2 RAJASTHAN AND THE RAJPUTS

Rajasthan - Physiography

Rajasthan comprises the area between 23rd degree to 30th degree North latitude and 68th degree to 78th East longitude. The earliest reference to Rajasthan is in connection with its agidity. The word Maru is found in Rugwed the Mahabharat (Vanaparva, 201.41) and Brahatsamhita.

Aravalli range runs through Rajasthan, northeast to southwest, for about 430 miles, starting from Delhi (known as Delhi ridge) and extending to Ahmadabad. The word Aravalli, is derived from Ada-vala, meaning “a beam lying across”. In the past, the entire length of this range was a complete barrier to all kinds of movements from east to west. But today the effectiveness of the barrier is felt only in the Central and Southern parts.

Aravalli forms the backbone of Rajasthan, dividing it into two regions, with clearly distinguishable features. On its west and north lies the arid plain and on its east and southeast lie plains and forests. Besides being a source to rivers like the Khari, the Gambhari the Banas and the Luni, Aravalli hills have afforded sites to the various forts like Jalor, Sanchor, Bhinmal, Siwana, Mandowar, Jodhput etc. in Western Rajasthan and Chitod, Mandowar, Mandalgadh, Rampura, Ranathambhor, Bundi, Kota, Amer, Alwar etc. in the Eastern Rajasthan. The part played by these forts in the past History of Rajasthan is very well known. No history of Rajasthan can be written without the proper mention of them.

Eastern Rajasthan

MEWAT :- From Delhi to Narnaul and Khetri, a few scattered mounds, hardly above two hundred feet, rise here and there. But from Khetri to |Ringus they take the regular from of a mountain range. This part of the north east of Rajasthan is called ‘Mewat’ where the hills rise to a uniform height of two thousand feet. The river Bangana which rises from Arravalli hills north of Ringus, and falls into Banas, divides Mewat from Dhundbad.

DHUNDHAD :- From Ringus to Ajmer the range is again disconnected. Here lies the Sambhar salt lake, about thirty seven miles west of Jaipur, From Amer hills near Jaypur rises the Dhundu river that falls into Banas. This is ‘Dhundhad’ region. To the south of Dhundhad lies ‘Hidauti’ comprising of Bundi, Kota and Jhalawar. To the east flows the river Chambal dividing it from the Madhya-Bharat-Pathar and to the Soth-West lies Ajmer-Merwada.

AJMER-MERWADA :- To the south of Sambhar the Aravalli Hills rise again at Pushkar and Ajmer to a height of two thousand to three thousand feet and continue thus for a long distance, dividing effectively the western ‘Marushtali’ from east Rajasthan.

Ajmer held strategically key position being situated at the central place of Marwad, Mewad and Dhundhad. All the roads from Sindha and Marwad, from Malwa and Mewad and from Hadauti and Dhundhad, passed through the ‘Ghat’ of Ajmer. Thus, being the key post of Rajasthan it was made the central place of the Subha by the Mughals after whose fall it was a coveted post by both the Marathas and the Rathods in the latter half of 18th century.

MEWAD, HADAUTI AND BAGAD :- The portion of Rajasthan than lying east of Aravalli and to the south of the river Khari forms an upland ranging from 750 to 1500 feet. This is a hilly tract studded with tanks and watered by Banas and many of its tributaries. The Banas rised from the Eastern flank of Aravalli near Kumbhalgad and after flowing for a major part through Mewad enters Dhundhad (Jaypur) territory and thus after flowing for about two hundred fifty miles from its Source it joins the Chambal at Rameshwar. The rivers Berach and Kothari join the Banas near Madalgadh and the Khari near Deoli.

East of Udaypur, the Aravalli range traverses in a semicircle line towards Pratapagadh and Jawara and further runs southward to join hands with the range coming from Malwa. Another range starting from Nimach runs parallel to the main Aravalli range towards northeast direction dividing the valley of Banas from that of Chambal.

This is Mewad which comprises the eastern upland territory between the main range of Aravalli and the parallel range covering the valley of Banas. The word Mewad is derived from the Sanskritised name Medapata and reminds one of the period when the territory was ruled by the Meds, prior to Guhnlots.

Beyond the valley of the Banas lies Hadauti. Many subranges of Aravalli run across this territory. Its main river is Chambal.

Rising near Mhow and covering a distance of about two hundred miles from its sources, the Chambal enters the southeast of Rajasthan, near the northern end of Gandhi Sagar, breaking through Aravalli plateau. It flows for about a hundred miles in Hadauti, through a deep gorge south of Kota and an open valley near its confluence with Kali Sindhu, Parvati, and Banas. It then serves as the eastern boundary of Rajasthan for about one hundred twenty five miles.

The southern part of Mewad comprising of Dungarpur, Banswara with its semi-circle sub-range of Aravalli, is full of forests and is watered by the river Mahi and its tributary Soma. This part is called Bagad.

Western Rajasthan

The west of Aravalli is the sandy desert of ‘Maruthali’ that extends for about three hundred ninety seven miles from north-east to south-west. With an average width of about 186 miles from west to east and with an extent of about 64,000 square miles covering the former states of Jaisalmer, Bikaner, Major portion of Jodhpur and a part of Jaypur called Shekhavati. Its productivity in the past depended upon the rivers, the Saraswati, Drashdwati and Sutlaj. Saraswati with its tributary Drashdwati, then poured its waters in the Arabian sea. They dried up completely by 1,000 A.D., when arid conditions had become established. The dry beds of these rivers are still visible in the Gaggar area. There is also evidence to suggest that Sutlaj was much bigger in the past and flowed in the prehistoric and historic times through Punjab and Rajasthan, receiving waters from Yamuna and entered into the Runn of Kutch. Its former banks can still be traced.

This is not a desert. In fact, a good harvest of wheat, jawar and bajri can be had, wherever water is obtained from either wells or canals. In the Mansoon months large patches of grass afford pasture to herbs of cattle and flocks of sheep.

Generally speaking west of ‘Maruthali’ is sandy, whereas eastern ‘Maruthali’ is rockey. A belt of steppe country stretches westwards from the foot of Aravalli range and merges into western ‘Marusthali’. It contains less of sand hills and is drained by innumerable short water-courses that fall into Luni, which is the only notable river of this part. It rises from the Anna Sagar, about 3 miles south-west of Ajmer of flows west-wards for about two hundred seventy-nine miles before entering the Run of Ghuiya, the Bandi, the Sukri, the Jawari, and the Jojri, “According to a staying of Marwar, about half the agricultural produce of the area is the gift of the river Luni.”

The highest groups of hills in the western Rajasthan stand in this region. These hillocks of red-stone, coming abruptly from the sandy desert have offerded sites for the forts mentioned above.

To the south west and to the south east of Rajasthan lie Gujarat and Malwa plateau respectively. The Malwa plateau is to the North of Narmada and is covered by Vindhya mountain ranges that starts from Gujarat and run towards Raisen and Bhopal. Many of the sub-ranges of Vindhya mountain appear to have risen northwards to embrace the eastern and southern sub ranges of Aravalli; proving the physiographical oneness of Rajasthan and Malwa.

The Aryanaisation of Rajasthan

In their first stage of penetration into India(2) , as depicted in Rigweda, we see the Aryans occupying Afghanisthan. The valley of Kashmir, Punjab, North Rajasthan and part of Sindha and reaching as far as Sharayu in the east.

The Aryans(3) were intimately familiar with the Saraswati Drashdvati region of Rajasthan. It is here on the banks of these rivers that they performed their sacrifices, developed their system of yadnyas, and composed their hymns to Indra and soma. In short it is here that they established the norms of their civilization. Hence Saraswati became ‘Naditama’ the river par-excellence, and the tract between the two rivers was held as Brahmavarta, the land of Gods.

But a fairly developed culture with powerful kingdom of daityas, Asuras or Danavas, flourished then in the territory to the south and west of Chambal and to the snorth of Tapti river. Besides, there were uncivilized barbarians, the ancesters of the present Bhills, Shabaras. Menas, Mers and Nishads. The Aryans had to face all of them, before they could penetrate further into Rajasthan.

It seems that the ‘Alias’(4) (Lunar dynasty) under Pururava were the first to spread towards east Rajasthan from their original home in the Himalayas. Vayati in this line, the son of Nahusha and the great grand-son of Pururava was a ‘Samrat’. East Rajasthan was under his vast empire which comprised of the whole of Madhyadesh west of Ayodha and as far as Saraswati. He married the Asur Princess Sharmistha, the daughter of the Asur king Vrishyaparva, and also Devayani, the daughter of Ushinas Shukra, the Great Bharagava, by a pratilom marriage.

After Yayati the main tline was continued under Sharmishtha;s son Puru but the country watered by the rivers Charmanvati (Chambal), Vetravati (Betwa), and Shuktimati (Ken), i.e. eastern Rajputana and Bundelkhand, came under Yadu, the son of Devayani, North of Charmanvati i.e., jaypur and Alwar region passed to Drahyu, another son from Sharmistha.

