Sir Abdulla Haroon, M. L. A. (Central), declares from house-tops that “Democracy is not suited to Indian soil, tradi tions and environments” and while repeating

the deniand for two separate Federations, he expresses himself with a determination, which, he asserts, if averted, will lead to Civil War.

Such a mentality cuts at the very root of the aims and objects of the Congress and of all its policies, principles, faiths, philosophy and programme, as were being moulded and deve loped by no less a personage than Mahatma Gandhi, from the time he entered the Congress since 1920. In the face of such a stubbornly Communal mentality of the Moslems, what hope can the Congress hold out ?

What is the remedy? Can the soul force of Mahatma Gandhi hypnotise the Muslim League to climb down and give up its trucu lunce? The Congress slogans of “No Swaraj without Hindu-Moslem unity”, or “Love and Non-Violence”, or “Offers of Blank Cheques,” are no remedies. They only generate defeatist mentality in the Hindus and further strengthen the separatist and bargaining mentality of the Moslems. . To be frank and boldly truthful, the remedy lies in the robust Nationalism of the Hindu Mahasabha. It is inspired neither by any sordid and poisonous desire to gain illegi.

the deniand for two separate Federations, he expresses himself with a determination, which, he asserts, if averted, will lead to Civil War.

Such a mentality cuts at the very root of the aims and objects of the Congress and of all its policies, principles, faiths, philosophy and programme, as were being moulded and deve loped by no less a personage than Mahatma Gandhi, from the time he entered the Congress since 1920. In the face of such a stubbornly Communal mentality of the Moslems, what hope can the Congress hold out ?

What is the remedy? Can the soul force of Mahatma Gandhi hypnotise the Muslim League to climb down and give up its trucu lunce? The Congress slogans of “No Swaraj without Hindu-Moslem unity”, or “Love and Non-Violence”, or “Offers of Blank Cheques,” are no remedies. They only generate defeatist mentality in the Hindus and further strengthen the separatist and bargaining mentality of the Moslems. . To be frank and boldly truthful, the remedy lies in the robust Nationalism of the Hindu Mahasabha. It is inspired neither by any sordid and poisonous desire to gain illegi.

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timate advantages at the cost of other commu. nities; nor tinged with the fear of any community; nor handicapped with the feeling of helplessness and defeatism, because this or that community is not prepared to co-operate

pull its weigbt in companionship. The Hindu Mahasabha. in its pure and unalloyed Nationalism and in absolute fearlessness arising out of its quite transparent purity of heart, seeks the friendship of all without, however, helplessly depending on it and scrupulously refrains from offending any body gratuitously. It, however, is prepared to fight even against odds, or any unholy combinations as occasion may arise-which God forbid for the political emancipation of the country on quite non-communal lines,

Can the Congress say so? No, it cannot fight without the previons assurance of help from the Moslems. The Hindu Mahasabha is the only organisation which can be a sure guide to the Hindus and the people generally.

Like the Congress, the Hindu Mahasabba also is anxiously seeking for Hindu-Moslem unity; but it does not believe that Swaraj is

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impossible of achievement without Moslem co-operation, though its hand is ever stretched for such co-operation on honest and honourable principles. Unlike the Congress, however, it hates bargaining. As for the Hindu-Moslem Unity Mr. Jinnah says to the Moslems:

“Organise yourself and unite. I nake no secret of it that we have got a lot of rubbish in our midst. We must improve, rise up, and weed that out. If we go through that process and bring out better Moslens, the finest steel of the Moslems; and if the Hindus do the same and equally bring out their finest steel, then there will be real unity and on that day, the freedom of India is won.”

What else has the Mahasabha been preach ing? This is a paraphrase of the age-long Sanatana dictum of the Hindus, in which the Hindu Mahasabha has’unshakable faith. Who can say with justice to the contrary? And Mr. Jinnah is no ordinary Moslen. He is, par excellence, the one man amongst the Moslenis, who can deliver goods from his side. If the real Hindu Moslem Unity cannot be attained in any other way, as Mr. Jinnah rightly says,

( 1 ) then it must be admitted that, as the Maha. sabha has always been asserting, the ways of the Mahatma and the Congress are not the ways to bring about what Mr. Jinnah calls real Hindu-Moslem Unity, capable of winning free dom for India. And if the Mahatma be right that there can be no Swaraj without Hindu Moslem Unity, then the ways of the Mahatma and the Congress are not the ways that will lead to Swaraj, much less to Poorna Swaraj. The Swaraj can only be attained if the Hindus, as Mr. Jinnah observes, organise and unite and bend all their energies and concentrate all their resources on the one objective of bringing out the finest steel of the Hindns. In this en terprise and for this purpose, the Hindu Maba sabha and the Muslim League of Mr. Jinnab are collateral opponents, preparing eventually for real heart-to-heart Hindu-Moslem unity, having received co-education in the same school of stern and implacable realities and under the same Grand Master, the practical World, and the History of India of the last one thousand years,

