The decline of the Congress system, noises from the opposition, and the international environment show their mark on intercommunity relations (1961–1970)
In 1961 - 1962 (third general elections), the previously manifested optimism regarding India’s future was fading. Nehru’s last years were fraught with difficulties (war with China, rising tensions within the Congress, failure of the Third Five - Year - Plan (1961–1966), and the re - emergence of communal violence). The short but memorable tenure of Lal Bahadur Shastri (from May 1964 to January 1966), and then the first years of Indira Gandhi ’s government were marked by an unprecedented increase in agitation (linguistic and others), by a war with Pakistan, the threat of famine, and a grave economic recession. Added to this, for the Muslims, was their perception of a distressing evolutionary process which seemed to be threatening that which they held most dearly: the erosion of Urdu (Hindi was to be implemented as the official national language after 1965); the “suspension” of the special minority status of the Aligarh Muslim University (also occurring in 1965); certain actions taken by L. B. Shastri, who granted personal interviews to Golwalkar , the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, National Volunteers Association) leader; and above all, the constant suspicion which surrounded Muslim civilians and military personnel during the 1965 war with Pakistan, despite their remarkable loyalty. The election of a Muslim, Dr. Zakir Hussain , the former vice - chancellor of Aligarh, as the president of India, did little to dissipate their growing anxiety. Such was the uneasiness that a number of Muslim personalities, from all shades of opinion, (for instance Dr Syed Mahmood [a Congressist from Bihar] or Dr. A.J. Faridi [a member of the Praja Socialist Party (PSP) from Lucknow]) attempted to respond by creating a pressure group, the Muslim Majlis - e - Mushawarat (MMM), whose action, unfortunately, would prove extremely disappointing (Quraishi 1971; Brass 1974).
The 1967 general elections marked a decisive turning-point in Indian political life. The Congress Party had, hitherto, been the only All-India organization which could form strong and coherent governments both at the Centre and in the states (Kothari 1964). In 1967, it was short of a real majority, but nevertheless remained the largest party at the Centre. Still, it was defeated in a number of key states, where the winners had nothing in common except for their unmitigated anti - Congress stance. This situation would mean four difficult years for Indira Gandhi (who had taken over in 1966 after the sudden death of L. B. Shastri in Tashkent) before she had the reins of government firmly in hand. Her opponents were a strange mixture of “Old Guard” leaders (from the dissident Congress [O]), Liberals (Swatantra), Hindu nationalists (Jan Sangh), the BKD (Bharatiya Kranti Dal) led by peasant leader Charan Singh and several branches of Socialists. The Hindu tint among this opposition was strong, and the administration was wondering, uncertain. A new formation born from the Jan Sangh started operating, the Vishwa Hindu had (VHP, World Hindu Council, Hindu nationalist organization). The communal atmosphere was definitely vitiated. It showed in the Ranchi riots in 1968. It showed even more in Ahmedabad in 1969 where national and international circumstances led to a dramatic pogrom (Graff 1977; G. Shah 1984). It was also the case with the Bombay–Bhiwandi riots in 1970 (Engineer 1984c). During those years and later on, the Army had to be brought in on numerous occasions. It should be noted that contrary to the Western understanding and to what happens in Pakistan, the Indian military forces are absolutely apolitical and non - communal. And for Muslims, during a riot when police forces are extremely partial, an Army “flag march” is expected as the only savior.