The dynasty under Yadu soon rose into prominence and expanded towards south and south-west i.e. Malwa, Gujarat and Kathiawad. It is with the sons of Yadu - the yadawas, that the traditional history of Rajasthan is associated. It was due to their activities that Rajasthan alongwith Gujarat, Malwa and Deccan, came under the Arya occupation. They mixed freely with the non-Aryas with whom theyhad marital relations and some of whose customs they incorporated, which facilitated the Aryanization of those, outside the Aryan fold.

After Yadu the dynasty branched off into Yadavas and Haihayas. The Southern part of the empire passed over to Haihayas of Mahishmati.

The solar dynasty of Ayodhya was founded by Ikshwaku the eldest of Manu’s sons. One of the decendants of Ikshwaku, Kuvalashva, marched against the Daitya Dhundumar, the son of Madhu Daity-near a shallow sand-filled set in the desert, in order to rescue a sage named Uttank. It is said that this Daitya’s(5) had a very peculiar way of practising penance. He used to bury himself in the sand and would come out in a year to breathe. Kuvalashva killed him. The Dhundumar - Dhundhad (Jaypur) region to the north of Mewad, still cherishes the memory of the first success of Ikshwakus in this region.

Madhatri of the solar dynasty of Ayodhya was a ‘Chakravarti’ and ‘Samrat’. Shashabindu the Yadava emperor, 13th generation after Yadu, was his contemporary. Bindumati, Shashabindu’s daughter, was married to him. Crossing the Doab, he subjugated the whole of the Lunar dynasties, including the Haihyas. The northern border of his empire reached Punjab whereas the southern one reached narmada. Thus began the polical rivalry of the two Houses, the Ikshwakus and the haihyayas.

Kartavirya and his son Arjun were themost famous of the Haidayas. The latter is known as kartavirya-Sahastrarajun. He Carried the Haihaya empire to great prominence and supremacy which reached the outskirts of Himalayas. He was an ideal monarch who performed a number of sacrifices. ‘Sahasra’ in his name denotes his unprecidental strength. However, his brilliant career was cut short when he was killed by Parashuram Bhargava in a combat. The Haihayas received a set-back after this and they were pushed back from the east.

In the 4th generation after Sahasrarjun, the Bhojas (Haihaya Branch) ruled the region of Aravalli hills and Avanti in western Malwa. They were connected with the river Parnasha (Banas) with their capital at Mattikavati. The Vitihotras (another Haihaya branch) ruled in eastern Malwa.

Not long after this, the Pauravas of the Doab, of whom very little was heard till then, came into forefront under Dushyant and his son Bharat. The latter was a ‘Samrat’ and north Rajasthan passed under him. Now the Ikshwakus of Ayodhya, the Yadavas of Mathura, Bhojas of Marttikavati and Mahishmati were forced into secondary postion.

Not long after this, the Pauravas of the Doab, of whom very little was heard till then, came into forefront under Dushyant and his son Bharat. The latter was a ‘Samrat’ and north Rajasthan passed under him. Now the Ikshwakus of Ayodhya, the Yadavas of Mathura, Bhojas of Marttikavati and Mahishmati were forced into secondary postion. In the great Bharat War, most of the Yadavas sympathised with the Kauravas. But the Matsyaa were the strongest supporters of the Pandavas. In the Shatapatha Brahmana, we see the Matsyas on the bank of Saraswati, where their great king Dhvasan Dvaitavan performed fourteen horse-sacrifices. But in the Mahabharat times, they were in the Jaypur-Alwar region of Rajasthan. It is in the Virat country that the Pandavas lived in disguise in the 13th year of their banishment. After they declared themselves to be the Pandvas, the greatful Matsya king, for the help rendered by them against the Kaurava onslaught, gave his daugher Uttara in marriage to Abhimanyu, the celebrated son of Arjun. Pandawa-army encamped near Upapalvya (another capital of the Matsya besides Vairata(6) ) before the commencement of the great battle. Most of the Yadavas fought on the side of the Kauravas and perished with them.

The Bharat war has a disastrous effect on the political condidtions of northern India. The tremendous carnage of the Kshatriyas in it weakened them completely, beyond recovery We see no ‘Chakravarti’ or ‘Samrat’ here-after until Mahapadma(7) ? Nanda whose end is traditionally regarded as the last of the Kshatriya Kulas in India.

The tribal element seems to have gained ground. We hear that Arjun, the renowned archer and the hero of Mahabharat, was defeated by the Abhiras, in the south-western Rajasthan, while he was returning back from Saurastra, to Mathura, with the women folk and the children of the Yadavas.

The curtain drops down here, as if after a tragic drama, separating us from the remote antiquity concerned with the Aryan phase in India.

Historic Rajasthan (From 600 B.C. to 200 A.D.)

When the curtain rises again after the great Bharat war, we see the Matsyas, south of the Kurus and west of Yamuna in the former Jaypur-Alwar region. But they (8) had lost their former political importance.

The indirect (9) effect of Alexander’s invasion of Afghanisthan and Punjab during 327 to 325 B.C. was the migration of Mlawas, the Shibis, and the Arjunayanas from Punjab to Rajasthan.

Soon the Maurya Empire was established at Pataliputra under Chandragupta Maurya in 321 B.C.(10) and Rajasthan passed under the Mauryas. During the reign of Ashok Maurya, Rajasthan(11) seems to have figured prominently in the Empire. One of the six recensions of his first ‘Minor Rock Edict’ is at Bairat (12). Close to it on the top of the hill is the Buddhist moestic order in general, recommending devout meditation upon and proper studies of the particular texts.

The Maurya Empire disintegrated rapidly after Samprati, the grandson of Ashok and the dynasty came to an end in 184 B.C., when the last of the Mauryas, Brihadrath(13) was murdered by his Brahman commender-in-chief Pushya Mitra, who founded the Shung dynasty.

But the Shungas were unable to check the disruption of the Empire, which was aggravated by the Greeck invasion under Demetrius(14) in about 175 B.C. Assisted by his Commender Minandar, pushing aside the resistence, he arrived at the very gates of Pataliputra. In Rajasthan, the Greeks laid siege to Madhyamika(15) an important town in those days, belonging to a branch of Shibi people, who had migrated to Rajasthan from the Punjab.

Due to internal dissensions, the Greeks however retreated hurriedly this time, but came back again under their greatest king Minandar. Even though they were checked(16) by the grandson of Pushamitra, Rajasthan passed under the Greek rule. Minandar’s (17) Empire (160 to 140 B.C.) extended from Mathura to Bhadoch. He is supposed to have been a convert to Buddhism.

The Greeks were soon followed by the Shakas who, dislodging the greek, established an extensive Empire in the north-west of India by the closing years(18) of the first century B.C.

The Shakas(19) in their turn were followed by the hordes of nomads called the ‘Great Yuch-Chis’. Between 78 A.D. and 102 A.D., an extensive Kushan Empire from Gandhara to Waranashi in the east, and Narmada to the south, including Sindhu valley, besides Bactria, came in to existence under Kanishka who was the greatest ruler of the Kushanas. He conquered Kashmir and extended his Empire beyond Pamirs.

The Kushan Empire was intact till 185 A.D. It began to crack by the end of second century A.D.

The Tribal states of Rajasthan (20) : (During 200 B.C. to 500 A.D.)

The fall of the Maurya Empire had given rise to many tribal republics in Rajasthan, who had to submit first to the Greeks, then to the Shakas and then to their successors, the Kushanas. But after the fall of the Kushan Empire, by the end of the second century A.D., some of the tribal States gained in importance and strength, till they were forced to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Guptas in about the second half of the fourth century A.D. The Guptas let the Rajasthan States continue in their political career. But theyhad to carry to Emperor’s behests and pay tribute and homage.

The tribal States of Rajasthan during this period (200 B.C. to 500 A.D.) were as follow :

(1) The Shibis : At the time of the invasion of Alexander the Shibis lived with their neighbours ‘Agalassoi’ in the region adjoining the confluence of Zelam and Chinab. They are described as rude folk, clad with skins of wild beasts and having clubs for their weapons. They migrated during troubled time of the invasion of the Greeks, to the region round Madhyamika near Chitod. Their coins with the legend ‘Majhamikaya-Shibi-Janapadasa’ are assigned the period of about first century B.C.

2. The Udeehikas : According to Alberuni, the territory of the Uddehikas lay near the city of Bazana (Bayana in former Bharatpur State of Rajasthan). Their coins of about the second half of First century B.C. bear the legend ‘Udehaki’ and ‘Udehaki Suyamitasa’.