It such is the real mentality of the Moslens

( XY ) and if Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophy of comp lete renunciation and surrender, practised with almost religious faith and fervour during the last 18 years, could make no change in their mentality, then the question is-How are Nationalism, Hindu-Moslem Unity and Swaraj to be established? What is the conception of the Hindu Mahasabha in respect of these, and what remedy does it prescribe

The Hindu Mahasabha advises the Hindus to shed their mentality of defeatism brought about hy the Mahatma’s teachings of ‘No Swaraj without Hinda-Moslem T’nity; and remembering the doings of their forefathers immediately before the British rame, to take courage in both hands and assert the right of the Majority Community. In any conntry, it is always the right of the Majority Community to establish Swaraj and to create its own Nationalism, to maintain internal Law and Order and to defend the Swaraj from external aggression. Say, in Afghanisthan, Who have established Afghan Swaraj? Who maintain internal Law and Order? Who defends the Afghan country from foreign invasions? It is

( x ) the special responsibility of the Afghans, the majority community of Afghanisthan, as it is also their noble and happy privilege. The Hindus and the Sikhs, who form the mino rities in Afganisthan, help and co-operate with them, but if they were not to do so, does it mean that the Afghans should throw up the sponge and approach the British Prime Minister for a Communal Award! If we only make up our mind and walk in the footsteps of Afghanisthan and of the Germans, there will be no foundation left for our defeatist mentality and helplessness. A wide vista of live virility and hope, hither-to unexperienced, will be immediatly opened ont to us and we will feel the glow and energy of real rejuvenated man hood. The world will then recognise us as men and respect us as such and also feel awe about us. Our so-called minorities will then give up their shrewd friendship with the shrewder Britishers and begin to claim kinship with us as they really are our kins in blood and bones,

Such is the Nationalism that is conceived and practised in everyday life in both Western

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and Eastern countries. If it is so, then why should Nationalism be interpreted differently in India? Can the Congress of Mahatma Gandhi conceive of such Communalism? It is Hindu Mahasabha alone which can have the boldness to undertake this sacred duty.

Here it will not be inappropriate to say something about Communism and Bolshevism of the Russian brand which is rising in India and, which is more and more gaining ground within the Congress. So far the differences bet ween the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha were merely differences in mentalities induced

in their respective leaders by differences of their past historical traditions and of their policies and programmes; and hope was not wanting at least in some of the leaders of thought in the Hindu Mahasabha tliat a day is sure to dawn, sooner or later, when by the experience of the every-day realities of the inter-communal situation in the country, the Congress may grow wiser and, by making mutual adjust ments, the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha may come nearer and join hands in co-opera tion and companionship for the realisation of

Az

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the common aim of Poorna Swaraj. But recently events have happened and are happen ing, in connection with the growth of Com munism in India, which, if sponsered by the Congress officially, will undoubtedly create fundamental and unadjustable differences and alienation of minds between the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha, which may God forbid.

In view of the fact that demolition of Reli. gion forms the very foundation of the Russian Communism, it is no wonder that the Hindu Mahasabha regards Communism, as the Arch bishop of Edinburgh has rightly characterised it, as “the greatest danger, socially and morally, that faces the world to-day,” The Archbishop further says:

“Its progress has left a hideous trail of violence, bloodshed, and sacrilege where ever it succeeds in vsurping power. Its domination is maintained by a system of tyranny, which for its injustice and ruthless, is unsurpassed in History. Truly might it be said that never in History has such a black tide of evil poured over the world as that which is now pouring from Moscow.” ( XVII ) Another authority, Cardinal Goma Thcmas, Archbishop of Toledo, blaming Russia for the Civil War in Spain, says :

“The Tartar soul, the genius of Communist Internationalism, destroyed the Christian senti. ments of a large part of the people and made them fight them against Spain.”

Such is Communism for which some of the most prominent leaders of the Congress stand. But what is the position of the Hindu Maha sabha in this respect ?

Whether Islam and Christ in India will agree cheerfully to their own demolition, so that the Communism of the Congress leaders may prevail and prosper, bringing in the so. called millennium of honey and milk for all proving the truth of the prophecy of these leaders that unless Socialism gathered strength, poverty, unemployment, and starvation were not removable”, it is for them to say. Bnt let none doubt that it will be impossible for the Hindu Mahasabha to reconcile itself to the principle of demolition of Religion. The Hindu Mahasabha, therefore, hopes and prays that the Congress may not continue to coppive

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at and allow itself to be swept off the feet by the rising tide of Communism.