3. The Rajanyas : The coins of Rajanya Janapada with legends either in Brahmi or Kharosthi are assigned to the letter half of the first century B.C. They lived in the north-west of Rajasthan where both these scripts were in use, Brihat-Samhita places them in the north along with Yaudheyas and Trigartas.

4. The Uttambhadrs : The Uttambhadras lived in the neighbourhood of their rivals, the Malvas against whom they obtained help from the Shakas. Probably they lived in the Pushkar and Ajmer region.

5. The Abhiras : There were several Abhira settlements in different parts of western, central and southern India. In Rajasthan they probably lived in the south-west part i.e. in Abu region.

6. The Arjunayanas : Probably the discendants of the Pandava-prince Arjun, the Arjunayanas lived in the region lying west of Agra and Mathuar i.e. in previous Bharatpur and Alwar States of Rajasthan. Their coins bear the legad ‘arjunayanm Jayah’ in Brahmi script and are assigned the period of the closing decades of the first century B.C. They grew powerful after the decline of the Kushanas, but submitted to the Guptas, in the middle of the fourth century A.D. As per Varahamihira, they were still the important people of the north or northwest part of India in the Sixth century A.D.

7. The Yaudheyas : Essentially a tribe of eastern Punjab, but dominating over the adjoining tracts of Uttar-pradesh and Rajasthan, the yaudhyeyas were known even to Panini along with the Trigartas as ‘ayudha-jivi-Sangh’ a tribal republic organisation depending mainly on arms.

The forms ‘Yodheya’ or ‘Yaudheya’ are are derived from ‘Yoddha’ meaning a warrior. The Yaudheyas grew powerful with the decline of the Indo-Greeks, but they had to submit to the Shakas and later on to the Kushanas. Never-the-less, they retained strength and audacity to challenge the mighty Shaka-Kshatrap Rudradaman in the middle of the second century A.D.

With the decline of the Kushanas, the Yaudheyas still grew powerful, till they were subdued by the Guptas. They are mentioned as a subordinate ally of the Gupta Emperor, in the Allahabad inscription of the fourth century A.D.

Skanda-kartikeya was the titulary deity of the Yaudheyas and peacock was the scared animal; being the carrier of the God Kartikaya. (It is still regarded as a holy animal in Rajasthan and is forbidden to be killed) Coins were issued in the name of this God. The coins of the third and the fourth century A.D. bear the legend “Yaudhe gansya jayah” - victory to the republic of Yaudheyas. On a large clay seal attributed to the period of the fourth century A.D. occurs the legend “Yaudheyanam Jayamantradharanam”.

8. The Malavas : While retreating back to his country by voyage down the rivers of Punjab, Alexander got the staffest resistance, after the Paurav King of Zelam, at the hands of the Malvas who dwelt on the banks of the lower course of Ravi. He had subdued the Shibis and “Agalassoi” who dwelt in the region adjoining the confluence of Zelam and Chinab, so that they should not join the powerful Malvas who were known to be preparing for strenuous apposition. Their neighbors, the Kshudrakas of the upper course of Ravi had also resolved to make a common cause against the invader, forgetting their rivalry with them. The Macedonians were alarmed at the magnitude of the apposing force. Alexander strategy in facing the Malvas lay in swiftness of action before their allies could come to their help and in massacring the innocent people at large(21) . Perhaps the Malvas must never have drempt of such a thing before. The fighting was severe and ruthless. But it is to the credit of the Malvas that they boldly faced the full weight of the determined world-conqueror, in spite of the defeat of the Paurava King of the Zelam. It was they who had nearly killed him by a barbed arrow as a result of which the inhabitants of the Malva town were slain one and all.

This much is enough to stress that the Malvas like the Pauravas of Zelam, represented the true Kshatriya spirit, undaunted bravery, dignified manners and self respect that made them resolute while resisting a foe. They were truly “ayudha jivis” as Patanjali classed them.

During the Indo-Greek and later on during the Seythian occupation of their home province, a large section of their tribe migrated to Rajasthan.

To the Malvas goes the credit of having started an area that has been identified with the Vikram Samvat of 57 B.C. It is believed that the Malvas must have started this era to commemorate some important event, probably the foundation of their republic in Rajasthan. But very soon this era came to be known as “Krita”, probably after an illustrious Malva leader of that name, who must have maintained the independence of his tribe from the foreign yoke.

The capital of the Malva Republic was Malva-nagar, modern Nagar or Karkot-nagar in the former Jaypur State of Rajasthan. In the beginning of the second century A.D. the Malvas of south Jaypur are known to have fought with their neighbours Uttambhadras and their allies the Kshaharates of western India, With the decline of the Kushanas by the end of second century A.D., the Malvas got a chance and they spread practically to almost all the parts of the Eastern Rajasthan i.e. Mewat, Hadauti and Mewad regions.(22)

The fight of the Malvas of the Eastern Rajasthan with the Kardamakas of Ujjaini continued in the third and fourth century A.D. But while the Guptas extirpated the Kardamkas, the Malva dynasty flourished at Dashpur (Mandasor) as a vassal under the Guptas. But the Malva Kings, even being the subordinates to the Guptas, used their own “Krit” era, called as the era of the Malvas, in perference to the era of the Guptas. Coins of the Malvas bear the legends “Malva Janapadasa”, “jayomalavanam” or “malavanam jayah”.

The Huna Invasion and the end of Gupta Empire (455 to 500 A.D.)

From the valley of Oxus(23) , the white Huns, as they are referred to in the Greek accounts, advanced towards both Persia and India. The stream towards India, assailed the Kushan Kingdom of Kabul and then poured into the north Indian plains. But their attack was repelled by Skandagupta in 455 A.D., and India was saved for a while.

But about 465 A.D.(24) fresh Swarms of the Huns poured across the frontier, overwhelmed the kingdom of Gandhara or Peshawarand starting from that base attacked Skanda Gupta into the heart of his dominions. The gupta forces succumbed to the repeated attacks of the Huns and probably after the death of Skand Gupta that occurred by 667 A.D., the Gupta Empire was overthrown, though it survived for a few generations after this, in diminished form.

The collapse(25) of the Parsian opposition in 484 A.D. when the Persian King Firoz was killed by the Huns must have greatly facilitated the crossing of the immense multitudes of Huns to the Indian frontier. Thus the invasion of the Huns in India is aprocess that covered at least about 50 years from 455 to 500 A.D., with a short break of about ten years due to their first defeat at the hands of Skanda Gupta.

By 500 A.D. we see the extensive Huna-Empire established, that stretched from Gandhara to Malva and covering part of Ganga valley too. The coins of the Huns Chief Toraman indicate his rule over parts of Uttar-Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan and Kashmir. He assumed the title of “Maharajadhiraj”. He was a Shaiva and allowed the administration of the Guptas to continue under his sway as before(26) .

The Hunas, like their predecessors, the Greeks, the Shakas and the Kushanas, had adopted Hindu religion and customs but they seem to have been averse to Buddhism. The duration of Huna-Empire in India seems to be too short, at the most it lasted for thirty years.

Tormana(27) was succeeded by his son Mihirkula, who probably ascended the throne in about 515 A.D. He was defeated at the hands of aconfederacy formed by Baladity, king of Magadha and Yashodharman, the king of Malava, about the year 528 A.D. Mihirkul still ruled for a few years more over Gandhara and Kashmir. Even(28) after him the Huna principalities seem to linger on in the north-west of Punjab against whom Prabhakar Vardhan, the father of Harish Vardhan, waged incessant war at the close of the sixth century and at the beginning of the seventh century.

The political fabric of the Gupta-Empire was brokent up completely out of which emerged new independent States like the Maukharis of Kanuj, the Pushapbhutis of Sthaneshwar and the Gurjaras of Rajasthan and Nandipuri.

The Gurjaras and the Rajpurts : ( 550 to 950 A.D.)

About sixty years after the destruction of the Huna supremacy in nortthern India, there arose another Empire at Kanuj under Harshavardan (606 to 647 A.D.), but Rajasthan(29) lay out of his suzerainty. Hiuen Tsang mentions the existence of independent Gurjara (Ku-che-lo) kingdom with Pi-lo-mo-lo, which has been indefined with Bhillamala, modern Bhinamal, as its Capital.

The origin(30) of the Gurjaras has been a subject of controversy, which is related to the origin of the Rajputs. A school of thought holds them to be of a foreign origion, having come along with the Hunas. But this assumption has no evidence to prove it as a hitorical truth.

The Gurjara Kingdom(31) was founded in the former Jodhpur State of Rajasthan after the destruction of the Gupta-Empire in the second half of sixth century by Harichandra, a Brahman. The sons of his Kshtriya queen Bhanda became the founders of the Royal lines of the Praiharas. Harichandra and his three successors ruled between 550 to 640 A.D. Besides, there were other States founded by the sons of Harichandra. One of these was in the Lata country (South Gujarath) and the other was in Malva, with its Capital at Ujjain, where a Pratihar Chief Nagabhata was rulling early in the eighth century.

By the time Harichandra founded the Gurjara Kingdom in Marwad, another dynasty of the Guhila arose in the western part of Mewad under Guhadatta(32). The most famous among the Guhilots was Bappa Rawal, who seems to be ninth ruler of the dynasty and was probably a contemporary of Nagabhata. Pratihar king of Ujjain. He captured Chitod from the Mori King, probably after the latter fell a victim to the Arab aggression.

Another branch of the Guhilots (33) was rulling in the latter half of the sixth century or about the beginning of the seventh century in the jaipur region. From the inscription found at Chatse, 26 miles to the south of Jaypur city, we know that it was founded by one Bhartipatta who “was like Parshuram endowed with both priestly and martial qualitities”. It clearly supports the view that the Ghilots were originally Brahmans.

Besides these(34) , there were Mauryas in the eastern Mewad and part of hadauti, Chapas in South Rajasthan and the Chahamanas at Shakambhari.

But an un-expected foreign(35) aggression between 724 and 738 A.D., revolutionised the whole political structure of Rajasthan. This was the invasion of the Arabs, who, after the conquest of Sindh (712 A.D.) swept over the whole of Rajasthan, Gujarat and advanced as far as Ujjain. The Gurjar kingdom of Jodhpur was overrun but the Pratihar Nagbhata hurled back the invaders in collaboration with Avanijanashraya Pulakeshi, the Chalukya ruler of Lata (south Gujarat).

This victory of Nagbhata(36) over the Arabs not only enabled him to dethrone Jodhpur as the supreme power in the Pratihar confederacy, but laid the foundation of a new power of the Gurjara - Pratiharas, who became the masters of Kanauj by about (37) 815 A.D. The Pratiharas reached the Zenith of their power during 815 A.D. to 940 A.D. and were called “Gurjareshvaras” and “Raghukulbhu - Chakravarti”.

Sulaiman(38) , an Arab traveller, who visited India in 851 A.D. refers to Bhoj Prathihar in Vivid terms and states that the king maintained numerous forces and that not other Indian prince had so fine a cavalry. He further observes that there was no greater foe of the Muhammadan faith than him. He had great riches and his camels and horses were numerous. No country in India was more safe than his country.

Al Masudi (39), another traveller, a native of Bagdad, who visited India in the year 915-16 A.D. refers to the great power and resources of the Pratihar king of Kanauj, and the wide extent of his kingdom, which touched Rashtrakuta kingdom in the South and the Muslim Principality of Multan in the west with both of whom the king was at war. He was rich in horses and camels and maintained four armies in four directions each numbering 7,00,000 or 9,00,000 men.

And with all this strength(40) , even though the Pratiharas could have easily exterminated the Muslim rule in the Sindh province, they allowed it to remain there. It appears that the danger of the Muslim meance was not fully realized by them. Had they possessed even a general knowledge of the political condition of the lands immediate outside the borders of India on the north-west, they would not have committed such a grave mistake. The indifference of the Hindu Chiefs in general cost them terribly very soon.

The Pratihar Empire collapsed in the latter half of 10th century giving rise to new powers, known later on under the collective name Rajputs. It was the lot of these Rajpurt powers to face the new invaders that fell like hurricane on the furtile fields and rich localities of Hindusthan.

The End of the Ancient Glory

In the year 997 A.D.(41) Abu-I-Qasim Mahmud, the son of Subuktigin captured Ghazni and turned his attention to India and the most crucial age in the Indian Hostory began. “Yamin abdaula Mahmud marched in to India during a period of 30 years and more. God be merciful to both father and son. Mahmud utterly ruined the prosperity of the country and performed there wonderful exploits, by which the Hindus became like atoms like dust scattered in all directions and a tale of old in the mouth of people.”

Crossing rivers(42) “deep beyond description”. Where “even elephants bodies are concealed in them, so it may be easily conceived what is the case with horses”, accompanied by his valiant warriors, receiving submission from the ambassadors sent to him, bidding “farwell to sleep and ease”, the Sultan “led the way crossing forest after forest at midnight, the drums sounded the march and the friends of God mounted the horses” and thus they marched on.

In vain the Hindus tried to give a stand but “the friends(43) of God commenced the action, setting upon the enemy with sword, arrow and spear, plundering, seizing and destroying at all which the Hindus, being greatly alarmed, began to kindle the flame of fight”" The elephants moved on from their posts, and line advanced against line, shooting their arrows at one another like boys escaped from school" Swords flashed like lightning amid the blackness of clouds, and fountains of blood flowed like the fall of setting stars. The friends of God defeated their obstinate opponents, and quickly put them to a complete rout".

This happened again and again for 30 years and nobody was able to check Mahamud from plundering and destroying places like Multan(44), Sthaneshwar, Mathura, Kanauj or Sorti Somnath. Noblest monuments of ancient India perished, immence riches were plundered, lakhs of people were killed and enslaved and one of the fairest provinces of India, the Punjab, was detatched, as Sindh was done 300 years ago from the sphere of Aryavarta. The stories of this wanton destruction still make a painful reading, than what must have been the magnitude of the sufferings of the vanquished.

“But (45) a still worse sublime tragedy was the complete indifference of the Indian Chiefs to this growing meance and the fancied security in which they chose to repose during the period intervening between the death of Mahamud and the next invasion by the Ghurs”. The kingdom of Ghazni passed through critical days and was over taken by many dangers, both internal and external, till the nemesis over look it, and its beautiful city, built on the ruins and plunder of India, perished in flames. But the powerful Indian Chiefs, far from taking advantage of any such opportunity during the long period of a century and a half, were more intent upon aggradising themselves at the cost of their neighbouts than turning their whole-hearted attention to the great national task of freeing the Punjab from the yoke of the foreigners of an alien faith".

Consequently when the Turkish Muizzudddin Muhammad began his attack on India in 1175 A.D. the individual victories over him of Mulraja II Chalukya of Gujarat in 1178 A.D.(46) and Prithviraja Chahamana of Ajmer in 1191 A.D. were of no avail as no two Chiefs could combine against him. Prithviraja fell fighting in 1192 A.D. at Tarai, and the powerful Jayachandra who had remained silent while beholding the destruction of his heighbour, also perished on Yamuna in the neighbourhood of Chandwara in 1193 A.D. Every thing that was sacred and dear to a Hindu mind was destroyed and laong with it the ancient India came to an end. Thus most of North India passes under the foreign yoke by the end of 12th century. It was a tremendous change in the capital and social life of India with far reaching consequences.

The Rajput Opposition

The efforts of Islam to spread further and the resistence to such a move on the part of the Rajput Chiefs or the main substance of the history of Northern India for the next four centuries, in which the Chahamanas, the Guhilots and the Rathods figure prominently.

After the death of Iltatmish(47) in 1236 A.D. the Ghahamanas recaptured Ranathambhor and becoming powerful made the Muslim military hold of Ajmer insignificant. Balban’s two invasion against Ranathambhor in 1248 A.D. and 1257 A.D., had little consequences. Even Jalauddin Khalji’s invasion against Ranathambhor failed. The Guhilots of Mewad were also coming fastly to prominence. Besides, there were Chahamanas of Nado, Jalor and Deoda and the Parmars of Mount Abu and the Rathods of Hastikundi (Marwad). After Iltatmish, excepting Ajmer and Jaypur –Mewat tract, the rest of Rajputana was not only independent but powerful enough to resist the Muslim forces.

Allauddin Khalji(48) was the first Turkish Sultan to crush Rajputana. With the end of the resistence of Ranathambhor in 1301 A.D. and the fall of Chitod in 1303 A.D. the whole of Rajasthan cam under his sway with the fall of Jalor in 1308 A.D.

But Rana Hammir Deo of Chitod(49) , seizing back the fort in 1326 A.D. proved the hollowness of Khalji imperialism. Excepting a few places like Mandor and Nagor nearly the whole of Rajasthan freed itself the foreign elutches under the leadership of Mewad. Muhammad Tughlak and the later Sultans left Rajasthan alone.

By the end of 14th century(50) the Delhi Sultanate disintegrated giving rise to provincial principalities. Mewad saw herself flanked by the Muslim States of Gujarat and Malwa. But she was not alone. Chunda, the Rathod king (1390 to 1422 A.D.), had opened a new chapter in the history of Marwad by driving away the Muslims from Mandor. He formed an alliance with Mewad by giving his daughter in marriage to Lakha Rana, who was advanced in age. This friendship enabled the Rajputs to drive away the Muslims from Nagor, probably the last vestige of Muslim rule in Rajasthan. But unfortunately this friendship came to an end in the time of Rana Kumbha in 1333 A.D. when Ranamalla, the next ruler of Marwad after Chundas, was murdered at Chitod resulting into a fued between the two States, that continued for centuries after this.