If the Congress bas wisdom and will follow a skilful strategy the Hindu Mahasabha will always prove a handy organisation to act as a buffer between the Congress and the Muslim League on one side and an effective weapon with which to strike at and subdue the denion of Communism on the other.

Now if I were to summarise the above ava lysis of the situation, it will not be far from truth if I were to say ; aument

1. That the entire scheme of the Mahatma of Swaraj in six months based on Hindu Moslem Unity and removable of untouchability has hopelessly miscarried not only in respect of the tima-period within which Swaraj was to be attained; but, what is of vital importance, in respect of the Hindu-Moslem Unity also,

2. That the dream of Mahatma Gandhi of Hindu-Moslem Unity, through complete communal self-abnegation of the Hindus, as vouchsafed by the offers of Blank Cheques and the policy and practice of “organised Love and Non-Violence even unto death,” with people

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being prepared to die “to a man without shed. ding the blood of the robbers, and also to lose all including, “the liberty and possessions of their families’, has so far proved not only a volatile dream but, I would say, a direct ins tigator of the Moslem proposal of a separate Federation of their own, thus dividing India into Hindu India and Moslem India,

3. That the philosophy of Love and Non Violence has been thoroughly discredited as a practical means for maintaining internal Law and Order and securing immunity from foreign invasions, as well as for bringing about Hindu Moslem Unity.

Even the Congress Min stries, working under the very nose of Mahatına Gandhi, bave frequently to requisition the services of the British Military and the Police, for maintain ing internal peace.

As for the Hindu-Moslem Unity, it is ins tructive to note what Mr. Jinnah says. He says that “the Congress wants to dominate over the Moslems and to impose on us Hindu Raj, culture and philosophy. I have made it clear that as long as there is life in me. I will

( X ) never allow the Congress to do this. As long as the Congress does not come to us as equals, there can be no peace in the land. It is a matter of life and death for the Moslems.”

1. That as regards Non-Co-operation as opposed to Responsive Co-operation, it has been found by actual experience, though the Congress may not admit it in so many words, that Responsive Co-operation, which in itself implies preparedness for fight by Non-Violence and Violence as the occasion and circum stances may demand, pays more than Non Co-operation.

2. That, as for Nationalism and Evolution of India into a united Nation, the Moslems by their arrogant and suicidal proposal of two separate Federations, have given the ambition a blow from which the Congress working on the philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi will not be able to rescue it. Who else can do it other than the Hindu Mahasabba ?

Thus it would be seen that the whole edifice of un-natural idealism of Poorna Swaraj through Love and Non-Violence and Hindu

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Moslem Inity built so laboriously and at such tremendous sacrifice of the Hindu interests has now crashed to tatters and the whole show has ended in a most humiliating fiasco. What of Swaraj in six months, there is no likelihood of Swaraj at all. No Nationalism, no united Nation. No Love, no Yon-Violence. On the contrary, Moslems defiantly demand separate Federation and threaten Civil War. Hindus, with Mahatma Gandhi on their brains are looking at them vacantly and in awe, unable to anderstand and trust their own self; because they cannot, on the spur of the moment, shed their studiously cultivated faith of No Swaraj without Hindu-Moslem l’nity. In the midst of utter ruin of their own self-confidence, Hind as feel that they are helplessly and hope lessly stranded in the midst of dense woods of prejudices and superstitions, bypocrisies and bluffs, complete loss of self-confidence and hopeless dependence on others, having been entangled in the cobwebs of Truth, Love and Non-Violence. Thus all sacrifices and suffer ings of the Hindus have been wasted, so far as the results expected to be achieved from the

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( XXI ) political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi are concerned.

Who can emancipate the Hindus and give them right guidance ? Who can re-habilitate self-confidence in them and again make men of them, children and grand-children of their wn fore-fathers, who, in their own Imperial sm, had reared up and were running their Swaraj, fighting against three enemies on three fronts at one and the same time, that is, the East India Company in the East and South; the Portuguese on the West; and the Moghuls on the North? They were not the victims of such unmanly fears that if this or that Com munity will not co-operate with them, they will not be able to build up Swaraj.

There is only one Organisation and that is the Hindu Mahasabha, which alone can bring about this change of heart in the Hindus. If Hindus desire to survive and to regain the position of Masters in their own home, which rightfully belongs to them, they have no poli tics other than that of the Hindu Mahasabha.

-B.S. MOONJE.