Jodha(51) the son of Ranamalla (1438 to 1448 A.D.) founded the city of Jodhpur in 1459 A.D. His sons, like the sons of Harichand Gurjar of seventh century, captured new lands and founded the States of Satalmer, Bikaner and Medta.

Rana Kumbha (1433 to 1468 A.D.)(52) of Mewad, as per the Kumbhilgadh incription, “Churned the ocean-like armies of the Sultans of Malwa and Gujarat”. He built 32 out of the total 84 forts of Mewad. Two thirds of his reign were spent in warfare. He was one of the greatest rulers of Mewad.

Another great ruler like Kumbha was Rana Sanga (53) (1509 to 1528 A.D.) He pushed the borders of Mewad on all sides and made Mewad prominent among all the Rajput States. The defeat of Ibraham Lodi of Delhi was his greatest achievement. But for Bahar, there were chances that he would have captured Delhi and ended the Muslim rule there. His defeat at the hands of Bahar in 1727 A.D. at Khanua ended his ambition. His life too came to an end the next year.

The death of Rana Sanga(54), was followed by the invasion of the ambitious Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. Chitod fell after the ‘Jauhar’ and Mewad got a set back (1534 A.D.).

The Acceptance of Foreign Yoke

With crippled Mewad, it was easy for Sher Shah Sur, to break the back-done of Ranathambhor, Raisen and by defeating Maldeo of Marwad(55) in 1544 A.D. Rajasthan had shed ample blood while resisting the Sultans of Delhi for the last three centuries and a half, and the Chiefs were in a mood to submit honourably to Delhi, if they were allowed to rule peacefully in their territories. Hence, most of the Rajput Chiefs fell easy victims to the apparent friendly overtures of Akbar and thus the Rajputs lost by 1670 A.D. what they had preserved till then, namely the independence. But they went a step further and marrying their princesses with the Mughal princes(56), became the members of the Royal Mughal family.

But Mewad continued her heroic resistence even after the fall of Chitod in 1568 A.D. to the foreign Mughals, single-handedly, under Rana Pratap. Had the rest of Rajput Chiefs continued their resistence and helped Rana Pratap whole heatedly, then perhaps the story of Haldighat (1776 A.D.) would have been quite different and with the Afgan opposition to the Mughals in other quarters, the Rajputs would not have been obliged to be the “brave watch dogs of alien regime” in the words of Dr. Qanungo(57).

After Rana Pratap’s death in 1597 A.D. Rana Amarsing continued the struggle with the same vigour but was overwhelmed by the superior forces of Jahagir(58), and he had to accept the inevitable in 1615 A.D. Thus the Guhilots accepted most reluctantly in 1615 A.D., the effect of Ray Pithora’s defeat of 1192 A.D.

(ix) The Foreign Rule The Rajput kings of Ambar, Marwad, Bundi, Bikaner and the rest, shared the administrative offices offered to them by the Mughals, accepted their military commands, and forgetting the past became one with the Muslim rule and “filled the Indian History”, as Jadunath Sarkar states(59), “by the most brilliant and valued services to the empire in far apart fields” for the next century and a half till the Emperor Aurangzeb(60) opened their eyes to the fact that all-the-while they had served but a foreign master, alien to their race, religion and culture.

The powerful Rajput Chiefs(61) , even though holding subordinate posts in the Mughal Empire were in fact to the pursuance of Aurangzeb’s religious policy. One of these Chiefs the Mirza Raja of Ambar (jaypur) died on July 12, 1667 A.D. On 19th of April 1669 A.D.(62) the Emperor issued a general order to the Subhedars of all the provinces to demolish the schools and the temples of the infidels and to put down strongly their teaching and religios practices.

The order was executed faithfully throughout the Empire(63) . For e.g. - In 1669 A.D. “Khan Jahan Bahadur arrived from Jodhpur, bringing with him several cart-loads of idols, taken from Hindu temples that had been razed. His Majesty gave him praise. Most of these idols were adorned with precious stones, or made of gold, silver, brass, copper or stone. It was ordered that some of them should be cast away in the out offices, and the reminder placed beneath the step of the grand mosque, there to be trampled under foot. There they lay for a long time, until, at last, not a vestige of them was left.”

After the death of Mirza Raja Jaysing of Ambar, Raja Jaswantsing of Marwad, was the only obstacle in the way of Aurangzeb. He had never forgotten the audacity of Jaswantsingh(64) in confronting him at Dharmat (15th April, 1658 A.D.) and his treachery at Khajuha (5th January 1969 A.D.). He had suspician about Jaswant’s secret understanding with Shivaji (65) , the founder of the Maratha kingdom and hence separating him from Deccan, he had sent him as a Coomandant of the small post of Jamrud to the west of Sindhu, at the mouth of Khybar. There he died far away from his land on 20th December, 1778 A.D.

“The success of emperor’s plan for the forcible destruction of Hindusthan(66) . Required that Jaswant’s State should sink into a tame dependency or a regular province of the empire, and Hindu resistance to the policy of religious persecution should be deprived of a possible head and rallying point”. Marwad was hence, at once annexed and the Emperor moved to Ajmer to over-awe the possible Rathod opposition. The headless State could offer no resistance to the vast and well-directed imperial armies that poured upon the Rathod land, which was soon occupied by them. Anarchy (67) and slaughter were let loose upon the doomed State. All the the greate towns in the plain were pillaged and the temples were destroyed.

Thus having achieved his object in respect of Marwad(68) , Aurangzeb returned to Delhi and on the very day (12th April 1779 A.D.) reimposed the hated ‘Jazia’ on the Hindus, after more than a century of abeyance. In June, 1679(69), he was fortunate enough to secure the infant Ajitsing, the posthumous son of Jaswantsing. But the loyal Rathods, under their leader Durgadas, the son of Jaswant’s minister Askaran, rescued their late Raja’s heir from the clutches of Aurangzeb, by sacrificing their lives.

Aurangzeb’s annexation(70) of Marwad was a preliminary step to the conquest of Mewad. The Maharaja Rajsingh was wise enough to comprehended it, moreover, Ajit’s mother was his niece. Hence he stood with the Rathods, in their critical time, against the Mughals.

Thus forgetting all their past services rendered to the Empire and all their blood-shed in external as well internal sturggles, Aurangzeb thrust upon the Rajputs a cruel war only to convert “dar-ul-harb”(71) (the Hindu States in his Empire) into ‘dar-ul-islam’ i.e. realm of Islam. “The Rajputs suffered(72) all the horrors of war in their most extreme form. Many temples were demolished” at or near Udaypur 123, and at Chitod 63 temples were over-thrown. The friendly State of Ambar (Jaypur) suffered the loss of 66 temples". Through destruction of temples, imposition of ‘Jazia’ and mass conversion to Islam, Aurangzeb meant to struck(73) at the very existence of the Hindus. The Mughal rule, even after its stay for the past 150 years, was a foreign rule after all !

(x) The Rajput War

In the ensuing fight Rana Rajsinh(74) had to flee to the hills, leaving the low country, which was occupied by the imperialists. His capital Udaypur and the famous fort of Chitod fell to the victors, and Mewad suffered the fate of Marwad.

The Sisodias(75) and the Rathods used diplomacy to supplement their limited resources against their formidable foe. Detatching prince Akabar, from the Emperor;s side, they had nearly succeeded in snatching the crown of Aurangzeb, but for the fraud employed successfully by Aurangzeb, in which he was an unrivalled master.

The disappointed prince Akbar (76) was then escorted to Chhatrapati Sambhaji in Deccan, by Durgadas Rathod(77) to unite the destinies of the Rajputs and the Marathas against their common foe (June 1780 A.D.) Akbar’s flight(78) to the only power that could defy him, caused anxiety to the Emperor who naturally lost interest in the Rajput war. At the same time, the ravaged State of Mewad chose to fall back. Hence, the Emperor was successful in effecting treaty with the Mewad, in order to procceed to Deccan (June 1781 A.D.).

Mewad regained peace, but Marwad(79) continued to be scene of war and devastation for twenty-five years more. The continuous war brought famine to the land, and the two destroyed it completely. Under such circumstances, the Rathod national opposition would have died out gradually, but for the fact that during all these years the Emperor was plunged deep into the deadly fight against the Marathas, that ate up all his resources and thus ensured the success of the Rathod patriots.

The Rathod Durgadas(80) lived in in Maharashtra during 1681 to 1687 A.D. formulating plans along with Akbar and Sambhaji to oppose(81) the Emperor with the combined strength of the Marathas and the Rajputs. Unfortunately(82) , the plans did not materialise for various reasons and in sheer desperation Akbar left Sambhaji in February 1687 A.D. for Iran by sea.

In 1687 A.D.(83) Durgadas returned from Deccan and Ajitsing came out of concealment. The spirit of opposition, now spread by contagion from the Rathods and Sisodias to the Hadas and Gaud clans and moving further overflowed into Malwa. Joined by the Hadas of Bundi under Durjan Sal, the Rathods cleared the plains of Marwad and carried their ravages into Mewat and to the west of Delhi. But there were checked by Shuja-at Khan, the Subhedar of Jodhpur. After the latter’s death in July 1701 A.D., Ajitsing began the war afresh and recovered Marwad completely by 1707 A.D.

(xii) The Rajput Challenge (1707 to 1720 A.D.)

“Raja Ajitsingh(84) had cast of his allegiance to the late Emperor, and done many improper things. After the death of Aurangzeb, he again showed his disobedience and rebellion by oppressing Musalmans, forbidding the killing of cows, preventing the summons to prayer, razing the mosques which had been built after the destruction of the idol temples in the late reign, and repairing and building new idol-temples. He was warmly supported and assisted by the army of the Rana of Udaypur, and was closely allied with Raja Jaisingh, whose son-in-low he was.”

But when Bahadur Shah, himself marched to Ambar, in January 1708, his strength fell too short to face him and he submitted. He was pardoned and was given a command of 3500 and the title of Maharaja. The dispute for succession to Ambar was decided by giving it to Vijaysing. Officers of Justice, kazies etc. were reappointed in Jodhpur and other towns. Ajitsing, Jaysing and Durgadas came to the Court and each was honoured with two gift of robe, elephant, etc. (February, 1708 A.D.)

But while the Emperor(85) was on his way to Deccan to punish Kam Baksha, Ajitsing, Jaysing and Durgadas fled from his camp (30th April 1708 A.D.) and joining Amarsing of Mewad, expelled of Commandant of Jodhpur, defeated the Commandant of Hinaun-Bayana, recovered Ambar by night attack, and killed the Commandant of Mewat and many other officers (August, September 1708 A.D.).

Fully preoccupied in Deccan(86) Bahadur Shah could ill afford to meet these Rajput challenges. He sent Abdulla Khan(87) to the Subha of Ajmer accompanied by the killedars of Ambar, Jodhpur and Medta. At the same time, in order to concillate the Rajput Chiefs, he made an increase in the Mansabs of Jaysing and Ajitsing. But these acts of Bahadur Shah could hardly pacify the Rajputs.

The news of the reciprocal treaties(88) among the various States reached the Mughal camp in Deccan. The three States of Jaypur, Jodhpur and Udaypur effected an alliance against the Mughals. They had previously come nearer in 1680 A.D. with the same understanding in the war of Rathod independence. But this time the unity was more perfect, since Jaypur also had joined the aliance. The Rajput Cehiets cemented this unity with the ties of blood. Rana Amarsing gave his daughter Chandrakuwari in marriage to Sawai Jaysing on 25th May, 1708 A.D. He had also married the daugher of Ajitsing in the previous year. They now held a prolonged conference (1708 to 1710 A.D.)(89) on the border of Pushkar lake and after full deliberation proclaimed a solemn concerted policy that they would not henceforth give their daughters in marriage to the Muslimd and that if any prince acted contrary to this resolution, the others should join and put down the deserter by force, if necessary. The Ranas of Udaypur were further acknowledged to be fo purer blood having all-long refused to give their daughters in marriage to the Msulims. Hence, Pushkar conference laid down that if any Rajput prince had an issue from a daughter of Udaypur family that issue was to be given a preference over those born from other wives.

No Hindu ever liked to give his daughter in marriage to a Muslim. It was all the force of circumstances to which the Rajputs had bowed. The acknowledgement of the high social status and the purity of blood of the Rana’s family revealed the wounds of the hearts of the Rajput Chiefs. It wad clearly the Hindu spirit that the Rajputs exhibited this time. The Emperor in Deccan did not fail to recognise it.

The following two letters of Sawai Jaysing clearly reveal the prevailing Hindu spirit. To Chhatrapati Shahu he wrote.(90)

“Your Highness must be aware of the cordial ties that existed among our elders. I hope, by the kindness of Shri Ramji, the ties between us shall grow still closer. Shah Alam, after becoming the Emperor, resumed my watan, and called Maharaja Ajit Singh to the Court assuring him that Jodhpur would be restored to him, but did not do so. This news must have reached Your Highness. I, on my part, spared no effort, to serve the Patshah, but he harbors malice towards the Hindus, and on one pretext or another wants to ruin them. For this reason, and as it was considered necessary, we broke off from the Emperor and came to Rana Amar Singh at Udaipur, an after (full) deliberations decided that if the Patshah even now becomes favourable towards the Hindus and restores mansabs and watans, as had been enjoyed by their ancestors, then it is all right, otherwise the Hindus will also do what they can. So far we have expelled the faujdars and qiledars from Amber and Jodhpur, and have established our control there, and shall now be leaving for Amber. Ranaji will also join (us) on Dashera (there). Your Highness is the Sardar of the Deccan. The honour of all the Hindus is one and the same. Hence, you take such measures that just as by entangling Patshah Alamgir in the Deccan, the honour of Hindustan was upheld, in the same manner this Patshah too should not be able to extricate himself from there. Earlier, Your Highness servants had accompalished this much, but now you yourself are there. Kam Baksh is also in Bijapur, Haidarabad. In alliance and in consultation with him, you will no doubt do what you think is proper, so that the Hindus have an upper hand in this conflict. What more I write”.

(In the margin) “It has often been said that Alamgir was displeased with Raja Ram Singh on account of Shivaji’s case, and did not forget the hostility of Mahraja Jaswant Singh towards him. He retained in his heart ill-feeling on that account. Now we have to see to it.”

In his letter dated October 16, 1708 to Chhatrasal(91) , Jai Singh wrote that the trouble started when the Emperor, while granting them mansabs, incorporate the parganas of their watans into khalisa. “Your Highness knows well as to how one can live without a watan and what is (the importance) of a mansab without the watan. Informing Chhatrsal about the Rajput victory at Sambhar in which three thousand of the enemies were killed, and expressing his confidence that similar victories would be gained by them in future also, he wrote, “If Sardars like Your Highness gird up their loins, then the honour of Hindustan would no doubt be maintained. Other zamindars, mansabdars and the Rajas of the intervening region have already united and have removed the thanas of the Turks from their territories. Shri Ranaji too must have written to Your Highness (to do so). You will please join us early for the sake of the honour of th entire Hindu race. As we all Hindus hae common ties, you will not delay in coming towards this side.” He asked Chhatrasal to send the names of the prominent zamindars of the east whom they might contract and requested him to write letters to all such chiefs with whom he had intimate contracts. “This is no longer as issue which concerns any one person; now it concerns all the Hindu (rulers) “, he concluded.

The Emperor(92) was extremely displeased with the Hindus of the North. After completing his work in in Deccan, he began to march towards North, with the determination to lay waste the lands of the Rajputs. The Rajput Vakil with the Emperor wrote to Sawai Jaysing to be fully prepared with forces and to intimate Ajitsing accordingly. The Udaypur Rana (93) urged Jaysing and Ajitsing to come with forces.

The Rajput showed perfect unity this time. They were determined to free Rajasthan from the Mughals. They laid claim on Ajmer(94) , bikaner, Kishangadh, Palanpur, Jaisalmer, Kasaba Jodhpur, Medta, Sojat, Jataran, Jalor, Siwana, Falodhi, Sanchor, Bhinmal and asked Asafddaula Zulfikar Khan, Khan Khanan and Khan Zaman, the influencial persons of the Court, to vacate these places. Ajitsing wrote the he was determined to get these places vacated and if needed to fight for them. If the Emperor declined, he was determined to leave the Mansaab. (““b”~b” D “bDC “bC “NDPk n>bC”>Db “TkNJ “””) Of the Mughal diplomats Asafuddaula(95) in particular, it seems, was not inclined to allow the matter to got to extremes. But the Rajputs had no belief in any of them. (““C “N"T n>C, ““b” kb"Db “T” DC “b"“bC ““Jk “C"Pa” ) They perfectly realized that they would not be able to achieve their object of freedom unless they combined. The Emperor was marching towards North with his guns and forces. Though he had written to Ajitsing to keep patience, the latter suspected treachery behind his coming to Rajasthan ("|“b"C “C “a” " “ٳ^> ““bC Da”““b"C n>” “) He was determined to oppose the Mughals and asked all the Rajput’s to collect forces, irresective of the result. (““““a PNDa “T” "” D” ““a”” BC"a “T” “C “n>” “a “Tb"“b” kLPa PN kLb"Pb D”” ) Ajitsing in particular was so disguested with the Mughal yoke that he declared that instead of serving the Mughal Emperor, he would have liked to serve a mere Rawat (““b”~b"a “b"T"a n>bC”>C D” “b"J"“C “Tk"C"C “b"T"a “T"Pb}” ).