हिन्दू महासभा का कार्य हिन्दुओं को जागृत करके पुनः प्राचीन गौरव को

प्राप्त कराना है।

भारत की हिन्दू जाति की सभ्यता इतनी प्राचीन है कि बड़े २ पाश्चात्य विद्वान् भी निश्चयपूर्वक कुछ नहीं बता सकते। इसके आध्यात्मिक आर्य धर्म के दर्शन शास्त्र इतने पूर्ण और अटल सत्य को प्रकट करने वाले हैं कि जिसकी तुलना में आर्यधर्म से भिन्न मतावलम्बियों का धार्मिक साहित्य कुछ भी नहीं हैं। मोक्ष या निर्वाण आदि परमानन्दप्राप्ति का ज्ञान तो दूर रहा, उन्होंने पूर्वजन्म या कर्मवाद के सिद्धान्तको ही नहीं समझा। उनकी बातें तर्क पर नहीं टिकतीं। वे जीवात्मा को उन्नति के लिये कुछ २ ईश्वरभक्ति आदि का अधूरा सा ही अंध विश्वास का मार्ग बनाते हैं सो भी एक ही पैगम्बर मसीह भादि की ठेकेदारी के भाधार पर किन्तु, आर्यधर्म जिस के

ही अंगों को वर्तमान समय में सनातनी बौद्ध. सिक्ख, जैन, आर्यसमाजी आदि कहते हैं, उनके उपदेशों में वैसी ठेकेदारी या गुरुडम को कोई स्थान नहीं । वह तो पूर्ण सत्य के ही आधार पर उपदेश देते हैं। भारत की आर्यजाति ने इतने अवतारी दार्शनिक तपस्वी और राजनीतिज्ञों को उत्पन्न किया है जिनकी गणना भी नहीं हो सकती । प्राचीन समय की बात जाने दीजिये, किन्तु पिछले ऐतिहासिक समय में भी भगवान बुद्ध जैसा तपस्वी, अशोक जैसा साट् या चाणक्य जैसा राज. नीतज्ञ किसी देश ने उत्पन्न किया हो सो भी देखने में नहीं आता। खेद है कि इस समय हमारे गोरव की वह सब बातें भूतकाल की कहानी रह गई हैं । इस समय तो सर्व प्रकार से हिन्दू पराधीन, दीन, हीन बने हुये है। अज्ञानवश अनेक

इनको नष्ट कर रहे हैं, इन दोनों प्रकार के शत्रुओं से बचकर इनको जागृत और संगठित करके सर्व प्रकार से उन्नत करना

“कुछ धार्मिक हिन्दू नेताओं यथा लाला लाजपतराय, पंडित मालवीय जी, स्वामी श्रद्धानन्द, भाई परमानन्द आदि ने इसी लक्ष्य से सभा की स्थापना की थी। पिछले बीस वर्ष में हिन्दू सभा के कारण हिन्दुओं में विविध क्षेत्रों में जो जागृति तथा संगठन हुआ है वह प्रत्यक्ष है । यद्यपि भारम्भ में सामाजिक सुधार तथा अछूतोद्धार, शुद्धि आदि के कार्य में बहुत से सनातनी हिन्दू विरोध करते थे वे भी अब उसके लाभ को समझने लग गये हैं तथा विरोध कम पड़ गया है। महात्मा गांधी जी के कारण हरिजन सेवा की ओर जो कार्य हुआ है उससे अछूनोद्धार के काम को बड़ी भारी सहायता मिली है। इतना होते हुये भी हिन्दू महासभा तथा आर्यसमाज के अधि कांश समाज सेवी राजनैतिक आन्दोलन में कांग्रेस के भीतर चले जाने से और कांग्रेस के कुछ राजनैतिक नेतामों की हिन्दू सभा के प्रति तथा हिन्दुत्व के प्रति अजब मनोवृत्ति के कारण हन्दू संगठन के कार्य में बाधा भी पहुंच रही है। स्वामी श्रद्धानन्द जी और लालाजी जैसे प्रभावशाली नेता हमारे बीच से उठ गये हैं। पूज्य मालवीयजी वृद्धावस्था के कारण शिथिल पड़ गये हैं। महात्मा गांधीजी का उपदेश तो समस्त जगत् की भलाई को लक्ष्य में रखते हुए त्याग और तपस्या के लिये ही होता है। उनका प्रधान लक्ष्य आत्मिक उन्नति के लिये ही जनता को तैय्यार करने का है। अन्य कुछ बड़े नेताओं का कार्यक्षेत्र केवल देश के नाम पर राजनीति के लिये ही हो रहा है। वे किसी २ समय तो हिन्दुओं के साथ खुल्लमखुल्ला अन्याय करने पर भी उतारू हो जाते हैं। ऐसी स्थिति में हिन्दू संगठन के कार्य में शिथिलता पानी स्वाभाविक है। किसी भी जाति की उन्नति उसके मनुष्यों के प्रयत्न पर ही निर्भर करती है। कई लोग कहते हैं कि हिन्दूसभा