The Rajputs(96) were thus fully determined to face the might of the Mughals. According to the orders of Sawal Jaysing(97) when the Rajput force was about to besiege Tonk, the Muslim officer Muhammad Khan fled and thus the city and pargana of Tonk was captured. Ajitsing drove the Muslims from Raypur and took hold of Sambhar.

The Emperor(98) reached Lunera from Narmada. The Rajputs began to assemble their forces to meet any evantuality. Ajitsing came with force from Nagor to Didwana. Despite the Royal army(99) at Ajmer (May 1710 A.D.) the Rajputs showed no signs of submission and were fully prepared to lay down their lives in an armed encounter with the Imperials. Asafddaula, requested the Emperor several times to condone the faults of the Rajputs. Even though, the Emperor was determined not to show leniency, he had to yield due to the Sikh danger(100) that called his immediate attention in Punjab. “It was settled that Raja Jaysing, Raja Ajitsing(101) and the Vakils of the Rana and other Rajputs should make their homage, put on the robes presented to them, and accompany the Royal train. All the Rajputs of name and station, forming a body of thirty or forty thousand horse, passed in review”. Sawai Jaysing(102) received Farman, Kaulnama and Nishan. Ajitsing got Sambhar (21 June 1710 A.D.)

The Wars of succession, that followed the death of Bajadur Shah (24th February 1712 A.D.) practically left the Rajputs free in their territory. Ajitsing expelled the imperial officers(103) from Jodhpur, captured Ajmer and forbade cow-killing and Muslim prayers in his territory.

But this was too much for the Muslim rule(104) to endure and Husain Ali marched from Delhi with a powerful army to punish him. Ajitsing was powerless against his strength. Not only had he to submit, but also to give his daughter in marriage to the Emperor (May 1714 A.D.)(105) But since then Ajitsing became the supporter of the Sayyad brothers(106) . He took active part in deposting Farrukh Siyar on 27th February 1719 A.D. But Sawai Jaysing(107) , unlike Ajitsing, was on the side of Farrukh Siyar and as such was opposed to Sayyad brothers. He resented the fall of Farrukh Siyar and became the rallying point of the discontented nobles, several of whom fled to him. Thus he attained imence influence and prestiage in the group that was opposed to Sayyad brothers. He was one of the prominent figures behind the rising of Niku Siyar at Agra. But when he saw that none of his expected supporters arrived, he sent his Vakil to beg forgiveness for the offence he had committed. “It was eventually arranged that the faujdari of Surat, in the Subha of Ahmedabad, should be held by Jaising, and the Subhadaris of Ahmedabad and Ajmer, including Jodhpur, should continue under Raja Ajitsingh. Under this arrangement, the two Rajas held all the country from thirty kos from Delhi where the native land of Jai Singh begins, to the shores of the sea of Surat”.

But the Turani party(108) with the instigation of the Emperor and his mother, soon succeeded in overthrowing the Sayyads (October - November 1720 A.D.). Being the partisan of the Sayyads(109) , Ajitsing refused to recognise the Government of Muhammad Shah. He assumed the state of an independent Hindu sovereign and exhibited the strongest reaction to the Muslim rule by destroying the mosques at Ajmer, forbidding the butchers to kill the cows and prohibiting the Muslims to call prayer. He was deprived of the province of Gujarat, but no body from the Court was ready to march against him to expel him from Ajmer ( 1721 A.D.). It was in 1722 A.D.(110) that Haidar Kuli took possession of Ajmer by expelling the Raja’s officers. It is clear that the life of Ajitsing was itself a challenge to the Mughal Government, till his death, by mishap(111) , in 1724 A.D.

Sawai Jaysing (1699-1743 A.D.) had served the Emperor Aurangzeb(112) in Deccan in his early youth, at the capture of the fort of Vishalgadh during November 1701 to April 1702 A.D. Along with Ajitsing and the Rana of Udaypur he opposed Bahadur Shah during 1708 to 1710 A.D. He was a shrewd politician and knew perfectly how far to stretch a point. He skillfully utilised the opportunities provided by the ever-changing politics at Delhi especially after the death of Bahadur Shah, to meet his own ends. He raised his personal prestige and influence in the Court of Delhi through each occasion but avoided to be entangled him in any of the decisive actions. He was the acknowledged opponent to the ascendancy of the Sayyad brothers, but had no hand in their fall which was effected by the deliberate opposition of the ‘Turani faction headed by Nizam-ul-Mulk. However, he was not slow to congratualte Muhammad Shah for his success on 23rd November 1720 (113) A.D. In fact, he was neither interested in Farrukh Siyar, nor in Muhammad Shah but in his own ambition, which was to expand his dominion at the cost of the shattering Mughal Empire(114) . His life was also a challenge to the Mughal Empire, we may call it a diplomatic challenge.

Foot Notes (Description)

(1) “The Gazetteer of India” Vol, I, chap, I, pp. 4 and 22 32 to 35, ‘Rajasthan through the Ages’, Vol, I, PP. 1-5 and 11.

(2) ‘The Cambride History of India’ Vol, I, P. 72, ‘The Vedic Age’ (1971), P. 248.

(3) ‘Rajasthan Through the Ages’, pp. 41 to 43, ‘The Oxford History of India’,

(4) I have taken the help of chapters XIV & XV in ‘Vedic Age’, by A. D. Pusalkar, to construct the traditional history of Rajasthan.

(5)” ‘Mahabharat, Vana Paerva’ - Ch. 202.

(6) ‘The Combridg History of India’, Vol, I, P. 282.

(7)” ‘The Age of Imperial Unity’, p. 221.

(8) ‘The Cambridge History of Inida’, Vol, I, p. 152, ‘The Age of Imperial Unity’, p. II

(9)‘Rajasthan Through the Ages’, p. 49.

(10) ‘The Cambridge History of India’, Vol. I, Pp. 279, 424. Dr. R.K. Mukharji gives 324 B.C., as the year of the foundation of the Maurya Empire, ‘The Age of Imperial Unity’, pp. 38,49.

(11)” ‘Rajasthan Through the Ages, pp. 48, 49.

(12)” ‘The Early History of India’, p. 158.

(13)‘The Cambridge History of India’, Vol, I. P. 466.

(14) ‘India in the time of Patanjali, pp. 27 to 31.

(15) The ancient town of Nagari, about eleven miles, to the North of Chitod, ‘Early History of India’, p. 204.

(16) As per the letter of Pushyamitra to his son Agnimitra, in ‘Malvik agnimitra’ by Kalidas, 5th Act.

(17) ‘India in the time of Patanjali’, p. 58.

(18)” ‘The Age of Imperial Unity’, p. 118.

(19) Ibid, p. 144.

(20) ‘Rajasthan Through the Ages’, pp. 49 to 55, ‘The Age of Imperial Unity’, pp. 159 to 168, ‘India in the time of Patanjali’, pp. 60 to 62, ‘The Early History of India’ by V.A. Smith, p, 91.

(21) “Alexander completely surprised the Mlloi, most of whom were working unarmed in the fields. Many of the helpless wretches were ruthlessly cut down without their turning to offer resistence.” ‘The Early History of India’, V.A. Smith p.93.

(22) Maharashtra State Gazetteer - I, PP. 212,213.

(23)‘The Classical Age’, p. 35.

(24)‘The Early History of India, V.A. Smith p, 297. ‘The Vakatak Gupta Age’, pp. 182 to 185.

(25)‘The Classical Age’, p. 35.

(26) From ‘political theory and administrative organization” ‘The Classical Age’, p. 347.

(27) Ibid, pp. 35,38,43.

(28) ‘The Classical Age’, pp. 97,98..

(29) Ibid, pp. 104 to 106, 112,153,154.

(30) See the Appendix at the end of this Chapter.

(31) ‘The Classical Age’, pp. 153 to 155.

(32) ‘The Guhils at a later stage regarded themselves as Kshatriyas of the solar race and claimed their descent from Shri. Ram; but Guhudatta, the founder of the dynasty as well as Bappa are called Vipra in two records dated 977 A.D. and 1274 A.D. Another record dated 1245 A.D. tells us that Bappa exchanged Brahma (prisestly) for Kshatra (millitary) Splendour, - ‘The Classical Age’, p.159.

(33) Ibid, p. 160.

(34) ‘The Classical Age, pp. 161 to 163, ‘Rajasthan Through the Ages’ p. 101.

(35) ‘The Classical Age’, pp. 155,171 to 173’. ‘Futuhu-1 Buldan’ in E.D. Vol, I, p. 126 Appendix, pp. 390,391,441.

(36) ‘The Classical Age’, p. 155.

(37) ‘The Imperial Kanauj’, p. 27, ‘Rajasthan Through the Ages’, pp. 141,142. The Oxford History of India, p. 199.

(38) ‘Salsilatut Tawarikh’ in E.D. Vol, I, p. 4.

(39) ‘Murujul Zahab’ in E.D. I, pp. 22,23.

(40) ‘The Age of Imperial Kanauj’, pp. 127,128.

(41) ‘Albiruni’s India’, pp. 22,23.

(42) ‘Tarikh Yamini’ in E.D. Vol, II, pp. 41,42.

(43) Ibid, pp. 25,26.

(44) ‘Tarikh Yamini’ in E.D. Vol, II, pp. 14 to 52. ‘The Oxford Hist. of India’, pp. 208,209.

(45) Dr. R. C. Majumdar in ‘Preface’ to “The Struggle for Empire”, p. xLv.

(46) ‘Tabkat-I-Nasiri’ in E.D. Vol, II, pp. 294,296,297.

(47) ‘The Struggle for Empire”, pp. 72,85 to 87, 90,134,147,148, ‘The Delhi Sultanate’, p. 348.

(48) ‘The Delhi Sultanate’, pp. 22,26,33.

(49) Ibid, p. 70.

(50) Ibid, pp, 329,331,333,334,352,353.

(51) ‘The Delhi Sultanate’, pp. 354,355.

(52) Ibid, pp. 335 to 337.

(53) Ibid, p. 344, ‘The Hist. of India’ by M. Elphinstone. Pp. 372 to 374.

(54) Ibid, p. 382.

(55) Ibid, pp. 395,396.

(56) ‘The Hist. of India’, M. Elphinstone, p. 441, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol,II, p. 52 to 55.

(57) ‘Studies in Rajput Hist’, by Qanungo, p. 64.

(58) ‘The Oxford Hist. of India’, p. 368, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, p. 161.

(59) Fall Vol. I, p. 234.

(60) ‘The Hist. of India’, by M. Elphinstone, p. 563, ‘Aurangzeb’ by S. Lane - Poole, pp. 141,142.

(61) Ibid, p. 134.

(62) ‘Maasir-I-Alamgiri’ in E.D. Vol, II, pp. 183,184.

(63) Ibid, PP. 355 to 358.

(64) ‘Munt, Lubab’ in E.D. vol, VII, pp. 233,234,297, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, p. 247.

(65) ‘The Hist. of India’, M. Elphinstone, pp. 549,553,555.

(66) ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, P. 247.

(67) ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol VII, p. 300, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, p. 248.

(68) ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol. VII, p. 296. ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, p. 242.

(69) ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol. VII, pp. 297,298.

(70) ‘Aurangzeb’ by S.Lane-Poole, p 139, ‘The Hist. of India’ by M. Elphinstone, p. 562.

(71) ‘Aurangzeb’ by S. Lane-Poole, pp. 65, 138., T.F.M.E., pp. 28,29.

(72) ‘The Oxford Hist of India’, p. 419, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol. IV, p. 241.

(73) “If the poorer among them discovered that it took away the bulk of their income and thus rendered it impossible for them to maintain themselves, that was none of his business. If they wanted to evade its payment, the way was open to them. They could accept the true faith and escape this burden found it too irksome to bear”

If manucci is to be believed, it was Aurangzeb’s intention to use it for spreading the Muslim religion among his subjects”. - ‘The religious policy of the Mughal Emperor’s by Sri Ram Sharma, pp. 158,159.

(74) ‘Maasiri Alamgiri’ in E.D. Vol, VII, p. 189.

(75) ‘Farmand, Manshuras and Nishan’, p. 39-254. ‘Maasiri Alamgiri’ in E.D. Vol. II, pp. 301,302,304, ‘The Hist. of India’ by M. Elphinstone, p. 564, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV p. 251.

(76) ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol VII, p. 300, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, p. 248.

(77) “Since his coming to the throne, my father the Emperor Aurangzeb has formed the deliberate resolution of putting down the Hindus. This is the sole cause of his war against the Rajputs, while in the eyes of God all men are His equal children and deserve impartial protection from their ruler. I.. decided to oppose him in this disastrous move. I am, therefore, coming to you as a friend, as your kingdom is out of the Emperor’s reach. The valiant Durgadas Rathod accompanies me. Please do not entertain any false suspicion about my intensions. We shall fully co-operate in putting down the Emperor more when we meet in person.” May 1681. - Extract from Prince Akbar’s letter to Sambhaji, New Hist. Vol. I, p. 305.

(78) ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, pp. 252,281. ‘Aurangzeb’ by S. Lane-Poole, p. 141.

(79) ‘Hist. of Aurangzeb’, Vol, V, p. 270.

(80) ‘The Hist. of Aurangzeb’, Vol, V, pp. 268,271.

(81) “We cannot endure any longer the persecution that this wicked Emperor is inflicting upon the Hindu race and religion, and are prepared to sacrifice everything, our land, our forts and even our lives, in an attempt to put him down. With this resolve, we have for these two years entertained at our court our honored guests Akbar and Durgadas, and have put to death many a brave captains of his, captured several, released some, either after exacting heavy ransoms or out of compassion. The moment has arrived when the Emperor himself can be captured and made prisoner, so that we can carry out our religious functions without molestation. If you muster courage and co-operate with us, what is there to prevent success crowing our endeavors? You will remember how your own son the yough Krishna Singh was treacherously put to death father, the revered Mirza Raja Jai Singh, who helped Aurangzeb in acquiring for him the throne of Delhi as against his brother Dara Shukoh” - Sambhaji’s letter to Raja Ramsingh of Ambar, May 1682, New Hist. Vol. I, p. 312.

(82) Ibid, p. 321.

(83) ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’. Vol, IV, pp. 262,303, ‘Aurangzeb by S. Lane-Poole, p. 139, ‘Hist. of Aurangzeb’ by Jadunath Sarkar, pp. 281 to 385, 390,394.

(84) ‘Farmans, Manshurs and Nishan’, p. 46-2, ‘Munt Lubab’ in E.D. Vol. VII, pp. 404,405, ‘Hist, of Aurangzeb’ by Jadunath Sarkar, Vol. V, p. 292, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol. IV, p. 321.

(85)‘Vakil Reports’ II, 456,457,461,462,469, ‘Mar. riya’. 5, p. 128, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol. IV, pp. 321,322.

(86) ‘Vakil Reports’ I, 955,960.

(87) ‘Jaypur Records - Maratha Papers’ - 170,171.

(88) ‘Vakil Reports’ II, 425,458,460, ‘Jaypur Kharitas’ 4-1.

(89) ‘“bC k"P BC"b ““b’ - ‘Jaypur Kharitas’, 7-18 also 16 and 17., Mar. Riya. 5, p. 128.

(90) Life and times of Sawai Jai Singh by Dr. V.S. Bhatnagar, pp. 59 and 60.

(91) Life and times of Sawai Jai Singh by Dr. V. S. Bhatnagar, p. 64.

(92) “<”}“““bh"bC k"bC” P"“a “T” D”” n>”” Jaypur Records, Mar.-Papers - 159. ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol. II - p. 420, ‘Wakil Reports’ I - 959.

(93) ‘Jaypur Kharitas’, 6-1 7-5.

(94) Ibid, 7-17 and 18.

(95) ‘Vakil Reports’ I-963, ‘Vakil Reports’ II-456.

(96) ‘Jaypur Records, Maratha Papers’ - 173.

(97) Ibid, 156, 157,165,173,184.

(98) Ibid, 163, 173,176,183,184, 185

(99) ‘Vakil Reports’ II, 426.

(100) Ibid, 467,473,475,476, ‘Munt Lubab in E.D. Vol. VIII - pp. 413 to 420

(101) Ibid, p. 420.

(102) ‘Farmans, Manshurs - 157,158,162, ‘Vakil Reports’ II, 470,474, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol. IV, p. 322.

(103) ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol. VII, p. 446.

(104) ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol. VII, pp. 446,447.

(105) But after the fall of Farrukh Siyar, he took back his daughter “made throw off her Musalman race, dismissed her Muhammadan attendants”. Kafi Khan laments, “In the reign of no former as to take his daugher after she had been married to a king and admitte to the honour of Islam”. ‘Munt. Lubab’ in E.D. Vol. VII, p. 483.

(106) ‘Farmans, Manshurs and Nishans’. P. 50-27, 51-31.‘Munt Lubab’ in E.D. Vol, VII, pp. 470,471,475,477,478.

(107) Ibid, 474,475,482 to 485.

(108)‘Mun Lubab’ in E.D. Vol, VII, pp. 488 to 515.

(109) Ibid, p. 517.

(110)‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, p. 339.

(111) ‘Later Mughals’, Vol, II, p. 115.

(112) ‘Hist. of Aurangzeb’, by Jadunath Sarkar, Vol, V, p. 386.

(113) ‘Farmans, Manshurs and Nishans’, p. 58-22, ‘The Cambridge Hist. of India’, Vol, IV, p. 346.

(114) ‘Tarikh - Hind’ in E.D. Vol, VIII, p. 50.